THE VIETNAM DECISION

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000400010008-8
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 50
• Document Creation Date: December 20, 2016
• Document Release Date: November 21, 2005
• Sequence Number: 8
• Publication Date: January 24, 1966
• Content Type: OPEN

Declassified and Approved For Release 2013/01/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000400010008-8
January 24, 1966
Th(Vietna '6ecision
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. RICHARD D. McCARTHY
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, January 24, 1966
Mr. McCARTHY. Mr. Speaker, the
New York Times, in its lead editorial
Friday morning, makes several pertinent
points regarding the decisions now fac-
ing the administration in light of the
apparent lack of a response from Hanoi
to our peace offensive.
The Times emphasizes that "many
factors counsel patience. The 2-month
absence of North Vietnamese army units
from combat in South Vietnam?which
may signal a Hanoi desire to continue
the diplomatic exchanges?is one such
factor. Far more important is that fact
that the military balance in South Viet-
nam has been fundamentally trans-
formed in the past year."
The decisive new element, the Times
points out, is the ninefold increase in
American troops in South Vietnam.
Meanwhile?.
The newspaper observes?
it has become evident that the bombing of
North Vietnam failed to achieve either of its
original two objectives. It failed to slow
down the infiltration of men and supplies,
which increased as the bombing intensified.
And it failed to bring Hanoi to the confer-
ence table.
Warning against further escalation of
the war, the Times warns:
A further large-scale buildup would not
end the military statement in South Viet-
nam. As in the past, it would be matched by
increased Vietcong recruiting, infiltration,
and additional North Vietnamese units and
ultimately?if the ground war expanded into
Laos, Cambodia, and, perhaps, North Viet-
nam?by the entrance of Chinese troops into
the conflict.
Apparently alluding to a letter from
Gen. James M. Gavin, appearing in the
latest Harper's magazine and to which
I alluded in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of
January 18, 1966, the Times concludes as
follows:
At the present, American forces are secure
in their coastal positions and cannot be in-
voluntarily dislodged. General Gavin's re-
cent advice not to expand the war but to
continue efforts to negotiate the peace, has
the force of logic on its side.
Under leave to extend my remarks, I
include here the New York Times lead
editorial of Friday, January 20:
THE VIETNAM DECISION
Failure of the Johnson peace offensive thus
far to bring about formal negotiations with
Hanoi inescapably raises the question: what
course should the United States now follow?
Much depends on Washington's evaluation
of Hanoi's ambiguous public and private re-
plies and on the official estimate of how long
it is safe to keep the bombers grounded. Is
Hanoi holding out for concessions? Or is
Hanoi seeking to avoid a conference out of
the conviction that the United States will
get tired and withdraw? President Johnson
expressed the latter belief yesterday. But
his conclusion from this remains unclear,
since he also said: "The door of peace must
be kept wide open."
Many factors counsel patience. The 2-
month absence of North Vietnamese Army
units from combat in South Vietnam?which
may signal a Hanoi desire to continue the
diplomatic exchanges?is one such factor.
Far more important is the fact that the mili-
tary balance in South Vietnam has been fun-
damentally transformed in the past year.
The decisive new element has been the
ninefold buildup of American troops in
South Vietnam to a strength of about 190,-
000. South Vietnamese armed forces, in-
cluding militia and police, now exceed 635,-
000. With South Korean, New Zealand, and
Australian units, there are upward of 850,-
000 men in the field. And the backing of
American air and naval strength gives these
forces devasting firepower and unparalleled
mobility.
This buildup, in the words of President
Johnson's state of the Union message, has
put the enemy on notice that "time is no
longer on his side" and that a Vietcong vic-
tory now is "out of reach."
Meanwhile, it has become evident that the
bombing of North Vietnam failed to achieve
either of its original two objectives. It failed
to slow down the infiltration of men and
supplies, which increased as the bombing
intensified. And it failed to bring Hanoi to
the conference table. The bombing did force
North Vietnam to turn from Peiping to Mos-
cow for antiaircraft missiles and, even more
important, for massive economic and techni-
cal aid. But this unexpected dividend argues
for a continued suspension of the bombing,
rather than for its resumption.
