OUR MAN IN MOSCOW

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80-01193A000400170064-4
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 24
• Document Creation Date: December 12, 2016
• Document Release Date: November 5, 2001
• Sequence Number: 64
• Publication Date: December 26, 1965
• Content Type: NSPR

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tsttstis>stttst>t barathea were loaded-cloth des grey
destined
Ono 1:2 py ON M
No.199 'Neath the Silvery ...
THE American Association for the
Advancement of Science is worried about
what planet we'll turn to for love songs
when the moon becomes just a rocket
base. Write a love song around the planet
of your choice, to any stated tune. Limit,
15 lines.
A prize of five guineas is offered for the
winning entry, and one-guinea book tokens
for each of the others printed. Address
entries to Toby Competition No. 199, Punch,
10 Bouverie Street, London, EC4, to arrive
by first post Wednesday, December 29.
Report on Competition No. 196
(Expose)
Competitors were asked to devise ex-
tracts, along the lines of the Penkovsky
Papers, from the papers of spies oper-
ating in Bechuanaland, Peru, Upper
Volta, Cocos Island or Great Britain.
South America proved the most popular,
probably because it sounds a warm,
exotic place to spy in, but all countries
were allotted their crack agents who were
given some imaginative and amusing
stories to tell. The winner is Peter
Gould.
only extant fragment from Com.
N -v:
. removed my blindfold, I saw, in the
torchlight, that my captors were two
brown-toothed peasants who stank of the
cocaine sold in Lima's market-place. Incan
carvings and obsidian axe-blades were
strewn about. Suddenly there appeared
under the lintel an unforgettable appari-
tion-a beautiful Indian woman, sensual
black eyes, her two firm pechos thrusting
against her blouse. "Comrade," she said,
speaking perfect Russian, "what is it
worth to your government to know how
the statues arose on Easter Island?" That
was it! I followed her into a dim cubicle,
dizzy with cocoa fumes, feeling fame near,
and pleasure nearer. I saw hieroglyphic
stelae, skins, maps; she closed the door,
leaned towards me and, looking into my
eyes, said ...
The runners-up were :
Two of the ostrich eggs contained water,
but the third held a tiny map of Tsetse's
kraal. I left them in the desert at the ap-
pointed water-hole and, on the way back,
met the messenger. I gave the password:
"Vlei." He muttered something like "Be-
yond the termites" and said his name was
Butumli. I rode back troubled in mind. He
seemed too self-confident for an African and
soon my fears were strengthened. Van der
Plonk reported he could not find the egg.
He thought a well-meaning ostrich had
buried it, but I knew it was on its way to
Pekin or Moscow or even London.
- D. HAWSON
happiest days of mine career. I had
perfect Oxford accent and could switch to
Yorkshire.
If the tykes think they did not indulge in
careless talk ask how that lone raider picked
out the Majestic at Harrogate at lunch time
on that particular day.
In London; when they were searching
bombed buildings I would stroll up, park
brolly and bowler on any odd bit of debris
and "muck in regardless." I got the gen.
And their humour! I was taking a lunch-
time drink in Pontefract when the frogs
croaked. The barmaid couldn't contain her-
self-"What do you think lad, Froggyland
has packed in. We're in the final now, and on
our own muck heap. Sup up and I'll buy
you one."
England, to you I raise mine bock.
- T. J. ASPLEY
Deadline: Cocos Island
The voyage from Nancowry was unevent-
ful, my cover as a peripatetic Evangelist
being as inscrutable as the Pentagon had
predicted.
Booked in at the Cocos Hilton as arranged,
where Kava Dan (FBI, class of '48) con-
tacted me in his role as drunken beach-
combing bum. His information electrified
me.
Just two weeks earlier, a commie herring-
drifter, en route for Hawaii, had put into
Port Chatterley. "Engine trouble" had been
their excuse-but the captain was whistling
the Fiftieth State!
The pieces fell into place.
I had uncovered the beginnings of a new
Soviet plot, a commie-inspired Confederate
Army was being equipped. Hawaii was about
to secede!
I'd to meet Mr. N in the Plaza San
Martin. To make him inconspicuous he'd
be wearing a poncho, but I'd recognise him
by a special shrug.
I fingered my poisoned arrow wondering
if he'd come.
He did. Among all the passing shruggers
he was the only one in a poncho.
