(Sanitized) IN RETROSPECT
Document Type:
Collection:
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST):
CIA-RDP90-01137R000100200002-5
Release Decision:
RIFPUB
Original Classification:
K
Document Page Count:
62
Document Creation Date:
December 9, 2016
Document Release Date:
August 1, 2001
Sequence Number:
2
Case Number:
Publication Date:
June 1, 1971
Content Type:
REPORT
File:
Attachment | Size |
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Body:
Approved For Release 2001/09/07: CIA-RDP90-011 001 00 -5
in retrospect
FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
1941-1971
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EXPLANATORY NOTE
This commemorative volume, issued to mark the 30th
anniversary of the Foreign Broadcast Information Service,
provides a retrospective view of FBIS. It makes no claim to
comprehensiveness but is designed to recall illustrative
historic items monitored from press and radio sources over
the past three decades.
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FBIS in retrospect
30 years
of the
Foreign Broadcast Information Service
1941-1971
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Foreign Broadcast Information Service
P.O. Box 2604
Washington, D.C. 20013
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March 9, 1971
Dear Mr. Sorel:
The thirtieth anniversary of the Foreign Broadcast
Information Service is an important milestone for
all of us who benefit from the many services you
and the members of your staff provide. In an era
when the United States must understand and often
respond rapidly to world-wide developments, your
timely and authoritative reporting, your searching
analyses and your translation capabilities make an
important contribution to the work of everyone as-
sociated with the complex field of foreign affairs.
I am glad to have this opportunity to add my
congratulations and best wishes to the many
others you have received.
Sincerely,
Mr. Paul A. Sorel
Director
Foreign Broadcast Information Service
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CONTENTS
Page 1 Italy Joins War on United States
2 Hitler Escapes Assassination Attempt
3 Germany Capitulates to Allies
4 Japan Accepts Surrender Terms
6 Communist Invasion Triggers Korean War
9 Moscow Announces Death of Stalin
11 Dien Bien Phu Falls After Long Siege
13 Soviet Forces Crush Hungarian Uprising
19 Nasir Nationalizes Suez Canal
21 USSR Orbits Sputnik, Manned Craft
24 U-2 Blamed for Paris Summit Failure
26 Castro Espouses Marxism-Leninism
28 USSR Missile Pullout Ends Cuban Crisis
29 Ngo Dinh Diem Overthrown by Military
30 Moscow Announces Khrushchev Retirement
31 Ghanaian Army Topples Kwame Nkrumah
33 Cultural Revolution Sweeps Red China
39 War Breaks Out in Middle East
41 Vietnam Peace Talks Open in Paris
43 Bloc Armies End Czech Freedom Bid
47 Fighting Erupts on Sino-Soviet Border
51 Ho Chi Minh Dies of Heart Attack
53 Havana Endorses Urban Terrorist Tactics
55 Cambodian Assembly Deposes Sihanouk
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ITALY JOINS WAR ON UNITED STATES
FBIS was still in its formative stage when the Japanese
attack on Pearl Harbor plunged the United States into war. Only
two monitoring stations were fully operative; the others were still
ironing out communications and staffing problems. The demand
for information from enemy sources was pressing. A fledgling
FBIS responded. On 9 December 1941 its east coast monitoring
station picked up Mussolini's announcement that Italy had
joined Japan and Germany in war against the United States. The
declaration was flashed to Washington ahead of the news
agencies, and FBIS had registered the first of many
achievements as the official U.S. Government monitoring
service. In his speech from the balcony of the Palazzo Venezia, as
broadcast by Rome radio's North American service, the Duce
declared:
... Today the Italian flag is flying with those of
Germany and Japan, symbolic of the pact of steel
uniting the three countries.... Neither the Axis nor
Japan wanted the spread of the conflict.... One man,
and one man alone, an out-and-out despot, through
an endless series of provocations, deceiving his own
people, wanted the war and prepared for it day by day
with diabolical perseverance. The formidable blows..
which have already been inflicted on the United
States over the immense expanse of the Pacific are
proof of the valor of the soldiers of the rising sun.... I
say, and you hear it: It is a privilege to fight with
them. Today the Tripartite Alliance, proud of its
moral and material means, has a powerful instrument
for war. It is sure of victory. [Crowd roars] Tomorrow
it will be the maker and the organizer of a just peace
among peoples.... Italian men and women, rise once
more. Be worthy of this great hour. We shall win!
7 -V\\
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HITLER ESCAPES ASSASSINATION
ATTEMPT
On 20 July 1944 a group of German officers attempted to
assassinate Hitler by smuggling a bomb into a briefing session at
his headquarters. The bomb killed several of those present, but
Hitler escaped. Washington, reacting to German claims that the
Fuehrer had survived the blast, urgently sought confirmation
that he was still alive. This came later that day, when the
German radio was heard to interrupt a scheduled newscast to
announce that the Fuehrer was about to address the German
nation. A very angry Hitler came on the air to say:
German men and women: I do not know how many
times attempts on my life have been planned and
carried out. If I address you today, I am doing so for
two reasons: first, so that you shall hear my voice and
know that Ipersonally am unhurt and well; second, so
that you shall hear details about a crime which has no
equal in German history.
An extremely small clique of ambitious, unscru-
pulous, and at the same time foolish and criminally
stupid, officers hatched a plot to remove me and,
together with me, virtually exterminate the Staff of
the German High Command.
A bomb which was placed by Colonel Graf von
Stauffenberg exploded 2 meters from me on my right
side. It wounded very seriously a number of my dear
collaborators. One of them has died. I personally am
entirely unhurt, apart from negligible grazes, bruises,
and burns.... The assertion of these usurpers that I
was no longer alive is disproved at this moment, as I
am talking to you, my dear Volksgenossen....
2
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GERMANY CAPITULATES TO ALLIES
Faced with defeat, Hitler took his life on 30 April 1945.
German armies on the western front began surrendering on 4
May. On 7 May 1945 the German radio at Flensburg carried the
following statement by Reichsminister Count Schwerin von
Krosigk:
German men and women: The High Command of
the Armed Forces today [7 May], at the order of
Grand Admiral Doenitz, declared the unconditional
surrender of all the fighting German troops. As the
leading minister of the Reich Government whom the
Admiral of the Fleet has appointed to wind up all
military tasks, I turn at this tragic moment of our
history to the German nation.
After a heroic fight of almost 6 years of
incomparable hardness, Germany has succumbed to
the overwhelming power of its enemies. To continue
the war would only mean senseless bloodshed and
futile disintegration. This government, which bears
the responsibility for the future of the nation, has
been compelled to act on the collapse of all physical
and material forces and to request of the enemy a
cessation of hostilities. It was the noblest task of the
Admiral of the Fleet and of the government
supporting him, after the terrible sacrifices which the
war had demanded, to save, in this last phase of the
war, the lives of the maximum number of his fellow
countrymen....
3
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JAPAN ACCEPTS SURRENDER TERMS
The first atomic bomb was dropped on Hiroshima on 6
August 1945. At first. Tokyo radio merely stated that "a small
number of B-29's invaded the skies today over Hiroshima and
dropped both incendiaries and explosives." The full magnitude
of what had happened was revealed gradually to the Japanese
people the next day, when the radio announced:
Yesterday, 6 August, the city of Hiroshima suffered
considerable damage due to attacks by a small
number of enemy B-29s.... The enemy used a new
type of parachute bomb, which appears to explode in
the air. With regard to its power, investigations are
presently underway. However, we cannot be
unconcerned....
Since it is presumed that enemy planes will
continue to use this new bomb, the authorities will
point out measures to cope with it immediately. Until
these measures are set forth, it is necessary for the
people of the nation more than ever to strengthen the
present air defense structure.
On the other hand, as has been said many times,
even if the enemy does raid with a small number of
planes we must be careful not to regard the raids
lightly. Furthermore, the enemy has used this new
type of bomb and is simultaneously propagandizing
the might of the present bomb in a big way....
The dropping of atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki
was followed by an ultimatum from the four Allied Powers
demanding total capitulation. The Japanese cabinet, according
to monitored reports from the Japanese DOMEI news agency,
deliberated at great length before reaching "unanimous"
agreement on 11 August on a formal reply. On 14 August the
Japanese domestic service alerted the population that "an
important announcement" would be forthcoming the next day.
On 15 August, DOMEI, in an English-language transmission,
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announced Japan's acceptance of the Allied surrender terms in a
dispatch which stated:
The Japanese Government yesterday sent a
communication to the Allied Powers formally
accepting the provisions of the Potsdam Declaration.
The communication was dispatched through the
intermediary of the Swiss Government. The full text
of the communication follows:
Communication of the Japanese Government of 14
August 1945, addressed to the governments of the
United States, Great Britain, the Soviet Union, and
China.
With reference to the Japanese Government's note
of 10 August regarding their acceptance of the
provisions of the Potsdam Declaration and the reply
of the governments of the United States, Great
Britain, the Soviet Union, and China sent by
American Secretary of State James Byrnes under the
date of 11 August, the Japanese Government has the
honor to communicate the following to the
governments of the four powers:
1-His majesty the emperor has issued an imperial
rescript regarding the Japanese acceptance of the
provisions of the Potsdam Declaration.
2-His majesty the emperor is prepared to
authorize and insure the signature of his majesty's
government and the Imperial General Headquarters
of the necessary terms for carrying out the provisions
of the Potsdam Declaration.
His majesty is also prepared to issue his commands
to all the military, naval, and air authorities of Japan
and all the forces under their control wherever located
to cease active operations, to surrender arms, and to
issue such other orders as may be required by the
supreme commander of the Allied Forces for the
execution of the above-mentioned terms.
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COMMUNIST INVASION TRIGGERS
KOREAN WAR
On 25 June 1950 North Korean forces invaded the Republic
of Korea after claiming to have frustrated an invasion against
areas north of the 38th parallel by troops of the Syngman Rhee
"puppet government." In a long appeal "to all the Korean
people" broadcast by Pyongyang Radio later that day, North
Korean leader Kim I1-song placed all the blame for the fighting
on the South Korean Government:
... Troops of the puppet government of country-
selling traitor Syngman Rhee on June 25 invaded
areas north of the 38th parallel along the entire
breadth of the 38th parallel. The valiant Guard Corps
of the Republic launched fierce battles in opposition
to the enemy and frustrated the invasion of the troops
of the Syngman Rhee puppet government.
