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CONFIDENTIAL
INTERNAL USE ONLY
This publication contains clippings from the
domestic and foreign press for YOUR
BACKGROUND INFORMATION. Further use
of selected items would rarely be advisable.
20 FEBRUARY 1973
Governmental Affairs
CONFIDENTIAL
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WANDERER, St. Paul
21 December 1972
Weekly
THE SCOTT REPORT
ixon X98 Ad!u'st'hi
Corps''Y'a Fit His'. W
WASHINGTON - The American
intelligence community is
preparing for one of the most
.sweeping realignments since the
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)
was established in the late 194Js'':'l
could also become one of the most
controversial.
In ordering the shake-up,
President Nixon's principal
objectives are to tighten White
House control over the
Government's vast in-
telligence community and to
make it more responsive to
changes taking. place in U.S.
relations with Moscow and
Peking.
White House aides say the
President hopes to accomplish
these objectives in several ways.
First, the President plans to
replace Richard Helms as director
of the Central Intelligence Agency
(CIA) with his "own man." This is
expected to be James R.
Schlesinger, presently chairman of
the Atomic Energy Commission
and a member of the inner White
House circle.
Second, the President plans to.
drastically cut the budgets of all
intelligence agencies by an
estimated $500 million. This would,
mean big cutbacks in personnel
and operational funds for the
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA),
the Defense Intelligence Agency,
the National Security Agency, and
the intelligence functions of the-
State Department and military
Significantly, the proposed half-
billion-dollar reduction is the same
figs-e recommended in a study
l'?"' PAUL SCOTT
now wants the former Virginia' - ------
University economic professor to;
see if he can't implement it.
The President would like to
see Schlesinger test out some
of the ideas he put in papers
prepared while Director of
Strategic Studies at the Rand
Corporation, a government.
financed "think tank" at Santa
Monica, Calif.
These papers dealt exclusively
with how systems analyses could
be 'used to improve political,
military, and intelligence decision-.
making, and cost-cutting in these
fields. While at the Rand Cor-
poration, Schlesinger also
prepared a study on the cost of
nuclear-weapons proliferation
which caught the President's eye.
In discussing the need for an
intelligence shakeup with aides,
the President indicated that he was
replacing CIA Director Helms
because the latter was not'
aggressive enough to make the'
changes he believes are necessary
in the intelligence community.
Helms, a career CIA employee,;
was a holdover from the Johnson;
Administration,
The President's view is that
the Government's intelligence
roles and missions must be
gradually changed to meet the
new relationships which exist
between the United States and
Russia and the United States
and Communist China. As
contracts and negotiations
produce new agreement with
these Communist pewersl"the
President is convinced that
much of the intelligence now
gathered the hard way and at
great expense may become
available through mutual
exchange of information.
made by a panel headed by
Schlesinger, when he was..
Assistant Director of the Bureau pf
Budget. When the Schlesinger
recommendation was first cir-
eulated by the White House, CIA t ' 't'his proposed intelligence ex-
Director I10n,s and Defense change is an integral part of the
Secretary MMrl0n l,?.i,rl ,jnnineu l risky "partnership for peace";
forces to successfully oppose it. 'strategy Which Dr. Henry
With both Helms and Laird now Kissinger, the President's national
leaving government. the President security adviser, has succeeded in
has once again dusted off the getting President Nixon to adopt,'
Schlesinger recommendAM*mod FgigtRgPeM f1`0S189c~ dAe-RDP77-Olblst8'1ZR304110009000.1-7
a
the realignment as a move by the
President and Kissinger to snake'
the intelligence community more
responsive to their efforts 'to, use.
foreign policy to build a new world
order.
Since intelligence estimates are
used as a key factor in the for-
mation and support of American
foreign policy, a tighter control of
the national intelligence operations
by the White House would gica-ly
increase Kissinger's ahready
tremendous'intluence in making
'this policy. .s ^r.: veteran in-
telligence aic'e p,it it:
"Kissinger wants the in-
telligence community to
support foreign policy, not to
help shape it. This could be
disastrous since it would result
in predetermined estimates of
intentions of governments like
Russia and, Communist
China."
Time. and events should tell
whether this estimate is correct,-.
INTELLIGENCE
FLASHES
The Central Intelligence Agency
is circulating a report stating that
Russia will attempt to launch a,
manned space laboratory' next
Spring - just before April 30th,
when the United States is
scheduled to put its three-man
'Skylab into orbit. The Russian
version will be relatively primitive
by American standards..... Ad-
miral John S. McCain Jr., who
recently retired after serving his
last four years of active duty as
U.S. Commander-in-Chief in the
Pacific, says he fears a steady
deterioration of the American
position in Asia once a cease-fire is
agreed to in Vietnam. Political.
pressures, domestic and foreign,
will, the Admiral predicts, cause
the United States to give up its
bases in Japan, Okinawa, and the
Philippines. Admiral McCain
anticipates the U.S. defense line
then will be pulled back to Guam
and other islands in the Western
Pacific, Mimi a fifl-bnitt)t, he
,warns, eottid gift tie halsnoe of
power against the United States
H*_ I ence
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WASHINGTON - Of all the brains washed in
the whirlpool of the Vietnam war, those in the
Central Intelligence Agency have come out, well,,
relatively clean.
Early In the war, according to the Pentagon
Papers,, the CIA said that the-domino theory - the
belief. that a communist takeover in South Viet-
nam'wouid'lead`to the fall of San Francisco - was
hokum.
When the Pentagon was telling us that all the
tight was about out of the North Vietnamese and
the National' Liberation Front, the CIA was not so
sanguine. ' "
And long before then Secretary of Defense Rob-
ert McNamara was admitting it in public, the CIA
was saying that bombing would not significantly
hamper the ability of the North Vietnamese to
fight.
All of which means that when the CIA wasn't too
busy on other Intrigues It was right on its assess-
merits of the war, at least some of the time. And it
displayed some independent thought.
But even that limited record of success may be
jeopardized In the future, says Rep. Lucien Nedzi'
of Michigan, Democratic' chairman of the House
subcommittee which oversees Intelligence opera-
tions.
Nedzi. has spent more than a year in a private,
intensive study of the nation's' intelligence organi-
zations, especially the CIA. .
And now that its director, Richard Helms, whom
Nedzi considered a professional with no political
axes to grind, has been banished to the deseft --
.rs ambassador to Iran-the congressman wor-
ries that the White House is about to "compromise
the integrity" of the agency.
MORC SPECIFICALLY Nedzi and other mcm-
hers of Congress are concerned that the agency
may become a handmaiden of administration and
Pentagon policy, telling the White House only
what it wishes to hear.
t
Several members of congressional Armed 5er-
viccs committee, including Nedzi, know how the
White Bootee and the Pentagon have juggled their
own intelligence estimates of Soviet' strength
while Ignoring more accurate CIA figures -to
justify requests for new weapons systems.
For example, there were the frightening Defense
Department estimates of the Soviet SS-9 intereno-
Dtinehtal missile, which were used as the prime
,;Argument fttt, the anti-bftliislin missile system..
Well, the AUM has all but sunk from sight - and
so has the threat of the SS-9.
Evidence that the White House may be moving
to take over the CIA for its own purposes came to
Nedzi last year when the President announced an
Intelligence reorganization to Increase efficiency
and eliminate waste, duplication and some inter-
agency feuding.
Nedzi concedes that more co-ordinating and re-
organization may be necessary. But he learned
that none' of the agencies, not even the CIA, had
been consulted about Lite reorganization.
Indeed, the CIA, which knows some of the most
sacred secrets of our sworn enemies and other
foreign governments, knew so little about the re-
organization plan that it had to learn about it by
sending out for a copy of Newsweek.
The White House, when it announced the reorg-
anization, kept secret the name of the man who
panne it. It since has been learned that the au-
thor of the plan was James R. Schlesinger, Helms'
successor.
Schlesinger has assured concerned members of
the Senate Armed Services Committee that the
CIA, under his directorship, will remain Independ.
ent. But skepticism remains... ?
Schlesinger, with no background in intelligence
work, did not talk with members of Congress or
leading experts in the field before he wrote his
reorganization plan. Presumably those were his
Instructions from the White House.
Schlesinger; at the time of the study, was chair-
man of the Atomic Energy Commission, which
under his leadership has shown no disposition to
challenge the administration's unstinting support
for. more. nuclear power plants -- in spite of
mounting evidence for a more cautious policy.
BEFORE JOINING the AEC, . Schlesinger, a
Harvard graduate (no relation to Arthur), was as-
sistant director of the White House powef center,
the office of management and Budget.
An economist and a. Republican, Schlesinger had
been a senior staff member of the RAND Corp., a
Pentagon think-tank in California, and later direc-
tor of strategic studies there, before joining the
administration In 1969.
At RAND Schlesinger was chiefly concerned
with problems of budget and management in gov-
ernment and was any admirer of McNamara's
cost-effectiveness?systcm analysis apprnacl?.
Nedzi figures the CIA and other intellgence out-
fits could use a super-manager like Schlesinger.
13ut the congressman is concerned with who will
;run actual intelli^r.nrc operations and policy, and
'when- r Lite White Ih'itst', ('1,"'n oce;tcionnlly, will
.,be list~ning to something it doesn't wish to hear.
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NW-YORK TIMES
11 February 1973
WHITE HOUSE STAFF
UNDERGOESSHAKEUP
WASHINGTON, Feb. 10 (UPI)
-President Nixon has an-
nounced a shakeup of the
White House staff involving
Raymond K. Price Jr., head
of the speech writers' team,
will become a special consult-
ant to the President with a
"broader range of functions,"
and his successor, David Ger
gen, will have the title special
assistant to. the President,'
Patrick J. Buchanan, another
top speech. writer, will become
a special consultant to the,
President, but will continue to
oversee the preparation of Mr.
Nixon's daily news summary.
Lee Huebner, designated spe-
cial assistant, will continue as
a speech writer.
The assistant director of the
Domestic ` Council staff, Dr.
Edwin Harper, resigned to re-
turn to private life, it was an-
nounced Monday.
Comdr. Alexander Larzelere,
who served in the Nixon-
created post of Coast Guard
aide since November, 1971, will
be reassigned to Coast Guard
headquarters and his position
eliminated.
David Parker was appointed
to replace Dwight Chapin as
special assistant in charge of
scheduling Presidential appoint-
ments. Mr. Chapin will become
a marketing executive with
United Air Lines.
Stanley S. Scott, assistant
,,director of communications,
will become the highest rank-
ing black in the White 'House
as the Administration's liaison
with minorites, , succeeding
Robert J. Brown.
Lawrence M. Higby, another
staffer member, was named
deputy assistant to the White
House chief of staff,?H. R. Hal-
deman, and Steve Bull, staff
assistant, became special assist-
ant. Other staff members des-
ignated as special assistants
were Bruce A. Kehrli and Jerry
H. Jones.
Helms Says Firms
Not Used for Spying
WASHINGTON (Kyodo-Reu-
ter) - Richard Helms, former
chief of the U.S. Central In-
telligence Agency, said Monday
the agency exchanges informa-
tion with major U.S. corpo-
rations but declared it has not
used the firms .for espionage
purposes.
Helms, in his first public ap-
pearance before a congressional
committee since he left the post'
of CIA director, told the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee
the agency had'not used the In-
ternational Telephone and Tele-
graph Co. (ITT) for espionage
purposes.
The former CIA director, who
has been nominated to be U.S,
ambassador to Iran, was re-
sponding to quest' from
CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR
12 February 1973
W' 'am Rogers, underrated
By Benjamin Welles
Contrary to common belief William P.
Rogers Is proving an exceptionally effective
Secretary of State.
This is not to say that Mr. Rogers has, in
four years, become an expert on the past
history or current mechanics of foreign
policy. He has a finely honed lawyer's mind
and he has learned much; but he is not a man
given to'introspection or to a nighttime work
load.
Nor is it to say that he has won the fierce
loyalty and support of the 17,000 men and
women who staff the State Department and
the 108 United States diplomatic missions at
home and abroad. Mr. Rogers's management
skills are not manifest today either In the
turgid organization or in the tepid morale of
the foreign service.
Yet the widely held assumption that some-
how Mr. Rogers is being ''humiliated" by
'Henry A. Kissinger's preeminence as Presi-
dent Nixon's foreign' policy expert falls wide
of the mark. If it was ever true - it no longer
is, and Mr. Rogers's standing with President
Nixon remains high. Why?
Because he has been brilliantly effective in
the role for which Mr. Nixon originally picked
him, and which he has carried out ever since
with visible success. He has kept Congress
"off the back" of the Nixon administration
for four years.
"Bill Rogers Is Nixon's defensive back -
assigned to block Congress," said a high-
ranking State Department official. "That's
his job and he's good at it. Kissinger handles
the details of foreign policy.
Consider the facts. During the latter years
of the Johnson administration Secretary.
Rusk and Undersecretary Katzenbach were
frequently called to testify before the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee. As tempers
rose and each side dug in consultation turned
to confrontation. Who can ever forget the
hostile eight-hour grilling to which Rusk was
subjected under television lights in 1968?
Nonetheless the result - though a standoff
- gave the nation the impression that its
elected representatives - Fulbright, Cooper,
Church, and others - were challenging the
administration and providing an elected focal
point for resistance to the Vietnam war.
In the four past years, Kissinger - the
President's closest foreign policy assistant -
has been allowed to brief congressional
groups infrequently and privately. But he has
never testified publicly despite repeated
requests. The reason? "Executive privi-
lege."
The Secretary of State on the other band
has been available virtually.'any time.the
Foreign Relations Committee, or other ap-
propriate congressional group, 'has asked
him. The problem today is that they are
increasingly disinclined to ask him. -
Smiling, friendly, posing handsomely for
the photographers, exuding bonhommie, Mr.
Rogers has repeatedly beguiled the bulk of
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee with
bland, honeyed words - rendering it tooth-
less.
"You can't get mad at Bill," one committee
member acknowledged ruefully. "He's so
darned nice. He makes everything seem so
reasonable, and it's only after he's gone that
you realize he hasn't told us anything we
couldn't read in the papers."
This may make good politics; but one may ?
legitimately ask if it makes good policy.
Should the Senate Foreign Relations Com-
mittee with Its constitutional role as watch-
dog over the nation's foreign policy be fobbed
off year after year with smiling obfuscation?
Or be reduced to mumbling futility?
True, the fault may well lie - rather than
with Mr. Rogers ? with the committee's own ?
lack of dynamic leadership;, with its own
internal quarrels; with its own protracted
failure to use its skilled staff to advantage...
From every current indication the Foreign.:
Relations Committee will continue, in the.
remainder of the Nixon administration,, to
decline in effectiveness and prestige.
But while the Nixon administration may
appear to be "winning," the ingrained Amer-
ican concept of checks and balances - the
very essence of democratic adversary gov-
ernment - appears to be losing.
Mr. Rogers may be carrying out his
assigned.task too well.
There is every indication that he is pleasing
his leader.
"Bill Rogers isn't just being a good soldier,,
suffering silently while Kissinger does the
work," said a senior official. "He loves being
Secretary of State the aura of power, the-,
publicity, the glamor. And with John Mitchell
-gone, Rogers is the only man in the Cabinet
whom Nixon regards as a personal friend. He
can be Secretary of State as long as he likes."
. Mr. Welles, for many years on the staff ??
of the New York Times, is now an
independent commentator on what goes
on in Washington.
committee chairman Sen. Wil-'.
Liam Fulbright about allega-
tions that the. CIA had close
links ''with major U.S. corpo-,
rations especially ITT.
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WASHINGTON POST
2 February, 1973
~ '72 5
use 1.
Yin
By Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward
Washington Post Staff Writers
Sen. Edward M. Kennedy has reported uncovering evi-
dence that "strongly indicates" White House involve-
ment in "a wide range of espionage and sabotage activi-
ties" during the 1972 presidential campaign.
The evidence "strongly indicates ... that one key par-
ticipant was in repeated contact with the White House,
the White House convention
headquarters, and White
House aides during relevant
time periods," Kennedy wrote
in a letter to Sen. James O.
Eastland (D-Miss.). .
"At least part of the financ-
ing was arranged through al
key Republican fund-raiser
who is a close associate of
President Nixon's," the letter,
dated Jan. 22 and made public
yesterday, said.
Despite the evidence, Ken-
nedy said, both the White
House and the Justice Depart-
ment failed to substantially
investigate any of the under-
cover activities. except those
directly involving the bugging
of the Democrats' Watergate
headquarters.
Informed ofj the Kennedy
letter early last night, a
spokesman for the White House
said there would be no com-
ment.
The t h r u s t of Kennedy's
statements parallels news re-
ports since October that the
Watergate bugging stemmed
from a White House-inspired
campaign of espionage and
sabotage against the Demo.
crats.
But Kenndy, whose Subcom-
mittee on Administrative
Practice and Procedure has
been investigating such Allega-
tions since Oct. 12, is the first
public official to claim that he
has documentary evidence of
the undercover campaign's ex-
istence.
,Sources on Capitol Hill re-
ported that the K e n n e d y
Subcommittee's investigation
found extensive involvement
of several White House offi-
cials and presidential aides at
the Nixon re-election commit-
tee, in addition to the two per,
sons cited but not named in
the senator's letter.
The sources identified the
"key participant" who was in
contact with the White house
as Donald 11. Segretti, n 31-
year-old California lawyer al.
legedly hired as a political
agent provocateur by Dwight
L. Chapin, Mr. Nixon's ap-
pointments secretary.
The "close associate of
President Nixon" who alieg-;
edly helpedi arrange. part of
the financing for the sabotage
and espionage was identified
as Herbert W. Kalmbach, the
President's personal lawyer
and former deputy finance
chairman of his re-election
campaign.
The information developed
by the Kennedy Subcommittee
was described as "devastating"
and "appalling" by a Republi-
can senator who said he had
seen only part of it.
It is known that the Ken-
nedy Subcommittee subpoena-
ed bank and telephone rec-
ords, some' of which showed
that Kalmbach made payments
and phone calls to Segretti
and other persons who al-
legedly worked as spies and
saboteurs against the Demo-
crats.
Though some of. these spy-
ing activities were uncovered
by the FBI during the Water-
gate hugging investigation,
federal sources have said that
the activities were not fully
Investigated because many of
them skirted the edge of the
law or did not have a direct
relationship to the Watergate
It had previously been re-
ported that Kalmbach paid.
Segretti about $35,000 in
Nixon campaign funds to work
against the Democrats. Capitol
Hill sources said that the evi-,
dence uncovered by Kennedy'
'shows t h a t "substantially
more" money was funneled
through Kalmbach to finance
clandestine political activities.
The sources also reported /
that Kalmbach and Segrettl
declined to provide voluntar-
ily information to investiga-
tors for the Kennedy subcom-
mittee and were subsequently
subpoenaed to testify at a
closed-door hearing scheduled
for the middle of January.
The hearing was postponed
bemuse of scheduling diffi?
,cultes but the terms of the
subpoenas innke Segretti and
Kalmbach -subject to future,
call, the sources said.
"Kennedy's'statements were
on two pages of an 11-page
letter to Eastland, chairman
open to partisan charges, Er-,
vin, also a Democrat, has a
relatively nonpartisan reputeI.,
Lion.
In his letter, Kennedy antiei-"
pated that presidential aides
would not willingly testify, and
said he supports a "strong spe-
cial resolution" by the S~note
to grant b r o a d subpoena
power.
. On the matter of executive
privilege, Charles W. Coson,
special counsel to President
,Nixon, said.'yesterday that he
anticipates a fight with, Sen.
Ervin over whether he' will
testify at public hearings on
the espionage activities.
In A. television interview
lwith Elizabeth.Drew last night
on WETA, the Public Broad-
casting Service,' Colson indi-
cated that he expects. to be
called at the Ervin investiga-
tion because he is a personal
friend of Watergate defendant
E. Howard Hunt Jr., and had
recommended Hunt for his job
as a White House consultant.
