ORGANIZATION OF PETROLEUM WORKERS IN LATIN AMERICA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP62-00865R000300210002-6
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 48
• Document Creation Date: November 11, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 7, 1998
• Sequence Number: 2
• Publication Date: August 1, 1955
• Content Type: REPORT

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ORGANIZATIONS OF PETROLEUM WORKERS IN LATIN AMERICA
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Supplement to:
LABOR IN THE PETROLEUM INDUSTRY IN THE FREE WORLD
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Prepared by
Prepared for 10 Division
Case number 25X1A2g
Date completed: August 1955
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ORGANIZATIONS OF PETROLEUM WORKERS IN LATIN AMERICA
CONTENTS
Federacion Nacional Sindical de Trabajadores Petroleros
de Bolivia (National Federation of Petroleum Workers
of Bolivia)
Federacao Nacional dos Trabaihadores en Empresas Comercais
de Minerios e Combustiveis Minerais (National Federation
of Workers in the Petroleum Industry)
Federacion Nacional de los Trabajadores del Petroleo de
Chile (National Federation of Petroleum Workers of Chile)
Union de Trabajadores Petroleros de Colombia (Ultrapetrol -
Union of Petroleum Workers of'Colombia)
Fedepetrol
Federacion Nacional de Trabajadores del Petroleo (FNTP -
National Federation of Petroleum Workers)
Sindicato de Trabajadores Petroleros de la Republica
Mexicana (STPRM - Union of Petroleum Workers of the
Republic of Mexico)
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Netherlands West Indies
Petroleum Workers Federation of Aruba (PWFA)
Lago Employees Council (LEC)
Petroleum Workers Federation of Curacao (PWFC)
Federacion de Trabajadores en Petroleo y Anexos del
Peru (FTPAP - Federation of Workers in Petroleum and
Allied Industries of Peru)
Oilfield Workers Trade Union (OWTU)
Venezuela
Confederacion Nacional de Trabajadores (CNT - National
Confederation of Workers)
Comite pro-Federacion de Trabajadores Organizados de
Venezuela (COFETROV - Committee for Federation of the
Organized Workers of Venezuela)
Comite Independiente, Sindicato Petrolero Nacional (CISPEN -
Independent Committee, National Petroleum Workers Union)
Sindicato de Marinos Petroleros (SMP - Union of Marine
Petroleum Workers)
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References
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BOLIVIA
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ORGANIZATIONS OF PETROLEUM WORKERS IN LATIN AMERICA
B0L>IV.I'A:
Federacion Nacional Sindical de Trabajadores Petroleros de
Bolivia (National Federation of Petroleum Workers of Bolivia)
Address: Casilla 401; La Paz
Affiliation: CentralObrera Boliviana
(Bolivian Workers Central - COB)
Membership:
Officers:
Sec. General:
10,000 (1954)
*Fuad MUJAEZ (elsewhere listed
as President)
Sec. of Relations: Juan ASPORT
Affiliates: 14 unions
Political orientation: The National Federation of Pe-
troleum Workers of Bolivia was
organized in September 1952 under government sponsorship.
It is highly regarded by the government-operated petroleum
industry in Bolivia. ` The?COB, with which the union is
affiliated was reorganized in 1952; it advocates the con-
tinued development of Bolivia along socialist lines, but
has gone firmly on record as opposing Soviet Communism and
has rejected vigorously efforts.-of the Bolivian Communist
Party to direct the course of the labor movement. A Na-
tional Workers Congress in 1954, although expressing friend-
ship and cordiality toward all international labor organi-
zations, voted to maintain the "independence" of the Bolivian
labor movement from all such organizations. The present
cabinet of the Bolivian administration holds five members
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regarded as representatives of labor; three of these either
held or hold important executive positions in three differ-
ent labor confederations.