The government of the Democratic People's
Republic of Korea, having examined the situation
thus created, ordered our people's armed forces to
launch decisive counterattacks and to [mop up the
enemy].
Under orders of the government of the Republic,
the people's armed forces repulsed the enemy south of
the 38th parallel and marched 10 to 15 kilometers
south of the 38th parallel. The People's Armed Forces
liberated many towns and cities, including Ongjin,
Yonan, Kaesong, and Paekchon, and many villages.
With all our patriotic democratic might we have
struggled to attain unification for the fatherland by
peaceful means, but the Syngman Rhee country-
selling traitor gang has now provoked an internecine
civil war in opposition to the people....
Opposing the peaceful unification of the father-
land, the Syngman Rhee traitor gang has long been
preparing for an internecine civil war.... In a move to
cover up its preparation for a civil war, the Syngman
Rhee country-selling traitor gang has been inces-
santly provoking clashes along the 38th parallel, in-
flicting anxiety on the fatherland and people and
attempting to shift to the authorities of our people's
republic the responsibility for the provocative clashes.
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Dear brothers and sisters: A great danger confronts
our fatherland and people. What are we to do to
eliminate the danger facing our fatherland? The
Korean people must-in this war against the
Syngman Rhee country-selling traitor gang-[defend]
the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and its
constitution, mop up the antipopular fascist
Syngman Rhee puppet regime which has been formed
in the southern half, liberate the southern half of our
fatherland from the rule of the Syngman Rhee traitor
gang, restore in the southern half the people's
committees which are true people's governments,
and, under the banner of the Democratic People's
Republic of Korea, attain unification for the
fatherland and found a powerful, democratic,
independent Korea.
This war-which we are carrying out in opposition
to the internecine civil war which the Syngman Rhee
country-selling gang has touched off-is a righteous
war for the cause of the unification, independence,
freedom, and democracy of the fatherland.
Dear fellow countrymen, and I am addressing all
the Korean people: If you do not want to once again
become slaves to foreign imperialists, you must rise in
unison in this country-saving struggle to throw over
and smash the Syngman Rhee country-selling traitor
gang. You must make all sacrifices and achieve
unification for our fatherland....
Our People's Armed Forces must demonstrate their
valor, courage, and initiative in the struggle to defend
to the death the democratic reforms in the northern
half of the republic, to save our fellow countrymen in
the southern half of the republic from reactionary
rule, and to unify the fatherland under the banner of
the people's republic. They must not spare their lives
but must act with the utmost patriotic loyalty for the
sake of the fatherland and the people and dedicate
their last drop of blood to the unification of the
fatherland....
The people of the northern half must place all their
business on a wartime footing and mobilize all their
might and resources in order to mop up the enemy
quickly and mercilessly. All business must be geared
to the objectives of the war and to the mopping up of
the enemy....
7
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Dear fellow countrymen, dear brothers and sisters:
In order to quickly seize and eliminate the armed
might and police state of the Syngman Rhee traitor
gang, I call upon all the Korean people to rally more
solidly than ever around the government of the
Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Let us win
our glorious victory, which will insure the unification
and independence of the fatherland which we
Koreans ardently desire!
The history of mankind teaches us that the people
who have risen in unison, risking even death in the
struggle for freedom and independence of their
country, have always emerged triumphant. The
struggle of our people is a righteous one. Victory
inevitably will be with our people. I firmly believe
that our righteous struggle for the fatherland and the
people will inevitably end in victory.
The time has come now to unify our fatherland. Let
us march forward valiantly with confidence in
victory. Let us concentrate all our might on aiding our
people's armed forces on the battlefronts. Let us
concentrate all our might on mopping up and
annihilating the enemy.
Long live the Korean people, who have risen in
unison in the nationwide popular war of righteous-
ness! Long live the Democratic People's Republic
of Korea! Let us march forward to victory!
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MOSCOW ANNOUNCES DEATH OF
STALI N
On 4 March 1953 a Soviet Government statement monitored
from TASS announced: "A great misfortune has befallen our
party, our people-the grave illness of Comrade J. V. Stalin."
The TASS announcement, the first official word of Stalin's
illness, was followed on 6 March by a party-government
statement on the Soviet leader's death. As transmitted by TASS
it stated in part:
The Central Committee of the Communist Party of
the Soviet Union, the USSR Council of Ministers,
and the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Council
announce with profound sorrow to the party and all
workers of the Soviet Union that on 5 March at 2150
hours, after a grave illness, the chairman of the USSR
Council of Ministers and secretary of the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union, Josef Vissarionovich Stalin, died.
The heart of the comrade and inspired continuer of
Lenin's will, the wise leader and teacher of the
Communist Party and the Soviet people-Josef
Vissarionovich Stalin-has stopped beating. Stalin's
name is infinitely dear to our party, to the Soviet
people, to the workers of the whole world. Together
with Lenin, Comrade Stalin created the mighty
party of communists, reared and forged that party.
Together with Lenin, Comrade Stalin was the inspirer
and leader of the Great October Socialist Revolution,
founder of the world's first socialist state.
Continuing Lenin's immortal cause, Comrade
Stalin led the Soviet people to a world-historic
victory of socialism in our land. Comrade Stalin led
our country to victory over fascism in the Second
World War, which wrought a radical change in the
entire international scene. Comrade Stalin armed the
party and all the people with a great and lucid
program of building communism in the USSR.
The death of Comrade Stalin, the man who devoted
all his life to the unselfish service of the communist
cause, is a tremendous loss to the party, to the
workers of the Soviet Union and to the whole world....
9
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In these sorrowful days all the peoples of our country
are rallying even closer to the great fraternal family
under the tested leadership of the Communist Party,
created and reared by Lenin and Stalin. The Soviet
people have boundless faith in and are permeated
with deep love for their Communist Party, for they
know that the supreme law governing all the activity
of the party is service in the interests of the
people. . . .
The Central Committee of the Communist Party of
the Soviet Union, the USSR Council of Ministers,
and the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Council,
appealing in these sorrowful days to the party and the
people, express their firm conviction that the party
and all workers of our motherland will rally even
closer around the Central Committee and the Soviet
Government, will mobilize all their forces and
creative energy in the great cause of guiding
communism in our land.
The immortal name of Stalin will live forever in the
hearts of the Soviet people and all progressive
mankind....
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DIEN BIEN PHU FALLS AFTER LONG
SIEGE
The siege of Dien Bien Phu, considered by many to be the
crucial battle of the French-Indochinese war, was launched on 14
March 1954 by 10,000 Vietminh troops. On 7 May, after 55 days
of bitter fighting, the French fortress capitulated. The North
Vietnamese News Agency, in claiming victory on 8 May 1954,
stated:
At 1700 hours on 7 May our troops occupied the
entire Muong Thanh sector, after which the enemies
at various support points signalled their surrender by
raising the white flag.
At about 1900 hours close to 2,000 enemies in Hong
Kum, that is, in the southern subsector, tried to break
the encirclement. Pursuit was undertaken. At 2200
hours all the enemy forces that had tried to flee had
been put out of action. By 2200 hours on 7 May,
weapons were silent over the entire Dien Bien Phu
front. The spokesman of the high command officially
declared: "Our troops have destroyed all the enemy
forces based at Dien Bien Phu."
This morning, on 8 May, at 0800 hours the
spokesman of the high command gave the official
news: On the night of 6 May our troops launched a
general attack against the defense system of Dien
Bien Phu. After a night and day of extremely heroic
struggle, our troops put out of combat on 7 May at
1700 hours the entire enemy garrison of the Muong
Thanh subsector. At 2200 hours on the same day our
troops [took the entire] enemy garrison of the
southern subsector.
According to initial statistics, the number of enemy
put out of action at Dien Bien Phu since the start of
our attack amounts to 17 infantry battalions,
including 7 paratroop battalions, 3 artillery units, and
numerous engineer and motorized units. Fifty-seven
enemy planes have been shot down or destroyed. The
historic campaign at Dien Bien Phu has been a
colossal success.
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On 10 May the North Vietnam News Agency carried the
following telegram of congratulations from Ho Chi Minh to the
victorious troops:
Our Army has liberated Dien Bien Phu. I and the
government affectionately extend congratulations to
the cadres, fighters, people's laborers, [volunteer]
youths, and local compatriots who so gloriously
fulfilled their duties.
Though the victory was great, it is only the
beginning. We should not become boastful, nor
should we indulge in complacency or underestimate
the enemy. We are determined to carry out the
resistance to wrest back independence, unification,
democracy, and peace. Be it in the military or
diplomatic field, only through a long-drawn-out and
arduous struggle can we attain complete victory....
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SOVIET FORCES CRUSH HUNGARIAN
UPRISING
The Hungarian uprising in 1956 exemplified the importance
of radio monitoring as a source of news from a nation in upheaval
and virtually cut off from the outside world. Dissatisfied with the
repressive policies of their government and inspired by student
demonstrations in neighboring Poland, Hungarian students
began holding mass protest meetings on 20 October 1956. The
students' demands-for the formation of a new government
headed by the popular Tmre Nagy, the ouster of party and
government officials associated with past repression, and
withdrawal of Soviet troops-were quickly taken up by the
general population. Armed violence flared on 23 October, when
police fired into a Budapest demonstration attended by 100,000
people. Within hours, the Budapest radio warned that "fascist
reactionary elements" were attacking public buildings and the
armed forces, and it announced that all meetings and
demonstrations had been banned.
Early the next morning, it was heard carrying this
announcement:
The Council of Ministers of the Hungarian People's
Republic has ordered summary jurisdiction through-
out the country to be applied against acts designed
to overthrow the People's Republic-revolt, incite-
ment, appeal and conspiracy to revolt, murder,
manslaughter, arson, keeping of explosives and
crimes committed by use of explosives, crimes com-
mitted indirectly, force applied against official au-
thorities, force against private persons, and illicit
possession of arms. Crimes falling into the catego-
ries of summary jurisdiction must be punished by
death. This order is effective immediately.
Minutes later the radio supplied these details:
The dastardly armed attacks of'counterrevolution-
ary gangs during the night have created an extremely
serious situation. The bandits have penetrated into
factories and public buildings and have murdered
many civilians, members of the national defense
forces, and fighters of the state security organs.