Hunt, a 21-year veteran of
the CIA, pleaded guilty last
month along with four others
to all charges against them in
the Watergate trial. Two other
defendants-both former sen-
ior officials In the Nixon re-
election campaign-were con-
victed in the case Tuesday.
Colson said that "the ques-
tion of the confidentiality of
the relationship of a personal
adviser to the President
(executive privilege), or per-
sonal adviser to a member of
Congress, is something that
survives whether you're still
on the White House staff or.
not ...,,
Colson is leaving the White
House March 1 and indicated
that he might be unwilling to
testify in detail about matters
that involved White House
business.
However, he said: "I'd be
happy to tell Sen. Ervin or, any-
one else exactly what I've
just said to you, which is that
I had no knowledge or in-:
volvement in the Watergate."
In his press conference
Wednesday, President Nixon
seemed to place a narrower in-
terpretation on executive priv-
ilege, saying "the general atti-
tude I have is to be as liberal
as possible in terms of making
people available , to testify be-
fore Congress."
He added: "Where the mat-
!ter does not involve a direct
conference with or discussion
within the administration, par-
ticularly where the President
is concerned and where It is
an extraneous matter as far as
the White House Is concerned
.. we are not going to assert
It " II
This would seem to apply to
hearings on the . Watergate i
case since the White House
Finn eithei' tlgdittII 1121 111,1H
Car said it Would n41: ""d19111(y'
the charges with a comment.
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s -
of the Senate Judiciary Com?I
mittee. The letter was an at-
tachment to the 1973 budget
request for Kennedy's Subcom-
mittee. It said in part:
"The information gathered
thus far by the Subcommittee;
:strongly indicates that a wide'
range of espionage and sabo-i
tage activities did occur dur-
ing the recent presidential
p i
campaign,, and especially 'it
primary phase; that these ao-i
tivities were planned and ini
ti.ated no later than the mid-
dle dle of 1971; that one key par-
ticipant was in repeated con-
tact with the White House, the
White House convention head=
quarters, and White House
aides during relevant time
periods; that at least part of
the financing was arranged
through a' key Republican
fund-raiser who is a close as-
sociate of President Nixon's;
and that neither the federal
criminal investigation nor the
White House administrative
inquiry included any substan-
tial investigation of the al-
leged sabotage and espionage,
operations apart from those
surrounding the Watergate
episode itself."
In his letter to Sen. East-
land, Kennedy made these ad-
ditional points:
? "Subpoenas were utilized
to obtain records of various
types,) and . . were also
served on individuals who de-
clined to volunteer informa-
tion to the Subcommittee's in-
vestigators."
? The forthcoming investi-
gation planned by Sen. Sam J.
Ervin (D-N.C.) "will require
the calling of various Execu-
tive Branch and White House
personnel with the attendant
]problems that course entails."
Kennedy's letter said the.
Subcommittee began its inves-
tigation after 'tae public ques-
Itioning of the integrity of a
criminal investigation headed
by a designated surrogate
campaigner for ? President!
Nixon ahd of an administra
five inquiry conducted by the
White House counsel, when
the Nixon re-election commit
.tee was 'the principal subject!
of the investigation ..."
The"surrogate campaigner`i
referred to by Kennedy is At-'
torney General Richard G.
Kleindienst, under whose aus-
pices the Justice Department
investigation of the bugging
was conducted.
The White House counsel is
John W. Dean III, who con-
ducted an inquiry for Presi-
dent Nixon that concluded
that the White House and re-
election committee were not
Involved in the Watergate inci-
dent.
Though Kennedys Subcom-
mittee conducted the prelim-
inary Inquiry into the espion-
age allegations, Kennedy has
Isititl that he is willing to have
Sell, Ervin talte ovel. 1110 111?
''estigation so it will not be
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. WASHINGTON POST
3 February, 1973
Watergate e
'Sunnulds
By Lawrence Meyer hall for McCord and Liddy,
waahinaw Postst,uwricer Who were held without bond
in the D.C. jail. In the course
The presiding judge in the of, the hearing, Sirica re-
Watergate bugging trial criti- sponded to critical statements
cized the prosecution's han- about the conduct of the trial
dling of the case yesterday made by McCord's ' lawyer,
and said he hopes that an up- Gerald Alch, in papers he
filed.
coming Senate investigation 'Both before and during the
"would try to get to the bot- trial, Sirica had said he wanted
tom of what happened in this to find out if anyone besides
ease." the, seven defendants was in-
"I have not been satisfied volved in the Watergate affair.
and I am still not satisfied Alch said Sirica acted like a
that all the pertinent facts prosecutor in duestioning wit-
that might be available-I say tresses, including former
might be available-have been Nixon campaign committee
produced before an American treasurer Hugh W. Sloan Jr.
jury," Chief U.S. District "I don't think we should sit
Judge John J. Sirica said yes- no here like nincompoops, I'll
terday during a post-trial hear- put it that way
" Sirica said in
,
tng? response. "I have great doubts
Sirica also said that he has that Mr. Sloan has told ps the
"great doubts" that an impor- entire truth in this case. I will
tant prosecution witness told say it now and I indicated tha
t
us the entire truth in this during the trial."
case.
The judge said he has given Sloan testified during the
the government a list of trial that, with the authoriza-
names of persons with a sug- tion of his superiors on the
gestion that they be called to committee, he had turned over
testify before the grand jury. about $199,000 to Liddy buts
Principal Assistant U.S. Attor- that he had no idea what the
ney Earl J. Silbert, the chief I money was for or how it was
prosecutor during the trial, spent.
said he has no plans to call "I felt that neither of you-
anyone other than the seven government or defense-asked
defendants in the trial to Mr. Sloan any questions," Sir-
testify. ica said, "I had a right to ques-
Silbert said that of the six tion him to see that all the
persons on Sirica's list (Sirica facts were brought out."
ordered their identities be
11. Sloan told Sirica that he re-
d
t
f
l
h
d
t
ive a
rea
y
secre
a
ep
)
, signed from the committee be-'
appeared before the grand cause of the Watergate affair.
jury prior to an indictment's
being returned Sept. 15. The He is known to have told
,sixth person's name, Silbert friends that he quit because
said; "never came up directly he did not approve of what
or, indirectly, however re- was happening at the commit-
motely, during the. investiga- tee.
tion of this case." Sirica'referred to the Sen-
Sirica's remarks in court ate investigation that Sen.
yesterday were in the nature Sam Ervin (D-N.C.) is ex-
of a spirited defense of the pected to conduct into the
way he conducted the trial of Watergate affair and related
,seven men on charges of con- charges that the re-election
spiracy, burglary and illegal 'committee supported a broad
wiretapping and eavesdrop. campaign of espionage and
ping stemrhing from the - sabotage conducted against
break-in and bugging of the the Democratic presidential
Democratic National Commit- candidates.
tee's Watergate headquarters. "Everybody knows that
, The trial begn Jan. 8 with there's going to be a congres-
seven defendants and ended sional investigation in this
Jan. 30 with the conviction of case," said Sirica, a Republi-
two-G. Gordon Liddy, former can appointee. "I would
White House aide and finance' frankly hope, not only as a
counsel to the Committee for' ..judge but as a citizen of a
the Re-election of the Presi- great country and one of mil-
dent.,. and James W. McCord lions of Americans who are
Jr., former committee security looking for certain answers, I
director. would hope that the Senate
The five other defendants, committee Is -granted the
including former White House power by Congress by a broad
side E. Howard Hunt Jr., all enough resolution to try to got
pleaded guilty earlier In the to the bottom. of what
trial happened In this case. I hope
r? ?' so. That is all I have to say."
d
Sirica had ordered sealed. "I
am strongly considering refer-
mittee," Sirica told Alch.
"Your conduct, I think, de-
serves censure." .
Alch explained that the
breach of the order-quota-
tion of a short passage-was
done inadvertently by him. !11
didn't mean to antagonize
rvou," Atch told Sirica. "'ttou
didn't antagonize me, but you
shouldn't have done it," Sirica
replied.
Sirica set bond for Liddy
and McCord at $100,000 each.
Both have indicated that they
WASHINGTON POST
4 February, 1973
Eu." Case
O'
soles
yJu
cannot afford that amount and
will try to have the amotlllt re-
duced. In the meantime, irica
said he is transferring Liddy
to the federal prison at,Dan-
bury, Conn., with Liddy's
assent.
McCord will be transfe-red
to the federal prison in Peters-
burg, Va., if he wishes, Sirica
said. Hunt is free on $100,000
bond, pending sentencing;
The four other defei zlants
who pleaded guilty-Bc'nard
L. Barker, Frank Sturgis,; Eu-
genio R. Martinez and Virgilioi
R. Gonzales-also evill be sent!
to Petersburg from the D.C.
Jail, Sirica said,
fitness
ttacks
ge at Trial
By Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward
Washington Post Staff Writers
Hugh W. Sloan Jr., the for-
mer treasurer of President
Nixon's re-election campaign,
said yesterday that "attacks
that have been made on my
integrity" by the judge in the
Watergate bugging trial t "are
totally unwarranted."
In a prepared statement is-
sued to reporters, Sloan reiter-
ated his testimony given as a
witness in the trial that he had
no foreknowledge of the
bugging or other clandestine
activities against the Democrats.
He said he had fully an-
swered all questions asked by
U.S. District Judge John H.
Sirica, who presided over the
trial, and those asked by the
federal grand jury that inves-
tigated the incident. . '
Sloan noted in his statement
that, on Friday, Sirica "for the
third time publicly questioned
the truthfulness and complete-
ness of my testimony in the
Watergate trial." He added, "I.
strongly resent, the implica-
tions of Judge Sirica's state-
ments."
Under questioning by Judge
Sirica, Sloan. had testified in
the trial that former Secretary
of Commerce Maurice H.
Stans and Former Attorney
General John N. Mitchell both
verified that another cam-
paign official could approve
cash payments to one of the
Watergate conspirators for In-
tell lgence-gathering opera.
tions, Earlier, Sloan had been
asked by the presegutian if
that other campaign official-
deputy director Jeb Stuart
Magruder-had authority, to
approve such payments and
Mitchell.
Federal Investigators have
said that Sloan, a former
White House aide, cooperated
fully in their investigation of
the Watergate case and that'
his testimony in the trial was'
consistent with what he told,
However; they said ' last
week, both ' the . prosecution
and Judge Sirica failed to
question Sloan fully during
the trial about this knowledge
of cash payments that funded
extensive espionage and sabo.
tage activities aganst the Dem-1
ocrats.
The Investigators said Sloanl
did not 'know the money'
would be spent on clandestine';
operations when he made the
payments and that he quit as
.treasurer of the Nixon cam-
paign when-after the Water-
gate break-in-he learned the
purpose of the expenditures.
On the witness stand, Sloan
was asked only about expendi-
tures of $234,000 in cash that
had been received by 'one of
the convicted Watergate con-
spirators, former White House
aide G. Gordon Liddy.
According to investigators,
at least $500,000 to $650,000
more-also disbursed by Sloan
from a safe In Stans' off lee-
was spent on clandestine activ-
ities undertaken by the Nixon'
campaign. Those expenditures
also are made with the ap.
t oval of high pV00611041
aides and advisers, according
to the Investigators.
On Friday, Judge Silica said
"I have not been satisfied and
I am still not satisfied that all
ni guments Yes.
+Sirica hear
?HyA:..? rsu-.sr Finn fhnh hn cof Sirica also upbraided Mc-1 ISloan' answered affirmatively
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WASHINGTON POST
2 February, 1973
After the Trial: Unanswered Questions
Well, the Watergate trial Is over. Two defendants have
been convicted and five others have pleaded guilty. We
take no joy In those facts. Seven men's lives are to be
changed and so are those of their families. And yet, for
all that, there is an unsatisfactory sense that all that was
rotten in Denmark is still largely In place. For, what Is
at issue In the whole Watergate-campaign espionage
episode is not merely whether some men were or were
'not guilty of breaking and entering some offices In the
Watergate complex, but rather how badly the electoral
process has been mangled and abused, and by whom. The
conclusion of the trial leaves much of that right where
it was before court was convened.
There Is now no longer. any question about the. fact
that the Watergate operation and others directed at Sens.
Muskie and McGovern were financed by Republican cam-
paign money. Nor, despite vehement denials by top Re-
publican campaign figures, Is there any longer any
question that there was a secret fund-nor any question
that very large sums of unsupervised cash were floating
around in the President's campaign. The questions re-
maining have to do with precisely how widespread the
espionage activities were, exactly who directed and au-
thorized them and how strong an effort those In authority
made to get to the bottom of the whole affair once aspects
of It had come to light.
Confirmation of some of the press reports (greeted at
the time of publication by artful denials on the part of
Campaign officials) concerning the extent of the espion-
age operation has come in a letter reporting.the pre-
liminary findings of the Senate Judiciary Committee's .
Subcommitte on Administrative Practice and Procedure.
In that letter to Chairman Eastland, Sen. Kennedy reports,
that the committee's Information '.'strongly indicates that
A wide range of espionage and sabotage activities did
occur during the recent presidential campaign." The Ken-
nedy letter goes on to note close White House contacts
of one of the "key participants" and also indicates that
some of the financing was arranged "through a key Re-
publican fund-raiser who is a close associate of President
Nixon's." Finally the Kennedy report notes that neither
the criminal investigation nor the administrative Inquiry
.conducted in the White House "included any substantial
Investigation of the alleged sabotage and espionage opera-
tion" apart . from those surrounding the Watergate
Incident.
But, even more than that still remains on the table.
,The trial brought out the fact that an amount close to a
quarter of a million dollars was made available for the
"Intelligence operations." Even the operations scrutinized
case were brought out at trial;
and added: "I felt that neither
L - - the government nor de-
fense asked Mr. Sloan any,
questions"
On the basis of Sloan's ap=
pearances on the, witness-
stand, said Sirica, "I have great
douht?thnt Mr Sloan has told'
us the entire truth in this
case. I will say it now and I
Indicated that during the-
trial."
According, to investilinLive
sources. S l o a n had made
known that he would willingly
testify about all money alleg:.
edly spent for undercover op
erations, who authorized the,
'payments and who received'
them.
However, government prose=
cutors told him before he was'
called as a witness that such,
testimony was unnecessary to,
prove their case, the sources
said. They reported that the
prnseoutinn told Sitoot he
would he asked only about that
General Mitchell, the Prest-,
dent's campaign manager.
In his statement yesterday,,
Sloan said: "I state categori-:
cally, as I have previously un-
der oath, that I had no fore-
knowledge or involvement in
the so called, Watergate affair.
, .. I have fully answered all
questions put to me before the
federal grand fury and at thg
Watergate trial Itself, includ?
in all questions asked by
Jud o Mifim"
at the trial were something other than purely defensive
Intelligence gathering. Tom Gregory testified about how,
he attempted to penetrate the highest levels of the Muskie
and the McGovern campaigns. And at whose authority
was all of this financed? Judge Sirica elicited the fact
that John N. Mitchell and Maurice Stans verified the'
authority of the deputy campaign director to disbut? .
huge amounts of unaccounted cash for the intelligence
operation.
Yet the trial. leaves the Impression that no one In
authority knew how that quarter of a million dollars was
spent, and to this day, the bulk of that money is unac-
counted for. It leaves one a bit breathless to contemplate
the expenditure of that kind of money with no one In a
responsible position knowing what it was going for in .
the campaign of a President who prides himself on being.
an efficient administrator. That puzzle too is still on the
table.
Thus, Judge Sirica's question .about the authorization.
for the expenditure of the money ant the purposes to
which it was to be put are basic. Two of Mr. Nixon's
closest advisers, a former Attorney General and a former
Secretary of Commerce authorized the payments. But
how much did they know? What did they think the
money was buying and -how did they think the informa-
tion some of It had purchased had been acquired? Who
else knew about this and how high in Mr. Nixon's coun-
cils were they? And, for that matter, are some of them
still there?
These are important questions not simply because
curious circumstances elicit large amounts of curiosity,
but because the higher the authority for all of this dirty
business and the broader its scope, the more the electoral
process was mangled. And the `questions are important
because the integrity of the government and its investi-
gative and reporting operations are very much on the
line here too. Finally, it Is important because It is necesr
nary before the next election, for the Congress and for
the people to draw some lines between what is legitimate
campaign conduct and what is criminal behavior and to
decide what to do about huge amounts of cash sloshing
around in presidential election campaigns.
The trial is over. But heavy questions still remain and
a great many thoughtful, people are ashamed by what
we have learned. But it is "even worse than that when one
contemplates Sen. Mansfield's basic truth, "The question
is not political, it is constitutional." Therein lies the
essence and the importance of the task that congressional
investigators will probably have to complete if the public
is ever to be told the truth about this demeaning and
destructive business.
$234,000 received by Liddy and.
whether Magruder had ap:
proved disbursement of the
money-and not about Stans,'
;Mitchell and other presiden
teal aides and advisers.' , ..
It was shortly after the pros?
ecution had- asked Sloan about,
Magruder's approval that Sir?
lea began asking his own ques-.
tions and elicited the testis
mony about former Commerce,
Secretary Stans, the financo
OltttirHiltlt n till, Nixoit emit-,
paign, and former Attorney
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WASHINGTON STAR
4 February 1973
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tential defendant. ' ' '
I
"We made the judgment to
prosecute and 'convict them
first," Mr. Silbert said. "Then
it's a matter of record."
He explained that even If a
new trial were ordered 'by a,
higher court in the Watergatef
case, the Government could
'still use all of ! the testimony
given against Liddy and Hunt.
But if the men had been al-
lowed to appear first before
the grand jury and granted im-
munity, Mr. Silbert said,,
"There would have been long
series of, hearings to satisfy
the court [in their trial] that
what we wanted to use against
them did not come from what
they said in the grand jury."
"We might have.been ready
to take this risk," the prosecu-
tor added, "if we had had .very
strong evidence to indicate
that there were other people
involved. Our feeling was that
if we lost Liddy and Hunt, we
would come out with,egg on
our faces."
Another concern, he said, was
the possibility that the defend-
t973
[ants , even if granted immunity,
would refuse to testify before
the grand jury and thus risk
contempt proceedings. The de-
fendants thus far have refused
to discuss their activities with
Federal investigators.
i Other Government sources
said that the defendants may
'decide to cooperate after sen-
,tencing, in the belief that'their
cooperation would help result
in reduced prison terms.
Mr. Silbert noted that pen4-
ing any ?urther information-?--
the reconvened grand jury
would not consider any aspects
Of the alleged spying and sabo-
The Watergate affair will not
be quenched
If the Watergate trial neither lasted as
long as the judge expected nor revealed
as much as he had hoped, it is also
not the end of the affair. Various civil
suits and counter-suits have become
active again now that the criminal
trial is over. The rumour mills go on
grinding, feeding to the press scraps of
information that link different curious
features of last year's presidential
election campaign to each other,
and some that throw doubt on Presi-
dent Nixon's assertions of last summer
that the White House had nothing to
do with any of it. But the Senate's
investigation will most likely dominate
the next phase of the Watergate affair.
Senator Sam Ervin of North Caro-
lina, who moved the resolution early
this week to set up a select committee
of Senators " on presidential campaign
activities," and who will he its chair-
man, is a Senate elder with a stupen-
dous reputation as a guardian of the
Constitution. Putting the matter in his
hands was a good way for the Demo-
cratic majority in the Senate to ward
off reproaches of partisanship.
The Senate Republicans decided not
to oppose setting up the inquiry but
contented themselves with amendments
to make sure that their own side would
be adequately represented and their
interests protected. " We do not want
a narrow, partisan, witch hunt," said
Senator Tower of Texas : but Senator
Ervin is a hard man to accuse of
partisan witch-hunting. While the
Republicans in Congress naturally do
not like the inquiry and would be glad
to see the whole affair forgotten, their
feelings about what happened are
mixed. Whoever organised the under-
cover campaign activities of which the
bugging and .burglary of the Demo-
cratic offices in the Watergate were a
part, it was not the Republican National
Committee and it was not done for the
sake of getting Republican Senators and
Congressmen elected.
