'DEMOCRACY AND SECURITY IN THE CARIBBEAN BASIN' STATEMENT BY THOMAS O. ENDERS ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INTER-AMERICAN AFFAIRS BEFORE THE SUB-COMMITTEE ON WESTERN HEMISPHERE AFFAIRS SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE FEBRUARY 1,

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP84B00049R000902300011-1
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 7
• Document Creation Date: December 20, 2016
• Document Release Date: November 1, 2006
• Sequence Number: 11
• Publication Date: February 1, 1982
• Content Type: REPORT

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"DEMOCRACY AND SECURITY IN THE CARIBBEAN BASIN"
STATEMENT BY
THOMAS O. ENDERS
ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE
FOR
INTER-AMERICAN AFFAIRS
BEFORE THE
SUB-COMMITTEE ON WESTERN HEMISPHEREAFFAIRS
SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE
February 1, 1982
This hearing, Mr. Chairman, comes at a moment when
it is vital to clarify and affirm what the United States
should seek to achieve in Central America as a whole, and
in El Salvador in-particular. Perhaps then we should start
from fundamentals.
We believe that a responsible American policy must
have two pillars:
-- Defense of our national security interests;
-- Support for freedom and (where necessary) social
reform, allied to economic development.
There can be no mistaking that our national security
interests are being challenged.
-- Cuba is systematically expanding its capacity
to project military power beyond its own shores.
The arrival this year o a second squadron of
MiG-23/Floggers and the 63,000 tons of war supplies
imported from the Soviet Union last year come
on top of what was already by several times the-
largest air, land and sea inventory of the region.
-- Nicaragua is being exploited as a base for the
export o subversion and armed intervention rou hout
Central America. Inside Nicaragua, Soviet, East
uropean, and 00-2000 Cuban military advisors
are building. Central America's largest military
establishment with-Soviet arms; outside Nicaragua,
the clandestine. infiltration of arms and munitions
into El Salvador is again approaching the high
.levels recorded just before last year's "final
offensive."
State Dept. review completed
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The decisive battle for Central America is underway
in Salvador. It, a er Nicaragua, a vador
is captured by a violent minority, who in Central
America would not live in fear? How long would
it be before major strategic U.S. interests -
- the canal, sea lanes, oil supplies -- were
at risk?
For most of its life as a nation, our country has
faced no threat from its neighbors. But, unless we act
decisively now, the future could well bring more Cubas:
totalitarian regimes so linked to the Soviet Union that
they become factors in the military balance, and so
incompetent economically that their citizens' only hope
becomes that of one day migrating to the United States.*
This brings me to the second pillar of our policy.
The sharing of political power through democratic institutions
and the overcoming of violence and poverty are not only
fundamental for us -- they are also fundamental for our
neighbors.
An acute economic crisis has engulfed the entire
Caribbean-basin. As e world economy 'Slid in o
recession, these small and vulnerable economies
felt the shock hard. Democracy is hard to achieve
or maintain in times of bitter economic hardship,
particularly if great inqualities in social and
economic opportunity persist.
Lawlessness from the violent right frequently
compounds-the problems created insurgent violence
and external intervention. The ragility of
institutions under political and economic stress
can create chain reactions of disorder and abuse
that feed dictatorship.
Faith in representative democracy and government
institutions ill erode it ese trends con inue.
Yet in societies as deeply divided as those in
Central America only pluralistic institutions
can enable people to live with each other without
violence.
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Rather than sacrifice either our interests or our
values -- either support for democracy or security-- we
must find a way to assert both. So that we can check the
communist drive for power, yet help the region develop
in a humane and democratic way, using the state of danger
to help the people of Central America relize their political
and social aspirations.
It is in this spirit that the Administration understands
the conditions on aid to El Salvador contained in the Foreign
Assistance Act. Yes, there is a challenge to our national
security, so military and economic assistance are required.
But yes, we must also use our assistance to help El Salvador
control violence, make land reform work, develop a democratic
process, bring murderers to justice. I do not mean to
say that we would have expressed the objectives precisely
as they are expressed in the legislation, but our goals
are the same.'
The certification the President has just made shows
that there has indeed been substantial progress towards
each of the desired goals laid out in law.
--
Thanks
levels
fallen;
to efforts'by the military command, the
of violence against non-combatents have
all sides-agree that the trend is downward;
--
For all the inherent administrative and political
difficulties, land reform -- the most comprehensive
program of land reform ever attempted in Latin
America -- is moving ahead;
Despite violence and the absence of deep-rooted
democratic traditions, the electoral process
is gathering momentum. Eight parties have entered
the campaign that officially opened last Thursday.
Important elements of the Salvadoran society,
including the Church and peasant organizations
have come out strongly in support of elections.
But the guerrillas have refused to test out their
strength at the ballot box.
The Salvadoran government has made major progress
in its investigation of the murder of the four
American church women. We expect indictments
based on a strong case very shortly, maybe as
early as this week.
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This is clearly not enough. More is needed, especially
on the problem of violence. But a lot has been achieved
in the midst of an externally-supported insurgency in a
deeply divided country.