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The government organs had not reckoned with the
bloody dastardly attacks and therefore applied for
help, in accordance with the terms of the Warsaw
Treaty, to the Soviet formations stationed in
Hungary. The Soviet formations, in compliance with
the government's request, are taking part in the
restoration of order.
The government is appealing to inhabitants of the
capital to keep calm; it condemns the bloody havoc
created by the counterrevolutionary gangs and
supports everywhere the Hungarian and Soviet troops
maintaining order. The liquidation of the counterrev-
olutionary gangs is the most sacred cause of every
honest Hungarian worker, of the people and the
fatherland. At this moment we are concentrating all
our strength on that task.
As the fighting continued throughout the day, the radio
alternated broadcasting offers of amnesty and warnings to those
who persisted in fighting. Official pronouncements stressed that
"opportunist and reactionary" forces were utilizing the disorder
to jeopardize the country's socialist achievements and appealed
to the people to help restore conditions to normal. Bowing to
popular demand, party officials named Imre Nagy to the
premiership and installed Janos Kadar, an early advocate of
Titoism, as party first secretary.
On 25 October Kadar and Nagy in a joint broadcast
appealed for an end to the bloodshed and indicated that the
people's demands for reform would be met. Kadar stated in part:
Hungarian workers, dear comrades: The Politburo
of our party has entrusted to me the post of first
secretary of the Central Committee in a grave and
difficult situation....
The grave situation in which we have become
involved is characterized by the fact that various
elements are mixed up in it. The demonstration
march of a section of the youth, which started
peacefully in accordance with the aims of the
overwhelming majority of the participants, after a few
hours, in accordance with the intentions of
antidemocratic and counterrevolutionary elements
who joined them, degenerated into an armed attack
against the state power of the people's democracy.
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In this grave situation a decision had to be made. In
complete unanimity, the leadership of our party
decided that the armed attack against the power of
our People's Republic had to be repelled by every
possible means. The power of the working people, the
working class and the peasantry embodied in the
People's Republic is sacred to us and must be
sacred to anyone who does not wish to reimpose on the
neck of our people the old yoke, the rule of the
capitalists, bankers, and large estate owners.
This armed attack has wreaked bloodshed, destruc-
tion, and serious material damage and will continue
to do so until, with the help of our entire working people,
we put a definite end to it.... It is the firm resolve of
the party leadership, after the earliest possible
restoration of order, to face frankly and without
vacillation all those burning questions whose solution
cannot be postponed. We want to solve these tasks
without delay by deepening the democratization of
state, party, and social life, with regard for realistic
possibilities.
Comrades, the Central Committee of the party
proposes to the government that, after the restoration
of order, the government should conduct talks with
the Soviet Government in the spirit of complete
equality between Hungary and the Soviet Union,
fraternal cooperation, and internationalism, for the
equitable and just settlement for both parties of the
issues between the two socialist countries....
Nagy, in the first of several speeches he was to broadcast to
the nation in the next few days, said:
Working people of Hungary: During the past few
days our country has lived through tragic events....
The new party leadership and government under my
direction are resolved to draw the lessons of the tragic
events to the maximum extent. Soon after restoration
of order the National Assembly will meet. At that
meeting I will submit an all-embracing and well-
founded reform program.
This program will embrace all important problems
of our national life. The implementation of this
program demands the reshuffling of the government
on the basis of the rallying of the revived People's
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Patriotic Front and the broadest democratic national
forces. The immediate cessation of fighting and the
restoration of calm and order are absolutely
indispensable for the realization of this program....
As chairman of the Council of Ministers I hereby
announce that the Hungarian Government is
initiating negotiations on relations between the
Hungarian People's Republic and the Soviet Union,
among other things, on the withdrawal of Soviet
forces stationed in Hungary on the basis of
Hungarian-Soviet friendship and proletarian interna-
tionalism and of equality between communist parties
and socialist countries and national independence.
I am convinced that Hungarian-Soviet relations
built on that basis will provide a solid foundation for a
sincere and true friendship between our peoples, for
our national progress, and for our socialist future.
The ordering back of those Soviet troops whose
intervention in the fighting has been made necessary
by the vital interest of our socialist order will take
place without delay after the restoration of peace and
order....
Despite the appeals of Kadar and Nagy, the fighting
continued to spread throughout Hungary. On 28 October, in
another broadcast, Nagy reiterated his call for public support
and alined his government with the cause of the people. He
announced a general amnesty for all rebels, replacement of the
security police with a new security force, and plans for Soviet
withdrawal from Budapest. On 31 October, following a 30
October announcement that the "reorganization of the party"
had begun, Nagy informed the country:
... In the interest of the further democratization of
the country's life, the cabinet abolishes the one-party
system and places the country's government on the
basis of democratic cooperation between the coalition
parties, reborn in 1945. In accordance with this it sets
up a smaller cabinet within the national government.
The members of this cabinet are Imre Nagy, Zoltan
Tildy, Bela Kovacs, Ferenc Erdei, Janos Kadar, Geza
Losonczy, and a person to be nominated by the Social
Democratic Party. The government will submit a
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proposal to the Presidential Council of the People's
Republic to appoint Janos Kadar and Geza Losonczy
as ministers of state....
The Soviet army began mass evacuation of its troops from
Budapest on 30 October amid conflicting reports that other
Soviet forces were pouring into the country from Rumania. On 1
November Budapest radio was monitored broadcasting the
following news:
Imre Nagy, chairman of the council of Ministers
and in charge of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, today
summoned Mr. Andropov, USSR ambassador
extraordinary and plenipotentiary. Nagy told him the
Hungarian Government had received authoritative
information about the entry into Hungarian territory
of new Soviet military formations. He demanded that
these Soviet military formations be withdrawn at
once.
He informed the Soviet ambassador of Hungary's
withdrawal from the Warsaw Treaty and at the same
time declared Hungary's neutrality. The Hungarian
Government, he said, is turning to the United
Nations and seeks the help of the four great powers to
safeguard its neutrality. The Soviet ambassador
acknowledged the communication from the Hungari-
an premier and foreign minister and promised to ask
his government to give an immediate reply.
On 4 November Soviet military forces, after pretending to
yield to Hungarian pressure to withdraw, launched a massive
armored invasion of Hungary. A stunned Nagy came on the air to
say:
This is Imre Nagy, the premier, speaking. In the
early hours of this morning Soviet troops launched an
attack on our capital city with the obvious intention
of overthrowing the lawful. democratic Hungarian
Government. Our troops are fighting. The govern-
ment is in its place. I hereby inform the people of
the country and world public opinion of this.
Only minutes before the Nagy announcement of the Soviet
invasion, Ferenc Munnich, a member of the Nagy government,
utilizing a transmitter normally reserved for the Hungarian
radio's foreign-language broadcasts, announced that he, Janos
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Kadar, and several other "former members of the Imre Nagy
government" were severing all relations with that government to
form "the Hungarian Revolutionary Worker-Peasant Govern-
ment." Munnich explained that their action stemmed from the
Nagy government's inability to control the "ever-growing
strength of the counterrevolutionary threat" to the country's
socialist achievements.
On 5 November the Soviet command, after occupying
Budapest radio facilities, issued the following statement to
the Hungarian population:
We have taken action at the request of the
Revolutionary Worker-Peasant Government. That
government informed us that forces of capitalist
reaction were engaged in committing abuses in
Hungary, that they wanted to restore the power of
large landowners and capitalists, and that they
wanted to deprive the workers of their achievements
and the peasants of their land. Fascism appeared as a
real danger.
The government told us that Imre Nagy's
government did not want to fight against reaction,
and this enabled the counterrevolutionary gangs
which had gained ground to murder workers and
patriots, to ravage and to plunder. The government of
Imre Nagy had disintegrated and did not actually
exist. There was total confusion in the country, and
antipopular forces were committing abuses with
impunity.
In this situation the Hungarian Revolutionary
Worker-Peasant Government requested the com-
mand of the Soviet forces in Hungary to lend t helping
hand in the liquidation of counterrevolutionary forces
and in the restoration of order, internal peace, and
calm. The command of the Soviet forces and we
Soviet soldiers and officers are ready to extend this
help to our Hungarian brethren....
Within a week Soviet forces had crushed the revolt and
installed Janos Kadar as the head of a Soviet-sponsored
government. Nagy, after a period of asylum in the Yugoslav
Embassy, was seized by the Soviet authorities and secretly
executed.
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NASIR NATIONALIZES SUEZ CANAL
In mid-July 1956 the United States and Great Britain
announced that they were canceling large grants to Egypt for
construction of the Aswan Dam. A few days later the World Bank
followed suit and withdrew an even larger loan. Egyptian
President Nasir reacted on 26 July by nationalizing the Suez
Canal, asserting that the revenues would be used to finance the
Aswan Dam. Speaking at a public rally marking the fourth
anniversary of the overthrow of King Farouk, Nasir said over
Cairo radio:
Compatriots: When we look toward the future we
feel that our battles have not ended. It is not easy for
us to build ourselves up in the face of ambition-wide
international ambition-international exploitation,
and international plots. It is not at all easy to build
ourselves and our homeland, to achieve our political
and economic independence. We have long battles
before us, brethren, and during these we shall struggle
to live in freedom and with dignity and grandeur.
Today we are not repeating the past. Today we are
doing away with what has passed. Today we are
building our country as a strong, sound, new
structure. At the same time, when we look back we do
so to do away with the effects of the past-the effects
of the hateful past, which brought domination over
us, the effects of the hateful past which was the work
of the deceptive and misleading imperialists.... We
shall eliminate the past by regaining our rights to the
Suez Canal. [Applause] This money is ours and this
canal belongs to Egypt, because it is an Egyptian
company with limited liability. [Applause]
The Suez Canal was dug by the efforts of the sons of
Egypt. One hundred twenty thousand Egyptians died
in the process. The Suez Canal Company, sitting in
Paris, is a usurping company. It usurped our
concessions....
We shall build the High Dam and we shall regain
our usurped right. [Applause] We shall build the
High Dam. We are determined. Thirty-five million
pounds annually is taken in by the Canal Com-
pany. Why not take it ourselves? [Applause] One
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hundred million dollars annually is collected by the
Suez Canal Company for the benefit of Egypt. We
want this to hold good and the 100 million dollars
to be collected by us for the benefit of Egypt.
Thus, today, when we build the High Dam we shall
also build a dam of dignity, freedom, and grandeur.