The money that was so liberally
handed around for use by the Water-
gate irregulars and the other under-
cover agents came from the Committee
to Re-elect the President, not from the
Republican National Committee, which
seems to have been neither consulted
nor informed about what was going on.
There is no reason to suppose that the
committee, if consulted, would have
approved.
If the undercover operations had a
thought-out strategic purpose it was to
confuse and eventually demolish the
Democratic party as a presidential
campaign force, and that is precisely
what happened. President Nixon won
a splendid victory, the congressional
Republicans did poorly, and they are
left as the weaker half of a weak
Congress facing an overwhelmingly
strong President. Loyal as ,many of
them are to Mr Nixon, this outcome
cannot have been what they wanted.
The Ervin committee will have all
the powers that the Senate can give it,
but nobody can say how effective these
will -be when it comes to questioning
President Nixon's dwn immediate
assistants. Much detail about what
happened has come to light, but the
authority that caused it to happen and
the intention behind it are still veiled.
Judge John Sirica, the senior judge of
the federal district court in
Washington, who conducted the trial
which ended last week, declared him-
self determined to get to the bottom of
questions like this, but he came up
against a blank waill.
Judge Sirica is not known as the
keenest legal mind in Washington or as
a champion of public causes. A
Republican appointed to the bench by
President Eisenhower,' he evidently-felt
that his own reputation required him to
find out rather more than either the
prosecution or the defence in the trial
was willing to tell him. On trial were,
five men caught red-handed in the
Democratic National Committee's
offices in the Watergate building ona
night last June, together with
two others to whom the trail im-
mediately led. An eighth, who. was
across the street at the time in
the hotel room where the intercepted
Democratic traffic was monitored, was
granted immunity and became a prose-
tage operations since the Jt4tice'
.Department has determined,
based on available evidence,
'that Mr. Segretti's reported ac-
-tivities violated ' no laws;
The New York Times reported
today that Dwight L. Chapin,
a former White House aide, has
told the F.B.I. that he was in-
volved in financing some aspect
of Mr. Segretti's operations.
Mr. Chapin, who resigned ast
week, was said to have dl' eoted
Herbert W. Kalmbach, Pre4lent
Nixon's personal attorney, to
make cash ' payments to Mr.
Segretti.
cution witness.
This was Mr Alfred Baldwin, a
former agent of the Federal Bureau of
Investigation who had joined the
intelligence team formed by the two
most important defendants, Mr
Howard Hunt and Mr John Liddy.
When Mr Baldwin talked at length to
the Los Angeles Times last year his
memoywas excellent, but when the
trial came it failed him, notably about
the name of the person to whom the
Watergate intercepts went. None of the
defendants chose to give evidence,
though five were interrogated by the
judge when they decided to plead
guilty. Judge Sirica wanted to know
how they got involved in the affair in
the first place and what they thought
their activities were for, but he never
found out. He wanted to know what or
who had induced them to plead guilty,
but he never found that out either.
Prosecutors and defending lawyers
both objected to his asking such
questions as these. A striking harmony
prevailed, indeed, between prosecution
and defence : this was in part because
the original lawyers for several defen-
dants,threw up their briefs when their
clients changed their pleas to guilty.
Where acrimony arose, it was between
prosecution and defence on thej one
hand, and the judge on the other.
Five of the accused concurred
heaiiti'ly in. almost everything the
prosecution said, while allowing its
contention that they had " gone off
on their own," acting without 'higher
authority, to go unanswered. They
had had a bit of bad luck but were not
fighting it. The implication 'that if
they behaved correctly, then somebody
acting for their former employer, the
presideiltiall re-selection committee,
would took after .them was in the alir,
and in the press, and evidently it was
in the judge's mind, but it was not in
the evidence or the pleas. It has
occurred to Senator Ervin, whose
committee will 'have among its tasks
to find out if bribes or threats played
any pant in inducing them to plead ,
guilty or to keep their knowledge dark.'
Money, but;d'led up in suitcases pro-
cessed through Mexican banks, found
on the persons of the defendants in
wads of crisp new $100 bills, kept
in a ,safe in the President's campaign
offices and apparently issued to under-
cover agents without instrudtions for
use or requirements of accounting, is
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have said that. Hunt also inves-
tigated for the White House
leaks to the news media.
Hunt's other job in 1971-72
was as a writer at the Robert
R. Mullen & Co. public rela-
tion firm, 1700 Pennsylvania
Ave. NW. Robert F. Bennett,
president of the Mullen firm
and the person who suspended
Hunt from his job after his
name was linked to the June
17, 1972, Watergate break-in,
has said that Hunt was not do-
ing Kennedy research as part
of his public relations assit n-
ments. i
Included in material Hunt
checked out of the White,
House library was a book
called "Bridge at Chappaquid-
dick," by .Tack Olson.
In the telephone interview
yesterday, DcMotte said Hunt
had asked him to read the Ol-
son book, DeMotte said he
then read it, and Hunt called
him to see if the hook jarred`
his memory on any significant
details about Kennedy or
Chappaquiddick Island, where
the automobile accident oe-
cured. He said it did not.,
DeMotte said that some
time after the 1969 Chappa-
quiddick accident, he went to
John Volpe, who was then Sec-
retary of Transportation, to
(speak about the Kennedys.
At the time, DeMotte was
working in the congressional
'relations office of the Depart-
"I thought maybe I had
some information," DcMotte.
said. "We met for maybe a
half-hour and he pretty much.
felt I was wasting his time." ' . '
DeMotte said he and Hunt
talked from 5:15 to 7:30 p.m.-
tin the Providence motel room'
rented by Hunt, and had sup-
per and a drink. "Hunt was.
dressed in sport clothes," De-',
Motte said, "a hell of a James"
Bond operator."
After their meeting. De-,
Motto said, "I spent a restless'
night and.tried to find him the
next morning for a cup of cof-
fee, but he was gone."
Vild@Vill sources have sold
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pervasive in the Watergate affair.
Tracking the movement of money has
been one way in which the ramifica-
tions of whait might otherwise have
been soon forgotten as an isolated
escapade have been brought, if only
parttia)ly, to Might.
Judge Sirica did find out something
by questioning the former treasurer
of the re-election campaign, Mr Hugh
Sloan, who said he had given Mr
Liddy, then the committee's finance
counsel and now one of the defen-
dants, $ i 99,ooo to finance his ' opera-
tion. This was pant of a 4arger fund
for secret campaign operations : Mr
Sloan mer>+ttioned $250,ood, butt the
Washington Post claims to have infor-
mation that the real amount expended
on spying on the Democrats and dis-
WASHINGTON POST
10 February, 1973
rup'ting their campaign was not less
than $750,000. Others have mentioned
larger sums.
A good deal of this money was
never accounted for either in the
domestic accounts of the Nixon cwn-
paign or in the returns which the cam-
paign committee, like other political
organisations, was obliged to make to
the General Accounting Office, an
organ of Congress designated in the
federal election campaign act of 1971
as the authority to which presidential
campaign finances must be reported.
Because of facts brought to light by
the Watergaite affair, the presidential
campaign finance committee was fined
$8,ooo last month for a failure to keep
proper accounts on a matter of
$29,300?
Since President Nixon's campaign
finance organisation, through its,many
branches, seems 'to have cd1lectec `about
$5om and finished -the year with a
surplus' of $4.8m in hand, it can
presumably bear a fine of $8,ogb with
equanimity. A new round of wprrying
about the adequacy. of 'the campaign
finance law is inevitable, alid the
Ervin committee may well find some-
thing to say on the subject : ;;one of
its duties is to consider whether its'
inquiries suggest a need for., V new
congressional legislation to sauard
the electoral process by 'which -the
President of the United States is
chosen." The first year of the 1971
act turns out to have been a year in
which campaign financial scandals were
even more blatant than usual.
Hunt dried to recruit Agent
To Probe Sen. IW ;r
Life
By Bob Woodward
and Carl Bernstein
Washington Post Staff Writers
During the same month that
Watergate hugging conspira-
tor E. Howard Hunt Jr.
started work as a White House
consultant, he traveled to
Providence, R.I., under an as-
sumed name and' tried to re-
cruit a government employee
to investigate the private life
of Sen. Edward M. Kennedy
(D-Mass.).. ,
Clifton DeMotte, the govern-
ment employee, said yesterday
In a telephone, interview that
he met Hunt, who used the
alias Edward Warren, in a
Providence motor for a two-
hour, tape-recorded interview
sometime in July, 1971.
Hunt has said in a sworn
statement that he began work-
Ing at the White house for
special counsel to the Presi-
dent Charles W. Colson "on or
about July 6, 1971." The White
House said at the time of the
Watergate bugging last'"June
that Hunt worked on declassif-
ying the Pentagon Papers and
on narcotics intelligence.
? DeMotte, who has been fa-
miliar with the Kennedy fami-
ly.'s.activities in Massachusetts
for'more than' a decade, dating,
.to a' time when he worked in
Hyannis Port, said Hunt asked
him about. various activities of
Kennedy, including the 1969
Chappaquiddick automobile
accident.
"Hunt, using the name Ed
Warren, wanted to know if 1'd
heard of any women-chasing
by the Kennedy boys ... if I'd
heard of any scandal-type ma-
terial," DcAlotte said yester-
day. .
"I think this (the interview)
was a prelude to' embark on a
major campaign against Ken-
wanted me to do work on
Chappaquiddick ... he offered
to pay only expenses."
DcMotte said he turned
Hunt down, and that he re-
peatedly asked Hunt who he
was working for and Hunt
would only say that he was
working for "a group" that he
refused to identify.
Federal sources said De-
Mot,te gave essentially the
same account of hunt's visit,
to the FBI.
DeMotte said that he could
not remember the exact day
Bunt tried to recruit hint but
recalled that, it was during
man Motor Inn in Hyannis
Port, in 1960 when the late
President Kennedy used the
hotel, as a press and staff
headquarters for the presiden-
tial campaign.
DcMotte is now a GS-12 fed-
eral employee for the General
Services Administration
whose job is to dispose. of ex-
cess government property at a
Navy construction battalion
center in Davisville, R.I.
DeMotte said lie had no
first-hand information to give
Hunt on the Kennedys, but
that he did provide
"information on hell-raising"
by staff members..
July, 1971, but after July 4, it) addition, DeMotte said
?
1971.
At the time, Kennedy was
generally considered by the
White House to be the strong-
est possible contender against
President. Nixon in the 1972
election. The Washington Post
reported last July that it had
been told by White House cm-
.ployces that Hunt was work-
ing there on Kennedy re-
search late in the summer of
1971.
During the Watergate trial
'last month, in which Bunt
pleaded guilty to all charges
against him, extensive evi-
dence was introduced to show
that Edward Warren was the'
alias Hunt used during the
Watergate conspiracy.
DeMotte's statement is the
first indication that Hunt was
using that name almost atiyear
before the June 17, 1972,
Watergate break-in.
DcMotte said that he did
not realize that "Ed Warren"
was Hunt until he was con-
tacted by the FBI last year
about several phone eal]a
hunt had made to him. He ant. A spokesman last July
said he Identified Hunt noted that he was the author
through pictures. of some 40 books and "could
that he had "strictly hearsay
information on the Kennedys
themselves - involving "real
swinging parties" and "booze"
-that he gave to Hunt.
DeMotte said he tried to
"persuade Hunt that it was ,a
waste of time to come up, but
he insisted:" He described
Hunt as someone who ap-
peared to be "either dedicated
to the country, the 'group' or
himself-T couldn't tell which."
l:.ast summer The Post re-
ported that three sources said
'Hunt showed a special interest
in Kennedy's Chappaquiddick'
accident. as far back as the
summer. of 1971. Jane F.'
Schleicher, a White house li-.
brarian, said . Hunt checked
.out "a whole bunch 'of mate-
rial" on Kennedy and the 1969
accident in which Mary Jo Ko-
pechne. a passenger in Kenne-
,dy's car, was killed.
The White House has denied
that Hunt was doing Kennedy
research as part of his official
Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100090001-7
operation that was being run
by Hunt and G. Gordon Liddy,
a former White House aide
and coconspirator in the
Watergate bugging case, in-
volved-among other things-
collectimg data on the per-
sonal lives of Democratic
presidential contenders.
In a sworn deposition taken
Aug. 29, 1972, in the Demo-
cratic Party's $3.2 million civil
suit arising out of the Water.
gate bugging, Hunt's attorney,
objected, to the attempts byl,
the Democrats' attorney to ask
Hunt about Kennedy.
According to the transcript,
Hunt's attorney, William O.;
Bittman, said it was'
"outrageous" and an attempt!
to "sensationalize this case
by ' interjecting Kennedy'si
name. 1
The following took place of-
ter Edward Bennett Williams,
the Democrats' attorney,
asked: "While you. were work-
ing with Air. Colson, Mr. Hunt,
did you do research on Sen.
Edward Kennedy ., of
Massachusetts?"
Mr. Bittman: "I object tol
the question and instruct him
not to answer it. Again, I do
not see how that question can,
be in any way whatsoever rel-
evant to this lawsuit. It strain's
my imagination to believe that'
that kind of question can he'
relevant, and' i assume thau
the only reason it is being in
terjected into this proceeding,
is that at some point, hope
fully, to sensationalize this
case beyond its present pos-
ture, Air. Williams."
Air. Williams: ' No, it is not,
'Ali'. Bittman. This case does
not need to he sensationalized,
and I do not want you to im
pugn my motives any more. I
,have not done that with you. I
said what You were doing had
the effect of obstructing the.,
orderly processes of these de-
positions. I did not impugn
your motives.
"I do not enjoy your im-
pugning my'motives, and I do
not want you to do' it again in
the course of these depositions
or evei- after."
Mr. Bittman: "Mr. Williams,
I will make whatever state-
ments I believe are appropri-
ate on this record, and I will
not let you intimidate me.
"I believe the interjectin
of Sen. Kennedy into this pro-
ecdin:; is outrageous. It cannot
be possibly relevant in any
way whatsoever, and on behalf
of my client I will make what-
ever objection I think is ap-
propriate, and I am sorry that
you take offense to it.".
Mr. Williams: "You decline
to,answer the question, is. that
WASHINGTON POST
10 February, 1973
'W illiccnc S. White
correct, Mr. Hunt?"
Mr. Hunt: "I decline to an.
swer the question on 'the ad-
vice Qf counsel."
'The relationship between
Hunt and Colson has been the
siibjet:t of a number of appar.
ently contradictory ' state-
ments. Both men confirm that
they have been good friends
for several years.
Last June 19, when Hunt
was first linked to the hug-
ging, the White House person-
.net office identified Huntos a
consultant to Cblson, who' has
been one of Mr, Nixon's most
powerful advisers and who is
leaving the White House next
month for private law prac-
tice.
? Within hours, after the per-
sonnel office's statement, offi
cial White House spokesmen
said that Hunt had been hired
on Colson's recommendation
but. that he did not work for
Colson. Hunt's work, the
spokesmen said, dealt with the
Pentagon Papers and narcot.
ics intelligence.
In a swoi'n deposition taken'
last summer and made public
this week, Colson said it was
his idea to bring Hunt to the
White House and that Hunt
worked for him for several'
weeks.
Hunt said in his own depo-
.e Campthgn Spy
Probe
IMPROBABLE AS it sounds, there
is a fair chance that the Senate's forth-
coming Investigation of alleged wide.
spread campaign spying by the Repub-
licans in the 1972 Presidential contest
may serve the public interest. ,
This happy result can be reached,
r a n t e d some pre-conditions. First,
,,the Democrats must' heed the wise-
and genuinely meant-admonition of
.party floor leader Mike Mansfield to
'avoid narrow partisan and ideological
,politicking.
Second, President Nixon must turn
.the White House staff loose to testify
dully, the doctrine of executive privi-
lege nothwithstanding. "Executive
privilege," of course, is a phrase to de-
scribe any President's right (and even
duty) to maintain the confidentiality of
certain kinds of in-house communica-
tions with his associates, no matter
what 'Congress' may think about it.'
Technically, to be sure, this privilege
can be read to cover almost anything.
As a practical matter, however, it is
meant only to prevent irresponsible
'disclosure of truly vital White House
matters-such as, say, strategic and in-
conclusive military or foreign policy
i'plans discussed between the President
"and others-where telling all to Con-
'gress would harm the country and
'help nobody except possibly a foreign
'enemy.
Third, the Senate ' Investigators
must put upon themselves-and no-
body else can or will do it for them-a
proper sense of restraint and perspec-
tive and not reach and proclaim ver-
dicts before the evidence Is all in. The
truth is that the resolution authorizing
this half-million-dollar inquiry is wind-
ily long, far too open-ended and al-
most as solemnly portentous as though
a plot threatening the very life of the
republic were involved.
One of the dozens of powers handed
to the investigating committee, for ex.
ample, is to search out "any fabricat-
ing" dissemination or publication of
any false charges having the purpose
of discrediting any person seeking
nomination or election as the candi-
date of any political party to the office
of President of the United States in
1972."
Now, every American beyond grade
school age knows that what is "false"
and what is "true" in a political cam-
paign Is often in the eye of the be-
holder or, to use, another anatomical
metaphor, it all'depends on whose ox
is being gored.
In its proper zeal to protect the civil
right not to be bugged-the bugging of
Democratic headquarters In the Water-
gate Hotel being a prime target of .in-
quiry---the Senate must consider an-
other civil right. This Is the ancient
right to free (not to say at times very,
very free) political expression and pub-
14
sition that he worked for' Col-
son the entire nine months of
his White House stay.
4 GWIly in H'rter-gate
I)enie(l Bail RPdlnctiQn
Foie' defendants /Iwho
pleaded guilty to the chorges
against them in the Watergate.
bugging trial and were iilpris-
?oned pending sentencing have
been denied a redu9ticyn in
bail by the U.S. Coui'of Ap-
peals.
1 The four men-Virgiiio R.
Gonzales, Bernard L. barker,
Frank A. Sturgis and Eugenio
R. Martinez - were ordered
confined in.' lieu of $100,000
bond' each ;by Chief U.S, .Dis-
trict Judge John .1. Siriia after
they pleaded -guilty to conspir.
acy, burglary and illegal wire-
tapping and eavesdropping:. .,
All. four men, who are from
M.ianu, were arrested Inside
the Democratic Party's Water.
gate headquarters in the early
morning hour of June 17. The
appellate court's decision
:came in a brief, unsigned opin,
ion by Circuit Judges Harold
'Leventhal, Spottswood W.
Robinson III and George r,
'MacKinnon. According to , a
notation in 'the opinion; A5ic-
Kinnon favored setting bail at
'
?$60,000. ,
lication. Too, it will be unfortunate if
the outraged howls of the Republi-
cans that they, too, were spied upon, in.
both 1968 and 1964, are simply shrug-
ged off by the Democrats. If it was a
sin in 1972 it was a sin in those earlier
years. And, In any case, the only jtisti-'
ficatiop for giving this business of the
Watergate scandal the dignity of a full
dress -Senate investigation in the first
place is to assure the public of an im-
partial inquiry determining whether
our basic political processes are truly
subject to serious perversion.
The prospective chairman of the in-_
quiry, Senator Sam Ervin (D-N.p.), is a
distinguished lawyer, a former trial
judge and a fair-minded man all
-around. He will need, however, to be
constantly vigilant not over his own
conduct but rather over the conduct of
the staff investigators who will sur-
round him. Such specialists do not en-
ter affairs of this kind with all the ob-
jectivity of a Supreme Court Justice.
Nor do they traditionally abstain from
the Gad-ain't-it-awful approach to the
evidence which they assemble and
present to the senators themselves.