As White House Security Adviser McGeorge
Bundy recently observed: "It has been made
clear to us over a long period of time that
the Soviet Government hopes there can be a
peaceful settlement." And Moscow has also
made it clear that peace efforts cannot be
carried on while North Vietnam is being
bombed.
The critical decision that confronts Presi-
dent Johnson, therefore, is not whether to
resume the early bombing of the north--
which even Republican leaders no longer
press?but how to conduct the war in the
south while continuing the probes for peace.
The ground and air war in South Vietnam
undoubtedly will resume fully after the lunar
new year truce. What the President now
must decide is whether to escalate that war
in the south to a wholly new level by yielding
to military requests for a doubling of Ameri-
can forces. Such a move would finally con-
vert the struggle from a Vietnamese conflict
into an American war against Asians.
A further large-scale buildup would not
end the military stalemate in South Vietnam.
As in the past, it would be matched by in-
creased Vietcong recruiting, infiltration of
additional North Vietnamese units and ulti-
mately?if the ground war expanded into
Laos, Cambodia, and, perhaps, North Viet-
nam?by the entrance of Chinese troops
into the conflict.
At present, American forces are secure in
their coastal positions and cannot be in-
voluntarily dislodged. General Gavin's re-
cent advice, not to expand the war but to
continue efforts to negotiate the peace, has
the force of logic on its side.
The Late Honorable John Taber
SPEECH
OF
HON. 0. C. FISHER
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, January 12, 1966
Mr. FISHER. Mr. Speaker, the late
John Taber was a most valuable Member
A295
of this body. He served with great dis-
tinction for nearly 40 years. As a mem-
ber of the Committee on Appropriations,
once as chairman, he became known as
the watchdog of the Treasury. In that
capacity he was instrumental in saving
American taxpayers untold billions of
dollars. It is doubtful if any one Mem-
ber has ever done more in that respect.
John Taber was indeed a great Ameri-
can. He was devoted to the cause of
good government, of sensible restraint in
the function of the Central Government,
and of those fundamentals which make
the competitive free enterprise succeed.
During his long period of distinguished
service Mr. Taber did more than his
share in the preservation of our institu-
tions. We need more men of his dedi-
cation if our -Republic is to be preserved.
An Intern's Views
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. TENO RONCALIO
OF WYOMING
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, January 24, 1966
Mr. RONCALIO. Mr. Speaker, Mem-
bers of Congress have had numerous oc-
casions to utilize the fine services of sum-
mer interns and are particularly grateful
for the enthusiams and interest they
bring to their responsibilities.
Last summer I was pleased to have the
services of Dan Spangler of Cody, Wyo.,
as a summer intern in my office. Dan,
the son of Judge and Mrs. J. O. Spangler
of Cody graduated in 1964 from the Uni-
versity of Wyoming with a degree in
political science. He was attending
Stanford University when he was selected
as an intern for the Wyoming congres-
sional office.
After a most satisfactory summer of
employment Dan enrolled at the Uni-
versity of London under a Rotary Inter-
national scholarship. His exposure there
to students from many countries has
broadened his outlook on American for-
eign policy. At a time when the senti-
ments of some college students have
created apprehension in the minds of
many Americans, I am happy to note his
thoughtful and responsible approach to
this serious matter. I respectfully
recommend his essay on Vietnam to the
consideration of my colleagues as a
worthy example of the mature outlook
youth can offer when stimulated to take
an active interest in the affairs of gov-
ernment. His essays follows:
j- VIETNAM
The greatest problem of our time is how to
achieve world peace. A world war could
destroy civilization as we know it. Nuclear
weapons have enabled the two great powers,
the United States and the Soviet Union, to
achieve a state of mutual deterrence. The
threat to peace does not come from any di-
rect conflict between these two states but
from the possibility that they will become
involved in what would begin as a limited
war, then expand into a regional war until
the interests of these two powers were di-
rectly involved, leaving no other alternative
but a world conflagration. The existence of
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A296
CONGRESSIONAL
large numbers of new, unstable states creates
a number of opportunities for limited wars
to expand into regional and world wars. In
this situation, it is essential that the United
States maintain flexible policies so that an
escalated war will not be the only alternative.