We are eliminating the dams of humiliation and
servility.... Therefore, I have signed today, and the
government has approved, the following resolution ...
for the nationalization of the world company of the
Suez Canal. [Prolonged applause]. . . . The World
Maritime Company of the Suez Canal will be
nationalized as an Egyptian joint stock company.
[Prolonged applause] All property and rights
pertaining thereto, as well as the commitments, will
be transferred to the state. [Prolonged applause] All
the organizations and committees currently admin-
istering it will be dissolved. The shareholders and
holders of founder shares Will be compensated for the
stock they own at the assessed value in accordance
with the last quotation at the Paris stock exchange as
of the date this law comes into effect. This
compensation will be paid after the state takes over
all the funds and property of the nationalized
company. [Prolonged applause]....
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USSR ORBITS SPUTNIK, MANNED CRAFT
In 1957 the Soviet Union startled the world by launching the
first artificial earth satellite. An announcement by the Soviet
news agency TASS on 4 October 1957 stated:
. . . As a result of intense large-scale research
conducted by Soviet research institutes and designing
organizations, the world's first artificial earth
satellite has been developed in the Soviet Union. On 4
October 1957 the first satellite was successfully
launched in the USSR.
According to preliminary data, the carrier rocket
gave the satellite the required orbital speed of some
8,000 meters per second. At the present moment the
satellite is looping the earth along an elliptical
trajectory and can be observed in the light of the
rising sun and setting sun through the simplest
optical instruments, such as binoculars, telescopes,
and so forth. . . . Reports on the subsequent
movement of the first manmade satellite, launched in
the USSR on 4 October, will be broadcast regularly by
Soviet radio stations....
Since the density of the rarefied upper layers of the
atmosphere is not known for certain, no data are
available at present for determining with precision
the duration of the satellite's existence and the place
where it will enter the dense layers of the atmosphere.
It has been calculated that because of its tremendous
speed the satellite will burn up on reaching the dense
layers of the atmosphere at the height of several
scores of kilometers....
The successful launching of the first manmade
satellite makes a tremendous contribution to the
treasurehouse of world science and culture. The
scientific experiment staged at such a great height is
of great importance for fathoming the properties of
cosmic space and for studying earth as part of our
solar system. The Soviet Union proposes to send up
several more artificial satellites during the
International Geophysical Year. These will be bigger
and heavier and will help to carry out an extensive
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program of scientific research. Artificial earth
satellites will pave the way for space travel, and it
seems that the present generation will witness how
the freed and conscious labor of the people of the new
socialist society turns even the boldest of man's
dreams into reality.
A little more than 3 years later, on 12 April 1961, the Soviets
succeeded in launching the first manned space vehicle. The first
public announcement of this breakthrough came when Moscow
radio informed Soviet audiences:
Cosmonaut Gagarin has been launched successfully
and is at present feeling well. Conditions in the cabin
are functioning normally. The flight of the "Vostok"
with Gagarin in orbit is continuing.
Minutes later TASS disseminated the news to the world in
the following dispatch:
The world's first satellite spaceship "Vostok" with
man on board was placed in a round-the-earth orbit
in the Soviet Union 12 April. The pilot-space
navigator of the satellite spaceship "Vostok" is a
citizen of the USSR, Flight Maj Yuriy Alekseyevich
Gagarin.
The launching of the multistage space rocket was
successful, and after attaining the first escape
velocity and the separation of the last stage of the
carrier rocket the spaceship went into free flight on a
round-the-earth orbit.
According to preliminary data, the period of the
revolution of the satellite around the earth is 89.1
minutes. The minimum distance from the earth, at
perigee, is 175 kilometers and the maximum, at
apogee, is 302 kilometers; the angle of inclination of
the orbit plane to the equator is 65 degrees 4 minutes.
The spaceship with the navigator weighs 4,725
kilograms, excluding the weight of the final stage of
the carrier rocket.
Two-way radio communications have been
established and are being maintained with space
navigator Gagarin. The frequency of the shortwave
transmitters on board are 9,019 megacycles and
20,006 megacycles and in the ultrashortwave range
143.625 megacycles. The condition of the navigator in
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flight is being observed by means of radio telemetric
and television systems.
Space navigator Gagarin satisfactorily withstood
the placing of the satellite ship "Vostok" into orbit
and at present feels well. The systems insuring the
necessary vital conditions in the cabin of the satellite
spaceship are functioning normally. The satellite
spaceship "Vostok" with navigator Gagarin on board
is continuing its flight in orbit.
o-
irk
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U-2 BLAMED FOR PARIS SUMMIT FAILURE
On 1 May 1960, a U.S. high-altitude reconnaissance plane
was downed on a mission over the Soviet Union. The fate of the
plane was not publicly known until 5 May, when Soviet Premier
Khrushchev, in a report to a USSR Supreme Soviet meeting
broadcast by Moscow radio, stated:
... On May Day, early in the morning, at 0536
Moscow time, an American aircraft crossed our
frontier and continued its flight into the interior of
our country. This aggressive act was immediately
reported to the government by the minister of
defense. A message from the government said: The
aggressor knows what he is doing when he invades
another's territory. If he remains unpunished he will
launch new provocations. Therefore action should be
taken and the aircraft shot down. This task was
carried out and the aircraft was shot down!
[Prolonged applause followed by a shout and further
applause]
The first investigation revealed that the plane
belonged to the United States even though it had no
identification marks. The identification marks had
been painted over. [Stormy applause] A commission
of experts is studying the data in our possession. It
has been established that the plane crossed the state
frontier of the Soviet Union from Turkey, Iran, or
Pakistan.... After studying all the data the Soviet
Government will send a stern protest to the United
States and will warn it that if such aggressive actions
against our country continue we retain the right to
reply to them with the necessary measures to
guarantee the security of our country. [Long and loud
applause]....
The Soviet leader also observed that with the Paris summit
conference literally around the corner, "to send planes to invade
the confines of a foreign country is poor preparation for such a
meeting." This theme was picked up in subsequent Moscow
radio commentaries, which emphasized that reactionary U.S.
forces were doing their best to poison the atmosphere for the
upcoming summit meeting. On 16 May, TASS transmitted the
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text of a statement by Premier Khrushchev announcing Soviet
withdrawal from the summit conference. After noting that the
United States intended to continue sending reconnaissance
planes over Soviet territory and that this policy had been
endorsed by the U.S. president, Khrushchev declared:
How can the Soviet Government take part in talks
under conditions of the actual threat posed by the
U.S. Government, which declared that it will also in
the future continue its violations of the USSR
frontiers and that American aircraft have flown and
will fly over Soviet territory? By this the U.S.
Government has declared its intention to continue its
unheard-of and unprecedented actions against the
sovereignty of the Soviet state, which is a sacred and
immutable principle in international relations.
It follows from all this that for the success of the
conference it is essential that the governments of all
the states represented pursue an open and honest
policy and solemnly declare that they will not commit
any actions against one another which might
represent a violation of the state sovereignty of
powers. This means that if the U.S. Government is
genuinely ready to cooperate with the governments of
other powers in the interests of maintaining peace
and strengthening confidence between the states it
should, first, condemn the inadmissible provocative
actions of the U.S. Air Force against the Soviet
Union, and second, renounce the continuance of such
actions and such a policy against the USSR in the
future.
It is self-evident that the U.S. Government in that
case cannot but make those immediately guilty of the
premeditated violation of the USSR state frontiers by
American aircraft answer severely for it. Until this is
done by the U.S. Government, the Soviet Govern-
ment does not see the possibility of fruitful talks with
the U.S. Government at the summit conference. It
cannot be a participant in talks at which one par-
ticipant has made treachery the basis of his policy
toward the Soviet Union....
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CASTRO ESPOUSES MARXISM-LENINISM
Following Fidel Castro's decision in January 1961 to sever
relations with the United States, there was considerable
controversy regarding the political orientation the Cuban leader
would adopt in charting his country's future. His long speeches,
broadcast by Havana radio, were thought by many to provide
insight into his thoughts and were therefore closely studied.
On 16 April 1961, Castro for the first time referred to the
Cuban revolution as "socialist." During his 1961 May Day speech
he announced that Cuba was entering into an "era of socialist
construction" and spoke of the need for a "socialist constitution"
to reflect the new system. But the speech that received most
publicity came on 2 December 1961, when Castro declared in an
address to university students:
. . . There was a time when I was a political
illiterate because of my class origin. We became
revolutionaries because we had that vocation and
because of native honesty. I did not come here to give
a biography, but every time I found a truth I clung to
it. When I left the university, I was not a Marxist-
Leninist, but I was basically influenced by their work.
We are much more revolutionary now than when we
came into power. I have read "Das Kapital" up to
page [390] but I plan to read further.
Do I believe in Marxism? I believe absolutely in
Marxism! [Long applause] Did I believe in it on 1
January?I believed in it on 1 January. Did I believe in
it on 26 July? I believed in it on 26 July. Did I
understand it as I understand it today, after almost 10
years of struggle? No, I did not understand it as I
understand it today. There is a great difference
between the way I understood it then and the way I
understand it now. Did I have prejudices? Yes, I had
prejudices! On 26 July? Yes. Could I call myself a
mature revolutionary on 26 July? No, I couldn't call
myself a mature revolutionary. I could call myself an
almost mature revolutionary. Can I call myself a
mature revolutionary today? This would mean that I
was satisfied with what I was, and of course I am not
satisfied.
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Do I have doubts about Marxism? I understand that
certain interpretations were incorrect, that it is
necessary to make revisions. I do not have the
slightest doubt. [Prolonged applause]
The more experience we have, the more we know
about imperialism. The more we see it in action in
South Vietnam, South Korea, etc., the more we feel
Marxist, sentimentally and emotionally. When we see
the class struggle, we see the truths of Marx and
Engels.... The works of Marx opened the way. They
surpassed the works of other socialists. He had blind
faith in his conclusions. His works show the real value
of a revolutionary doctrine....
Socialism does not have to be the same in each
nation. Each nation must adjust socialism to its
needs. Socialist truths are proven and established,
but immense sacrifices were necessary to translate
theory into reality. . . . Imperialism is hunger, misery,
colonialism, discrimination, lack of culture, and ex-
ploitation. Hundreds of millions are spent on
arms.... Imperialism pursues a criminal policy in
America, Asia, and Africa. Cuba must be next to
the people of China, South Vietnam, Angola, and
so on. There is no halfway position between capi-
talism and socialism....