To put the ease as delicately as pos-
sible, they are not deeply intent on
clearing any suspect, anymore than is
the average young assistant district at-
torney who has his way tip the ladder
still to make.
an 1913, united Feature fly ndicnte
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Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100090001-7
NEW YORK TIMES
11 February 1973
NIXON'S ATTORNEY
TIED TO FUND ROLE
Witness Says Kalmbach Was
Principal Money Raiser
By BEN A. FRANKLIN
Specie) to The New York Times
WASHINGTON, Feb. 10
Herbert W. Kalmach# President
Nixon's personal attorney has
been inscribed in court papers
here as "essentially the prin-
cipal fund raiser" of Mr. Nix-
on's 1972 re-election campaign
until last February.
At that time, former Secre-
tary of Commerce Maurice H.
Stans publicly assumed direc-
tion of the President's campaign
finances.
Mr. Kalmbach, a wealthy 51-
year-old Southern California
lawyer, is a partner in the Los
-Angeles and Newport Beach
firm of Kalmbach, De Marco,
Knapp & Chillingsworth.
He was previously identified
in sworn testimony and in news
accounts, none of which he has
disputed, as the chief solicitor
of hundreds of thousands of
dollars for Mr. Nixon's cam-
paign from the dairy farm in-
dustry. He was also identified
as one of five persons au-
thorized to approve payments
from the Republicans' secret
political espionage fund. .
But until late yesterday; with
the release of testimony 'by
Hugh. W. Sloan Jr., 'a former
White House aide who' is. a
former Kalmbach associate and
former treasurer of'the Finance
Committee to Re-elect the Pres-
ident, the extent of Mr. Kalm-
bach's fund-raising responsibili-
ties had not been widely known.
Deposition Filed in Court
Mr. Kalmbach has refused re-
quests for interviews and has
declined to return newsmen's
f telephone calls. He could ' not
,be reached today.
Mr. Sloan's testimony, given
here last Dec. 26 in a closed in-
terrogation, or deposition, be-
came public when it was filed
An the United States District
Court yesterday afternoon by
William A. Dobrovir,. a lawyer
for Ralph Nader, the consumer
;advocate:
Mr. Dobrovir has been. con-
ducting pretrial examination of
,witnesses in a lawsuit brought
by Mr. Nader more than a year
!ago. The suit seeks to 'reverse
.the Nixon Administration's
multimillion-dollar increase 'in
1971 in the federally regulated
price of milk. The suit alleges
that the action was an "illegal"
result of more than $300,000
contributions to the Nixon re-
,election fund made secretly by
dairy farm Interests.
Examined by, Mr. nebrovir
and other Nador lawyers, Mr.
I Sloan disclosed that Mr. Kaim
,'bath recruited him froni"the
Whitc House staff in 1971 as a
Nixon campaign . -treasurer.
Speaking of Mr. Kalmbach in
,March, 1971, at the time the
milk industry funds began ar-
riving at 100 covert Nixon cam-
paign finance committees set
up here to receive it, Mr. Sloan
said:
"He was operating informally
yIn charge of fund raising until
such time as Maurice Stans as-
i sumed that position. So he was
'essentially the principal fund
raiser of the re-election effort
Mat that point in time."
k Witness's Characterization
P At another point, Mr. Sloan
Nsaid. that in the first eight
[.months of.19.71, "I think I can
characterize him [Mr. Kalm.
bach] as the principal fund
raiser for the President." .....
He would buttonhole peo
ple?" Mr. Doborvir asked
"He would approach them
;for contributions, yes," Mr.
Sloan replied.
Mr. Sloan also testified that,
well before the contributions
began pouring in from the "po-
litical education" trusts of three
giant milk marketing coopera-
tives, he learned that they
would be in excess of $200,000
and under $1-million. The final
known figure for contributions
from American Milk, Producers,
Dairymen, Inc., and Mid-Amer.-
ica Daries, Inc.,. was about
$417,000.
Mr. Sloan said he had learned,
the, prospective size of the
gifts either from Mr. Kalmach
or; Lee Nunn, another former
White. House aide then involved
in Mr. Nixon's campaign fund
raising; or from Marion E. Hari
rison, a partner in the Wash-
ington law firm' of Reeves &
Harrison, which represented the
dairy farm donors.
Decision Is Queried
`'Asked who had made the
Decision to use. nearly 100
Washington-based dummy com-
mittees to receive the milk
money, Mr. Sloan replied:
"Probably Herb Kalmbach, or
Lee Nunn."
The committees, with such
names as Americans for Better
Government, did not report the
receipts, but the donors ulti-
mately reported on their dis-
bursements.
The pretrial deposition of
Mr. Harrison, the milk groups'
lawyer here, was also filed
yesterday. ' In It, Mr, Harrison
disclosed that, in seeking to
win higher milk prices ,for his
clients, he met, sometimes pri-
vately, with Secretary of Agri-
culture Clifford M. Hardin "less
than 16 times" between Jan. 1
and April 1, 1971. He said he
also called on at least five top
White House aides who might
have had contacts with the
Secretary.
..,_Mr. Harrison said that he ac-
companied about a dozen dairy
farm leaders to a White House
meeting with Mr. Nixon on
March 23, 1971, after which
the Agriculture Department's'
Menial of a milk price rise was.
reversed.
NEW YORK TIMES
12 February 1973
FEDERAL INQUIRY
ON SEGRETTI IS ON
By JOHN M. CREWDSON
Speofal'to'rhe New York Times
WASHINGTON, Feb. 11-The
'Justice Department has begun
an investigation of Donald' H.
Segretti, the young California
lawyer who allegedly 'directed
a political sabotage effort on
behalf of the Republican 'party
during last year's Presidential
campaign.
Officials of the Justice De-
partment's Criminal Division
had said as recently as three
weeks ago that they believed,
on the basis of interviews with
Mr. Segretti last summer, that
his activities were probably
legal and did not merit a full
investigation.
An Administration source)
confirmed today, however, that!*
the department's fraud unit
was now looking into the pos-',
sibility that Mr.'Segretti might'
,have violated it Federal statue;
that makes it illegal to print or:
distribute political literature
that is unsigned or that bears'
the unauthorized signature of a
candidate or poliitcal group.
It was not learned why the
Justice Department, which
:knew about Mr. Segretti as
early as last July, had waited'
until now to begin' a formal in-
vestigation.
Attracted by Calls
The Federal Bureau of Inves-
'tigationwas initially led to Mr.
Segretti through a number of
long distance calls placed his
telephone from phones in. the
home and office of E. Howard
Hunt Jr., a former White House
consultant who ' ' recently
pleaded guilty to charges of
conspiring'to tap, telephones in
the Democratic Party's Water.
gate offices.
A number of Mr. Segretti's
friends and acquaintances have
.said that he asked them in late
1971 or early last year to act
as informants for the Repub.
liens while posing as campaign
workers for various Democratic
Presidential candidates, or to
assist him in otherwise disrupt.
ing the Democrats' efforts.
Since all of those who have
reported being approached by'
Mr. Segretti have denied ac-
cepting his offers, it is not
WASHINGTON POST
9 February, 1973
Nixon Aide Denies
Getting 'Bug' Data
Charles W. Colson, special
counsel to president Nixon,
said yesterday that he never,
received any wiretapped in-!
formation In connection with
the Watergate ' bugging or
other spying against the Detn-,
ocrats. I
An article In yesterday's
Wnsiltingttni Peat ,toted tlirit~~
It, a deposition before Demo,
eratle attorneys last summer,
Colson declined to answer
whether he had receivedAn-
known precisely what sort of
operation, if any, was conduct-
ed by him.
Justice Department officials
would not say which of his,ac-
tivities were being looked, in-
to or whether any evidence of
wrongdoing had been uncov.
ered. ;
The New York Times report.
ed last week that Dwight L.
Chapin, President Nixon's ap-
pointments secretary, ha told
the F.B.I. that he dire~ttd~ Her.
bert W. Kalmsbach, tl1e, Presi-
dent's personal attorney,; to pay
Mr. Segretti for his pare- in the
alleged sabotage ode. ration.
Other reports have put the sum
involved as high as $35,000.
Reported Asked To Leave
Mr. Chapin, a classmate of
Mr. 'Segretti's at the University
of Southern California in the
early 1960's, has reportedly
been asked to leave the White
House staff because of news.
paper reports naming him. as
Mr. Segretti's contact in the
Administration.
Indicates No Call
One Congressional source,
told of the Justice Department
investigation, speculated that
the Nixon Administration might
be planning to use it as an ex-
cuse not to turn over certain
investigative, files to a special
Senate committee set up last
week to look into the Water-
gate bugging case and the al-
leged sabotage operation. But a Federal official said
said, as far he knew, the Gov-
ernment still intended. to keep
its pledge to cooperate . fully
with the committee, which will
be headed by Senator Sam J.
Ervin Jr., Democrat of North
Carolina.
Mr. Segretti was called 'be-
fore a Federal grand jury last
summer. But he was not in-
dicted nor did his name come
up at the recent criminal-trial
in which five men pleaded
guilty and two were convicted
of bugging the.. Democrats'
headquarters in late May and
early June of last year, .
Earl J. Silbert, the principal
assistant United States attor.
ney here who was in charge of
the prosecution at the trial,
indicated last week that, based
on the Justice Department's de.
termination that Mr. Segretti
had violated no laws, he would
probably not be called before 'a
renewed grand jury inquiry into
the Watergate case.
formation from a "confidential
informant" after lie was told
that the term is frequently
used to refer to information)
obtained through wiretapping..
Colson said on the Today;
Show (WRC-TV) Yesterday
that he would have been
"perfectly happy to answer"
the question but lawyers "all"
agreed that I should not an-
swer." Ile criticized The Post
for falling to r tint 611Y of the
Itt'olimliigity llie~ttrthi011 fltltt,
wean the lawyers) that led Up
to my refusing to answer that
question," and said. "I never
saw any such information."
Approvgg For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100090001-7
7,pQ4,0100090001-7
WASHINGTON POST Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : C~1~5R 1. J J
15 February, 1973 7 FEi) 1973
R
alergage Jury Data`
Sought by'
,den. Arvin
By Lawrence Meyer
Washington Post Staff Writer
Sen. Sam J. Ervin Jr. (D-
N.C.) has asked Chief U.S.
District Judge John J. Sirica
to turn over the grand jury
minutes and sealed transcripts
of the Watergate investigation
and trial to the Senate select
committee investigating the
Watergate bugging and allega-
tions of related political espio-
nage.
Ervin's request, for which
there is no legal precedent ac-
cording to a memorandum
filed yesterday by the U.S. at-
torney's office here, was made
in a letter to Sirica dated Feb.
The memorandum, filed by
principal assistant U.S. Attor-
ney Earl J. Silbert, supports
Ervin's request but raises ques-
tions about whether Sirica has
the legal authority to grant it.
"With respect to the grand
jury minutes," Silbert said,
"the United States has no
objection to their release to
the select committee . In-
deed, because there are those
who have.publicly questioned
the integrity of the investiga.
tion and prosecution of the
Watergate case and because
of the unique nature of this
case, the United States favors
their disclosure to the com-
mittee so that the nature of
the investigation . . . will be
subject to scrutiny and there-
by aid the ends of justice.. .
"'The United States favors
this disclosure notwithstand-
ing the traditional secrecy
surrounding grand jury pro-
ceedings . . . " Silbert said.
The Watergate trial, which
began with seven defendants
on Jan. 8, ended on Jan. 30
with conviction of two defend-
ants on charges of conspiracy,
burglary and illegal eaves-
dropping and wiretapping
,stemming from the June 17
break-In at the Democratic Na-
tional Committee's Watergate
headquarters.
The other five defendants,
including former White House
aide E. Howard Hunt Jr.,
pleaded guilty to the same
charges earlier In the trial.
The two defendants who were
convicted were 'G. Gordon
Liddy, also a former White
House aide, and James W. Mc-
Cord Jr., former security di-
rector for the Committee for
the Re-election of the Presi-
dent.
In his brief letter to Sirica,
Ervin also asked that sealed
portions of the trial transcript
also be made available to the
seven-member, bipartisan com-
mittee that was established
Feb. 7 to conduct a broad in-
quiry into charges of political
espionage and sabotage.
Although Silbert's memo
states that the government fa-
vors turning over the grand
jury minutes, the brief con-
tinues to say that "we feel )
obliged, as officers of thel
court. to point out to the court
for its guidance the limitations
imposed by the law with re-1
spect to disclosure of ?grand
jury minutes."
Silbert cites three instances)
in which grand jury minutes
may 'be disclosed and finds
that none of the examples ap-I
plies.
Silbert said he analyzed the
circumstances under which
grand jury minutes may be
disclosed and found that none
is applicable in this case.
Addressing himself to Er-
vin's request, Silbert says,
"There is no precedent for
such a release. In fact, our
research 'has not uncovered
any case in which the Issue
has been raised or resolved."
After the trial was over,
Sirica,. who hqd. expressed
hope before and during the
trial that the prosecution
would "get to the bottom" of
the Watergate incident, said
publicly that, "I have not been
satisfied and I am still not
satisfied that all the pertinent
facts that might be available
have been produced be-
fore an American jury."
Sirica said he hoped that
the Senate committee "is
granted the power by Con-
gress ... to try to get to the
bottom of what happened In
this case." '
al 1J \sJ Rb yf' Y
31
14"\\' ~'Oi2K
man Mailer is 50 years old
and has dreams'of policing
the police.
At a party to celebrate
his golden birthday, the
controversial author an-
nounced his plans for
"The Fifth Estate" a foun-
dation he said would orga-
nize money and people to
investigate A he FBI and
the CIA.
It was heavy news for a
crowd of almost 600
guests, who had paid' 8 i0
Alonday night to hear "an
announcement of national
:Importance," to drink and
! eat at 'New York's Four
Seasons Restaurant, and
tn. gape at celebrities stich
as Bernardo Bertolucci, di-
rector of "The Last Tango
In Paris," former Sen. Eu-
gene J. McCartli?y (D-
Al i n n. , writers Pete r
Alaas-"The Valac?.hi Pa-
pers" - Jimmy Breslin,
and of course, Alailer.. ..
"Ooh- Norman Mailer
could give a party and
C20
onist iUnrray lCcmpton.
Murray i cmpton.
Finn producer A n d
Warhol was takin,e pie
lures with his Polaroid
camera. \\' G a r i n ,, blt~e
jeans, a haphazardly ticei''
maroon how tie and a mot-
ley tweed jacket, \Varhol
took several pictures of
Mailer's mother.
"He's so far above other
people. lie's a genius.
What mother wouldn't be
proud"" said Fanny Mai-
.ter. .
Pei'lolucci ..w a s Su r-
rounded 1v beautiful
wonicn'.?"1 ani a big friend.
of Iailt'r, though this is .
the fir. t time that I met
him," he said.;
Mailer Speaks
Mailer, tanned. hint and
with a drink in his hand,
spoke from the podium.
"If someone were to tin a
hook about egomandc,es,
Muhammad Alt would be
in the -first chapter and.
Breslin and I mayh in the
third.
"I've had this idea for a
charge admission," said, ? lifetime." said Mailer, as
author Arthur Sc?hlesin: he handed Cab ntt~ne~ to
get.. his two teen-age dauch-
tees to get home. "And nty
Robin Ynore, authrn? (if'
',50th l.drthdav seems a
"The French Connection,"' gotid occasion to introduce
flew In from Las Vegas.
lie has a book coming out He said "The Fifth Es-
called "The Fifth ]::state" Late" would he a "peoples
? 1,1,1 anti ('l.' ... a demo-
ahoul the Mafia and was" cratic,ecrct police to keep
worried Mailer would an- tabs on the bureaucratic
nounce a book of his own' secret police."
by the same name. (lie said Tuesday he
would lil?;e to sec Ihoo
Word Awaited };roue, mice it is ol?g;anized,
None of the guests knew Jnvesti-ate. things like the
what. t h e balk-honed an- as assination of John P.
nomiccment would he as
hcttt;ed - and the Water-
the party began. "He's .
I I pate i ugl-ing inc?idem. to
grnm n ia' e a N rice to-
my," someone sag grslcd.
ninny and child supurt," a
reporter. guessed. "Nor-
-man and Jackie have sonx?-
thin, going'," j o k c (1 col-
determine the Iruth about
both events, Reuters re-
ported.
file added. "We are
going to find how far our
paranoia is justified.")
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Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100090001-7
Secrets on trial
The much-delayed trial arising from
the publication of the Pentagon papers,
the secret study of the Vietnam war,
is at last under way in Los Angeles. Dr
Daniel Elhsberg and this co-defendant,
Mr Anthony Russo, claim to be
pleased with the new jury which will
judge whether or not they are guilty
of espionage, theft and conspiracy. The
old jury, painfully assembled last
summer, looked middle-aged and not
conspicuously anti-war. But those
jurors were dismissed and a mistrial
declared in December because of the
long legal deilay incurred after it was
revealed that the prosecution had
tapped the wires of a lawyer for the
defence. The new jury, while not muoh
younger, with 1o women and two men,
one a badly wounded veteran of 'the
war, is more to the defence's liking.
Two big questions may be answered
by the triad. One is whether govern-
ment classifications such as "top
secret" have any legal validity, for
the United Staites' has no official secrets
act. The other ,is whether :the espionage
acts can be used to prosecute Americans
who have given information to the
pu ilic, rather. 'than to foreign agents ;
NEW YORK TIMES
2 February 1973
Defense Aide Denies
Ordering Cover = Up
Of Ellsberg Studies
By MARTIN ARNOLD
Specitl to the New York Time
LOS ANGELES, Feb. 1 - In
direct contradiction to another
;witness, a Defense Department
official denied in the Pentagon
papers trial today that he had
'written a memorandum order-
ing that studies of the papers
be "removed from the files."
Yesterday, and again today;
Lieut. Col. Edward A. Miller Jr.,
a retired Air Force officer,'testi-
fied that he had seen such a
memorandum, which had been
Written, he thought, because
the studies involved concluded
that disclosure of the Pentagon
papers. had not damaged the
national defense.
But today the man he said
had written the memorandum
denied that he had. He was
Charles W. Hinkle, director of
security review for the De-
fense Department and formerly
Colonel Miller's superior in the
Office of Security Review.
Colonel Miller: had testified
that in the middle of December,
1971, lie -was assigned to ana-
lyze nine volumes of the Penta-
gon popes. to dote ' rmino If
their disclosure had damaged
the national defense. The in-
formation was to pass from him
to his superiors in the Defense
this 'is 'the usual action proscribed under
the heading "espionage." Dr El'lsberg
is accused of -taking 18 volumes of the
Pentagon's study of the Vietnam war
from ,the Rand Corporation in Santa
Monica, where he was employed, of
copying them, along with Mr Russo
and others (who are not being charged)
and giving them to ,the press. The
government is attempting to prove that
the facts revealed . jeopardised national
security. The defence is countering with
evidence that much of the material
had already been -made public under
the imprint of the Government Printing
Office. This week the' defence won a
considerable victory when it secured
copies of secret government studies
which state that the disclosure of over
half the Pentagon papers did not
affect the national defence. Evidence
was also given that the government
had tried to conceal these studies.
The American press is watching the
trial with great attention because no
one 'has ever before been found guilty
of leaking classified information to the
press. Although no one before Dr Ells.
berg seems ever to have leaked such
quantities, his conviction would set a
precedent at a :time when the conser-
vatism of the current Supreme Court
has taken away another of the
tice Department to be used in
the prosecution of Daniel Ells-
berg and Anthony J. Russo Jr.
This afternoon, the prose-
cutor, David R. Nisson put Mr.
Hinkle on the witness stand and
asked him:
"Had you' assigned Mr.
Miller?"
::No," said Mr. Hinkle.
"Did you know he was doing
an assessment?," the prose-
cutor asked. ,
"I was unaware of It," was
-the answer.
Mr. Hinkle was then asked
if he had ever been told by his
superiors, most particularly
Jerry W. Friedheim, Deputy
Assistant Secetary of Defense
for public affairs, to get the
Miller analyses removed from
the files.