The Congress of Bolivian Petroleum Workers, held in
Tarija in the fall of 1954, preparatory to the National
Workers Congress, was completely dominated by Fuad MUJAEZ
and the left-wing faction of the Movimento Nacionalista
Revolucionario (Nationalist Revolutionary Movement - MNR).
The delegation from this union to the National Congress was
expected to agree with whatever Juan LECHIN Oquendo, then
labor minister and head of the COB, asked.
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BRAZIL
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B R A Z I L
Federacao Nacional dos Trabaihadores en Empresas Comercais
de Minerios e Combustiveis Minerais National Federation
of Workers in the Petroleum Industry)
Address: Rua Mexico, No. 11, 5th Andar
Rio de Janeiro
Affiliation: International Federation of
Petroleum Workers (IFPW)
Membership:
Officers:
President:
45,000 (1954)
Alberto BETTAMIO (Betamio)
Political orientation: While the Brazilian labor move-
ment as a whole is controlled
to.a large extent by the government, this control has lessened
considerably, and a growing cadre of young ind effective
labor leaders is striving to divorce local unions from the
influence of the Ministry of Labor, Industry., and Commerce./
No information is available concerning the political orienta-
tion of the petroleum workers union.
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CHILE
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C H I L E
Federacion Nacional de los Trabajadores del Petroleo de
Chile (National Federation of Petroleum Workers of Chile)
Address: Casilla 11 D, Santiago
CUTCH (Central Unica de
Trabajadores de Chile)
IFPW
ORIT
ICFTU
Membership: 1,500 (1954)
Officers:
Sec. General: *Luis FUENTES Zapata
Political orientation: No information is available on
the political orientation of
this federation. It is presumed to be Western-oriented,
inasmuch as it is affiliated with the IFPW, ORIT and the
ICFTU. It was reported in 1953 to be a major affiliate of
the CUTCH.
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COLOMBIA
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C O L O M B I A
1. Union de Trabajadores Petroleros de Colombia (Ultra-
petrol - Union of Petroleum Workers of Colombia)
Address: Salon Sintranal, Barrancabermeja
Affiliations: UTC
IFPW
Membership: 20,000 (195+)
Officers:
Sec..General: Luis Alfonso PERDOMO
Treasurer: Benjamin DIAZ Herrera
Efforts begun in February 1953 by the Union de Trabajadores
Colombiana (UTC) to organize a petroleum federation culminated
a short time later in the establishment of Ultrapetrol under
the leadership of Luis Alfonso PERDOMO. There are no avail-
able indications of the number of affiliates, but workers of
the International Petroleum Company at Barrancabermeja and
of Empresa Colombiana de Petroleos at El Centro are believed
to be affiliated with Ultrapetrol.
The UTC probably still is the largest of the confedera-
tions in Colombia, and with the eclipse of Fedepetrol, Ultra-
petrol no doubt represents most of the petroleum workers in
Colombia.
Political orientation: Since the July 1953 coup d'etat
by General ROTAS Pinilla,
the alliance between the state and the Roman Catholic Church
has not been as close as previously. Influence with the
Rojas regime of the UTC, which had been organized by the prre-
ceding Conservative government under the aegis of the Roman
Church, appears to have waned somewhat to the advantage of
a newly-established, Argentine-oriented Confederacion Nacional
de Trabajadores (CNT), which received government recognition
in December 1954. However, at the 1955 annual meeting of
the UTC mutual pledges of support were made by the government
and the union.
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2. Fed.epetrol
The Confederation de Trabajadores Colombiana (CTC)-
affiliated Fe_depetrol apparently has ceased to be a force
in Colombian labor. 7/ In 1953 it was reported to have
affiliates at the installations of the Andian National
Corporation and the Esso Colombians Company, / and in
1952 at the Compania Petroleo Shell de Colombia, Barranca-
bermeja, and at the Texas Petroleum Company of Colombia. ,/
There is reportedly a Sindicato de Trabajadores de la Con-
cesionaria 'Shell-Condor" at Santander. No information has
been found to indicate the present existence or strength
of any of these unions.