"Come with me," he said. "The secret of
the country's wealth is in the islands." I
thought of the island where the political
prisoners were once kept and wondered if he
was double n-ing me. Should I use the
blower?
I didn't. We went.
The guano was a decaying trade. "The
others" had won. They were catching the
fish that fed the birds that made the guano.
- R. FRASER
Now it can be told-how moi, Aristide
Mdingbat, arch-spy of the Haute-Volta,
actuated throughout by the highest motives
(five billion kowrie-kopecks), convinced the
forces of reaction I was working for them,
when all the time I was really working for
them; kidnapped kassava-king, Toussanit La
Rochefoucauld Nokoko; stole the Juju
Blueprint by short-circuiting the high-
voltage security-crocs; passed false infor-
mation to Dahomey double-agent Zero Zero
Sept in a packet of synthetic Senegalese
senna-pods; blackmailed half-caste agent-
provocateur Fifi St. Fayrien into revealing
vital statistics; and finally, after a show-trial
in Ouagadougou, received from our revered
Leader the Order of Mumbojumbo, Second
Class, and a one-way canoe-ticket to Togo.
- D. C. F. EDGINTON
"No, you ask him about seat belts-that sort
of thing sounds better, coming from a woman .. ."
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".Don't worry your father, darling. He has things on his mind."
The small threatened child gazed up at
" us bland -, touchingly unaware of the
lurking dangers.
"Well, I am sure that you do all that
you can. )'oti`d have nothing to reproach
yourself with." He bent to put down his
cup, and folders slid from his brief-case.
"Resistance to disease" I read, "Vegetable
juice-"
"Do vegetable juices build up
immunity?"
"I suppose so, but it would be the
Same if he ate lashings of vegetables."
"With only eight teeth?"
"Only '? Oh, I see. No he wouldn't
get far with two pounds of carrots with
those would he? But he could drink the
juice in a couple of seconds. Half a
minute, I think it says on the folder what
carrot ju"tee is good for. I think it's one
of the musts."
"Do you drink it ?"
"No, but I'm beginning to think I
should. Iaye had so many colds and the
other chaps in the outfit never seem to
got them and they're real juice drinkers.
Celery juice too, and spinach, and
*ater-cress," he said, with admiration,
oh, they're a tough looking lot."
He was certainly no advert for doing
without it,
"What does it say about spinach
juice?" I asked, which is nc w the reason
why the dog daily leaves the kitchen as
though rocket-propelled as :he scream of
my health- and immunity giving vege-
table juicer rends the air.
1 am glad I bought it; let me say quite,
clearly that I am glad that I bought it.
What burns me up is the fact that my
friend `Isabel bought one toe..
"My," she said, feeding beat mounds
of vegetable into her n achine, T "he
certainly livened up the morning! I
opened the door to him, niy dear, _and
before you could say `knife' he was
making low, growling noises and practi-
cally pursuing me round the kitchen.
There is a great life force ir the juice of
vegetables," she said, with a warm,and
reminiscent satisfaction, "did you know?"
Wha'l I did know was, that some
company have a salesman whose know-
ledge c f feminine psycholcgy is diabo-
lical. Now, when salesmen c kll I shout to
them tbrough the letter-box to go away.
I'm no taking any chances on opening
my door to reveal to them he image of
the Gn; at Earth Mother, herself. Act
thirty-five before lunch in perfect safety?
Who was I kidding? Damrnit, that. lad
called at half-past nine in the morning!
Private Eye
"Eyes are the giveaway"-headline in the
Observer
BUT then, when were they ever any-
thing else? These movable marbles,
ever the concern of poets, the test of
painters, the delight of physiognomists
were always the enfants terribles of the
face, the irrepressibles.
The mouth, slit or letter-box, Kewpie or
bee-stung could always with the help of
brother chin be made to play a part. A
versatile actor, it could arc in tenderness,
curl in benevolence, firm in resolution and
lie and lie and Iie. But the eyes, never.
With our eyes we first make contact
with other eyes, drawn as powerfully as
the very young infant who selects this
feature first from the overhanging dial
that is his mother's face. In eyes we seek
reassurance or confirmation, match up
the verdict that comes from the mouth,
find repulsion or fascination, but are al-
ways back on target, homing in on a word.