"No, not according to my
recollection," Mr. Hinkle an-
swered.
Did he ever. write a memo-
randum saying that the anal-
yses should be removed from
the files?
"No,"-he said.
"Were the reports removed
from the files?" Mr. Nissen
asked.
"Not to my knowledge," Mr.
Hinkle answered.
Colonel Miller had testified
that not only had he seen 'a
'memorandum saying that his
analyses should be removed
from the files, but that In a
private conversation with Mr.
Hinkle he had been told that
such an order had been given,
and that Mr. Hinkle then add.
ed that it he were Colonel
Miller lie would keep a ' copy
of the material despite the or.
Asked if this conversation
American press's 'traditiona'l pnatectione
-.that of 'refusing to reveal its oonfi.
dential sources of information. In
Boston, in November, where a grand
jury was' looking .into the distnibuti n '
of the Pentagon papers, a Harvard
professor; was sent to jail-in chains---
for ,refusing Ito 'tell the -names of people,
with whom he had discussed the
papers.
Dr Ellsberg remains an ambiguous
figure. A former defence analyst, or
the Rand Corporation, he has not' n
taken :tip by ,the anti-war movemel*ftn
the ay that the Berrigan b ~ns
have." His efforts .to ,raise money J.+ or
his considerable ?legzd expenses-?a~put
$400,000 since June, 1971,-have been
hampered by'the public knowledge that
he 'has a very rich wife and by ignor-
ance or disbelief of the fact 'that her
father,'the toy manufacturer, Mr Louis
Marx, has refused -to contribute 'to his
son-in-law's defence. Ironically, Dr
Ellsberg himself now disdains the part
of scholar and intellectual, even
though critics have praised his recent
book, "Papers on the War," as being
a major (and perhaps .his most impor-
tant) contribution to an understanding
of why successive and very different
Presidents intensified the American
mvolvvemeat in Vietnam.
my recollection." -
Mr. Hinkle is a short, round
man, who wears a white beard
and black rimmed eyeglesses.
He has a thick Southern ac-.
cent and-a merry face. Yester-1
day, when he walked into court,!
he smiled at Colonel Miller,
and .the colonel responded by
raising his arm high in.the 'air
and giving him the V signal
with his fingers.
Today, Mr. Hinkle, who has
spent 32 years working for the
Government, mostly in the De-
fense Department, was asked
by Mr. Nissen his feelings to-
ward the colonel. He answered,
"I hold him in high esteem."
He then underwent cross-ex-
amination from Chares R. Nes-
son, one of Dr. Ellsberg's at-
torneys.
The defense has been con-
tending for many months that
there have been a number of
Government analyses of the
Pentagon papers-all of them
done to determine whether their
disclosure affected the national
defense.
In April, United States Dis-
trict Court Judge William Mat-
Ithew Byrne. Jr., who is presid-
ing over this trial, ordered the'
Government to produce, in
camera all such analyses and
correspondence relating . to
them.
And ever since then, until
recently, the Government has
denied the existence of. the an-
alyses. Then, after the Govern-
ment's own first witness, Frank
A. Bartimo, . an Assistant . gen-
eral counsel to the Defense De-
F rtment, admitted their ex-
ence when lie testified on
Ali, 19, Me dtiirariiiiia etartta
ending over the.. ants yeas to
the judge.
The Importance of these an-
alyses is -that the defense hash
been contendingt
hhat they coonn--
t
en e'th'k e r qV
cution has that would tend to
prove the innocence of the de-
fendants. '
Judge Byrne, who has re=
viewed most of the reports,
.has ruled that they do contain
much exculpatory material and
has ordered it turned over to
the defense.
The defense attorneys had
placed particular importance on
Colonel Miller's analyses of the
papers, because they believed
that they could prove that his
work had been ordered, sup
pressed. If so, that fact in itself
would be exculpatory, they
held. '
Dr. Ellsberg and Mr. Russo
are accused of eight counts of
espionage and seven of theft
and conspiracy. Thus far, the
material declared exculpatory
by Judge Byrne cuts across all
these charges. To prove. the
espionage counts, the Govern=
ment'inust first-prove that the
alleged illegal actions of' the
defendants damaged the nation.
al defense.
Judge Byrne could throw out
some of the' counts against the
defendants because of the ex-
culpatory material. At the very
least, the defendants will be-
able to use the exculpatory ma-
terial-all 'of it Government
analyses saying that the defend.
ants' actions did not damage
the national defense-to defend
themselves before the jury.
The jury has not sat In this
case this week while the mat-
ter of exculpatory material was
being thrashed out.
100090001-717
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Wednesdrn?. Feb.7, 197.3 THE WASHINGTON POST
o cevruaLy
84
JUDGE WEIGHING AEUIS
By MARTIN ARNOLD
special to The New York Timer
LOS ANGELES, Feb. 5-The
defense in the'Pentagon apers
trial asked the judge today to
preclude the Government from
presenting evidence based on
two of. the "top secret" docu-
ments in this case. The judge
said he would consider the
request. .
If granted, this would have
the practical effect of throwing
out two of the eight espionage
counts and one of the six theft
counts against Daniel Ellsberg.
None of the three counts. in-
volved Dr. Ellsberg's co-defend-
ant, Anthony J. Russo Jr. There
'is also a conspiracy count
against..them.
{ The motion was made by
Leonard B. Boudin, one of Dr.
Ellsberg's attorneys, on the
ground that there exists ex-
culpatory evidence In the two
documents and that the two
documents are the only ones
Involved In those particular
counts. Mr. Boudin cited as
precedent the Federal Rules of
Criminal Procedure.
One of the documents In-
volved is a volume of the 47-
volume Pentagon papers and
the other Is the 1954 Geneva
Accord memorandum. In the
indictment against the defend-
ants, they are accused of mis-
using 18 volumes of the Pen-
tagon papers, the 1954 Geneva
Accord memorandum and a
.1968 Joint Chiefs of Staff
memorandum.
Involved in Mr. Boudin's
motion were count six of the
indictment and touts eight and
13. In six, a theft count, Dr.
Ellsherg is accused of convey-
ing "without authority' one of
the diplomatic volumes of thej
papers to Vu Van Thai, a for-
mer South Vietnamese Ambas-
sador to the United States, who
came to oppose the war in
Vietnam. Mr. Thai has been
named as co-conspirator in this
case but not a defendant.
The name of the volume In-
volved. is "The United States-
Vietnam Relations 1945-67:
Settlement of the Conflict-
Negotiations, 1967-1968, His-
tory of Contacts."
United States-District Court
Judge William Matthew Byrne
Jr., who is presiding, has ruled
that the volume contains ex-
culpatory evidence - evidence
'that would tend to prove the
Innocence of the defendants. In
this case, It consists of the
Government's own analyses to
the affect that disclosure of
portions of the 20 documents in
this case, including this volume,
did not damage the national de-
fense. To prove espionage, the
Government must first prove
that the national defense was
injured.
Counts eight and 13 are
espionage counts against Dr.
Ellsberg. Eight accuses him of
"for the purpose of obtaining
U.S.
Ex'
By Sanford J. Ungar
Washlncton Post Staff Writer
LOS ANGELES, Feb. 6-Al-
,though much of the evidence
In the Pentagon Papers trial
this week has been documen-
tary and dry, the jurors bear-
ing the case are paying rapt
attention.
What seems to attract them
is less the substance of the
charges against Daniel Ells-
berg and Anthony J. Russo Jr.
- conspiracy, espionage and
theft of government property
-than the way those charges
are currently being fought out.
As If watching a tennis
match, the jurors turn their
heads back and forth, almost
in unison, . to follow the spar-
ring between two men of dif-
ferent styles on opposing
teams, Leonard B. Boudin and
Brig. Gen. Paul Y. Gorman.
The defense attorney, Bou-
din, is a rumpled, disorgan-
ized, bemused man who seems
alternately like an absent-
minded professor and a witty
courtroom jester.
He is cross-examining prose-
cution witness Gorman, who Is
natty, precise and proud of
having served with the Amerl
can delegation at the Paris
peace talks. Gorman warns be.
fore the answer to every ques
tion that "this Is going to take
some explanation," and the
"explanation" is inevitably ac-
companied by elaborate hand
gestures aimed toward the
Ing the 30-foot space between
the witness stand and the law-
yers' podium, renders every-
one else in the room, even
U.S. District Court Judge W.
Matt Byrne Jr., a mere specta-
tor. Thus far, It seems a stand.
off.
The prosecution has touted
Gorman as an expert In. the
field of International rela-
tions, who can testify with au-
thority on the effects of disclo.
sure of the Pentagon Papers.
Boudin, however, does not
accept that characterization.
He asked the general "on Mon.
day, "What books on interna-;
tional relations have you been
reading in the last several
years?"
"I'd be happy to give you a
bibliography, Mr. Boudin," the
general shot back with assur-.
once.
"Okay, name five," said the
defense lawyer with his usual
smirk.
There was a stony silence of
at least a minute, while Gor-
man leaned back in the wit
ness chair, his hands on the la-.
gels of his suit jacket. Finally,
he listed some books: "The
Art of War" and "Dealing
with Warfare," among others.
"But these books all deal
with the subject of war," ob-
served Boudin plaintively.
"What about international
relations?"
jury. Now it was Gorman's turn
Both men are obviously In. to smile. The man who origi-
telligent, quick-thinking and nally introduced himself ' to
egotistical. the jury on Jan. 23 as "a Sol-
Their confrontation, occupy- dier," said, "these have all
information about the national
defense" taking the 1954
:Geneva Accord memorandum
from the Rand Corporation In
Santa Monica.
The judge has ruled that
there exists exculpatory evi-
dence on the accord memo-
randum. In count 13, Dr. Ells-
berg is accused of unlawful
possession of the same volume
in count six and of transmitting
that volume to Mr. Thai; only
in this count the volume is said
to relate to the national de-
fense, which makes it an
espionage charge.
L- While Judge Byrne did not
rule on this motion, he told the
defense that he was not going
to let the jury know, at this
point In the trial, about the
week-long argument over ex-
culpatory evidence and the fact
that the Government had been:
The jury returned to court
today for the first time In a,
week. Testimony had been halt-I
been very Instructive In nlyj
work."
"Quite right," commented
Boudin with a haughty glance
toward the 'jury box.
Boudin has bedeviled the
witness with his use of
"hypotheticals"--"If this in.
formation had already been
public knowledge, what would
happen?" "If this book had
been published by.the Depart
.
ment of Defense, would It
have more authenticity?"
After a time, Gorman fought
iback with his own "iffy" an-
swer. Interrupted by the judge,
the general explained, "I was
doing a little hypothetical my-
self."
ed while the arguments before'
the judge over the evidence)
Were being presented.
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Today, the discussion fa
cused on why some passages
in the Pentagon Papers were
especially sensitive. Gorman
asserted, as he had previo isly,
that any public discussion of a
National Security Council
meeting could be "useful" to a
foreign power.
Boudin Introduced into evi-
dence numerous passages
from the late President Lyn-
don B. Johnson's memoirs,
"The Vantage Point," each one
detailing what had gone on at
an NSC meeting at a crisis
point in the Vietnam,war.
With a heavy tone of incred.
ulousness in his voice,
Boudin asked . -repeatedly,
"This Information would be of
use to a foreign nation?"
"Of possible use," Gorman
conceded each time.
But apparently realizing
that he may have:.been. trap-
ped Into implying that Mr,
Johnson had done ;Just what
Ellsberg . and Rtisso are
charged with doing; the' gen-
eral began adding, "If they
had no other source of inform-
ation on the subject"
Many of Boudln's questions
were vetoed by Judge Byrne,
But, like any classic cross-ex-
aminer, he seemed to get his
points across by asking objet:
tionable questions and by re-
peatedly holding up- the John-
son book.
At day's end, Boudin ' got
Gorman to admit that when he
was first asked to work with
the prosecution In the Penta-
gon Papers case last spring, he
appealed to his superior offi-
cers to relieve him of the as-
signment.
Gorman, who has shown
every sign of enjoying his days
on the witness stand, said he
had complained at the time
that because of his duties run-
ning the Army Infantry School
at Ft. Benning, Ga., he "could
not In conscience accept '' he
assignment" here. But the
complaint was In vain, and
Gorman has been on the Case
ever since.
The general also acknowl-
edged that he had originally
agreed to cooperate with the
defense by granting an Inter-
view with one of Ellsberg's at-
torneys, but that he later
backed out on the advice oil.
the chief prosecutor, David R.
Nissen.
C se,
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NEW YORK TIMES
8 February 1973
ELLSBERG JUDGE
BARS ONE CHARGE
Evidence on a Memorandum
Will Not Be Accepted
By MARTIN ARNOLD
Special to The New York Times
LOS ANGELES, Feb. 7-The)
judge in the Pentagon papers
case took action today that will
result in the dismissal of one of
the espionage charges against
Daniel Ellsberg.
Judge William Matthew
Byrne Jr. precluded the Gov-
ernment in United States Dis-
tricc Court from presenting evi-,
dence on one of the, top secret
volumes in this case because
exculpatory evidence exists on
it. The document in question
is a memorandum' on the' 1954
Geneva Accords.
Judge Byrne also ordered
that all Government witnesses
appear before, him before they
give testimony. He wants to
'find out, he said whether they
have been told not to allow
defense attorneys to interview
them in preparing to defend
this case..
Dr. Ellsberg and Anthony-J.
Russo Jr, are accused of eight
counts of espionage, six counts
of theft. and one count of con,
spiracy.
Count eight in the indict-
ment' accuses Dr.' Ellsberg of
taking the Geneva Accord
memorandum illegally from the
Rand Corporation office in
Santa Monica, Calif., "for the
purpose of obtaining informa-
tion. about the national de,
'fense."
To prove espionage, the
!Government must show that
the defendants" alleged illegal
acts were related and damag-
ing to the national defense.
The 20 documents in the case
are 18 volumes of the 47-vol-
ume Pentagon papers, the 1954
Geneva Accord memorandum
and a memorandum from the
Joint Chiefs of Staff in 1968.
They were marked "top secret-
sensitive." All were first made
public by The New York Times
in a series of articles that
started June 13, 1971.
The judge said that his pre-
cluding the Government from
}!resenting evidence about the
Geneva Accords memorandum
was a "sanction" against the
Government. In the normal,
course of events, perhaps afteel
the Government presents Its
case, or perhaps when ' hei
charges the jury, It is assured
that that count at least will be
dropped..
Judge Byrne said that the
"sanction" was isaucd because
;the Oovernmcnt.had not told
him- Its own analysts had con.,
:eluded that that document could
have had no effect on the na-
would be oter similar sanctions
for the same reason.' '
Exculpatory evidence is evi-
dence that is in possession of
the prosecution that would tend
to prove the innocence of the
defendant.
Thus far, the judge has ruled
that there is exculpatory evi-
dence touching on 13 of the 20
documents in the case, and this,
in turn, touches on nearly
every, count in the indictment.
That does not mean that these
counts will also be dismissed.
Other documents, for which no
exculpatory material exists,
are involved in portions of, the
other counts.
Count eight was one of the
few counts involving. a single
document, and the judge ruled
that there was exculpatory evi-
dence on it. In granting the de-
fense motion to preclude that
one document, the judge denied
a motion to preclude present-
ing another document in evi-
dence-one of the so-called
"diplomatic" volumes of the
Pentagon papers-because he
said there was only a small
amount of exculpatory evi-
dence concerning that volume.
Had he ruled otherwise, an-
other espionage count and one
theft count would have, in ef-
fect, ? been dismissed.
The exculpatory material con
sists of those portions of the
Government's own analyses tha
the disclosure of the Pentagon
papers and the two other docu-
ments did not damage the na-
tional defense.
Judge Byrne ordered that the,
material be-turned over to the
defense, but so far the defense
has not'officlally offered it in
evidence, and the jury is not
yet aware of its existence.
The defense apparently in-
tends to offer it into evidences
slowly, after a buildup most lik
ly aimed at whetting the jury's
appetite.
That buildup started today
during the continued cross-
examination of Brig. Gen. Paull
F. Gorman, a prosecution wit-
ness, by Leonard B. Boudin and
Leonard I. Weinglass, attorneys
for Dr. Ellsberg and Mr.,Russo,
respectively,
Mr. Boudin, for instance, sim-
ply handed General Gorman
'sheets of the exculpatory mate-
rial and, without asking him to
read them to the jury, asked
if the' general had known of
their existence before 'giving
testimony. The general said no
to each inquiry.
One question went 'like this:
"Prior to your testifying in
this case, were you ever in-
NEW YORK TIMES
9 February 1973
"EDUCATION' GIVEN
ELLSBERG JURORS
Defense Dwells on Secrets
.and Character of War
By MARTIN ARNOLD
Special 'to The New York Times
LOS ANGELES, Feb. 8-'T'he
Jury in the Pentagon papers
trial'. started today to get an
"education" about the Viet-
nam war and also about docu-
ments that the Government
contends contain military sec-
rets.
The education, offered by the
defense, is shaped to Influence
the jury, to decide that it was
a bad war, and further, that
what one person considers a
military secret another may feel
is only an interesting bit of
history.
This is being done through
the cross-examination of Brig.
Gen. Paul F. Gorman, the pro-
secution's major witness, who
was the-senior ranking military
officer on the panel that put
together the Pentagon papers
and who was assigned by the
Artily to work on this case as
an expert witness.
Today was his third day
under cross-examination. J're-
viously, he had testified to the
effect that disclosure of the
Pentagon papers could have
helped Hanoi during the war
and, therefore, had damaged
this country's national defense.
'PPU 1st add ellsberg
New Line of Questioning
Daniel Ellsberg and Anthony
J. Russo Jr. are accused of eight
counts of espionage; six of theft
and one of conspiracy. To prove
espionage, the Government
must first prove that the na-
tional defense was damaged by
their. acts. '
Leonard B. Boudin, one, of
'Dr. Ellsberg's attorneys, started
the cross-examination, attempt-
ing,,'to destroy General Gor-
man's credibility as an expert
witness on intelligence matters
and'as a military expert in the
testimony.
General Gorman, who helped
put together The Pentagon
papers, is the prosecution's
(major witness on the effect
their disclosure might have had.
on the national defense; so far,
he has insisted that the dis-
formed b in the De.
'formed anyone closure of the papers could
Tense Department that officials have been helpful to Hanoi in
of the Defense Department had 1969 during the Vietnam war.
studies done to determine their ' Much of the defense's cross-
(The Pentagon papers) relation examination of him today was
to the national defense?" aimed at showing'that a lot of.
After the general had the information contained In
answered in the negative to a the Pentagon papers was In
series of such questions, he said the public domain before the
finally that he had learned of papers were made public..
the Government's various For example, the general had
analyyses of the papers only on previously testified that the de-
Sundn night. , tnlls In tho Ptlhinnon pap~erg
`fho' series of questions of the coup that pus ed No
alerted the courtroom to the ;Dinh Diem as President of
existence of Defense ' Depart-I South Vietnam had damaged
ment and State Department the United States' naauual ue-
He had indicated ear POl fed I rrRglb
edf??p23FlnFfdW 1. C1 tsKEW7 04132 O130I9 0901f30 er C.I.A. agent, George
field of foreign relations. '
Yesterday anfl today, Leonard
I. Weinglass, one of Mr. Russo's
attorneys, undertook thet,cross-
examination. His job seemed to
be to educate the jury `nboutl
the war and about military se-
grcts and to show that much of
the information contained'in the
Pentagon papers had been pub-
lic knowledge before the papers
were disclosed.
He also sought to give the
jurors their first slight Jtnowl-
edge that somewhere th!re ex-
ist secret Government analyses
showing that disclosure of the
papers did not damage the na-
tional defense. Presumably, he
wanted to whet the jury's appe
tite'for those analyses.