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ECUADOR
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E C U A D O R
Federacion Nacional de Trabajadores del Petroleo (FNTP
National Federation of Petroleum Workers) LO/
Affiliations:
Membership:.
Officers (1948):
Sec. General:
Ancon, Guayas
Federacion Provincial de Traba-
jadores del Guayas (FPTG -
regional labor federation)
Confederacion de Trabajadores
del Ecuador (CTE - national
confederation)
CTAL (through CTE)
1,300
Sec. of Communications: Isaias RONQUILLO
Enrique MARQUEZ
Sec. of Organization: Carlos ERAZO
Sec. of Agitation
and Propaganda:
Emilio CANESSA (Communist)
Sec. of Legal Defense: Victor BERMEO (Communist)
Sec. of Charity:
Sec. of Labor, Cul-
tural & Athletic
Activities:
Sec. of Press and
Foreign Relations:
Sec. of Coordination
and Liaison:
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Romuaido RONQUILLO (Communist)
Francisco MORAN (Communist)
Jose J. GONZALEZ (Communist)
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Political orientation: In 191-9, the FNTP was one of
the strongest industrial affili-
ates of the CTE and was reported to be leftist-dominated.
There is evidence that the members are not necessarily all
militant leftists, but Communist strength usually is suffi-
cient to assure the selection of Communists or Communist
sympathizers as representatives of the workers. Communist
leaders have energetically kept up a constant stream of de-
mands upon the management and by their initiative and drive
have influenced the FNTP leftward.
The FNTP reputedly is one of the more solvent Communist-
led federations in Guayas Province. The CTAL News has re-
ported financial assistance to the FNTP from the CIO (US)
and from the STPRM (Mexico).
Communist manipulators have maneuvered the FNTP into
issuing strike threats, but no strikes are known to have
resulted. In negotiations with the oil companies, FNTP
leaders have called on Communist Party leaders to assist
in drawing up lists of demands.
At a meeting of the FPTG on 20 September 1954, which was
addressed by Antonio CABRERA, the Argentine member of the
CTAL Secretariat, grievances of the Ancon oil workers,
members of the Comite de Empresa and the Sindicato General
de Trabajadores, were discussed and a manifesto against the
Anglo-Ecuadoran Oil Company, Ltd., drawn up. Notices of
this meeting had been sent by the Communist Party of
Ecuador's Guayas committee to all secretaries general of
Communist cells, urging attendance. 11
Reports were received early in August that the Ancon
oil workers and the railroad employees were planning a
general strike between 15 and 20 August. 12 However, the
strike did not materialize. The government arrested several.
labor leaders, both Communist and Socialist, about that
time, but whether the failure of the strike can be attributed
to this action or to weakness of the unions is not known.
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MEXICO
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NETHERLANDS WEST INDIES
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NETHERLANDS WEST INDIES
1. Petroleum Workers Federation of Aruba (PWFA)
Address: Nuijenstraat No. 7, San Nicolaas
Affiliations: IFPW
ORIT
ICFTU
Membership: 700 (dues-paying - April 1955)
Officers: not known; were to be elected
March 1955
Organizing Committee:
Chairman: N. KOCK
Secretary: Jose A. HERNANDEZ
Members: P. BENNETT
H. TROMP
F. BARENO
J. deVRIES
Fees: Fls. 5 initiation fee
Fls. 2.50 monthly dues
Political orientation: The political orientation of
the PWFA is not clear-cut for
two reasons: first, it is a new organization founded late
in 195+; second, the Partido Patriotica Arubana (PPA - Aruban
Patriotic Party) originally thought to be sponsor of the
PWFA, has not yet identified itself with the federation,
Organization of the federation was led by David
Sternback, CIO (US) regional director for Puerto Rico on
loan to the IFPW. Sternback has stated that the initiative
for organization originated with requests by workers, in-
cluding members of the Lago Employees Council, directed to
Mr. Adrian VERMEULEN, secretary of the Nederlands Verbond
van Vakverenigingen (Netherlands Trade Union Confederation)
when he visited Aruba two years ago. 18 VERMEULEN appar-
ently carried the request back to the ICFTU, which in turn
passed it on to the petroleum federation. Considering its
birth-ties to the IFPW and ORIT, the PWFA, in the short
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term at least, may be counted in the camp of Western-
oriented unions. It will probably remain dependent on
these forebears for a considerable length of time, and
thus its present orientation and functions may be expected
to continue. The possibility exists., nevertheless, that
it may be exploited for political ends and thus become
less effective in fostering workers' benefits.