For our part we endure eyes that bore
like woodpeckers or importune like blue-
bottles; eyes glazed with lies, hardened
with suspicion, dulled by scepticism,
radiant with emotion, limpid with inno-
cence. We flash orbs on others, some-
times ringing down the safety-curtain a
split second too late and letting out shafts
of truth. Those of us who have trouble
dissembling our thoughts are forced to
study our toecaps and get a reputation
for shiftiness. Some find that the eyes say
one thing and the maddening flush an-
other. Only the practised liar up to now
was able to stare and stare and be a
villain. Not any more, since the experi-
ments of Professor Hess of the University
of Chicago prove the pupil of the eye to
be the most subtle giver away of truth.
Pleasurable pictures, quite simply, cause
the pupil to dilate and unpleasant ones
cause it to contract. Shock pictures may
cause dilation at first followed by con-
traction. Pupils lying about pictures they
were viewing were given the lie by their
own pupils.
If the social implications are amusing,
the way of the transgressor may hereafter
be quite markedly harder. Liars will have
to live in their dark glasses.
Approved For Release 2001/11/22 CIA-RDP'80-01193A000400170064-4
 Hubert Humphrey,
Eugene Rostow on
the rights of man
Conrad Knickerbocker
on Malcolm Lowry -
------------------------------------------------
Bill Mauldin on
Gen. Curtis LeMay
THE PENKOVSKIY PAPERS. By Oleg Penkovskly.
Introduction and Commentary by Frank Gibney.
Translated by Peter Deriabin. Illustrated.
Doubleday. 411 pp. $5.95.
Oleg Penkovskiy (he is spelled this
way in the book), a Soviet artillery of-
ficer, spied for the Americans and
British from April, 1961, to August,
1962. He was shot in the spring of
1963, having stood trial with his British
intermediary, Greville Wynne. Wynne
was later exchanged for Gordon Lans-
dale, leader of a Soviet spy ring, which
testifies to his standing in the eyes of
.British Intelligence. That was just all
we, the public, officially knew of the
affair, except that everybody denied
everything (though Penkovskiy and
Wynne confessed) and eight British and
American diplomats in Moscow were
declared personae non gratae.
Since then, rumor has taken charge.
In the British press, it acquired an in-
creasingly informed appearance, while
Washington was alive with the unblush-
ing handouts of the Central Intelligence
Agency, whose public relations depart-
ment must have been working feverishly
since Thomas Ross and David Wise pub-
lished The Invisible Government and
Lee Kwan revealed in Singapore that a
very ugly American had offered him $3
million for his allegiance.
The Papers, or Mr. Gibney's edition
of them, are ominously in line with what
has already been leaked. We have been
softened for the revelation : here it is.
Penkovskiy was a master spy. He is to
be rated as high as Fuchs, Nunn May
and Blake. He was not a mere half-pay
artillery officer, but a key man in. the
Soviet search for world-wide industrial,
scientific and technological intelligence.
As a war veteran, the son-in-law of a
general and a member of the secret in-
ner world of Soviet power, he was able
to provide President Kennedy with de-
tailed, up-to-date information on Soviet
rocket strength and on Khrushchev's
strategic and political intentions. Pen-
kovskiy, we are told, dealt the cards at
Cuba and Berlin, and the West got the
aces. (Did he warn us in advance of the
Berlin Wall? No comment.) If that is
so, he presumably also carries a fair
responsibility for the downfall of
Khrushchev. Penkovskiy provided a de-
tailed breakdown of the- Soviet spyweb,
causing 300 Intelligence officers who
Approved For Release 2001/11/22 : CIA-RDP80-01193A000400170064-4
BOOK,WEE
OUR MAN IN MOSCOW
A testament to the paradox of treason in the Cold War
By John Le Carre
operated abroad tinder Soviet diplomatic
cover to be summarily recalled to Mos-
cow. But Penkovskiy did something
else, Mr. Gibney declares: he wrote to
us.
Penkovskiy wrote to us. These
Papers, these jottings of a lonely spy,
made in the secret hours of the night,
are, Mr. Gibney explains, the political
testament of a hero; they are addressed
to us, Penkovskiy's new friends. He
began writing them in the early part
of 1961, at a time when he was trying
to make his first contacts with the
West. The last entry was apparently
made in August, 1962, when Penkovskiy
was already under surveillance. Pen-
kovskiy concealed the Papers, with Rus-
sian cunning, in his desk.