We had, in effect, to apply scientific socialism.
That is why I began to tell you, with all candor, that
we believe in Marxism, that we believe that it is the
most correct, most scientific, the only true theory, the
only true revolutionary theory. Yes, I state it here,
with complete satisfaction [applause] and with full
confidence: I am a Marxist-Leninist [pounds the
table] and I shall be a Marxist-Leninist to the last
day of my life. [Commotion and applause]... .
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USSR MISSILE PULLOUT ENDS CUBAN CRISIS
The worldwide tension created by the Soviet Union's covert
installation of missiles in Cuba eased dramatically on 28 October
1962 with Moscow's announcement that the missiles were being
withdrawn. The announcement was contained in a message from
Premier Khrushchev to President Kennedy. The first news of the
Soviet decision to reach the president was an FBIS account of the
message broadcast by Radio Moscow. The key paragraphs of the
Khrushchev offer; as supplied to the White House by the FBIS
Wire Service, read:
Moscow Domestic Service in Russian at 1404 GMT
on 28 October broadcasts a Khrushchev message to
Kennedy. He declares: I received your message of 27
October and I am grateful for your appreciation of the
responsibility you bear for world peace and security.
The Soviet Government has ordered the disman-
tling of bases and dispatch of the equipment to the
USSR. A few days ago Havana was shelled, allegedly
by Cuban emigres; yet someone must have armed
them for this purpose. Even a British cargo ship was
shelled. Cubans want to be the masters of their
country. The threat of invasion has upset the Cuban
people.
I wish to again state that the Soviet Government
has offered Cuba only defensive weapons. I appreciate
your assurance that the United States will not invade
Cuba. Hence we have ordered our officers to stop
building bases, to dismantle the equipment, and to
send it back home. This can be done under U.N.
supervision.
We must not allow the situation to deteriorate [but
must] eliminate hotbeds of tension, and we must see
to it that no other conflicts occur which might lead to
a world nuclear war....
The importance of the radio as a means of rapid and direct
communication between the two leaders during the crisis was
emphasized in the president's reply to Khrushchev, which began:
"I am replying immediately to your message of 28 October, which
was transmitted by radio, although I have not yet received the
official text, because I attach tremendous significance to acting
quickly with a view to solving the Cuban crisis."
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NGO DINH DIEM OVERTHROWN BY
MILITARY
A group of South Vietnamese army generals opposed to the
policies and attitudes of the Ngo Dinh Diem government
launched a coup on 1 November 1963. Striking during the
midday siesta, coup forces seized the radio station and other key
locations in Saigon. Residents were informed that a new
government supported by the army had been formed and were
warned to stay off the streets. The radio also called on opposition
troops to lay down arms. Although a late afternoon broadcast
announced that the army was in control, resistance by members
of the presidential palace guard continued through the night.
Early the next morning, the radio announced:
The revolutionary forces have heroically entered
and occupied the Gia Long Palace, the last stronghold
of the Ngo family and the place where for a long time
the seeds of dictatorship, rottenness, injustice, and
cruelty were sown. Faced with the gallant spirit of the
revolutionary forces, Ngo Dinh Diem's henchmen laid
down their weapons and surrendered. [The marines]
and the armored corps heroically entered and
occupied the Gia Long Palace.
After wiping out the last resisting units, the
revolutionary forces moved cautiously and called on
the people inside the palace to surrender to avoid
bloodshed. But Ngo Dinh Diem and his henchmen
stubbornly refused to surrender. Therefore, the forces
had to act vigorously-and they succeeded in
occupying the entire Gia Long Palace.
Ngo Dinh Diem and his entourage surrendered
unconditionally to the revolutionary forces at 0645
hours today. Ngo Dinh Diem and Ngo Dinh Nhu were
taken in custody.
Four hours later the radio carried the following brief
statement:
The Revolutionary Military Council respectfully
informs compatriots that Ngo Dinh Diem and Ngo
Dinh Nhu committed suicide this morning at 1045
hours after they had been encircled and arrested by
the army.
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MOSCOW ANNOUNCES KHRUSHCHEV
RETIREMENT
In October 1964 the reported removal of Khrushchev's
photograph from Moscow decorations mounted to greet three
returning cosmonauts signaled trouble in the Kremlin.
Surprising a world grown accustomed to the ways of Communist
Party leader Khrushchev, TASS on the 15th announced his
retirement due to age and failing health:
Nikita Khrushchev has been released from the
duties as first secretary of the CPSU Central
Committee and chairman of the USSR Council of
Ministers. Leonid Brezhnev has been elected first
secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. Aleksey
Kosygin has been appointed chairman of the USSR
Council of Ministers.
It has been announced today that a plenary
meeting of the CPSU Central Committee held on
Wednesday, 14 October, considered Khrushchev's
request to be relieved of his duties "in view of his
advanced age and the deterioration of his health."
An official announcement about the plenum of the
CPSU Central Committee which was made public
reads:
"A plenary meeting of the CPSU Central
Committee was held on 14 October. The plenary
meeting of the CPSU Central Committee granted N.
S. Khrushchev's request to be relieved of his duties as
first secretary of the CPSU Central Committee,
member of the Presidium of the CPSU Central
Committee, and chairman of the USSR Council of
Ministers in view of his advanced age and the
deterioration of his health. The plenum of the CPSU
Central Committee elected L. I. Brezhnev as first
secretary of the CPSU Central Committee."
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GHANAIAN ARMY TOPPLES KWAME
NKRUMAH
Ghanaian President Kwame Nkrumah, considered one of
the most politically secure of Africa's leaders, was overthrown by
a military coup on 24 February 1966. At the time of his ouster,
Nkrumah was en route to Hanoi, where he had planned to work
for a Vietnam peace settlement. The army dissidents promptly
took over the radio station and then moved to occupy other
strategic buildings in the nation's capital, Accra. Colonel E. U.
Kotoka, commander of the Second Brigade, made the following
broadcast to the nation the morning of 25 February:
I have come to inform you that the military, in
cooperation with the Ghana police, took over the
government of Ghana today. The myths surrounding
Kwame Nkrumah have been broken. Parliament is
dissolved and Kwame Nkrumah is dismissed from
office. All ministers also are dismissed. The
Convention People's Party is herewith disbanded. It
will be illegal for any person to belong to it. We appeal
to you to be calm and cooperative. All persons in
detention will be released in due course. Please stay
by your radio and await further details.
Setting out their reasons for the overthrow several hours
later, the coup leaders declared over Accra radio:
The Ghana armed forces, in cooperation with the
police, felt it necessary to take over the reins of power
and dismiss former President Kwame Nkrumah, the
Presidential Commission, and all ministers, and to
suspend the constitution and dissolve Parliament.
This action has been necessitated by the political and
economic situation in the country. The concentration
of power in the hands of one man has led to the abuse
of individual rights and liberty. Power has been
exercised by the former president capriciously. The
laws have been suspended to the advantage of his
favorites, and he has been running the country as his
own personal property.
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The economic situation is in such a chaotic
condition that unless something is done, the whole
economic system will collapse. The country is on the
brink of national bankruptcy. . . . All of us have
suffered in one way or another from the gross
economic mismanagement by the old government.
We have all suffered from shortages of essential
commodities. The present mounting unemployment
has affected almost every family. Rising prices have
reduced our real incomes....
Three days ago a new budget was introduced. In
fact, this budget only increases the economic burden
and hardships of the population. What we need is a
radical rethinking of our economic and financial
policies. This will be done almost immediately, and
we hope to be able to announce measures for curing
our troubles within the next few days. The going will
not be easy at first, but the future is definitely bright.
Ghana should have been a much better country than
it is now. With your cooperation we shall reverse the
present trends....
We shall honor all our international commitments
and obligations. In particular, we shall retain our
membership in the OAU, the United Nations, and the
Commonwealth. However, we shall not tolerate any
interference from any foreign country.
A National Liberation Council has been appointed
to run the affairs of the country with effect from
today....
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CULTURAL REVOLUTION SWEEPS RED CHINA
Chinese Communist Party Chairman Mao Tse-tung,
dissatisfied with the revolutionary outlook of many party and
government officials, initiated a major political purge in 1966
that was to foster years of factional strife and social disruption.
High-level officials were replaced for "antiparty activities" in the
"cultural revolution" that swept the country. The aims of the
"cultural revolution" were clarified on 8 August 1966, when a
plenary session of the CCP Central Committee issued a 16-point
"decision" defining the goals of the "great proletarian cultural
revolution." The decision noted the possibility of a difficult and
protracted struggle but insisted that such upheaval was
necessary to purify the nation's revolutionary spirit and thereby
insure its future. The first two points of the decision, as
disseminated by the New China News Agency, explained the
situation to the Chinese people:
1. The new stage of socialist revolution
The currently developing great proletarian cultural
revolution is a great one touching the souls of the
people and is a more thoroughgoing and extensive
new stage of China's revolutionary development of
socialism.
At the 10th plenary session of the Eighth CCP
Central Committee, Chairman Mao said: To
overthrow a state power, it is always necessary, first of
all, to create public opinion and to do ideological
work. The revolutionary class does it; so does the
counterrevolutionary class. Practice has borne out
that this proposition of Chairman Mao's is absolutely
correct.
The bourgeoisie has been toppled, but it attempts
to make use of the old ideology, old culture, old
customs, and old habits of the exploiting classes to
corrupt the masses and to win their hearts so as to
achieve its restoration. The proletariat does just the
contrary. It must take up and deal heavy blows
against all the challenges of the bourgeoisie in the
realm of ideology and make use of its own new
ideology, new culture, new customs, and new habits
to change the moral outlook of the whole society. At
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present our aim is to topple those who are in power
but who follow the capitalist road, to criticize the
bourgeois reactionary "authorities" in the field of
academics, to criticize the ideology of the bourgeoisie
and all exploiting classes, to transform education,
literature, and art, and the superstructure which is
incompatible with the socialist economic base so as to
consolidate and develop the socialist system.
2. The mainstream and zigzags
The broad masses of workers, peasants, and
soldiers and the broad masses of revolutionary
intellectuals and cadres are the main forces of this
great cultural revolution. A great number of
revolutionary youths who are otherwise unknown to
the public have become brave forerunners. They have
courage as well as wisdom. They use big-character
posters and hold vigorous debates to air their opinions
freely and to resolutely expose, criticize, and attack
the covert and overt bourgeois representatives. In
such a great revolutionary movement it is inevitable
that they may have certain shortcomings, but their
main revolutionary direction is always correct. This is
the mainstream of the great proletarian cultural
revolution which is advancing in this main direction.