History: The new federation appeared to spring
full-blown into existence; it first came
to public attention through a handbill attesting its affili-
ation to the IFPW. 19 It was thought to be a reincarnation
of the Federation de Obreros Arubanos (FOA), led by J. E.
"Juancho" Irausquin, Aruban politician and head of the PPA.
It was referred to as "Irausquin's union," and Sternback
was a guest of Irausquin during his stay on Aruba in Novem-
ber 1954, when he came to assist organization of the group.20
The federation also appeared to be a logical culmination of
the PPA's increasingly pro-labor pronouncements preceding
the November 1954 elections, which Irausquin's party swept.
However, Irausquin has never openly identified him-
self with the PWFA, and recently he has reserved his sup-
port. Various theories have been advanced to explain this.
One theory holds that the detachment is a temporary expedi-
ent, adopted to prevent alienation of many of Irauscuin's
conservative political supporters. Another theory attri-
butes his lack of support to the organization to jealousy
of the support rendered the PWFA by W. S. van der Meer, the
minister of social affairs and an ambitious politician in
his own right. Van der Meer was legal adviser to the PWFA
at the time of its organization, although reportedly he war;
to be forced to relinquish that position because of his
cabinet post. 21 The fact that Irausquin recently has
made apparent efforts, through his lieutenants, to strengthen
the Lago Employees Council lends credence to this theory.
Opposition: Officials of the PWFA accuse the Lago
Oil and Transport Company of using threats
and intimidation to impede the progress of the union.. They
charge that the company threatened to demote several of the
PWFA members and officers unless they left the federation
and that they warned supervisors of the dangers of union
organization. Efforts also have been made to strengthen the
company-sponsored Lago Employees Council as a counter to the
union. One source termed the company's opposition short-
sighted, as it might drive the union to accept government
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support which could easily evolve into government domina-
tion. 22 Another commented that the question was not
whether Aruba should have a union, but rather what kind of
union it should have.
Among the arguments advanced by opponents of the
new union are two which appear significant. The PWFA of-
fers equal treatment for all workers, regardless of nation-
ality, which runs counter to the strong current of "Aruba
for the Arubans" sentiment among the population. The union
has been widely criticized for this affront to nationalist
pride. The present contract with the Lago employees grants
preferential treatment to Arubans, an advantage they are
loath to lose.
Opposition also arises from elements in the popula-
tion which do not wish to incur the wrath of neighboring
Venezuela, on which Aruban refineries depend for their sup-
plies of crude oil. ORIT has been antagonistic to the
Perez Jimenez regime in Venezuela, and some Arubans reportedly
fear a violent reaction from the Venezuelan Government should
an ORIT-affiliated union become strong among the oil workers.23
Outlook: Because petroleum refining is the principal
industry in Aruba, any union of petroleum
workers will be the most powerful labor organization in the
island. The loss, or lack, of Irausquin's support apparently
has slowed the progress of the PWFA. Permanent officers
were to have been elected in March 1955, and the federation
hoped shortly after that to apply for recognition as the
legitimate bargaining agent of the Lago workers, but to date
no indication has been found that either event has taken
place.