A#pr6 yFtml1 eelset2Afl;U1 t1(22
rumors which preceded him, he cannot
he challenged. He makes no serious at-
tempt to explain how the Papers came
to us. They were translated by one Peter
Deriabin, a defector and former Soviet
Intelligence officer upon whose experi-
ence Mr. Gibney has "drawn liberally."
They should be read in a fairly thick
Russian accent : "I saw how natural
and unaffected the people behaved..."
They were hidden in Penkovskiy's desk
and smuggled out of Russia almost at the
time of his arrest. It is a nice thought
that Soviet Counter-`Intelligence, astute
enough to catch Penkovskiy, omitted to
look in his desk. Who knew of their
existence anyway? His Western mas-
ters? His wife? And who, knowing of
their existence, would not have begged
their youth and to reproductions of
Penkovskiy's personal calling cards (try
to fake theta if you can), Mr. Gibney
denies us even a page from the original
manuscript. Mr. Deriabin, according to
press reports, does a secret job at a
secret address. Part of what you pay
for this book will, Mr. Gibney tells
us, be devoted to a special fund set up
in Penkovskiy's name to further the
cause of genuine peace and friendship
between the American and Russian
peoples. There goes that nice Ameri-
can boy, all smiles as the cameras flash:
our first Penkovskiy scholar at Moscow
University.
The style of the writings is enormously
varied: sometimes Penkovskiy drifts
into pages of polemic against Khrush-
chev and the Soviet leadership. Some-
times he is staccato, like end clippings
from a tape recording, and sometimes
he gives us straight intelligence, need-
lessly duplicating, presumably, what he
was already giving his Western masters.
And yet, for all that, I do accept that
Penkovskiy said and thought the major
part of what is contained in the Papers.
They may be a handout; the description
of their form and provenance may be
deliberately misleading; but I am per-
suaded by their content.
Mr. Gibney, introducing the Papers,
is in no doubt as to how we should
regard his subject: "a single-minded
revolutionary who gave his life in a
lonely fight against a corrupt dictator-
ship." Mr. Gibney not only wants us
to be thankful for Penkovskiy but to ad-
mire him.
Mr. Edward Crankshaw, in his fore-
word, is considerably less committed. For
him Penkovskiy is that phenomenon of
Cold War treason : a lonely decider, a
man explained not by single-mindedness
but by paradox. In signal contrast to
Mr. Gibney, Mr. ' Crankshaw writes,
"This Soviet Army Colonel was in some
measure unbalanced," adding "a man
who will take it upon himself to be-
tray his government because he is
uniquely convinced that he is right and
they are wrong is by definition unbal-
anced, although he may also be a
martyr." After reading the Papers, I
am Mr
Crankshaw's man
If Penkovski
.
.
y
him to destroy them before the were is to be explained at all by the Papers
:&%vRre 8At%1A AQ4e A0,4 4as we have them, then indeed only
photographs of Penkovskiy's parents in by paradox. (Continued on page 7)
 Approved Foirs e s 1W122 : CJ',- &*P~1"9,0400170064-4
tartan political parties ... can be con-
sidered properly bona fide political
parties in a democracy .. .
principle of peaceful change, and it insists upon all
rights and no duties. Yet these same parties masquerade The echoing clash
Damned if you do, as freedom-loving instriments of political change. The
"Once Communist parties or Fascist parties cease to be
f debating societies and became formidable organizations Of Rex and L ex
dead if you don t for action, they present challenge that is suicidal to
ignore," he writes. At such a juncture, when the totali-
---------------------------------
By Hubert H. Humphrey
DEMOCRACY'S DILEMMA: The Totalitarian Party In a Free So-
ciety. By Benjamin E. Llpptncott. Ronald Press. 293 pp. $6.50.
The place of a totalitarian party in a free society
has taunted and troubled philosophers and students of
politics alike. It is the thesis of this provocative and
muscular tract, however, that not nearly enough of
them have been sufficiently troubled and that in the
riptide of political action this question has not shaken
enough minds in the English and American commu-
nity of scholars.
The author of this book is one of my oldest friends.
Dr. Lippincott was also my teacher a good many years
ago at the University of Minnesota. And he has some
flattering things to say about my early "anti-Commu-
nism" based on my conviction that liberalism, my faith,
is totally inconsistent with totalitarianism of any kind,
the Right or the Left. It is not for these reasons alone,
however, that I pay tribute to this critical study of
democratic political theory.