Portions of such analyses
have been ruled by United
States District Court Judge Wil-
liam Matthew Byrne Jr., who is
presiding to be exculpatory ma.
terial - that is; material in
the hands of the Government
that would tend to prove the
innocence of the defendants. He
ordered the material turned
,over to the defense.
Excerpts Read to Jury'
Eighteen volumes of the 47-
volume Pentagon papers are
-involved in this case, and today
Mr. Weinglass started going
through each one and having
General Gorman read excerpts
from. them to the jury.
From one volume, dealing
with the year 1954, he had the
general read that the "loss of
even all of Indochina is no
longer considered to lead to
the.loss of all Asia to the Com-
.munists," a statement.that con-
tradicted one of the major jus,
tifications American officials
had long -used to continue the
war.
He also had General Gorman
read' this line from a National
Intelligence Board estimate: that
"Almost certainly ' [the South'
Vietnamese Government] would,
not, be able to defeat the Com-
munists in a countrywide elec-
tion,'.' The board is the United
States' highest intelligence unit,
consisting of this nation's top
six intelligence officials.
Whether the defense was
making its points clear to the
jury or whether the jury was
accepting them as valid only
time will tell. Eleven of the
12 'jurors and six alternates
carried notebooks and pens or
pencils. '
A good portion of the day
was spent in having the general
read. excerpts from a volume
that he had worked on with
Dr. Ellsberg. ' '
Reads From Article
The general also read ' from
another document,, a secret
memorandum written by Ed-,
ward G. Lansdale, now a brig-,
adar general but during much
of the Vietnam war atop agent
of the Central Intelligence Age
cy who worked in Vietnam.;
The Lansdale ? memorandum.
Said that the United States
could not "help create a Fas-
cist- state In South VI .tnamj
nritl , @11 e' W1IOI It
doesn't act Ise a A;smaergpy,n
Mr.' Weinglass also had the
general read from an article . in
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BALTIMORE SUN
9 FEBRUARY 1973
A. Garver Jr. Much of the ma-
terial in the article covered the
same events that were covered
in portions of the Pentagon
papers.
He also had the general read
similar material from the Con-
gressional Record.
"The Congressional Record
is a public document, isn't it?"
he asked.
"Absolutely," replied the gen-
eral. ,
This, of course, touched on
the public domain. It was also'
offered apparently to show that
what General Gorman consid
ered military secrets Mr. Gar-
ver and the Congressional Rec~
ord seemed to think was mere-
ly history.
The general was next asked
to read a statement from a,
Pentagon study that said the:
national defense had not been'
affected by the release of a
particular volume of the pa=
pers. The study was written
by William Gerhard,. an intelli-
gence expert.
"If you had seen the Ger-
hard study, would his conclu=
sion have altered your own
opinion?" the general was
asked.
"Not necessarily." -
Would the general. have
taken it into account? .ti
"No, I don't believe so,"?wasi
the answer.
"You would have, just dis-
regarded it?"
"Yes, I would have disre-
garded it," General Gorman re-
plied.
WASHINGTON POST
10 February, 1973
-A .:s. erg
By Sanford J. Ungar
?Vas},ingto n Post Staff Writer
LOS ANGELES. Feb. 9-
The,defense in the Pentagon
Papers trial moved tonight toy
block the government from
presenting a major element of
Its case against Daniel E11s?
berg and Anthony J. Russo Jr.
Attorneys for Ellsberg and
Russo asked U.S. District
Court .Judge IV. Matt Byrne
Jr. not to admit into evidence
the ?"industrial security man-
uals`' used by the Defense De-
'partment and the Rand Corp.,
a "think-tank" in nearby Santa;
Monica, to govern access to
classified Information.
Calling Richard Best, Rand's
Itop security officer, as a wit-
ness, chief prosecutor David
ft. Nissen sought to introduce
the manuals, whose provisions
he contends Ellsberg and Rus-
so violated when they alleged-
ly removed the Pentagon Pa-
pers and oilier secret, docu-i
ments from the Rand files In
1969.
Nissen said he would rely
on the manuals-and on var-
fous receipts and other forms
signed by the defendants while
;they were Rand researchers---
Ellsbercr defeiise stresses
failure to inform witness
I; By a Sun Staff Correspondent
Los Angeles-A defense at-
torney in the Pentagon papers
trial yesterday sought to fur-
ther attack the government re-
cord in the case by stressing
the prosecution's' failure to
keep even its own witness in-
formed.
Leonard Weinglass, an attor-
ney for. Daniel Ellsberg and
Anthony R. Russo, pounced on
an admission by a key govern-
ment witness, Brig. Gen. Paul
F. Gorman, that he was una-
ware that an intelligence com-
munications expert had ana-
lyzed one of the top-secret vol-
umes and concluded that its
disclosure would not damage
American national defense "in
1969 or at this time.
Yields little ground
General Gorman is a senior
member of the Defense 'De-
partment task force which
compiled the Pentagon papers.
He has yielded little-ground in
cross-examination of his testi-
mony that this secret docu-
mentary. history of American
involvement in Southeast Asia
would have been "of use to
augment the intelligence of a
foreign country."
But the general did admit,
on the fourth day of defense
'cross-examination, that he did
not know before testimony that
William Gerhard, a 20-year
communications intelligence
veteran of the National Secu-
rity Agency, had analyzed a
volume entitled "Origins of In-
surgency" and found its re-
lease likely to be harmless to
the national security.
'General 'Gorman told Mr.
Weinglass that at none of his
meetings with David R. Nis-
sen, the government prosecu-
tor, had he been informed of
the Gerhard assessment.
He had, the general said,
discovered it last weekend,
when he had a telephone con-
versation with Mr. Gerhard.
That was after the general had-
testified for the prosecution.
Dr. Ellsberg and Mr. Russo
are charged with espionage,'
conspiracy and theft relating
to top-secret documents. '. .
The general said he "would
concede that Mr. Gerhard :ts
an expert" and that lie woutdij
trust any opinions he reached 1+
in the field of communications
intelligence.
But under further question-,
mg by Mr. Weinglass, General
Gorman said Mr. Gerhard's
opinions would "not necessar-
ily" 'have altered his own
views on the sensitivity of the
papers involved. /
The defense counsel made a'
point of the witness's admis-
sion that he had not "known of
the existence" of the Gerhard.
evaluation before taking the
stand.
The Ellsberg-Russo defense
seized upon this as further
ammunition in efforts to have
charges against their clients
dropped, and to even achieve a
mistrial by proving govern-
ment attempts to conceal evil
dence favorable to the defend-
ants.
~ ~fl1se T1?ACst
in proving the charges against,
them of conspiracy, espionage
and theft of government prop-
erty.
Such evidence is necessary
because the federal govern-
ment's standards for the ban
Idling of classified material area
not specifically set out in any
one body of laws.
But Leonard B. Boudin and
Peter Young, representing
Ellsberg and Russo, respective.
ly, raised vehement objections.
They argued that the security
manuals merely define the
relationships between the De-
fense Department, government
contractors (such as Rand), and
the contractor's employees.
Boudin? described the man-
uals as "a melange of threats,
warnings, and so forth" which
,could be used as a defense
contractor's bias for dismissal
of employees who disobey the
rules.
He .insisted, however, that
they cannot be used to show
that criminal nets occurcd,
Violation of the manuals and
of the criminal laws arc two
different things, B o u d I n
argued.
The dispute, which has been
lurking as an Issue in the
case for months, arose after'
Best had barely - taken his
place on the witness stand.
Byrne sent the jury home
for the weekend and then
heard the attorneys' argu
merits. He said he would rule
on the issue Monday morning.
If he decides the point in the
prosecution's favor and if
Ellsberg and Russo are ulti-
mately convicted, the author-
ity and relevance of the man-
uals could become a signifi-
cant point in an appeal of that
conviction.
Earlier in the day, another,
prospective government wit-
ness, Jan Butler, who was
Rand's "top secret control of-
ficer" in 1969, told the judge
that Rand officials and law-
yers had instructed her not to
grant any interviews with de-
fense attorneys in the Penta-
gon Papers case.
Byrne, pointing. out that
witnesses . in a criminal case
are never "the special prop-
erty" of either side, told Miss
Butler: "Let me negate those
instructipns. If you have any
desire to talk with defense
counsel, let them know."
One of Ellsberg's attorneys
Immediately renewed his earli-
er request to interview Miss
Butler, but. she left the fed-
eral courthouse In the com-
pany of her own lawyer with-
out responding.
The judge probed both Best
and Miss Butler on that point
after learning earlier in the
week that Nissen had "ad-
vised" a key prosecution wit-
ness, Brig. Gen. Paul F. Gor-
man, not to talk with the de-
fense.
Gorman left the witness
stand today after eight clays
of testimony on whether dis-
closure of the Pentagon Pa-
pers had any effect on the
"national defense,"
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Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100090001t 7
BALTIMORE SUN
9 FEBRUARY 1973
Elis ber trial:. The war. fades
in a courtroom o landmark size
BY MURIEL DOBBIN told about the nation's policy bassador to the United States,
Sun Staff. correspondent toward the war in Southeast' :whose fingerprints were alleg-
Asia. edly found on some of the
Los Angeles-In a sedate . California courtroom, the re Anthony J. Russo is rumpled secret documents. Neither and rely poly,, an economist Miss Sinay nor Mr. Thai have verberations of a recedine war been indicted. ,
mingle 'with the rustlings of
legal -papers in what ultimately
could have a far-reaching im-
pact on the lives of Americans.
The bearded and' the blue
jeaned of the anti-war faction.
are gathered in the federal
District Court here as specta-
tors at the trial of two men
accused of a "crime" as con-
troversial as the war that led'
them to commit it.
This is the Pentagon papers
case, that complex mixture of .
spy thriller and legal land=
mark that the prosecution pre-
sents as a matter of simple
theft of top-secret documents
and the defense depicts as pos-
ing a major test of the First
Amendment and how much the
.public has a right to know
about what its government is
doing.
The charges are espionage,
conspiracy and theft relating
to 18 secret volumes of the 47-
volume Pentagon history of the
American . involvement in
Southeast Asia during four
presidential administrations.
The explosive governmental
reaction to the publication of
these papers in June, 1971, led'
to newspapers being restrained
from printing them, which :led
to the 6-to-3 Supreme Court
ruling that they could be
printed but that a newspaper
could be prosecuted if the gov-
ernment could prove damage
to the national defense.
The defendants in the Penta-
gon..papers case are Daniel
Ellsberg, and Anthony J.
Russo, who offer an intriguing
study as examples of the kind
of men who changed their
minds about the Vietnam war.
Dr. Ellsberg is a tall, thin,
pale, Byronesque figure, a for-
mer Marine Corps officer and
Vietnam hawk, a former re-
search associate at the Massa-
chusetts Institute of Technol-
ogy, a specialist in economics'
and political science and a
former 'adviser to the State On December 30, 1971, Dr.
Department and the Pentagon. Ellsberg was 'indicted, and
If he were convicted on all -charges were also brought
of the 11 counts remaining against Mr. Russo as a recipi-
against him, he could be `ent of stolen documents and as
sentenced to prison for more a co-conspirator,
than 100 years, lie contends Mr, Russo could receive a
that he did what he did to help .35-year prison sentence, Other 1 There are those who fear
and not harm the United co-conspirators were Lynda l
'States. After- his conversion Sinay, a Los Angeles advertis- that the upholding of the
a . charge that Dr. Ellsberg and
Since the trial began, the
defendants have won what
could prove to be a major
victory over the government
when Judge William Matthew
Byrne, Jr., who is presidirt'g
over the case, provided the
defense with increased ammu-
nation by ordering the prosecu-
tion to turn reports over show-
ing that Dr. Ellsberg's alleged
offenses had not damaged na-
tional security.
Judge Byrne's ruling con-
formed to 'a 1963 Supreme
Court decision-made in the
case of an accused rapist in
Maryland-that if a prosecutor
possesses evidence tending to
prove the innocence of the de-,
fendant, that evidence must be;
turned over to the defense. . I
Since April, 1971, Judge
Byrne had been requesting
'that the government produce
for his perusal all its studies of
the Pentagon papers, espe-
cially any items bearing on
evidence important to the de-
fense case. When the first gov-
ernment witness, Frank A.
Bartimo, an assistant general
counsel to the Defense Depart-
ment, testified that the prose-
cution had done many of these
t'ai~st~t86ttt11ntiting witlelt ttad
been denied by the prosecutor
-the angered judge ordered
their instant production.
ifrom Vietnam hawk to dove, .mg woman in whose office the Mr. Russo defrauded "the A few days later, with the
he became convinced that the: papers were said to have been jury absent from the court-
,:.American public had a right to copied, and Vu Van Thai, a United States by obstructing room, Judge Byrne ruled that
know more than-it was being. former South. Vietnamese am-. : its governmental function of th nt analysis con.
Approved For Release 2001/08/Q7 li4 P 56th '3~1~'00d'h00690?~'
21
helped design the first Ameri-
can space capsule. During two
.papers trial, now entering its
third week has been punc-
classified government studies"
would strengthen future cases
against officials who co-oper-
ate with newsmen in publiei4-
ing any kind of "classified
information." ityt
Dr. Ellsberg and Mr. Russo
are charged under a provision
of the Espionage Act prohibit-
ing disclosure of any informa
tion "relating to the national
defense" by one, who "has rea-
son to believe this 'could be
in-
talked at length with Viet Congi etuated luding by a postponements, delay
prisoners, and returned home, clut led the four-month being
as he has put it, "radicalized,", "that original jury
foreign policy in Southeast
Asia.
Both Dr. Ellsberg and Mr.
'Russo were employees of the
Rand Corporation, the "think
tank" in Santa Monica, Calif.
It has a $27 million annual
budget to finance research and
development projects for mili-
tary ? and, civilian groups and
has a staff of about 500 experts
in economics, engineering and
social sciences. '
The Defense Department is
,among the Rand Corporation's
clients, and Rand had two cop-
ies of. the secret 47-volume
Pentagon study on the war.
The indictments against Dr.
Ellsberg contend that between
March and September, 1969, he
took the Pentagon papers out
Court "of Appeals. The dis-i used to the injury of the United
missal was based on possible States or to the'advantage of
prejudice caused by the fed- any foreign nation."
eral wiretapping of one of the The defendants are the first
defense attorneys. persons' to be .charged under
The second Ellsberg jury-
consisting of 10 women and' this section without being
two men, including a 24-year-_h carged with passing informa
lion to foreign agents and one
old severely wounded Vietnam 'of the anxieties of constitu.
,veteran-has before it a case tional authorities regarding the
in which ethics, morality, con- lease is that a conviction could
stitutionality and crime all lead to increasing government
are being inextricably mixed. power to conceal what
David R. Nissen, the govern- amounted to no more than em-
ment prosecutor, has empha- harassing facts.
sized that the government It is such concerns which
would present a simple case of make the Ellsber
theft, and would not present g Russo case
"any evidence on the informa- a potential test of the First,
tion policies of the government Amendment and its protection
or evidence of whether the) of freedom of speech and free-
government has withheld infor- dom of the press.
of the Rand offices in Washing-; mation about the war."
ton 'and flew with them to Lost He also stressed that no evi-
Angeles where he copied them! dence would be offered on why
with Mr. Russo's help. i the alleged offenses were com-
It has been reported that Dr.
Elisberg made an effort to
have the contents of the Penta-
gon papers publicized by offi-
cial sources, approaching Sen-
ator J. William Fulbright (D.,
Ark.), 'chairman of the Senate
Foreien Relations Committee:
mitted, declaring "motives do
not excuse doing something
wrong." . I
Leonard Boudin, one of the
defense attorneys, in his open-
ing statement to the jury, pre-
dicted that they would con-
clude that the revelation of the
Penta
on
a
ers "
a
h
f
l
l
g
p
p
w
s
e
p
u
of South Dakota, the former) to the United States."
Democratic presidential nomi-I He contended that Dr. Ells-
the White House national secu-
rity adviser. 1
Efforts made by Senator.
Fulbright to obtain the history
of the Vietnam decision-mak-
ing process were unsuccessful.
Melvin R. Laird, then Secre-'
tary of Defense, told Mr. Ful-
bright by letter in 1969 that it
would be "contrary to the na-
tional interest to disseminate
more widely" such sensitive
documents.
berg's motivation was to make,
the information available to
the. Senate Foreign Relations
Committee and to the public.
The defense argues that Dr.
Ellsberg was not guilty of theft
in removing the Pentagon
papers from the Rand Corpo-
ration, since he had govern-
ment clearance to see them,
had helped to write them and
returned them after copying
them.
The defense also takes issue
with the government regarding
its system of classifying infor-
mation by labeling it "top se-
cret," stressing that no statute'
gives the executive branch the)
right to establish such a mys-
Approved For Release 20
tained exculpatory evidence
and must be handed over to
the defense.
Re refused to grant motions
for a mistrial or dismissal of
the indictment, as a result of
this development.
The judge made clear his
10 February 1973
Ellsberg Trial Told Public Data
Could Aid Foreign Intelligence:
By MARTIN ARNOLD
Special to The New York Timex
LOS ANGE(.ES, Feb. -The
major prosecution witness in
the Pentagon papers trial said
today that, as far as he was
concerned, a geography book,
public opinion polls and tran-
scripts of Congressional hear-
ings-all public information-
could be helpful to foreign in-
telligence analysts.
The witness, Brig. Gen. Paul
F. Gorman, made his statement
under cross-examination by
Leonard I. Weinglass, a defense
attorney.
The defendants -in- the trial,
Daniel Ellsberg and Anthony J.
Russo Jr., are accused of es-
pionage, theft and conspiracy.
Mr. Weinglass also elicited
from the general the informa-
tion that about 200,000 United
States Government employes
were privy to top secret infor-
mation.
At one point during today's
cross-examination, the general
was shown an "execute mes-
sage" from the Joint Chiefs of
Staff dated Nov. 10, 1966. It
was an extract from the Penta-
gon papers, and General Gor-
man had previously testified
?that its disclosure even as late
as 1969 would damage the na-
tional defense.
The "execute message" au-
thorized the Air Force and air-
craft carrier planes to carry
out bombing attacks on a series(
of North Vietnamese targets. 1
. 'Mr. Weinglass then showed
the general a report by A do
Ulysses S. Grant Sharp : n,
commander in chief of the -
cific forces in 1963-1968. The
report, written in 1968 and,
made public in 1969, had more'
detail about the same "execute
message" than the Pentagon
papers had.
General Gorman said that
Admiral Sharp's report could
have been "useful" to foreign
intelligence but would not have
been an "advantage" to a for-
eign nation. On such distinction
his cross-examination ended.
disapproval of the government
handling of such an important
point, and hinted that he might
impose "sanctions" on the
prosecution.
That he meant what he stis ('rime Control
hill, which places federal
agencies in support ol, local
law enforccntcnl agencies."
0
0.
The chid' said the Fairfax
('ounty Police Department
'w'orks very closely with
federal agencies in those.
areas which necessitate
cooperation to identify
the agency pledgee this
agency experts and in- confidentiality, to those p(thc'e
structors. the cost to Ihe'idepartiiienIs. "tt
agency is tnininial." Although Koch said. the
request fur secrecy "nrli:c it
%laury' said. "\1'e (th(- CIA) even noire incun)honl Ihat the
do not consider that the ac- ('IA he prohibited from any
tivilies it) question violate the training of this na!urc." he did
letter or the spirit" of the law. not disclose the locations in his
The Nalionat Security Act of statement. If(, did. however,
1!1.17, which authorizes the make (hem available to the
estahliAiment of the ('iA. Ilonso and Senate' coinifl if tees
provides tlrat "The agency, that he asked Ito investigate
shall have no polled suhpnc)ta. Ihc matter. ',). .
law enforcement or internal
security functions..- The Times sources Said that
Koch. however. in . his hesidi?s the 14 policemen from
request to Ilollil'ield for 'art Neu York and the depart-
investigation by the House 11w ills in the \\;ishin. ton area,
Government Operations .1l>olicl?nu?n ill Roston have also
,('onunittee, said that "since rrctivod ('IA tainin..
the CIA is barred by statute j Ilollitiold, resp(m(lion to a
from participating in law 1(Irtcstion on who(11ct' his
enforcement activities in tile, k'onunittee would act on:
I iitited States, I consider their 1 Koch's request for an in-
(I isregard of the taw most Ivestigution. Said the (Ittestion
serious." 1fit what matters whilst he
0
71
1 '1 : t
{ J :~
Y
wills the names of some of file
lam-breakers." If(- said the
d(?p:u?tnu?nt "also provides
supplemental security to any
federal agency iii Fairfax
('minty. which requests it."