2. Lago Employees Council (LEC)
Address: Lago Oil and Transport Company
Affiliation. none; company-sponsored
Membership: purports to represent all em-
ployees of Lago
Officers (1955) : 24+
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Vice-president- M. CROES
Secretary: E. D. TROMP
The Lago Employees Council is composed of eight repre-
sentatives of the workers, chosen by secret ballot. In
February 1955 the LEC voted out of the presidency Jacobo
ERASMUS, Irausquin's political cohort, charging that he
could not properly discharge his LEC duties because of fre-
quent absences from board meetings due to his required
presence in Curacao as a member of the NWI Legislative
Council. The officers listed above were elected at that
time.
In retaliation Erasmus circulated a petition for a
referendum to recall two of the LEC members, including
Vice-president CROES, asserting that they were management
"stooges.," Sufficient signatures were obtained to require
such a referendum, but no report of the results has been
.found. However, in May ERASMUS was reported as holding
"unchallenged control" of the LEC;- it may be assumed that
the referendum recalled the two representatives in question
and restored ERASMUS to the LEC. Since that time, ERASMUS
reportedly has been actively trying to make the LEC worker
representation system work and simultaneously causing the
LEC to become increasingly aggressive in negotiations with
management. He also has given complete support to the
LEC News, which has been well received as a competitor to
the PWFA's Federation,
The Lago management, for its part, has tried to strengthen
the LEC to fight PWFA organization of the workers. A re-
cent LEC request for a pay increase was granted by manage-
ment, in an obvious attempt to increase the prestige of the
LEC. The management also has made possible publication of
the LEC News. Negatively, the management is trying, through
speeches and printed material, to convince its employees
that the PWFA and the international organizations with which
it is affiliated do not have the best interests of the Aruban
workers at heart. 25
Petroleum Workers Federation of Curacao (PWFC)
Address: Middenstraat No. 4, Willemstad
Affiliation: none
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Membership:
Officers:
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500 (reported paid-up)
President: G. de JESUS
Secretary: Na EUGENIO
Treasurer: Roberto A. ADAMUS
Local Organizer: Domingo ALBERTO
The PWFC reportedly was organized on 19 January 1955
by 22 Shell section leaders. 2/ However, little has been
heard of it. The NWI Government approved a PWFC request
that an experienced labor adviser be permitted to visit
Curacao to provide guidance to the new union, and David
STERNBACK has been assisting the group. Thus its orienta-
tion, should it grow to be an effective crganization, may
be assumed to be pro-West.
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PERU
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Federacion de Trabajadores en Petroleo y Anexos del Peru
-- Federation of Workers ers in Petroleum and Allied
Industries of Peru)
Calle Bolognesi No. 649-651,
Talara
Affiliation: none (Aprista-oriented)
Membership: 4,000 (1953)
Officers:
Sec. General: Armando AREVALO Silva
Since the Odria Government assumed office in 1948, two
petroleum unions have vied for legal bargaining rights with
the oil companies. Union No. 1, presumed to be identical
with FTPAP, consistenly has been the stronger of the two
and has claimed the loyalty of the majority of the workers.
The International Petroleum Company reportedly prefers to
negotiate with Union No. 1, which it terms a well-organized,
disciplined union. However, the government probably to
keep petroleum workers divided, twice has recognized a
second, smaller union, which has not been further identi-
fied, as the legitimate agent of the workers. 27 Union
No. 1 has not been outlawed, but its effectiveness has
been considerably reduced by the government's periodic
preferential treatment of Union No. 2.