Since the cultural revolution is a form of revolution,
it will inevitably meet with resistance. This resistance
mainly comes from those who wormed their way into
the party and rose to power but followed the capitalist
road. It also comes from the habitual influences of the
old society. At present this resistance remains strong
and stubborn. However, the great proletarian cultural
revolution is irresistible, because its situation is
entirely favorable. A host of facts indicate that so long
as the masses are boldly aroused, this resistance will
soon be crushed.
Because this resistance is comparatively large, ups
and downs in the struggle are expected. These may
even occur many times. There is no harm in these ups
and downs. They will help the proletariat and other
laboring masses, particularly the young generation,
steel themselves, gain experience and learn their
lessons, and understand that the revolutionary path
is rough and full of zigzags.
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Several months after the start of the cultural revolution,
FBIS radio behavior specialists noted that many provincial
stations-in contrast to the normal broadcast pattern-had
ceased to broadcast locally originated programs and were
relaying Radio Peking material. Analysts studying this
development concluded that regional station behavior provided
an indication of which faction held the upper hand in the struggle
for local supremacy. To accurately chart the frequent reversals in
broadcast patterns-from solid relay of Radio Peking to local
broadcasting and back again-FBIS instituted an extensive
scanning operation to provide an up-to-date record of provincial
transmitter patterns. On the basis of this data, supplemented by
other information disseminated by Peking media, FBIS analysts
wrote:
The record indicates that a provincial radio is likely
to carry local newscasts when one faction-any
faction-is in control or believes it is in control. Local
newscasts have been broadcast consistently, for
example, in those areas which early in 1967 set up
provincial-level revolutionary committees approved
by Peking: Heilungkiang, Kweichow, Shansi,
Shantung, and Shanghai. On the other hand,
Sinkiang, with Wang En-mao maintaining control
against apparent rebel efforts to topple him, also
sustained local broadcasting through the spring and
summer, until the end of August. Tsinghai
"conservatives" broadcast local propaganda during
the first three weeks of March assailing the "18
August" group, which subsequently reseized the radio
and proved itself to be the true leading Maoist
organization in the province.
The converse, in regard to relay of Peking, is not so
simply stated. Clearly, in periods of local crisis, when
no faction is in control, provincial radios have halted
local broadcasting and reverted to solid relay of
Peking-Wuhan, last June, prior to Peking's exposure
of the "Wuhan incident," and Chengtu, last spring,
prior to Peking's transfer of Chang Kuo-hua to
Szechwan. But at other times and places, failure to
broadcast local news cannot be taken as a reliable
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indicator of local chaos. In Fukien and Ningsia, for
example, it is probable that some organ, presumably
the PLA, has been maintaining control, and that one
measure to this end has been a flat prohibition
against local broadcasting by any faction.
The importance of control of the radio station to
any faction seeking provincial hegemony has been
made manifest throughout the year, especially in
proclamations that radios have been "seized" or
"reseized." Sining radio explained last January that
its delay in broadcasting reports of local support for
the Shanghai movement was "because of obstructions
put forth by a handful of persons in power in the
Tsinghai provincial CCP committee . . . and the
unwillingness of key responsible persons of this radio
to broadcast them." The Tsingtao city radio in
Shantung Province reported on 29 January that the
PLA had prevented reactionaries from interfering
with the broadcasting of rebel documents by Tsingtao
radio, "which had been placed under military
control."
The insight into the mechanics of the provincial radio
shutdowns and the crucial importance of these transmitters in
the leadership struggle was later substantiated when a year-old
CCP Central Committee notice, contained in a Red Guard
publication, became available in early 1968. The party directive
decreed that "revolutionary masses" struggling against those in
control of the radio stations must withdraw and conduct their
struggles "away from the broadcasting stations." It further
ordered that the local army command assume responsibility for
such stations and insure that they "cease to edit and broadcast
local programs and only rebroadcast the programs of Radio
Peking."
Red Guard newspapers and wall posters, although not
usually available until months or years after initial publication,
nevertheless contained timeless information of a basic and
unique nature. They frequently provided detailed accounts of
behind-the-scene developments, including several unpublished
speeches by Mao Tse-tung heretofore unavailable to the Western
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world. In one such speech, as translated by FBIS, Mao was
quoted as saying to a 24 October 1966 meeting of party func-
tionaries:
... People must be allowed to make mistakes and
make revolution as well. They are allowed to change.
Let the Red Guards read "The True Story of Ah Q."
This meeting is being handled better. At the last
meeting we wanted to cram things in, but failed. We
had no experience. At this meeting we have had 2
months' experience. Altogether we have less than 5
months' experience. In the 28 years of the democratic
revolution, how many mistakes were made and how
many people died? The socialist revolution has been
going on for 17 years, but the cultural revolution has
been going on for only 5 months. Experience can be
gained only after at least 5 years.
Nobody had thought, and I had not expected, that
a single big-character poster, a Red Guard, and one
big exchange of revolutionary experiences would
create such turmoil in various provinces and cities.
The students have made some mistakes too, but it is
mainly we lords and squires who made the mistakes.
(He asked Li Hsien-nien: "How did your meeting go
today?" Li replied: "The Finance and Economics
Institute held a denunciation meeting. I wanted to
make a self-examination, but they did not allow me to
speak.") You had better go and make your self-
examination tomorrow, or they might think you were
eluding them. (Li said, "I have to leave the country
tomorrow.") You can tell them that in the past it was
San Niang who taught her son, but that now it is the
son who is going to teach San Niang. I think you look
exhausted. If they do not tell you to make self-
examination, you should insist on doing it. When they
denounce you, you should admit your mistake. The
mess was caused by the Central Committee.
The Central Committee should be held responsible.
The localities too should be held responsible. My own
responsibility is the first and second fronts. Why
divide it into the first and second fronts? First because
[my] health is poor, and second because of the lesson
of the Soviet Union. Malenkov was immature. He had
not held power before Stalin's death. Every time he
drank to [Stalin's] health he laid it on thick. So I
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wanted to have their prestige established before I
died, but I had not expected that things would turn
out the other way.
Comrade T'ao Chu says that power has fallen to the
hands of subordinates. But I deliberately let it fall
that way. However, they have now set up
independent kingdoms. There were many things
about which they did not consult with me; for
example, the land problem, the Tientsin speech, the
cooperatives of Shansi, negation of investigation and
study, and the acclamation of Wang Kuang-mei.
These things should have been discussed by the
Central Committee and decisions taken on them.
Teng Hsiao-ping never consulted with me. He has
never consulted with me about anything since 1949.
In 1962 four vice premiers, Li Hsien-nien, T'an Chen-
lin, Li Fu-ch'un, and Po I-po, suddenly went to
Nanking to see me. Later they went to Tientsin. I
forthwith gave them my approval, and the four went
home. But Teng Hsiao-ping never came....
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WAR BREAKS OUT IN MIDDLE EAST
Full-scale war broke out in the Middle East on 5 June 1967
when Egyptian and Israeli armed forces clashed in the Negeb
Desert. The crisis situation began building with a series of border
incidents early in the year. In late May, Egypt and other Arab
states began massing troops along the Israeli frontiers, with Israel
taking countermeasures. Tensions were further exacerbated
when Egypt was able to implement a blockade of Israel's only
southern seaport by forcing U.N. peace-keeping units to
withdraw from the Strait of Tiran area. Washington's first
notification that fighting was underway was an FBIS Wire
bulletin reporting an Israeli radio announcement that Israeli
forces had engaged an Egyptian armored force moving toward
Israel. The magnitude of the action became apparent minutes
later, when the Israeli radio carried the following situation
reports:
A spokesman for the Israeli Defense Army has
stated that fierce fighting started this morning
between Egyptian planes and tanks, which began
moving toward Israel, and the Israeli Defense Army
forces which rushed to repel them.
Here is a report just received. The army spokesman
announced that the Egyptians this morning opened
an air and land attack. Egyptian armored forces
moved at dawn toward the Negeb. Our forces went
out to meet them and repel them.
Many Egyptian jet planes were seen on radar
coming toward the country's shores. A similar
attempt was made in the Negeb area. Israeli Air Force
planes flew against the enemy planes. Air clashes
developed and continue.
The first confirmation of the fighting from an Arab source
came 50 minutes after the Israeli announcement, when Cairo
radio informed the Egyptian nation:
Citizens: A military source has stated that Israel
began its aggression at 0600 GMT hours today with
air raids over Cairo and over all parts of the UAR. Our
planes and antiaircraft guns have engaged them.
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Two hours later Cairo radio's transmissions to the Arab
world carried the following official communique:
At 0600 GMT the Israeli enemy launched a full-
scale land and air attack against the United Arab
Republic. In the air, Israeli aircraft carried out raids
on a number of military airports in the Sinai area and
the canal zone and on one of the military airfields
near Cairo.
On land, the Israeli forces carried out numerous
attacks on all fronts. An offensive is now underway on
fronts along the Egyptian borders. Sharm ash-
Shaykh is being raided from the air.
Beyond any doubt, Israel has started a full
aggression in all sectors. Despite all attempts by the
Israeli enemy to allege that the United Arab Republic
started it, this fact is obvious from the pattern and
development of events....
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VIETNAM PEACE TALKS OPEN IN PARIS
On 3 April 1968 North Vietnam responded to President
Johnson's 31 March speech announcing a limitation of U.S. air
and naval attacks by issuing a government statement declaring
its willingness to talk with the United States. The statement
expressed readiness to appoint a representative "to contact the
U.S. representative with a view to determining the unconditional
cessation of bombing of North Vietnam so that talks may start."
After more argument over the meeting site, the DRV Foreign
Ministry on 3 May proposed that the talks start on 10 May in
Paris. The statement, as transmitted by the North Vietnamese
News Agency, said:
On 31 March 1968, U.S. President L. B. Johnson
announced the limited bombing of North Vietnam
and once again expressed a desire to enter into talks
with the DRV.
On 3 April 1968, the DRV Government issued a
statement making clear its stand and attitude on this
subject and its readiness to appoint its representative
to contact the U.S. representative. But due to the not
serious attitude of the U.S. Government, the contacts
which are to lead to talks between the two sides have
not begun as yet....