Before the present war widens any further, it
is essential that the U.S. Congress conduct a
public debate to explore fully the alterna-
tives to a wider war and to insure that U.S.
policy in southeast Asia expresses the will of
tile American people,
historically, the area now know as North
Vietnam has been the smallest but most
densely populated sector of Indochina.
North Vietnam was once controlled by China
but in 939 Al). its people revolted and estab-
lished their own kingdom. Due to popula-
tion pressures and poor agricultural land,
after 1069 the North Vietnamese advanced
steadily into neighboring lands of the south
and west, overrunning large portions of what
is now South Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia.
This expansion continued for 800 years until
it was halted by the imposition of French
colonialism. After the Japanese invaded the
area during World War H, French authority
was never reestablished in the north and the
northern drive to the south and west began
once more. The French attempted to arrest
this drive until their defeat at Dienbienphu
in 1954. The Geneva Agreement of that year,
which was never signed by the United States,
called for a united Vietnam within 1 year.
The agreement was never carried out, mainly
because it was unrealistic and dangerous.
Till: DIFFERENT FACTIONS
Lt is unrealistic to attempt to unify areas
which offer as many contrasts as North and
South Vietnam. Life in North Vietnam is
still greatly influenced by Chinese ways due
to China's former domination cif the north
and to the close proximity of the north to
China. Geographically, North Vietnam is
more closely linked with China than with
South Vietnam. The north has adopted
China's subtropical agricultural methods
while the tropical south has a different way
of life. There has long been a rivalry be-
tween Hanoi. a former Chinese capital and
a cultural and administrative center, on one
hand, and Saigon, a French-created port,
commercial, end agricultural marketing city
on the other. Communications have never
been good between the two areas.
During World War 11, Hanoi took its orders
from the Vichy regime while Saigon was the
center for the Ganllists. In opposition to
French colonial rule, nationalist leaders in
the north identified with the Kuomintang in
China while the Cao Gal and. Hoa Hoa fac-
tions led the nationalists in the south. With
Lhese profound differences in the develop-
ment of North and South Vietnam, it is un-
realistic to suppose that they could form a
viable state.
THE AREA
The unification of Vietnam under the ag-
gressive Communist regime of the north
would be dangerous for the neighboring
states; as well, which have riot forgotten the
earlier period of Vietnamese invasion and
domination. For, with the seizure of the.
rich rice lands in South Vietnam, the well-
trained and equipped northern army would.
easily have Laos and Cambodia at its mercy..
haos is the largest, least populated country in.
tedochina, and it has the least capacity to
rieread itself. The country is deeply divided.
ethnically an politically. Cambodia is also
sparsely populated and is in a vulnerable
strategic position.
Ships using the Cambodian capital, Phnom
Penis, on the Mekong River, have to pass
through South Vietnam. The Mekong Delta
is open to attack from coastal and interior
routes which can be commanded from North
Vietnam and Laos. Thus, it is essential to
Use security of Cambodia that South Viet-
nam and Laos are in friendly hands. To the
RECORD ? APPENDIX January 24, _;966
POVERTY TIIE REAL EVIL
Any successful foreign policy must be de-
fined in terms of national interests and
backed with adequate power. An American
policy aimed at preserving the territorial
integrity of Asian states while assisting in
their economic and social development is In
the American interest. The question that
the American people and the U.S. Congress
must now answer is whether or not that
policy is backed by adequate power.
There is no doubt that the United States
? is able to apply enough military power to
prevent an overt Communist takeover. But
this tactic, by itself, will never bring stability
to the region. American foreign policy in
southeast Asia must receive more support
from another form of power, which is the
ability of the United States to encourage
social and economic development. Stability
can be achieved only if progress is made in
this area, for poverty is a necessary pre-
requisite for the success of Communist
revolutionary guerrilla warfare.
Every successful Communist revolution,
whether in Russia, China, Cuba, or Indo-
china, has been based upon impoverished
masses. The Vietcong would have collapsed
long ago without support from the people in
the countryside. It is futile for the United
States to remain in South Vietnam unless a
massive effort is made to unite the South
Vietnamese people behind their government.