FTPAP participated in 1953 in a strike against the In-
ternation Petroleum Company which resulted in the Govern-
ment's forcing a settlement without consulting either the
management or the union. 2/
Political orientation: Little is known of the political
orientation of the union. One
report is that FTPAP is a "democratic" organization, sym-
pathetic to the IFPW, but unable financially to affiliate
with that group. 29
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TRINIDAD
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T R I N I D A D
Oilfield Workers Trade Union (OWTU)
Address:
Affiliation:
Membership:
Officers:
Pres. General:
Sec. General:
Assistant Sec.:
Second Vice-presi-
dent:
Treasurer:
Trustees:
No. )a, Lower Hillside Street,
San Fernando
Trinidad & Tobago Trade Union
Council (TTTUC)
*John F. F. ROJAS
Joseph C. HOULDER
Cyril GONZALEZ
Ramrattan MADOO
Leslie NELSON
Nazario CARMINE
Founded: 1937
Political Orientation: The political orientation of the
OWTU is somewhat indeterminate.
It was formerly affiliated with the WFTU through the TTT'UC,
but reportedly officers of the OWTU forced President General
ROJAS to disaffiliate in 1953. 30 A rift in the executive
was reported in 1954, over contract negotiations with the
petroleum companies. President ROJAS was willing to settle
for a small increase,-to establish himself as a responsible
trade unionist. He was opposed by Fitzroy McCOLLINS,
president of the Fyzabad Branch, John HACKSHAW and Fabien
S. LESALDO, who called for strikes and violent action if
the demands were not met. 31
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Importance of the Union: The OWTU is the largest union
in Trinidad. At present it
includes the marine oil workers, who wish to withdraw-be-
cause they say that the OWTU is not sufficiently concerned
with their grievances. As the two principal industries in
Trinidad are oil and sugar, the union plays a vital role
in the economy of the island.
In 195+ the Oilfield Employers Association of Trinidad
(OEAT) informed the OWTU that when negotiations for a new
contract began the OEAT would consider no rise in basic
wage rates, claiming that Trinidad's oil industry cannot
afford an increase and that in any case oil industry wages
remain out of line with general wage rates in the colony.
Nevertheless, negotiations began in February 1955 with
presentation by the OWTU of a list of demands that included
a 25 per cent general wage increase. In April the OEAT
and OWTU formally notified the acting governor of Trinidad
of their inability to settle their dispute, and the acting
governor informed them he would appoint a board of inquiry. This
board had not yet reached a decision at last report. The
influence of extremists on the labor side, both among local
leaders and among the OWTU's advisers from the United
Kingdom, has been reported. 32
000 S
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VENEZUELA
CD
3
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CD
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Additional information, as of August 1955
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V E N E Z U E L A
There is no active, effective organization of all the
Venezuelan petroleum workers. The Confederacion Nacional
de Trabajadores (CNT), which has taken over most of the
active unions, is organized along geographic rather than
industrial lines. Government attempts to create a petro-
leum federation within the CNT have failed. While it
claims to represent 90 per cent of the Venezuelan workers,
CNT's voluntary following is presumed to be very small.
Nevertheless, it is the only government-approved, function-
ing organization. The remnants of previous petroleum
federations appear to remain in existence, but they are
actually repressed and ineffective.
Opposition to the CNT has been reduced to token pro-
portions as a result of the mergers and reorganizations
accomplished by the government in the confederation's
behalf. Those rival unions which survive hope to maintain
their independence and have been assured that their identity
will be preserved, but they fear that they will be ab-
sorbed. A few known survivors among opposition petroleum
unions are listed in this section.
1. Confederacion Nacional de Trabajadores (CNT -- National
PV -I -
rat ion o orkers
Address:
Affiliation:
Membership:
none; government-sponsored
Claims 90% of all organized
workers; voluntary following
is probably small
Officers:
Sec. General: Pedro Jose ROJAS
Sec. for Petro-
leum workers: *Julio Guerra ROSALES Teran
Organization: 33 The CNT was constituted in Novem-
ber 195+ at the Fourth National
Convention of the Movimiento Sindical Independiente (MOSIT),
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as the organization had been called until that time. MOSIT
was made up principally of the so-called "Independiente"
unions, which form the core of the new CNT. At the time of
its constitution, CNT claimed to represent nearly 300,000
workers in 256 unions affiliated with 15 state federations.