One month has elapsed since the DRV Government
issued the above-mentioned statement. The prelimi-
nary contacts which are to lead to the talks between
the two sides should have been held. But the U.S.
Government has deliberately resorted to dilatory
maneuvers.
In face of such a situation, the DRV Government is
of the view that the formal talks between Hanoi and
Washington should be held immediately. The DRV
Government has decided to appoint Minister Xuan
Thuy as its representative to enter formal talks with
the U.S. Government's representative, to determine
with the U.S. side the unconditional cessation of the
U.S. bombing raids and all other acts of war against
the DRV, and them hold talks on other problems of
concern to the two sides.
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The DRV Government welcomes the French
Government's willingness to offer Paris as a site for
the talks between the DRV and the United States, as
stated by French Foreign Minister Couve de Murville
on 18 April 1968. The DRV Government considers
that Paris, like Phnom Penh and Warsaw, is a
suitable place for the formal talks between the two
sides. These formal talks will begin on 10 May 1968 or
several days thereafter.
The U.S. Government must positively respond to
the good will attitude of the DRV Government and
stop all dilatory maneuvers so that the formal talks
may start at an early date....
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BLOC ARMIES END CZECH FREEDOM BID
Concerned over the liberal policies carried out by the
government of Alexander Dubcek and the disquieting response
they elicited abroad, the Soviet Union, Poland, Hungary,
Bulgaria, and the German Democratic Republic sent troops to
invade Czechoslovakia on the night of 20 August 1968. The first
news of the invasion came in the early hours of 21 August, when
Prague radio reported:
In a short while the Czechoslovak radio will be
broadcasting an extremely important news item. Stay
at your receivers. Awaken all your fellow citizens.
[Brief musical interlude].... Yesterday troops of the
Soviet Union, the GDR, the Polish People's Republic,
and Hungary crossed the frontiers of the Czechoslo-
vak Socialist Republic. All citizens are requested to
maintain quiet and not to offer any resistance.
Immediately after the announcement, the radio broadcast
the following statement by the Presidium of the Czechoslovak
Communist Party Central Committee:
To the entire people of the Czechoslovak Socialist
Republic: Yesterday, on 20 August around 2300,
troops of the Soviet Union, the Polish People's
Republic, the GDR, the Hungarian People's
Republic, and the Bulgarian People's Republic
crossed the frontiers of the Czechoslovak Socialist
Republic. This took place without the knowledge of
the president of the republic, the president of the
National Assembly, the premier, or the first secretary
of the Czechoslovak Communist Party Central
Committee.
In the evening hours the Presidium of the
Czechoslovak Communist Party Central Committee
held a session and discussed preparations for the 14th
Czechoslovak Communist Party congress.
The Czechoslovak Communist Party Central
Committee Presidium appeals to all citizens of our
republic to maintain calm and not to offer resistance
to the troops on the march. Therefore, our army,
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security corps, and people's militia have not received
a command to defend the country.
The Czechoslovak Communist Party Central
Committee Presidium regards this act not only as
contrary to the fundamental principles of relations
between socialist states but as a denial of
fundamental norms of international law. All leading
functionaries of the state, the Communist Party, and
the National Front: Remain at your posts as
representatives of the people and organs to which you
have been properly elected according to the laws and
other norms valid in the Czechoslovak Socialist
Republic.
Constitutional functionaries are immediately
convening a session of the National Assembly of our
republic, and the Presidium is at the same time
convening a plenum of the Central Committee to
discuss the situation.
The Czechoslovak people reacted with a widespread
campaign of passive resistance. Despite the Soviet seizure of the
Prague broadcasting facilities on 21 August, Prague radio
employees resumed broadcasts later in the day from a secret
location and continued on the air uninterruptedly by constantly
switching frequencies. By 25 August clandestine radio stations
were in operation throughout the country, while the Soviets, in
an effort to portray Czech backing for the invasion, had
established a puppet station-Radio Vltava. The authentic
Czech stations warned their listeners about this station,
remarking acidly that it was identifiable by the poor-quality
Czech and Slovak spoken. On 28 August, FBIS analysts provided
the following report on the role the radio played in the week's
events:
The free Czechoslovak radio network that had been
used throughout the occupation to inform the
populace, publicize the continued functioning of legal
government and party organs, and buttress the
negotiating position of the Czechoslovak leaders in
Moscow, was used following the leaders' return to air
the speeches in which Dubcek and his associates
sought to gain public acceptance of the Moscow
compromise. The speeches and statements empha-
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sized that the outcome was the best the Czechoslovak
leaders could have achieved considering the "political
reality" of the occupation. They stressed that it was
only by the acceptance of Soviet troops for an
unspecified period, curbs on the media, and possible
other limitations on freedom that the present
leadership was allowed to remain in power and avoid
either a bloodbath or a more repressive regime. In
various appeals and speeches, the leaders conveyed,
circumspectly, the idea that they were playing for
time. They sought, also carefully, to assure the people
that they had not basically compromised the regime's
liberal orientation and that everything possible would
be done to sustain the democratization process.
The Czech radio was still broadcasting on 28
August, as on the 27th, on at least seven transmitters,
using frequencies in all broadcasting bands. On the
28th the radio began identifying itself, when
broadcasting from Czech studios, as the "legitimate
transmitter of [name of studio]" and, when
broadcasting from Slovak studios, as "the legitimate
and still free transmitter of [name of studio]."
The Soviet-operated "Radio Vltava," first heard on
the day of the invasion, was still broadcasting on the
28th on two mediumwave frequencies, carrying
communiques and appeals to the military forces and
the civilian population and rebroadcasting Soviet
commentaries. Another pro-Soviet transmitter, "The
Workers' Voice of the Republic," had been on the air
since 26 August broadcasting similar material.
Concurrently, Radio Moscow was on the air from 21
August with a nonstop program in both Czech and
Slovak on an increased number of shortwave outlets
plus a number of Czech transmitters preempted by
the occupying forces.
The round-the-clock Moscow broadcasts to
Czechoslovakia included large numbers of commen-
taries and Soviet press articles also carried in other
broadcasts to both bloc and nonbloc audiences. Some
Soviet press articles were broadcast only in Czech and
Slovak, however, and station commentaries broad-
cast exclusively to the Czechoslovak audience included
commentaries on traditional Soviet-Czechoslovak
friendship, on support for the military action in
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Poland, East Germany, Bulgaria, and Hungary, as
well as among Soviet citizens, and on the urgency of
"defending socialism" against hostile forces. These
broadcasts also decried attempts by "anti-socialist
forces" to "provoke" the Czech people against the
occupying troops and on the "fraternal" task
undertaken by the Soviet soldiers.
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FIGHTING ERUPTS ON SINO-SOVIET BORDER
The Sino-Soviet divergence, which began in the late 1950's
as an ideological dispute over political strategy, bloc relations,
and leadership of the international communist movement,
developed into open hostility and finally into serious border
clashes in 1969. Relations between the two countries seriously
deteriorated under the impact of the Chinese cultural revolution,
and the Sino-Soviet alliance-once hailed as the cornerstone of
the socialist camp-became a thing of the past. Long-standing
border tensions were seriously exacerbated in 1968 after the
Soviet intervention in Czechoslovakia, with Chinese charges that
Soviet troops were massing along China's borders and
committing provocations. In March 1969 these tensions exploded
in bloody firefights over a disputed island on the two countries'
Ussuri River border. Both sides took the unprecedented step of
publicizing the clashes in an exchange of diplomatic notes. The
Soviet protest, as monitored from TASS, declared:
The Soviet Government states the following to the
Government of the People's Republic of China:
The Chinese authorities staged an armed
provocation on the Soviet-Chinese frontier in the area
of the frontier point Nizhne-Mikhaylovka (Daman-
skiy Island) on the Ussuri River at 4 hours 10 minutes,
Moscow time, on 2 March. A Chinese detachment
crossed the Soviet state frontier and proceeded
toward Damanskiy Island. The Chinese side, armed
with machineguns and automatic weapons, suddenly
opened fire on Soviet frontier guards protecting this
area. The actions of the Chinese intruders were
supported from an ambush by fire from the Chinese
bank of the Ussuri River. Over 200 Chinese soldiers
took part in this provocative attack on Soviet frontier
guards. As a result of this gangster raid some Soviet
frontier guards were killed or wounded.
The impudent armed incursion into Soviet territory
was an organized provocation of the Chinese
authorities and has the purpose of aggravating the
situation on the Soviet-Chinese frontier.
The Soviet Government lodges a sharp protest with
the Government of the People's Republic of China
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against the dangerous provocative actions of the
Chinese authorities on the Soviet-Chinese frontier.
The Soviet Government demands an immediate
investigation and the strictest punishment of the
persons responsible for the organization of the
aforesaid provocation. It insists that immediate steps
be taken which would preclude any violation of the
Soviet-Chinese frontier.
The Soviet Government reserves the right to take
resolute steps to cut short provocations on the Soviet-
Chinese frontier and warns the Government of the
People's Republic of China that the entire
responsibility for possible consequences of the
adventuristic policy designed to aggravate the
situation on the frontiers between China and the
Soviet Union rests with the Government of the
People's Republic of China.
In relations with the Chinese people the Soviet
Government is guided by sentiments of friendship,
and it is going to continue this line in the future. But
the reckless provocative actions of the Chinese
authorities will be met on our side by a rebuff and will
be resolutely cut short.
Moscow, 2 March 1969.
The Chinese version of the incident, as monitored from
NCNA, stated:
On 2 March 1969 Soviet frontier guards intruded
into the area of Chenpao Island, Heilungkiang
Province, China, and killed and wounded many
Chinese frontier guards by opening fire on them, thus
creating an extremely grave incident of bloodshed....
The so-called "note of protest" from the Soviet Union
is the fond trick of thief crying thief played by the
Soviet revisionist renegade clique; it is the gangster
logic of this clique which has taken over the mantle of
Tsarist Russian imperialism and pushed the social
imperialist policy of aggression. The Chinese
Government sent a note of protest to the Soviet
Government on 2 March 1969, exposing the true
picture of how the Soviet frontier guards intruded
into Chinese territory and carried out armed
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provocations, thus creating the grave incident of
bloodshed. The full text of the note follows:
Note of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the
People's Republic of China to the Soviet Embassy in
China; 2 March 1969:
On the morning of 2 March 1969 Soviet frontier
guards intruded into the area of Chenpao Island,
Heilungkiang Province, China, and killed and
wounded many Chinese frontier guards by opening
fire on them, thus creating an extremely grave border
armed conflict. Against this, the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs of the People's Republic of China is instructed
to lodge the strongest protest with the Soviet
Government.