This task cannot wait until the war is over
because the war will never end until social
and economic changes are made.
Besides intensifying our efforts in present
developmental programs, we should give re-
newed thought to the development of the
Mekong River,, which affects the livelihood
of the entire Indochinese peninsula. The
political fragmentation and strategic weak-
nesses of northeast Thailand, Cambodia,
South Vietnam, and Laos are due partly to
obstacles which make the Mekong difficult
to navigate. By helping the southeast Asian
nations to harness and develop this vital
waterway, the United States could score a
great victory in the battle for peaceful
change by stimulating the imagination and
loyalties of people in the most troubled parts
of the region and by providing the oppor-
tunity for a better life to millions of Asians.
CAUTION
In clefendi:ng our national interests, we
must proceed with restraint arid must view
the scene from the vantage point of other
nations, as well as our own. We must not
allow ourselves to be placed in a position in
which we no longer have any reasonable
alternatives. As regard our policies in
southeast Asia, the words of Bolingbroke are
particularly relevant:
"Victories, that bring honor to the arms,
may bring shame to the councils, of a na-
tion. To win a battle, to take a town, is
the glory of a general, and of an army. * *
But the glory of a nation is to proportion the
ends she pro :poses, to her interests and her
strength; the means she employs, to the
ends she proposes; and the vigor she exerts.
to both."
This is a time when momentous decisions
must be made concerning future A mericon
policies in southeast Asia. The decisions we
make can be of vital importance to the fu-
ture of mankind. Therefore, in this vesslon
of congressional debate, let all opinions he
voiced, let all factors be considered, and let
us coldly calculate the effects of our past,
present, and future actions. A:nd finally, let
us remember the judgment of our posterity
with the words of Abraham Lincoln:
"Fellow citizens, we cannot escape history.
We will be remembered in spite of ourselves.
No personal significance or insignificance can
spare one or another of us. The fiery trial
through which we pass will light us down in
honor or dishonor to the latest generation."
west of Laos lies Thailand. The bulk of the
Lao people live in Thailand, which has much
reason to fear a Vietnamese-Laos combina-
tion. In addition, from 50,000 to 80,000
pro-Communist refugees from Vietnam have
settled in northeast Thailand since World
War II.
The instability and remoteness of north-
eastern Thailand make it imperative that the
northeastern border is occupied by a stable
Laos. These compounded problems of na-
tional security would be the consequences
of a Vietnam united under a Communist re-
gime. The expansionist tendencies of a Com-
munist-controlled Vietnam would engulf the
entire Indochinese Peninsula in large-scale
warfare. As the war would expand, China
would become more anxious to protect its
borders and would play a larger part in the
struggle. Eventually, the vital interests of
such powers as India, Indonesia, and the So-
viet Union might become directly involved.
The security of Australia and New Zealand,
both close American allies, depends: upon a
stable situation in southeast Asia, as World
War II demonstrated. Britain is pledged to
the defense of Malaysia and could become
drawn into a wider struggle. If the even-
tually victorious powers in southeast Asia
maintained close relations with china or fell
under Chinese domination, the United States
could :be subject to a grave threat.
THE CIIINA ROLE
It is difficult to tell if the Chinese always
mean what they say but the Chinese leaders
have pledged themselves to the destruction
of the United States. In light of these pro-
nouncements, the United States most keep a
close watch on China, which is now .1 nuclear
power. In the coming years, it may be ex-
pected that China will achieve the capacity to
deliver its nuclear weapons around the world.
From our experience with the Soviet Union,
it is clear that the best way to meet a nu-
clear threat is with another nuclear threat.
But, if southern Asia were in the control of
hostile powers, the United States would face
great problems in mounting a credible deter-
rent to a Chinese nuclear force. Present-day
missiles fired from the continental United
States, can reach China only by crossing So-
viet territory. This only in creases the danger
that the Soviet Union would aline with China
in a war against the United States. Although
relations are tense between Russia and China,
the Soviet Union has given no indication that
it would prefer a non-Communist Chinese
regime.