These figures are obviously exaggerated and are broad esti-
mates of industry groups rather than the result of comput-
ing dues payments. Nevertheless, the CNT, for all practical
purposes, must be considered the legitimate and logical
representative of Venezuelan labor. The CNT was formed
with outward regard for the conventions required of a bona
fide labor organization, although its close government
sponsorship and strong-arm tactics prevent it from achiev
ing this end. The government made use of Communists in
setting up the CNT, most of whom are still "playing ball"
with the government.
Political Orientation: 34/ Because of its close
ties with the govern-
ment, the CNT is bound to follow the lead of government
officials in its policies and orientation. Although the
MOSIT 1953 convention passed a resolution favoring affilia-
tion with ORIT or the ICFTU, the CNT convention voted not
to affiliate with any international body. A representative
of ATLAS (Agrupacion de Trabagadores Latino Americanos
Sindicalistas) who went to Caracas with a proposal that
the CNT join the Argentine-sponsored Latin American associ-
ation was unsuccessful in lining up the CNT. Because of
the similarities in their regimes, the intense wooing on
the part of the Argentines and continued attacks by the
free organizations, it is understood that some' top minis-
try officials favor affiliation with AT.L,AS, but they re-
portedly were overruled by the president. His motive,
in keeping with previously declared Venezuelan policy
against regior}al blocs, is said to be a desire to avoid
offending the United States and to keep the door open
to affiliation with ORIT.
Petroleum Workers: The CNT is organized along
geographical lines rather than
on an industrial basis. This organization was probably
determined to prevent any bloc of industrial workers,
particularly the oil workers, from dominating the con-
federation. Three "secretariats" within the CNT executive
board were set up, however: one for petroleum workers,
one for workers in commerce and industry and one for
agricultural workers, thus recognizing the importance of
petroleum workers in the national labor scene. 35
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During the latter part of 1954 and early in 195.5,
the CNT was engaged in a series of "mergers", which actually
were a wrecking of existing unions and a rebuilding,
masterminded principally by Pedro ROJAS, of existing petro-
leum unions into a singe "Sindicato Independiente de
Obreros y Empleados Petroleros" in each area. In many in-
stances these mergers have been accomplished by manipu-
lation of boards of directors and presentation of claims
to gain adherents. A few dissident unions have held out
against all government pressure, and some workers have
dropped their membership in the joint unions. However,
the mergers have been so effective that in the Bolivar
District of the State of Zulia, for example, the CNT
reportedly has gained effective control over 90 per cent
of the organized petroleum workers. 3 / However, the oil
companies claim that less than half their workers are
organized. The Union Sindica.l Independiente de Zulia is
reported to be the.strongest of all the state unions. 37
Among the many reported leftists in the CNT are
two men connected with the marine petroleum union; which
is heavily Communist infiltrated: Ramon BARRIOS and
Ramon DELGADO. DELGADO made a speech at the CNT founding
convention presenting a resolution for nationalization
of the petroleum tanker fleet. It was described as the
convention's most important resolution L8/ Another re-
solution attacked US restrictions on oil imports, and
the Falcon delegation charged the Shell Company with
imposing after-hours outpatient attention in the hospital
at the Cardon refinery. Lack of sufficient public
services at the time the hospital was created made
it necessary for Shell Lo permit service during working
hours. 39
2. Comite pro-Federacion de Trabajadores Organizados de
Venezuela 00 OV -- Committee or Federation 6T
the organized Workers of Venezuela)
Address: Salasa Balconcito 37, Caracas
Affiliation: COPEI (Social Christian)
Membership: 4,000 (1954)
Officers:
Sec. General:
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The federation was reported to
be strong in Caracas and the
oil fields in 1955. 40
Comite Independiente, Sindicato Petrolero National
CI EN -- Independent Committee, Nat onal Petroleum
Workers Union)
Affiliation: URD (Union Republicana Demo-
cratica)
Membership:
Officers:
President:
Affiliates:
2,000 (1954)
16
CISPEN appears to have gone out of existence. Most URD
leaders have been forced out. 4
Sindicato de Marinos Petroleros (SMP -- Union of Marine
Petroleum Workers)
Address:
Not known
Affiliation:
Probably CNT; considered
Communist controlled (1954)
Officers:
Sec. General:
Ramon A. NAVA
Corresponding
Secretary:
Anable LINARES
Sec. of Organi-
zation & Propa-
ganda:
Treasurer:
Roque GARCIA Avila
4
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Claims Officers: Ramon DELGADO
Agustin A. ZINUGA
The SMP was reorganized by Pedro ROJAS in the summer
of 19514. The officers who had been elected, including Pedro
BARRIOS, president, were all arrested on charges of being
responsible for the dissemination of Communist propaganda.