At 0917 hours on 2 March, large numbers of fully
armed soldiers, together with four armored vehicles
and cars sent out by the Soviet frontier authorities,
flagrantly intruded into the area of Chenpao Island,
which is indisputable Chinese territory, carried out
blatant provocations against the Chinese frontier
guards who were on normal patrol duty, and were the
first to open cannon and gun fire, killing and
wounding many Chinese frontier guards. The Chinese
frontier guards were compelled to fight back in self-
defense when they reached the end of their
forbearance, after repeated warnings to the Soviet
frontier guards had produced no effect.
This grave incident of bloodshed was entirely and
solely created by the Soviet authorities, which have
long been deliberately encroaching upon China's
territory, carrying out armed provocations and
creating ceaseless incidents of bloodshed.
The Chinese Government firmly demands that the
Soviet Government punish the culprits of this
incident and immediately stop its encroachment
upon China's territory and its armed provocations,
and reserves the right to demand compensation from
the Soviet side for all the losses suffered by the
Chinese side. The Chinese Government once again
sternly warns the Soviet Government: China's sacred
territory brooks no violation; if you should willfully
cling to your reckless course and continue to provoke
armed conflicts along the Sino-Soviet border, you will
certainly receive resolute counterblows from the
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Chinese people; and it is the Soviet Government that
must bear full responsibility for all the grave
consequences arising therefrom.
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HO CHI MINH DIES OF HEART ATTACK
The initial announcement that DRV leader Ho Chi Minh
was seriously ill came on 3 September 1969, when the following
Hanoi broadcast was heard in the early morning hours:
Here is a communique on President Ho Chi Minh's
health: Over the past few weeks, President Ho Chi
Minh has not been well. Our party and state have
been concentrating all capabilities and means to care
for him. A collective of professors and medical doctors
have been attending him day and night. We hereby
inform our compatriots of the President's condition.
Hanoi, 4:00 a.m. 3 September 1969. The Central
Committee of the Vietnam Workers Party, the
Standing Committee of the National Assembly of the
Democratic Republic of Vietnam, and the Council of
Ministers of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam.
Shortly thereafter, the radio announced that Ho had taken a
turn for the worse. The news that the DRV leader had died in
mid-morning on 3 September was not made public until early on
4 September. At that time Hanoi radio was monitored saying
that he had suffered a "sudden, very severe heart attack." The
radio stated:
. . . The Central Committee of the Vietnam
Workers Party, the Standing Committee of the
National Assembly of the Democratic Republic of
Vietnam, the Council of Ministers of the Democratic
Republic of Vietnam, and the Presidium of the
Central Committee of the Vietnam Fatherland Front
feel boundless grief in informing our entire party and
our entire Vietnamese people that Comrade Ho Chi
Minh, president of the Central Committee of the
Vietnam Workers Party and president of the
Democratic Republic of Vietnam, passed away at 9:47
on 3 September 1969 after a sudden, very severe heart
attack, at the age of 79.
All through President Ho Chi Minh's illness, the
comrade leaders of our party and state had attended
him day and night, and had entrusted a collective
of qualified and well-equipped professors and doctors
with seeking by all means to cure him. Everybody had
51
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done his best, determined to cure the president at all
costs, but due to his advanced age and serious
ailment, President Ho Chi Minh has departed
from us....
In these days of grief, the Central Committee of the
Vietnam Workers Party, the Standing Committee of
the National Assembly, the Council of Ministers, and
the Presidium of the Vietnam Fatherland Front
appeal to all our party, armed forces and people to
translate sorrow into revolutionary acts, strengthen
solidarity, and channel all our will and forces into the
great cause of fighting and defeating the U.S.
aggressors, liberating the south of our country, and
successfully building socialism in the north, thus
materializing the lofty aspiration cherished by
President Ho Chi Minh-the building of a peaceful,
unified, independent, democratic, prosperous, and
powerful Vietnam.
The name and spirit of the great President Ho Chi
Minh will live forever in our hearts! His revolution-
ary cause will certainly be carried forward and
completed victoriously.
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HAVANA ENDORSES URBAN TERRORIST
TACTICS
The successes of urban terrorists in Latin America during
the late 1960's prompted Cuba, long an advocate of rural-based
guerrilla struggle, to endorse urban terrorism as a revolutionary
strategy in 1970. This was done by publicizing in Havana's
Tricontinental magazine a document revered in Latin American
revolutionary circles, "The Minimanual of the Urban Guerrilla,"
by Carlos Marighella. The Tricontinental translation, provided
by FBIS, was prefaced with the following editor's note:
The front and back covers of our issue number 16
are dedicated to the urban actions that are occurring
in various Latin American countries-Brazil,
Argentina, Bolivia, Uruguay, etc.-because of those
who have said "enough!" to exploitation and have
decided to forge a new destiny for our peoples.
Outstanding in guerrilla warfare was Carlos
Marighella, who was one of its strongest advocates, in
theory and in practice. Months before he fell, struck
down by the Brazilian dictatorship's bullet,
Marighella left the summary of his rich combat
experience in the Minimanual of the Urban Guerrilla.
Conceived as an instrument of the armed struggle in
the cities of Brazil, the Minimanual contains valuable
lessons useful to any revolutionary. By publishing it
in its entirety in "Starting Points," Tricontinental
fulfills its mission of spreading to the fullest extent
possible revolutionary ideas, strategy, and tactics....
Among his writings, the Minimanual has special
importance. The work examines exhaustively the
conditions, characteristics, necessities, and methods
of the guerrilla war and the urban guerrillas, broadly
demonstrating his sense of detail and organization
and his logical clarity.... For the experiences it turns
over in its pages and for its detailed foresight, the
Minimanual of the Urban Guerrilla will become one
of the principal books of every man who, as a
consequence of the inevitable battle against the
bourgeoisie and imperialism, takes the road of armed
rebellion.
Marighella's Minimanual is a detailed compendium of
urban terrorist techniques targeted primarily against "the
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government, big capitalists, and foreign imperialists,
particularly North American." The 14 "action models" it lists
include assault, hijacking, sabotage, ambushes, kidnapping,
assassination, and general terrorism. In advocating execution
and kidnapping as acceptable political tools, Marighella writes:
Execution is the killing of a North American spy, of
an agent of the dictatorship, of a police torturer, of a
fascist personality in the government involved in
crimes and persecution against patriots, of a stool
pigeon, informer, police agent, or police provocateur.
Those who go to the police of their own free will to
make denunciations and accusations, who supply
clues and information and put the finger on people,
also must be executed when they are caught by the
urban guerrilla.
Execution is a secret action in which the least
possible number of urban guerrillas are involved. In
many cases, the execution can be carried out by one
sniper, patiently, alone and unknown, operating in
absolute secrecy and in cold blood.
Kidnapping is capturing and holding in a secret
spot a police agent, a North American spy, a political
personality, or a notorious and dangerous enemy of
the revolutionary movement. Kidnapping is used to
exchange or liberate imprisoned revolutionary
comrades, or to force suspension of torture in the jail
cells of the military dictatorship.
The kidnapping of personalities who are known
artists or sports figures or are outstanding in some
other field but who have evidenced no political
interest can be a useful form of propaganda for the
revolutionary and patriotic principles of the urban
guerrilla, provided it occurs under special circum-
stances and the kidnapping is handled so that the
public sympathizes with it and accepts it.
The kidnapping of North American residents or
visitors in Brazil constitutes a form of protest against
the penetration and domination of United States
imperialism in our country.
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CAMBODIAN ASSEMBLY DEPOSES SIHANOUK
On 18 March 1970, Prince Sihanouk was deposed as
Cambodia's chief of state. The prince, who had been in France
for medical treatment, was en route home at the time via Moscow
and Peking. During Sihanouk's lengthy absence from the
country, Cambodia's once cordial relations with the Viet Cong
and DRV Government had become severely strained. The Viet
Cong and North Vietnamese were ignoring a government request
that they abandon their sanctuaries along the borders, and the
National Assembly, sitting in almost continuous session,
ostensibly to discuss domestic matters, had become a forum for
nationalist sentiments.
On the morning of 18 March a special government
communique broadcast over the Phnom Penh radio warned of
the subversive activities of the "Vietnamese and their agents"
and announced that the city's police chief had been removed
from his post "to restore a peaceful atmosphere." The
communique also advised that the government was taking other
"effective countermeasures" to protect the country. Shortly
afterward, news agencies reported that the Phnom Penh airport
had been closed to traffic and that all cable communications had
been cut. Phnom Penh radio, now the sole source of information
on events in the country, late that afternoon broadcast the
following government communique:
In view of the political crisis created in recent days
by the chief of state, Prince Sihanouk, and in
conformity with the constitution of Cambodia, the
National Assembly and the Council of the Kingdom
during a plenary session held on 18 March 1970 at
1300 have unanimously agreed to withdraw their
confidence in Prince Norodom Sihanouk. As of 1300
18 March 1970, Prince Norodom Sihanouk shall cease
his function as chief of state of Cambodia. Mr Cheng
Heng, chairman of the National Assembly, is
entrusted with the function of chief of state until the
election of a true chief of state in conformity with the
national constitution.
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This was followed immediately by a special message from
the new acting chief of state:
My dear and beloved compatriots: The National
Assembly and Council of the Kingdom during a
plenary session held on 18 March 1970 at 1300
unanimously agreed by [open] vote to withdraw their
confidence in Prince Norodom Sihanouk as chief of
state of Cambodia. In conformity with the
constitution, as chairman of the National Assembly, I
must assume the function of chief of state until a new
chief of state is elected.
On this occasion, I solemnly proclaim that
Cambodia will continue to follow the same policy-
that is, one of independence, neutrality, and
territorial integrity-and that Cambodia will
continue to recognize and respect all treaties signed
previously. Finally, I appeal to bonzes of the two
sects-in particular, the two chief bonzes-to kindly
call on officials, students, all youth, and all strata of
the people to maintain order so that our fatherland
may remain prosperous.
c~`
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