BALANCE OF POWER
Thus, the U.S. presence in Vietna:m can
be seen as an effort at limiting the scope
of armed conflict in southern Asia, to insure
that the great powers are not drawn into an
open conflict in a wider war. Such a wider
war would be certain to result if the United
States did liot provide a balance to the forces
of North Vietnam. A balance of power
strategy is utilized. to guarantee that no one
power has enough strength to subdue the
other states. Without the balance provided
by the United States, and with North Viet-
namese possession of the rich ricelands of
South Vietnam, the balance in southeast Asia
would be torn asunder.
This would happen because the states of
southeast Asia are so weak internally. But
if the policies of the United States are suc-
cessful, these countries will someday be able
to stand on their own feet. Before this
happens, great changes must take place for
the area is woefully underdeveloped and
many of the people lack any sense ol national
identity and loyalty. These changes may
come about in one of two ways- violently
or peacefully. The Communists advocate
violent change while the United States has
always realized that peaceful change,
through foreign aid and technical assistance,
is in its best interests.
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Ja---Ttry 2.4, 1966 CONG SSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX A297
Man Will Be Free
EXTENSION OF REIVIAR
OF
HON. L. NIENDEL RIVERS
OF SOUTH CAROLINA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, January 24, 1966
Mr. RIVERS of South Carolina. Mr.
Speaker, the eyes of the world are fo-
cused on the Far East today.
For it is there that the question most
sharply asked is: "Will men be free or
will men be slaves?"
And the answer from courageous men
is that man will? live as a free individual.
Mr. Speaker, the Honorable WILLIAM
JENNINGS BRYAN DORN?my distin=
guished colleague from South Carolina
and a great American?underscored
those points in a stirring speech January
23 at Taipei, Republic of China.
His remarks are an inspiration to
those who cherish freedom, a ray of
hope to the nameless faces enslaved be-
hind the Iron Curtain. His message was
clear and should give pause for thought
to those misguided despots laboring un-
der the delusion that America is soft, or
will fail her commitments in the Far
East.
His speech is of such import that I
commend it for reading by the Members
of the Congress. Under leave to extend
my remarks in the Appendix of the
RECORD, I hereby insert his message for
the information of this body:
MEN WILL BE FREE
(Address by Congressman WILLIAM JENNINGS
BRYAN DORN of South Carolina at the 12th
annual Freedom Day Rally Taipei, the
Republic of China, January 23)
Mr. Chairman, distinguished guests, ladies
and gentlemen. I bring you the greetings and
the admiration of the Congress of the
United States and the American people. As
a member of the advisory board of the Na-
tional Captive Nations' Committee and on
behalf of that committee I bring to you the
best wishes of captive peoples all over the
world. You, of the Republic of China, have
won the enduring admiration of free peoples
everywhere by your valiant and successful
struggle to maintain the freedom of this
island. You are the hope of freedom
throughout the mainland. Your past is an
inspiring saga of man's indomitable will to
be free. Your present is a source of pride
and hope to all who hate tyranny. Your
future is nothing less than a promise to
history.
We gather here today to commemorate the
courage of the 22,000 freedom fighters who
defied tyranny and chose freedom instead.
We gather here today to commemorate those
throughout the world who have similarly
struggled to escape terrorism and torture,
those who continue the struggle for free-
dom. We commemorate and pay homage
to the millions who have died to preserve
freedom.
It is fitting and proper that we observe
Freedom Day. May we be encouraged and
inspired to go forth from this spot as the
spark of a great crusade to free the world of
enslavement and oppression. The valor of
these 22,000 Chinese and Korean prisoners
will remain forever an inspiration to those
who cherish freedom.
The eyes of the world are today focused
on the Far East. For, as Abraham Lincoln
said with reference to my own country, the
world cannot continue half slave and half
free. And it is here, in the Far East that
the question is today being most sharply
asked?will men be free or be slaves? It is
here that the answer is being most plainly
given. Men will be free.
It will not be easy?and there is no rea-
son to think that it will be quick?for free-
dom faces a massive challenge in Asia, a
challenge led by those as determined as they
are evil. There will be disappointments,
frustrations, and setbacks in the future as
there have been in the past. But men will
be free.