Some few would argue that El Salvador is not reforming
itself fast enough and we should cut off aid. But that
would defeat the goals both the Congress and the 'Administration
are pursuing. All hope of achieving functioning democracy
in El Salvador would vanish. The Soviets and Cubans would
have a new opening to expand their power on the American
mainland. And it would be hard to argue that Nicaraguanizing
El Salvador would be an effective way to promote human
rights.
But there is another basis for action. Two years
ago, a new Salvadoran-government committed itself to political
reform -- free elections -- and land reform. The United
States supported it then. It supports it now.
With our help
The government of El Salvador is working towards
democracy and the scheduled elections; the violent
FDR/FMLN opposition is trying to sabotage the
election process.
The government of El Salvador is pursuing economic
development and reform; the violent FDR/FMLN
opposition is waging economic warfare.
The government of El Salvador has made measurable
progress in controlling violence; the violent
FDR/FMLN opposition boasts of having inflicted
2000 casualties in the last seven months of 1981.
2.
Mr. Chairman, sometimes Americans underestimate the
power of democracy in this area. That is a mistake.
The Caribbean Basin has far more democratic than repressive
states. The resilience of more than a century of democracy
has-enabled Costa Rica to hold up magnificently under the
pressures of a brutal economic crisis. Honduras -- where
Chairman-Helms and I have just been to attend the inauguration
of a new and democratically elected President -- shows
.that if given a chance people are eager to see their leaders
elected democratically.
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The democracies of the area are beginning to realize
that they will remain democracies only if they stand together.
Within Honduras the Cubans are trying to..unify the left
and start another insurgency, while across the border Nicaragua
is building up the biggest and best equipped army in Central
American history. To Nicaragua's south, Costa Ricans are
watching the Sandinistas organize military operations in
Costa Rica's own rich and largely undefended Guanacaste
province and wondering what will happen when more Soviet-
built tanks and perhaps MiG's appear next door. In El
Salvador, insurgents are escalating their violence and
terror, doing everything to prevent the elections from
being held -- including threats of death to candidates
and voters.
In response to this situation, Costa Rica, Honduras
and El Salvador formed -- on January 19 -- the Central
American Democratic Community, to defend their values and
seek the support of other democratic states.
On January 27, on the occasion of Honduran President
Suazo's inauguration, three democracies -- Venezuela, Colombia,
the United States --.responded. The six will meet regularly
-- to help carry through the democratic transformation
in El Salvador and protect free institutions
elsewhere;
to overcome the region-wide economic crisis fueled
by the recession in the world economy and by
terrorism;
to attempt to head off the arms race Nicaragua
seems determined to impose on its neighbors;
-- to be ready to use the resources of the Inter-
American system to defend against armed aggression.
These steps are part of a collective approach to the
are_a's.problems, an approach proposed by Secretary Haig
at the OAS meeting in St. Lucia last December and evident
in the OAS General Assembly's endorsement of elections
in El Salvador by a 22-3 vote. The democracies are banding
together to defend their.va.lues and their security in a
time of rising danger,
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For the dangers are rising fast.
We have tried to communicate with Cuba, to convince
Castro of the dangers of confrontation. But the Cubans
are accelerating their acquisition of intimidating armaments;
they are aggressively pushing their policy of organizing
and supporting violent insurgencies throughout Central
America.
We have tried to communicate with the Nicaraguans,
to offer a way out of confrontation if they would restrain
their military build-up and cease their support of insurgency
in El Salvador. But the Nicaraguan response has been to
move toward greater internal repression -- for their large
Miskito Indian minority, for the remaining free radio stations
and press, for the church,. for democratic leaders and businessmen
and to accelerate their build up of heavy arms, and
to bring in more Cuban and Soviet advisors, while exporting
more arms to rebels in neighboring countries.
In El Salvador the insurgents talk peace but throw
bombs. The attack last week against Ilopango Airport,
'continued attacks on the economic infrastructure, stepped
up arms flow, all indicate intensified military action
aimed at disrupting the electoral process.
The Caribbean Basin is right on our borders. We cannot,
even if we wanted to, turn our back on it. The administration,
the Congress, the American people are all confronted with
the problems of the area. Together we must find a solution.
What the administration suggests -- to gain the initiative,
and make sure the area's besieged and aspiring democracies
survive -- is to:
Support the fledgling Central-American Democratic
Community in its efforts to protect democracy
and promote the common welfare, defense and development.
We must act.both individually and through the
Inter-American system.
Provide increased military assistance to El Salvador
and Honduras, the two most threatened states.
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We expect in the immediate future to use emergency
authority to draw on DOD stocks for approximately
$55 million to replace lost aircraft, and to
assure that the Government of El Salvador has
the means to defend against the attacks on its
economy and to protect the electoral process.
Provide emergency financial assistance to a number
of states in the Basin suffering from =.economic
catastrophe.. The Administration will shortly
forward its proposal to the Congress;
Strengthen -- along with our partners in the
Nassau group, Venezuela, Mexico and Canada --
international cooperation to help the Caribbean
Basin as a whole achieve long-term prosperity;
the Administration will shortly send specific
proposals in trade and investment to the Congress.
And as we move forward on these items, we must redouble
our efforts in El Salvador to help bring the violence under
control and push forward with land reform. Simultaneously
we must help all countries of the area to choose legitimate
governments through elections. Americans will not permit
Central America's future to be decided in Moscow or Havana.
Neither will they support solutions that are inherently
undemocratic or unjust.
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