Koch' charged the training
activities violate a law for-
bid(liiii: ('i:\ involvement in
dumcsfic affairs. lie said the
matter should he investigated
ingress.
Ile called the matter to the
attention of Rep. ('hot
riollifield, chairman of the
(;overrlm(nt Operations
('ornrnillec. and Sen. Sam
Ervin. chah-111.u) of the Senate
suhc?on)inittee oil con-
stitiilional rights.
Koch !)ec..'8 asked Richard
IleInts. the recently retired
C'i:\ ((rector, about the CIA's said the CIA
doniostic. activities after an
article in the New York Times'
revealed that 14 New York
policemen had been trained in.
the handling of political in-
lIllit;enco files. The CIA's;
legislative counsel, in
response to the request. wrote
that fewer than 50 policemen
fret,) a total of about it dozen
city and county. forces flits
received some kind of CIA
briefing in the past two years.
The briefings "have been
provided at no cost to the
recipients," 1laury said.
"Since. they have hech ac-
complished merely by making
available. insofar as other-
clutics permit. qualified
Record. Koch
provided him
:cv:nnine(I this year has not yet
been resolved by the sub-
iconnnitto(, nu?rnbers and,
('itairnu'n.
NEW YORK TIMES
8 February 1973
Ex-Head of C.I.A.
Backs Its Training
Of Domestic Police
Special to The New York Times
WASHINGTON, Feb. 7 -
the former director of the Cen-
tral Intelligence Agency,
tichard Helms, told the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee
today that it was "perfectly
egitimate" for the agency to
)rovide training to domestic
)olice forces.
Senator J. W. Fulbright,
Democrat of Arkansas, the
,hairman of the Senate com-
mittee, said Mr. Helms had
'estified at a closed meeting
that the agency's training in
the use of explosives, and de-
tection of wiretaps and organ-
'zation of Intelligence files had
not violated a legal ban on
C.I.A. involvement in law en-
forcement activities?within,the
United States.
"I don't think there was any
great harm done" in the train-
ing of officers from about: a
dozen city and county police
agencies, Senator Fulbright
said. "But I am against the
whole concept of the C.I.A. get-
ting involved, even in an in.
nocuous way, in police
business." New York City.? po-
licemen were among those
trained. i
The agency's activities came
to light earlier this week when
Representative Edward I. Koch,
Democrat of Manhattan, made
public a letter from John' M.
Maury, legislative counsel; for
the C.I.A. The letter acknowl=
edged that the training 'had
been undertaken during the
According to Mr. Fulbright,
the committee did not pursue
the issue at any length with
Mr. Helms because he is now
the Ambassador-designate to
IIran.
Other members of the com-
mittee said, htw von, thtit they
would cook asaursneo from the
new C.I.A. director, James R.
Schlesinger, that the agency
will end the training program.
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The CIA and our armed forces have spy satellites, foreign agents,
far-flung listening posts and the latest
in electronic gadgetry. What they haven't gof
is a way to put it all together
BOOK BONUS/ BY PATRICK J. McGARVEY
THE COLLECTION EFFORTS of United States intelligence are
directed against three targets-technical details, human think-
ing, and authoritative documents. The field today is presently
dominated by technology.
The spy-in-the-sky satellites are the best-known technical
devices employed, but they represent only a mere fraction of
esoteric, "black box" intelligence devices in use today. Over-
all, their "take" is small when compared to the less notorious
technical collection systems. This is not meant to belittle the
.system, however; in one 90-minute circling of the globe the
satellites-dubbed SAMOS (Satellite Antimissile Observa-
tion System)-collect more information than an army of
50,000 foot spies collects in a year.
The 22-foot high. five-foot round satellite, looking much
like a Cuban cigar, is packed with devices that pick up the
murmurings of radars, the crackling of radios, the point-to-
point secure communications of the world's nations, and the
work of Chinese and Soviet scientists at their separate nuclear-
weapons and space-research stations. Equipped with a variety
of cameras these unusual spies can detect a chalk line on the
ground from a hundred miles up.
Launched from Vandenberg Air Force Base in southern
Califo.i,'., ou t4e avciage of uuce a montn, JAMUS satellites
can be triggered to unload their electronic take in a split-
second spurt of energy that can be intercepted at ground
stations, replayed, and amount to several.hours of electronic
intelligence. Their photo-intelligence take is ejected after
about a week in orbit and intercepted in midair over the
Pacific, where the Air Force enjoys a 70 percent success rate
in catching them.
At present, there are two breeds of the SAMOS satellite in
use. The first, using a Thor-Agena rocket, makes broad sweeps
of the Soviet Union. China, and other target countries from
an altitude of more than 100 miles. The second, launched
aboard a Titan Ill-B booster, carries higher-resolution cameras
and is normally employed as a follow-up to the first, flying at
lower altitudes. In 197Q a total of nine United States recon-
naissance satellites were launched. Six of these were the Titan
Ill-B variety and were launched between June and late Oc-
tobcr, when there was intense United States interest in what
was happening along the Suez Canal and at Russian ICBM
bases, where a slowdown in_construction was spotted and
eventually announced by the Pentagon.
United States spy satellite activity has declined in the past
several years. In 1968, 16 satellites were launched; in 1969,
12; and only nine were lofted in 1970. Using average times
in orbit, the United States had one spy satellite over the Soviet
Union on 180 days of 1970.
1 he Soviet Union launches three times as many spy satellites
as the United States. During 1970, 29 rccon satellites-each
remaining in orbit for an average of eight to 13 days-photo-
30
graphed United States installations on an average of 290 days.
Most Americans don't think about being spied upon. The
farmers in North Dakota -would be surprised to know that the
Russians are watching their crops grow with as much interest
as they arc. The stockyards of Omaha are scrutinized to see
how the American beef industry is doing. Many a present-day
Tom Sawyer has been photographed on the Mississippi as the
Soviet Union keeps tabs on the river's commerce. Lastly,
'those cocky New York honeys who sunbathe nude on pent-
house roofs are no doubt the subject of very close examination
by Soviet photo-intelligence experts.
When the Son Tay prisoner-of-war camp raid into North
Vietnam flopped, it was revealed that the United States Air
Force had practiced for the raid at Eglin Air Force Base in
Florida. They went to such elaborate precautions that they
dismantled the mockup of the prison camp every morning
so the Soviets wouldn't see it in their reconnaissance.
An equally lucrative and more widespread source of tech-
nical intelligence is signals intelligence, or communications
intelligence, known as COMINT. In essence, this means all
forms of intelligence that can be gleaned by listening in to
the radio communications of a foreign nation. All forms of
a target country's radio communications-be it merchant
shipping, industrial development, foreign trade, or internal
transportation-are monitored in varying degrees, depending
on the country's potential threat to the United States. Obvi-
ously, the Soviet Union and Communist China are high pri-
ority targets for all forms of communication.
Controlled by the National Security Agency, America's
radio intercept network is extensive. There arc slightly over 50
stations active in any given time of the day. They are located
in at least 14 foreign countries. They range in size from
small mobile field units of a company of men, as used in
Vietnam, to a sprawling complex of men and machines num-
bering in the thousands, such as the Air Force Security Head-
quarters in West Germany. Worldwide, there arc approxi-
mately 30,000 servicemerf~ manning these listening posts.
These overseas sites are, manned and administered by the
three services primarily.bScause of the isolated nature of the
duty. I spent eight of my .14 years in intelligence in the,.
COMINT business, and most of that time was frittered away
on lonely outposts. The most,bizarre was a little island, three
miles square, sitting on the 38th parallel in the Yellow' Sea
off the coast of Korea. Sixty of us lived in potbelly-heated
tents and worked in sandbagged mountaintop bunkers, our
ears covered with headsets and our tape recorders alert to
any Chinese Communist activity over North Kbrea or China.
A battalion of Kor'ean marines shared the island with us.
Things were pretty dull there, with the major social event
of the month being the arrival of a South l orgtifi iitiiv L
on the beach. It brought our food and other supplics. t also
brought eight government-inspected girls from Inchon. The
Korean marines had a merit system whereby each was given.
tive girl chits a month, If he was a bad boy they took one
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of his chits away. It worked! Anyway, the Korean marines that "they number in the thousands annually." Mobile Ind
would all line up in front of the eight-door garage, in which units maneuver in West Germany, while Soviet army units
the girls worked, and use their tickets. By the third day the are in the field, exercising in East
Korean marines had all spent their chits. Germany or Czechoslovakia. In South Korea similar units
Other depressing sites arc northern Japan, the tip of the operate. The United States Navy keeps 12 to 15 spy ships,
The bulk of the men such as the Pueblo, afloat around the world on extended
and the Khyber Pass
Aleutian islands
.
,
cruises. - !
uch stations are young enlisted men on their first hitch
at
,
s
Another form of signals intelligence is known as ELINT
Every dc (ail of activity *intercepted at"alltthese sites is re- -for Electronics Intelligence. This is information collected
corded, analyzed and forwarded to NSA for additional study, by NSA from foreign noncommunications, electromagnetic
In cases where encoded trallic is unbreakable, useful intelli- radiations, such as radars. Eighty percent of the take of
gencc can stilt he gained from an analysis of the time, length, shipborne and airborne collection platforms is ELINT. The
and recipients of the coded messages. For unusual develop- age of electronic warfare dawned after World War It, when
ments, a messitge system known as CRITIC is employed by sophisticated radar and rocket systems came into their owni
of vital interest to the United States government occurs, such concerned with the ability of United States bombers to
as the Gulf of Tonkin affair. when North Vietnamese torpedo penetrate the Russian radar network undetected. They
boats intercdpted a United States destroyer. or the Soviet inva- began to fly missions along the periphery of Russia trying to
sion of C' zechosinvakia. A short message giving the basic facts find the points at which a certain radar set was unable to
detect an incoming bomber. Analysis of the pulse rate of
gleaned from CONIINT is sent.to NSA under a p(iority that the Russian radar would provide data on which the radar
automatically disseminates the message from its point of origin set's range and height-finding capability could be estimated.
to the White House and all other interested Washington agen- Eventually, war planners made maps pin-pointing the loca-
cics within five minutes. tion of all Russian radars, and from this were able to project
lily first exposure to the CRITIC system occurred on cones or umbrellas of radar coverage outward from the sites.
Pyneng Yang Do. We had an old reject from World War II,- Routes of penetration could then be planned.
a guy named Davey Pendleton, about 45 years old and unable The arena of electronics has been a tremendously dynamic
one, however, and a deadly game of defensive measures and . ,
to hold more than two stripes at any time because of his
continuing love affair with the sauce. Old Davey would fill countermeasures ensued. American planners developed a~
his cants en with in or vodka each day 'before setting out for jammer to 'block out Russian radar sets; the Russians dc-
B veloped an anti-janmier. The Americans came up with a
his solitary post in a packing crate that held radio direction- false-image projector, and the'Russians developed a way to
finding and radar equipment. He'd rationalize it as medicinal filter that out. The battle goes on today.
f
to ward off the chills. One afternoon the Chinese Communists Another field of technical intelligence that receives fairly decided to shift a squadron of M IGs from an airfield just, wide publicity is photo-intelligence. The scope of this etTort !
east of Peking to another up in Manchuria. Davey picked by United States intelligence is far broader than the spy.
them up on his radar, and the guys in the other bunker picked. in-the-sky satellite programs. SR-71 high-altitude aircraft
them up on voice radio networks. Davey cranked up his and the infamous U-2 back tip the satellite program.
'Equipped with Polaroid 'camera systems, these aircraft. fly
direction-finding gear. His readings of their position showed
that they were heading out over the Yellow Sea toward South an average of 120-150 missions a month over various parts
of the world. They arc aimed against national priority targets
Korea on a route~that would take them directly over our __;n ottici" wi,rds, the (itittest4itcins in Washington at the'
island. Poor Davey panicked and called the young second moment, The furor in the press in early 1971 about the
lieutenant allegedly in charge of us. The lieutenant also pan- Russians building a stihmarinq base in Cuba was the type of
icked and dispatched a CRITIC to our headquarters in Japan flap a U-2 or SR-71 would he assigned ti cover. This is not
,and all the way back to the White House. Within minutes the to say that these aircraft are reserved solely for crisis situa-
and'two squadrons'of American jets were scrambled to inter- such as the routine surveillance of Cuba, and on overflights
cept the M IGs. Navy units battened their hatchds and soundgd of Communist China.
general quarters, and army units lolling along the DMZ were . More routinc, targets are covered regularly by the military
goosed into action by red-alert klaxons. The military com- services, who fly hundreds of photo recon missions a month.
mind. hierarchy throughout the Far East-was tensed, ready Each military unit abroad 'hiss its own peculiar photo.
and quivering. As time went on and the MiGs didn't material. intelligence 'requirements. In Western Europe the?.Army
ize, astable front our Japan headquarters asked us to recheck must be prepared to maneuver against any potential ground
threat by the East European or Soviet armies, and their'
our bearings on' the squadron. '11y, this time, the major and
photo-intelligence needs run the gamut from the conditions
j the captain were on the,moutaintOp peering into the equip- of the roads and rail networks and the location of possible
mcnt,.themselves. They saw nothing other than .-the normal enemy defensive missile units and airfields to the possible
.'rotatidn of a MIG squadron from Peking to Manchuria. enemy's logistic and communication system. Naval fleet3 in
the Mediterranean and Pacific have a wider range of targets
They sent a follow-up message to the CRITIC telling the to cover, including not only the ones described above, but
United States military chain of command it was a false alarm. also detailed information on coasts, landing beaches, port
The major then told the captain that he'd like to see Pendleton facilities and tidal data. To err on the safe side is the pre-
in his tent. Davey had gulped down.the remainder of his can- vailing philosophy among intelligence staffs. If the aircraft
teen and was in no shape to see anybody. The captain insisted and ships available for photo collection work, they are kept
that we pry him out of hiding in the outdoor john and present busy collecting. The photo-intelligence game has become
him to the major. We did, and Davey wobbled into the CO's just that, a game. It is common practice for an American
tent and reported. The major was shocked at the sight of him recon unit to scramble into the air to take pictures of a
and asked." t'Pendlclon. have you been drinking?" Davey Soviet photo that taking pictures hf tthe American he' ntclligtnce ncom-
elfshly replied. "Sir, I've been known to quaff a wee libation / munity right after the USSR started over-flying United
before nightfall to ward off the chilblains." Davey lost both States' carrier fleets in the Atlantic shows a Soviet recon-
his stripes. naisance bomber flying over a Sixth Fleet carrier task force.
' The COMINT land stations are backed up by flying, sea- The close-up shot of the-bomber allows you to see the Soviet
borne, and mobile land radio, intercept units around the world. intelligence officer in the plastic photo bubble on the side
These were necessitated in the- 1950s by the massive shift, of the bomber. He is in the process of giving the American.
among Communist military units to VHF radio. Complete intelligence officer in the jet fighter the classic middle finger'
coverage of their activity, demanded that United States units salute.
!get closer to the transmitters, as terrain features like moun- These programs constitute the lion's share of technical
Mains would impede ground intercept of VHF broadcasts. intelligence collection. Others, of limited interest, are
l carried on. The Atomic Energy Commission equips many
Daily in Europe and the Far East. several dozen United military aircraft with radioactivity filters for detecting the
'States airborne listening posts fly an average of six hours along atmospheric presenc&bf nuclear particles adrift on the air
the borders of Communist countries. Although the exact num- currents flowing across Communist countries. One friend of
,ber of rccon missions flown by the military is difficult to trace, mine' assigned to Hong Kong rqutincly collected liver
the House Armed Services Committee stated in one report samples from .cattle J raised on mainland China from an
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31
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when former service acquaintances or school
friends would call me on their way through
town for lunch. One guy, an Air Force cap.
tain, called me for lunch from the Pentagon.
I had to pretend I was in the Pentagon too,
rush out to the CIA parking lot, ride 20
minutes to the Pentagon, find a place to
park, and then nice( my former colleague,
excusing my tardiness by complaining about
a heavy workload at the library.
Wives must play the cover game, main.
taining in the most trivial circumstances that
their husbands work somewhere other than
at CIA. When I first went to work at CIA,
the guy who lived in the apartment above
me was a captain in the Army, and my
wife, over coffee, told his wife that I worked
at the Pentagon. So the natural thing
happened. The guy came down to our apart.
meat that night and asked me if I wanted
to form a car pool, since, he. too, worked at
the Pentagon. Ridiculous! How do I tell
the guy I don't really work there? Well, I
played the game and made a flaming ass
of myself. I replied with something like,
"I'd love to, but I can't predict when I'll
get out each evening. Some nights I have
to stay in the office for an hour or so to
clear tip the work." The guy gave me a look
of titter disbelief. He couldn't imagine the
Army library doing such a brisk trade that
its librarians had to stay late to "clear up
the work." It all could have ended there,
but this guy was desperate. He was sick of
the Washington traffic and hiS wife wanted
to use their car during the week so they
could avoid the crush of traffic in the Vir-
ginia shopping centers on Saturday. My
wife had the same complaint. So the guy
then volunteers to stay late and wait for
me, He even sweetened the kitty by telling
me that we could duck ove; to the Fort
Mycr officer's club and grab a cold one each
night, allowing the traffic to case before
we started home. Now that really appealed
to me. Fort 'Myer is the last bastion of the
five-cent large draft beer, and I was making
only 5500 bucks a year at the time. So
what does superspy say? I tell the guy that
.1 really don't care for car pools, that I'd
rather drive myself, and that I just wouldn't
feel right letting him stand around for a
half-hour or 45 minutes waiting for me.
The guy leaves my apartment muttering
something about "damned civilians." To
make matters worse, we both came out of
our apartments every morning for the next
year at exactly the same time and returned
at night within two minutes of each other.
I used to keep track of him in my rear-
view mirror each morning, hoping to elude
him in traffic before I made the turnoff to
CIA instead of staying in the mainstream
of traffic heading toward the Pentagon.
This form of cover holds up well in
Washington, but has to be supplemented
when clandestine service officers go over-
seas. They usually retain "official" cover by
being placed in the State Department, the
Agency for International Development, or
another appropriate federal agency. When
I went to Vietnam I was an economics
officer in the embassy. This creates a good
deal of friction among State and AID em-
ployees who don't appreciate the CIA
interlopers and whose wives generally ques-
tion how the "spooks" always manage to get
the best housing for their families. In CIA
stations such as Saigon,, where the staff
numbers in the hundreds, cover all but falls
by the wayside and usually is the source of
much local humor. CIA staffers in Saigon
were given their own jeeps. Problems arose
when the overzealous CIA motor pool
officer painted them all metallic blue.
Driving down Tu Do Street one day in
Saigon in one of the blue jeeps, another
fellow and I stopped at a red light. A par-
tially drunk American GI standing on the
corner looked at us, then at our jeep, and
snarled, "I wish I worked for CIA instead
of the lousyArmy." We drove off congratu-
lating our motor pool officer.
In Taipei. Taiwan, where CIA's official
cover was the United States Navy Auxiliary
Communications Center, or NACC, my
wife and I caught a cab and told the driver
to take us to the NACC office. The driver
slammed his Toyota into low gear, laid
rubber and, as he swerved into the main-
stream of traffic, turned to me, gave me a
thumbs-up gesture, and bellowed, "CIA,
number one."