They will be free because the determina-
tion on the side of freedom is inexhaust-
ible?and you are the proof of that. They
will be free because the resources of the side
of freedom are more than sufficient and the
will to use those resources is as firm as rock.
Let no one be in any doubt about the
commitment of the United States to the
cause of freedom in Asia. The propaganda
from Hanoi and Peiping expresses the con-
stant hope that the determination of the
United States will weaken, that the effort of
the United States will falter. They are en-
gaging in a dangerous delusion if they believe
their own propaganda. They are making the
fatal mistake of tyrants when they misin-
terpret a freeman's love of peace. Love of
peace does not mean that we will meekly
submit to tyranny. Love of peace does not
mean that we will purchase it at the cost
of freedom?ours or anyone else's. As Presi-
dent Johnson said earlier this month in his
state of the Union message, "We do not in-
tend to abandon Asia to conquest."
The Far East is the key area of the world
geographically, economically, and politically.
If totalitarianism should conquer the Far
East, then all of Asia would fall. With Asia
In Communist hands, Africa would be con-
quered. Western Europe would be out-
flanked and the forces of freedom would be
in grave peril.
In Asia there are vast untapped resources
of manpower, rubber, tin, oil, and uranium.
These resources, under the control of Com-
munist aggressors, would be used for con-
quest and war. These resources, under Com-
munist control, would not be used for peace
or enlightment, for improved health and
education. Under Communist control these
vast resources would not be used for the
advancement of freedom. They would be
used for war and enslavement.
May I remind you that the Communist
aggressors consider the individual as mere
grains of sand on the seashore to be used
by the masters of tyranny for their own
selfish aggrandizement. We believe man is
created in the image of an all-powerful
being. We believe that man has individual
rights and aspirations, that he is entitled to
dignity and individual liberty. This we be-
lieve. This we will defend.
Lenin is reported as having said the road
to Paris is the road through Peiping. The
Communists are ruthlessly liquidating the
opposition and are proceeding on that road
to Paris by way of southeast Asia, the Near
East and northern Africa. To halt this blue-
print for tyrannical power, conquest, and
enslavement, the United States is spending
Is blood and wealth in South Vietnam The
United States manifested its devotion to the
cause of freedom by expending the flower
of its young manhood to defend that cause
in Korea.
Our Commander in Chief, President Lyn-
don B. Johnson, is very wisely supporting
with strength the freedom fighters in South
Vietnam. President Johnson will not pre-
side over the liquidation of freedom in Asia.
He will instead preside over the restoration
of freedom in Asia. He is a determined
leader in the tradition of the Founding
Fathers of? my country. By his courageous
action, President Johnson has encouraged
people throughout the world who are de-
voted and dedicated to the cause of freedom.
We support you, here in the Republic of
China, with our wealth and with our armed
might. Your struggle for freedom is ours.
We will not withdraw and leave you to fight
this battle alone. We are here to stay until
freedom is secure in Asia and the aggressor
collapses in his own evil structure.
In the history of the struggle for freedom
you have produced one of the giant figures
of our time. General Chiang Kai-shek was
among the first to understand the diabolical
tactics and sinister designs of the Commu-
nist world conspiracy. He began his heroic
struggle to oppose communism on the main-
land in the 1920's, and he has been a world-
renowned champion in that struggle from
that time to this. He and Madame Chiang
long ago won the hearts of the American
people and of freedom lovers everywhere.
Madame Chiang is now in my country, and
we welcome her both as a valiant ally and as
a warm and honored friend.
The Republic of China stands ready on
the flank of Communist aggression. The
Republic of China is blocking the road of
Communist expansion to the islands of the
Pacific. The Republic of China and the
magnificent forces of the Republic of South
Korea are a deterring force to the announced
Communist plans to conquer India, south-
east Asia, and move into the Middle and
Near East. I salute you for this magnifi-
cent contribution to world freedom.
I salute you also for the assistance you
are giving to the free world effort in Viet-
nam. You are one of the almost 40 nations
which are helping the gallant people of that
beleaguered land build a better life at the
same time that they defend themselves
against a cruel aggression. Your country is
giving assistance in the field of agriculture.