Dr. Lippincott's point of view will be strongly
challenged by many. The question he discusses is
whether totalitarian political parties that aim to achieve
their ends by force and violence can be considered
properly bona fide political parties in a democracy with
all of the protections thereby implied. In analyzing the
contributions that have been made to this. question by
intellectuals, scholars and political leaders, he finds a
"neglect of thought" with but few exceptions.
To discover the writers who have actually dealt with
the dilemma of the totalitarian party in a free society,
Mr. Lippincott searched 1,000 books in the case of
Great Britain, 5,000 for the United States. His con-
clusion : "relatively little attention was given to the
totalitarian dilemma confronting democracy in Britain
ull and the United States between 1917 and 1952." More-
over, not only has this critical subject been neglected,
but even where it has been discussed the approach
has been elliptical and confused. In short, he says,
it has failed to meet the issue head on. For whatever
the reason-sincere hopes for defrosting the cold war
in the late Forties or simply a perverseness in academe
-it has not received the attention it deserved.
For Professor Lippincott, the nub of the question
is not a matter of compromising convictions of free
speech or succumbing to the syndrome that suggests
that an evil genie to destroy is lurking in the breast of
every Marxist who resorts to rhetoric. It is rather a
time for honest, dispassionate analysis of the twin
dangers of a totalitarian party to a democratic society:
the inability to tell at what precise moment the over-
throw of democratic government can be consummated
by violence-or the inability to determine when demo-
cratic institutions can be captured without violence as
in the tragic case of Czechoslovakia.
The central thrust of Lippincott's thesis is that the
totalitarian party is essentially illegitimate. It rejects
commitment to the maintenance of freedom and the
tartan party demonstrates, an ability to infiltrate social
and governmental organ :nations or to tie up critical
facilities, Mr. Lippincott holds that "government in-
terference is not only justified but required."
He is impatient with she orthodox who would not
interfere with the Communist or Fascist -Party until it
had embarked upon revolitionary acts, which generally
means acts of violence. The spiny problem here is that
governmental action may be postponed until it is too
late. flow much individual violence can be tolerated
before the totalitarian party should be effectively con-
trolled or broken up? Surely this question was never
successfully answered it Germany and Italy, nor in
Czechoslovakia, where the infiltration of_governmental
and social organizations ltad been so deep that a blood-
less coup could be engineered without violence.
Lippincott believes that his own answer to the basic
dilemma is fully consistent with "the liberal point of
view," He urges that the way to curl) and dismantle
the power of the totalitarian party is to insist that the
debate on this question does not belong within the
contcxt of the individual or his freedom of speech. He
places it squarely in the area of association and
conspiratorial action. In this tradition, he stands
with Sidney Hook's Hetrsy Yes, Conspiracy No as a
trenchant critic of ritualistic thinking. It reminds one,
too, of the distinguished philosopher, llrthur Lovejoy,
founder of the American Association of University
Professors and long one of the boldest champions of
academic freedom, who delivered a stern rebuke 15
years ago to those who insisted that a member of the
Communist Party had a moral right to teach in a
university:
("The believer in the indispensability of freedom,"
he argued, "whether academic or political, is not
thereby committed to the conclusion that it is his
duty to facilitate its destruction, by placing its enemies
in the, strategic position; of power, prestige or influ-
ence.... The conception of freedom is not one which
implies the legitimacy and inevitability of its own
suicide. It is, on the contrary, a conception which
defines the limits of is own applicability; what it
implies is that there is me kind of freedom which is
inadmissible-the freedom to destroy freedom. The
defender of freedom of thought and speech is not
morally bound to enter the fight with both hands tied
behind his back. And those who would deny such
freedom to others, if trey could, have no moral or
,logical basis for the claim to enjoy the freedom they
would deny."
Professor Lippincott';. book is highly controversial.
Many academicians will genuinely attack its solutions.
Those from the far-out precincts of the Right and Left
will, of course, attack its premise. Then there are
those disenchajted with our amiable two-party system
(recalling Mencken's spoof of the Twenties-"twin tin
cannons loaded with talcum powder") who, under the
banner of free choice doctrine, would risk the most
virulent extremism. But it is clear to me that the book
makes a valuable cont?ibution toward understanding
the true nature of the totalitarian party.
Here is a book that should be within easy reach
of all who would underitand one of the great enigmas
of democratic government. It holds many lessons, not
only for ourselves, but : erhaps even more importantly
for the peoples of developing nations whose uneasy
Hubert H. Humphrey taught political science at Ma