Commercial cover is also used in selected
cases. Men with a particular skill or rid"elf=
ground arc found rdguiftr emptoym ni with
American firms abroad. This Is always done
with the agreement of the firm's top man-
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purpose was to detect nuclear fallout over mainland China.
I accompanied him one evening to a meeting where he was.
handed a quivering, bloody hunk of meat that he and I'
wrestled into a "Iiaggic." We returned to the American
consulate, stapled it to a report form, packed it in dry ice,
and shipped it off to Washington for analysis.
Technical expertise is relied upon for a variety of lesser
collection programs geared normally to operations. CIA's
Technical Services Division (TSD) staff has an unusual
collection of men skilled in lie-detector tests, phone-tapping,
bugging, and an assortment of other trade-craft skills such
as lockpicking, safecracking, and what is known as "flaps
and seals" for men skilled in opening mail. One of their feats,
often spoken of in training sessions at CIA, was the stealinge
of the Soviet Sputnik. On a tborld tour after, its successful
launch, the Sputnik display was stolen one night for three
hours by a CIA team which completely dismantled it, took
samples of its structure, photographed it, reassembled it,
and returned it to' its original place undetected.
Another is the story of the CIA team that stole a sample
of King Farouk's urine. The object of the exercise was to
determine his exact state of health. To. achieve it, they
rigged tip the men's room of one of the gambling casinos
in Monte Carlo with a device that captured the urine flowing
through the urinal to the sewer. All of this was done with-
out the knowledge of the owners of the establishment.
Wh'cn-Farouk was at the gaming tables, one CIA officer
stationed himself on a toilet in the men's room with a peep-.
ing',yicw of the' two urinals. He . gave a couching signal
when Farouk entered and another coded cough telling the
men on the other side of the wall which.urinal he was peeing
I into. ,
The field of human intelligence collection's is, of course,
the classic arena of 'the spy. Little has changed .in this area
of activity since the dawn of time, when intelligence collcc-
lion became a requirement of tribe; or nations., The goal is
tq find out what's going on in'the minds of one's potentials
enemy. In the United States intelligence establishment
there are Ave elements involved in working with human
sources of information. Most active is the CIA's Deputy
Director of Plans (DDP). The three military services have
their own collection elements, and the Defense Department
also runs an elaborate and separate military attache sys-
tem. The armed services and the CIA jointly operate De-
fection Reception Centers and other programs at various
locations around the world, and the State Department con-
tributes indirectly to the intelligence process through its
routine reporting of contacts with foreign government
officials.
The DDP employs all those people who "don't work at
CIA." Its staff is all covert with various forms of cover.
Most common among CIA's clandestine service is what is
known as official cover. I was the Army librarian when I
first joined CIA. Other members of my training class had
covers ranging from an agronomist with the Department of
Agriculture to an educational specialist at HEW. Even
this light form of cover requires some fancy double-dealing.
I had -an office number and telephone number at the
Pentagon to back up my cover story. If anyone called me
on the number, CIA had a special switchboard set up to
monitor the incoming calls. The girls would see what num-
. ber lit up on their board and answer the phone accordingly
with either "Department of the Army Library," "Agricul-
. tore Department," or whatever was appropriate. They
would then dial my regular CIA office and connect *me with
the outside caller only after iriforining the that-it was a cover
call I was receiving. I suffered a few embarrassing moments
major collection units, one each in Europe
and the Far East. Broken into small de-
tachments, they are scattered throughout
the areas where United States military units
are assigned. The Navy maintains similar
,units operating out of each of the major
' fleet headquarters. A goodly portion of their
efforts is devoted to the counterintelligence
activities necessary to protect the military
security of United States bases abroad. It
is when they get into the area of collecting
positive foreign intelligence that their
amateurish methods are most noticeable.
To start with, they are easily iclettified
in a crowd, as most have a tencpncy to
adhere to American military-length' hair,
wear their GI shoes and T-shirts, aRd look
generally uncomfortable in PX-purchased
civilian garb. The military custom of short
tours overseas never allows for the develop-
ment of operatives solidly based in their.
areas. Their language ability is usually
limited, and the rotation policies contribute
to the continuation of marginal and even
,useless sources of information.
In my years of scanning intelligence re-
ports I noted a pattern to American military
reports. Any noteworthy event such as the
death of Ho Chi Minh or a change in the
Chinese Communist power structure would
be followed within a week or ten days by a
rash of reports from United States military
agents; purporting to have the real meaning
of the latest development. Most were merely
rehashes of the general editorial interpreta-.
tions of the world press on the subject. The
agents, however, claimed they got the in-
formation from a party member who got
it as the official gospel at a recent special'
meeting of his party cell.
A lingering anachronism in the field of
human intelligence collection is the military
attache system. The United States has more
than 1100 military personnel assigned to
85 embassies around the world. The custom
of exchanging military attaches, which dates
from the 18th century. has long outgrown
its usefulness in the field of military intelli.
gence. In Communist countries, particularly
the Soviet Union, the attaches are confined
to living a ritual in which every one of their
days is a staged event. They rarely, if ever,
make contact with useful sources of in-
formation, and their reports are filled with
the cocktail party gossip of a group of
Soviet military officers who serve as their
counterparts and whose every action and
word is carefully designed ahead of time.
]it countries such as Laos, Cambodia,
and the African and Latin American coun-
tries, the attaches have more flexibility in
moving around the country and observing
its military forces. The information col-
lected, however, could be gleaned at con-
siderably less expense by a well-paid clerk
at the embassy who was trained to under-
stand military tables of organization. The
concept is that the attache can "get next to"
the military hierarchy of the host country
and thus learn all its deepest secrets, its war
plans, and its military capabilities and in-
tentions. As pointed out above, this does
not work in the Communist countries,
where the United States is threatened most
directly. In underdeveloped countries the
attache's training does not generally pro-
vide him with the ability to understand the
local military situation. He is inclined to
judge military capabilities and intentions by
the classic methods of adding up a nation's.
infantry, tanks. and airplanes and from
.there deducing its intentions. The attaches.
in Laos and Cambodia, in particular, have
made little if any solid contribution to the
base of knowledge about the military-
situa-tion in those countries. If anything, my ex-
perience in reading United States attache
in Vietnam. Agents a PP16S d P~ef lkelea' 2b0'~/93f0!na G4A ~7lYM0 "92Rd8~o'`OfaW0,01_ tncs to the fact that
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agement. A friend of mine, a geologist,
went to work for an oil company in the
iFar East. another with the Pacific office of
a major hank. They worked a regular eight-
hour day for their employers and did their
CIA chores at night and on weekends. CIA
had an arrangement with the firths whereby
salary differences, if any, were made up
either by CIA or'the firm, depending on
the man's position. Men with dependent
skills, such as doctors and lawyers, are also
set up in private practice abroad.
Lastly. CIA uses what they call "deep
cover." Men usually accept such tours for
seven- to nine-year periods, and all traces
of American governmental or commerciall.
connections are kept to an absolute mini-
nium. They blend into the local landscape
and perform only discreet tasks for the
Agency. They receive no pay while serving
abroad-it's banked for them in the United
States or Switzerland. They are prohibited
from mixing with whatever American com-
munity exists in their area of operation.
Two classic cases spoken of frequently in
CIA training sessions involved guys who
found they could do better for themselves
by severing their CIA connection. One man
managed to start an, automobile battery
manufacturing plant in Western Europe.
Most of the funding came from CIA's
coffers. In a few years. however, he found
that the business was quite profitable, so
he paid CIA back their original investment
and quit to run his CIA-sponsored business.
Another guy got CIA to set him up in a
plywood manufacturing business on a Pa-
cific island, and he, too, cut the cord once
on his feet financially. The Agency was very
angry but powerless to do anything about
it because of the potential embarrassment
to the United States government. Deep
cover knows few bounds. CIA has a sur-
prising number of Mormon church mem-
bers in its employ, and the fact that many
of these men had spent two years in a
Mormon mission in Latin America or the
Far East is not overlooked by CIA. A friend
found himself back in the Mormon mission
in Hong Kong after his training.
The size of CIA stations abroad varies
from two-man stations in places like Chad
to stations of several hundred men, as in
Saigon. On the average, however, most CIA
'stations number about 25 or 3t) people.
They are all organized along the same lines,
with the station chief reporting directly to
the United States ambassador as his special
adviser. Beneath him the station is organized
into an operations branch, a reports branch
and a support branch. The operations staff
usually engages in three activities-counter-
intelligence. political action and foreign in-
telligence. The counterintelligence team is
primarily concerned with protecting what-
!.ever collection programs CIA has under
way in the particular country. They focus
on keeping tabs on the host government's
intelligence arm to see that they don't find
i out what targets CIA is working on.
Foreign intelligence ' means simply the
collection of positive information of use to
the United States government. The greatest
portion of a CIA station's effort is directed
against such collection. Men in these jobs
work closely with all elements 6f---the host
government and society, collecting the kinds
of information needed to determine what
the government is planning. In Saigon, for
example. we wined and dined every prov-
ince chief and hattallion commander in the
South Vietnamese governmental structure,
trying to keep abreast of what particular
group might he plotting a coup. In Western
nations these kinds of operations are subtle
and sophisticated, unlike the CIA operation
period of years and carefully developed as
reliable sources of information. The in-
ducements for such work are rarely the kind
of patriotic motives sonic Americans would
suspect. Seldom, if ever, will you find a
CIA agent who is a dedicated anti-Com-
niunist or a man who believes that the
i American form of democracy is the only
form of government worth having. Nor-
mally, CIA tries to find the human weak-
nesses in a man in a position to supply it
with information. In today's modern world
this usually involves money or a tendency
to chase women. Many agents accept CIA
employment and risk treason for reasons as
fundamental as keeping tip a mortgage pay-
ntent. CIA has many ways of enticing its
agents, from arranging to have the man's
children attend college in the United States
with all expenses paid to arranging to have
the man promoted within his own govern-
ment by devising situations in which he can
be made to look good for his superiors.
The reports section goes through all of the
information that the CIA case officers de-
velop in the course of a day's work. Every
contact, every phone call, and every con-
versation must be recorded by the foreign
intelligence case officers. These reports filter
through a three- to five-man reports sec-
tion. and the meat of the day's developments
is selected for dispatch to Washington by
airmail pouch carried by the diplomatic
couriers. While the emphasis in all of CIA's
training is placed on the careful develop-
ment of a good agent, the real world
operates differently. Case officers are under
tremendous pressure to get out the reports.
The result is that many of them spend little
time developing and cultivating new agents,
but, instead, focus on getting a high number
of cables sent back to Washington. When
promotion time conies-despite all efforts
to change the system-the men in the field
are judged by the number of cables sent to
Washington. Quality doesn't count, just
quantity.
The support branch carries on the normal
personnel and finance chores necessary to
any large organization. Their job, however;
is not all that mundane, for operational re-
quirements sometimes require them to come
up overnight with a surgeon to tend an
ailing head of state, a completely armored
limousine for an important government
figure, a quick plane trip out of country
for an agent about to be burned, or a safe
haven for an agent to hide in.
Despite the seemingly adventurous tinge
to the job of collecting intelligence abroad
for CIA,. it should be stressed that the work
routine abroad is considerably duller than
one would suspect. The typical case officer
with CIA spends an entire career without
ever actually recruiting a new agent. Rather,
he is assigned those already on the payroll
when he arrives at a new station. He spends
most of his time filling out innocuous con- ,
tact reports and keeping his operational files
up to date with the trivia of intelligence that
the bureaucracy requires, such as making
weekly assessments of his agent, his prob-
lems, his job, and his accessit ility to target
information, and providing justification for
continuation of his agent on the payroll. The
typical case officer, too, is somewhat frus-
trated in terms of promotion and assign-
ment to a level of responsibility commensu-
rate with his age and experience.
The military has been involved in the
field of human intelligence since the days
of World War ft. Its reports have the unique
reputation among intelligence professionals
as "garbage," Today, somewhere on the
order of 3500 United States military intelli-
Approved
they confuse more than they enlighten by
applying the Army War College standards
to the ragtag Pathet Lao and concluding
that the Royal Army, equipped with jeeps,
radios, and modern weapons, can easily
defeat the less fortunate Pathet Lao. They
never seemed to understand the tripartite
nature of the Laotian government and were
thus unable to tell the good guys from the
bad. Their short tours of one year never
afforded them the opportunity to get to
know the Laotian military hierarchy, so
they took everything they were' told by
Laotian officers at face value and dutifully
reported it to Washington.
A lucrative source of firsthand human
intelligence has developed since the mid-
Fifties with the flow of political emigrants
from East to West. Starting with the Hun-
garian Revolution, CIA established De-
fector Reception Centers in Europe to pro-
ccss refugees in a systematic manner.
Today, three major Defection Reception
Centers operate, in Bonn, Miami and Sai-
gon. There, escapees and emigrants from
the Communist world are processed thor-
oughly and debriefed in detail on their
former lives.
The staffs of these centers are. fairly ex-
perienced interrogators in most cases, fa-
miliar with the political, economic and
social systeni'from which the emigrants are
traveling. The greatest volume of traffic
through these facilities consists of "low-
level" defectors-individuals who simply
elected to leave their homeland. Occasion-
ally there is a "high-level" defector-one
who has either made arrangements before-
hand with a CIA case officer in his home
country. has flown out a military aircraft,
or has somehow managed to escape. These
men are also processed through the recep-
tion centers and given a more thorough
and detailed debriefing, sometimes requiring
Washington to send a team of experts to
conduct the debriefing firsthand. Usually
these men arc granted diplomatic asylum
and established financially in the country
of their choice.
CIA has an clement set up to monitor
the outside immigration quotas because of
the value of information they provide of
defectors allowed to emigrate to the United
States. Known as the Contact Division, this
unit engages in a wide variety of human
collection programs, which are simply a
housekeeping operation for the defectors.
More important. Contact Division runs a
program of collection which relies entirely
on volunteers. They have 35 field offices
throughout the United States, and the staffs_
of these offices maintain accounts files
much the same as an advertising agency.
'They contact the presidents of major
corporations who travel widely or individual
scholars and scientists who travel abroad'
in line with their work to attend seminars
or other international gatherings. If the men
are willing to volunteer their services, CIA
will provide them with a detailed list of
intelligence requirements from the Wash-
ington elements of the community interested
in their field of study. These sources are
not paid for their services and are not ex-
pected to put their lives or their professional
reputations in jeopardy. Many of the "stu-
dents" nabbed by Soviet police are, people
trying to collect tidbits for CIA. The in-
teiligence community relies heavily on the
official reporting of the United States' State
Department and other federal agencies con.
ducting business abroad. Their daily reports.
counted in the tens of thousands, are routed
to the intelligence community and are
screened by the analysts along with all other
sources. These reports provide an insight
into the day-to-day workings of the govern-,
ment under study. More importantly, they
provide some knowledge of the thinking of
the individuals within that government.
Today, two kinds of material are col-
lected in the primary source category-
commercial and radio broadcasts and docu-
ments such as those picked up from under-
ground headquarters of the Vietcong by,
American soldiers.
CIA maintains 14 listening posts around
the world to monitor the radio broadcasts
and press of target countries. They publish
a daily compendium of the transcripts of
these broadcasts under an arrangement with
the Commerce Department. The collection
program is known as the Foreign Broadcast
Information Service (FBIS). The 14 over-
seas listening posts in places such as Cy-
prus. Liberia and Panama operate around
the clock. They are staffed by some three
hundred CIA editors who oversee the work
of local native translators. All 14 listening
stations arc linked by tclctypc to CiA1hcadi
quarters; as the editors. sc:%A thc daily pro-
gramming, they select worthwhile items for
immediate teletype dispatch)to Washinr~gFton.
In Washington, where the daily rcphrt is
put out, the I=BIS is broken down into geo-
graphic areas, with, editors 'scletting the
most important items of the day's take for
publication. They also maintain an office
known as the Radio' Propaganda Analysis
Branch, wherein men who have been fol-
lowing a particular country for, some time
scan all of the daily take and put out
analyses of the radio broadcasts. This in-
cludes the amount of time that. Moscow,
for example, might devote to the SALT
talks and the Middle East situation. Since
the Communist countries have a controlled
radio and press, the relative importance of
a subject to the Communist government can
he seen by the weight of radio and press.
the subject is given. More detailed studies
of lengthy speeches by Communist officials
are rendered, saving the users of the in-
formation the agony of reading through a
three-hour Castro speech, for example.
FBIS has become a very important source
of intelligence in the past 20 years. It wasp
over FBIS that United States, intelligence,
first learned of Khrushchev's ouster, of the
Czech invasion, of most Latin American
coups, of Ho Chi Minh's death, and of
Nasser 's death. All of the FBIS listing
posts are able to send CRITIC message to
the White House and have done so on many
occasions.
? The Vietnam war has resulted in an over-
whelming number of Communist documents
coming into the hands of United States in-
telligence. The volume was so great that it
was' measured in, tons in 1966-67. This
;.necessitated the establishment of ?a docu.
ment exploitation system so that tactical
and long-range intelligence could be ex-
tracted from the mass of paper -in h syste-
ntatijc and reliable way. Despite the, (forts
of more than 1500 persons assigned o this-
awesome task by the United States Army;
the' problem was never mastered, The va?
ricly of'?documcnts covers the entire range
of paper that you would expect any army
to; maintain in the field-front, medical
records to personnel and finance rosters, to
the awarding of medals to individuals, and
to the detailed studies of battles won and
lost. Orders from higher up the chain of
command and treatises on how the wdr,
was going were also included. At best, the
Army'w.as able to provide a one-paragraph
summary of any particular document unless
someone up the- line determined that it
should be translated in its entirety. The
volume was simply too great for reasonable
exploitation. of the, material, and scholars
of Vietnatti will have a rich area for re-
search when and if the documentation' is
released.
It can be readily seen that intelligence
collection knows almost no bounds. Every
..angle is covered. There are major problems
thtroughout, primarily problems of coordina.
tion. It is difficult to etablish adequate con-
trol once collection gets started because of
the complex layers of bureaucracy.. That is
why the United states Army is having diffi-
culty assuring Congress that the files of in-
formation collected on American citizens in,
1968 have been destroyed. Despite several.
direct orders from the Assistant Secretary
of Defense, the files are still active in several
branches of the Army intelligence strut=
ture.
THE WASHINGTON POST
y'ran~~.T.Fm15.ld,lfP,
By Jack Andes wigs
Intelligence Items
clandestine reports were sent
by lightweight sideband equip-
ment to Nam Yeu for tranila-
,tion and relay to Vientienne,
and on to CIA headquarters at
McLean, Va.
Sea Saga - Secret Inte?Ilt-
~gence reports describe what
was probably the last naval
action of the Vietnam war.;
Four missile boats, each load-
ed with two deadly STYX min.'
sites, slipped out of China end;
crept down the coastline, care
fully staying in Chinese terrf-.
torial waters until they reached
some small North Vietnamese
islands north of Haiphong.,
They tried to hide among the
islands but failed to escape,
detection. On December 17
Ahitt4cnd AA9 If fflAtfii',lttYtlilwr5
struck the boats in their litd.
ing places, sinking one and
damaging two. The fourth got
away.
( 1973. United Feature Syndicate
Secret Attack - Pathet Lao
troops, attacking in battalion,
strength a few days stns over.?
ran a key U.S. Intelligence out-
post In the remote northeast
ern corner of Laos near the
Burmese border. Knocked out,
by the attack was the Central:
'Intelligence Agency's main in-
telligence base at Nam Ycu for
operations Into Communist
China. Sabotage and recon-
naissance teams, operating out,
of Nam Yea have been pene-
trating deep Into China's'
southern Yunnan province,
The teams stayed inside China
for as long as four to nix
months, some penetrating an
far north as Kunming. The
34
Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100090001-7
Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100090001-7
ST. LOUIS POST-DISPATCH
30 Jan73
77 '
/r1h 7"
By CURT 11ATTHE