You have built power stations. You have
sent medical teams. You have trained more
than 400 Vietnamese technicians. You have
given warehouses, agricultural equipment,
seeds and fertilizers, veterinary equipment
and cattle, boats, airplanes, and over half a
million textbooks. And you have been gen-
erous in extending to our forces fighting in
Vietnam both material facilities and hos-
pitality. You are playing your full role as
part of the fraternity of freemen opposing
aggression in Vietnam.
The United States is fighting in South
Vietnam as a member of that fraternity of
freemen. We are fighting there against
stark Communist aggression by terrorism, in-
filtration, sabotage, deception, and murder?
the most diabolical and dangerous form of
aggression. We are fighting in South Viet-
nam to preserve the right of self-determina-
tion of nationalities. We are fighting for
peace, as opposed to the spread of war. We
are fighting to help all of you in a righteous
cause. We are fighting to prevent a world
war. We are fighting to prevent a world
holocaust of unparalleled carnage and de-
struction.
We are daily growing stronger, on land, on
sea, in the air, and in space. This strength
is for freedom. This military might is dedi-
cated to your independence, to your liberty.
It will never be used for aggression, slavery,
and conquest. The United States has no
territorial designs anywhere in the world.
We are for liberty and individual dignity and
freedom for peoples everywhere. We believe
in lending a helping hand to the diseased and
the underprivileged throughout the world.
We are standing beside all of you in this
struggle for freedom to preserve your ancient
heritage, your art, your culture?which pre-
cedes ours?to preserve your civilization,
which began thousands of years before ours.
We share your hopes and your aspirations for
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A298 CONGRESSIONAL
he future. En this age of science and astro-
nautics, there is no room for Communist
suspicion, hatred, bigotry, and deceit. I look
to the future with hope and with confidence.
I believe we are on the dawn of a new era.
The magnificent progress made on this
island shows what free societies can accom-
plish. The growth in your production of
both agricultural and industrial goods can
only be described as startling. Your exports
are rising, your economy is strong, your cur-
rency is sound. Most important of all, the
benefits of this prosperity are going to the
people. I am proud that my country has
assisted you in your efforts. And I know that
you are proud that through your own efforts
you have done so well that in your country
we have been able to end our foreign aid
pr gram.
'the iron curtain in Europe and Asia is a
manifestation of an inferiority complex. The
Iron curtain is necessary to hide tyranny and
promote totalitarianism. The Iron Curtain
is designed to keep people from knowing the
truth?to prevent them from knowing the
joys of freedom and self-determination of
peoples, individual liberty, dignity, and ecu-
menic opportunity.
can assure you that the United States
will stand firm throughout the world. We
fought in Korea. We are fighting in Vietnam.
We are with :you here. We were with you in
Korea, in Quemoy, and in Matsu. We are
supporting SEATO in southeast Asia and
NATO in Europe. We will oppose Commu-
nist aggression wherever it rears its ugly
head.
The time 11..s come to launch an offensive?
an offensive of truth about freedom, the truth
about stark Communist aggression and its
sinister designs. We most offer hope for the
captive peoples of the world to throw off the
yoke of tyranny and again live in the sun-
light of freedom. We must spread the truth,
throughout the world, about Communist im-
perialism and colonialism. We must tell the
truth about class hatred and race prejudice
of Communist imperialists?the truth about
their liquidations, murder, and deceit.
We must not reward Red Chinese aggres-
sion by giving Red China a seat in the Unit-
ed Nations. We must not dignify Red China
by giving her a forum and a vote on the cause
of freedom. We must not bolster her eco-
nomic system with the trade of free nations
and peoples dedicated to the cause of human
dignity. It would be a grave mistake to bol-
ster her sagging economy with the products
of free enterprise nations. We must not make
this same mistake again. The free nations
of the world promoted trade with the dicta-
tors of World War II. It was their acquisi-
tion of products from free enterprise nations
that largely enabled them to launch a war
against private enterprise, property rights,
dignity, and freedom of the individual. We
cannot make this mistake again. Red China
has the atomic bomb. She is perfecting the
hydrogen bomb. Trade with the free world
will enable her to have the hydrogen bomb,
with which to launch an onslaught against
civilization, in mass production at an early
date. We must push our freedom offensive
now.