They were released after six or seven days, but allegedly
were not allowed to resume their activities in the SMP.
Subsequently ROJAS selected and placed in office, without
elections, a completely new Board of Directors acceptable
to the government (as listed above). 142
5. Sindicatos Libres_de Venezuela
Address: ,Not known
Affiliation: Independent Socialist Party,
a moderate group headed by
ex-Labor Minister ROJAS Con-
treras
Membership: 3,000 (1953)
Officers:
President: Jose Vicente ALFONSO (1953)
May be virtually extinct following CNT's 19514 putsch.
6. Federacion de Trabajadores del Distrito Federal Estado
Miranda Eastern oilfields
Address: Not known
Affiliation: "Black" Communist
Membership: 7,000 (est.)
Officers: Rafael BRACCIA
No information is available on a number of petroleum
workers affiliated with this union.
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REFERENCES
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References for additional information of
August 1955
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REFERENCES
1. State despatch 272, La Paz, 21 Dec 54, Official Use
Only.
2. State despatch 425, La Paz, 29 Mar 55, Unclassified.
3. Ibid.
4. State despatch 887, Rio de Janeiro, 7 Jan 55, US
Officials Only.
5. Labor, National Trade Union Centers in the Western
Hemisphere, Sep 53, Unclassified.
State despatch 584, Bogota, 7 Mar 55, official Use
Only.
25X1A2g
7.
8. Ibid.
9. State despatch 16, Bogota; 10 Jul 52, Unclassified.
10. CIA, The Labor Movement in Ecuador, Jun 54'25X1A8a
Secr
13.
14.
15.
16.
25X1A2g
17.
18. State despatch 54, Aruba, 26 May 55, Confidential.
19. State despatch 23, Aruba, 8 Dec 54, Official Use
Only.
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20.
21.
_
Ibid.
25X1A2g
_"~2.
=
25X1A2i
23. m
25X1A2g
24.
State despatch 43, Aruba, 17 Feb 55, Official Use
Only.
25.
25X1A2g
26.
RI file 200-6-70-)3y21, op. cit.
27.
State despatch 218, Lima, 10 Oct 52, Confidential.
28.
State despatch 382, Lima, 24 Dec 53, Confidential.
,,..P9 .
25X1A2g
30.
Navy, 280-C-53, Trinidad, 10 Nov 53, Confidential.
31.
Navy, 324-54, Trinidad, 3 Dec 54, Confidential.
32.
State despatch 370, Port of Spain, 6 Jun 55, Confidential.
33.
State despatch 610, Caracas, 22 Dec 54, Official Use
Only.
34.
Ibid.
35.
Ibid.
36.
25X1A2g
37.
State despatch 610,
op. cit.
38.
Ibid.
39.
Ibid.
40.
State despatch 663, Caracas, 11 Jan 55, Official Use
Only.
41.
25X1A2g
42.
State despatch 132, Caracas, 9 Aug 54, Official Use
Only
2
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