Captive nations and peoples hold the key
to the future security, independence., and
freedom of the world. Remain steadfast in
your struggle for freedom. Captive nations
are the "Achilles heel" of Red imperialist ag-
gression. Communism, fears your yearning,
your desire for freedom. Communism fears
your courage and your-ability to someday rise
and turn back the tide of tyranny.
You have our hearts. You have our sym-
pathy, our support, and our understanding.
We share your hopes. We share your aspira-
tions. Most of all, we share your sure and
certain vision of the future: Men will be free.
RECORD ? APPENDIX January 24, 1itiqq6
Misuse of Foreign Aid
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
E[ON. THOMAS M. PELLY
OF WASHINGTON
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, January 18, 1966
Mr. PELLY. Mr. Speaker, a constitu-
ent of mine, Mr. Jack Bird, who is a
member of the Alaska Fishemen's Union,
has posed some serious questions and
charges pertaining to our foreign aid pro-
gram in the Republic of Chile.
Following one of the major earth-
quakes in Chile, the U.S. forein aid
program was stepped up to aid in the
recovery from this major disaster. How-
ever, it seems that this aid and subse-
quent aid, according to Mr. Bird's
memorandum, has not been allowed to
filter down to those who were in rTeatest
need. Charges of graft and corruption
have often been voiced in this area and
there is no valid reason why we should
not establish rules for administering
foreign aid.
Mr. Speaker, the American public can-
not be placated forever with pious an-
swers and doubletalk which has no
substa:nce of meaning.
I have asked that the following memo-
randum from Mr. Bird be investigated
by the House Foreign Affairs Committee.
Also, I am sending a copy of this memo-
randum to the officials of the CARE
program so that they, too, may have the
opportunity to look into the matter of
CARE packages being sold, th is not
reaching the poor.
Mr. Speaker, with the thought that
my colleagues and other readers of the
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD might be inter-
ested in Mr. Bird's observations I include
herewith the text of his memorandum:
I would like you to take this miter up
with interested parties,, regarding aid do-
nated by the American people.
In 1960, I was living in Coronel, south of
Concepcion, Chile, in a very poor section.
The industry is mostly coal mining and the
wages were very low. While I wes there
we had the largest earthquake in Chilean
history. Here in America the queen made
headlines in all the newspapers and there
were vast sums of money and mate/eels do-
nated for that area, which was the center of
the cmake. I resided in that are,: for 3
months after the quake. And I didn't see
any sign of materials or aid that were sup-
posed to be donated for relief of the sictims.
When I left Chile, people were still ramping
in front of their ruined houses. Hui sired of
thousands of people never knew of any aid.
Where does this aid go?
Four years later I was again lieing in
Chile. This time in the north, in the small
city of Iquique where I resided for 18
months. At various times, I hate seen
CARE packages on display in the store for
sale. I purchased 8 kilos of flour for 31/2 es-
cudos, nearly $1. In the 18 months that I
lived in Iquique, I never met anyone who
had ever received a CARE package and there
are hundreds of thousands of poor people
there. They didn't even know such a thing
existed.
If we don't supervise the aid after it en-
ters these countries, we are wasting our time
and mciney.
I think this is a job for our highly rated
Peace Corps in those areas. It would at
least give them something useful to do. I
have worked in many areas where the Peace
Corps people are stationed and only about
25 percent are qualified to contribute any-
thing to these areas, such as doctors, nurses,
teachers and skilled technic-ans?the rest
are just there for 2 years.
Example. I have seen pictures in maga-
zines showing Peace Corps workers digging
ditches in Latin America, when those people
have known how to do that for 500 years.
Also, two Peace Corps workers came to
Iquique, age about 20, to teach fishing.
When they got on a fishing vessel, they were
lost; they had to learn from the Chilean crew
members, much to the amusement of the
Chileans.
There are more Communists in Chile than
I have seen anywhere else where I have
worked. Most of the crew members that I
instructed in fishing were Communiet.
Allende, the Communist Party leader, gained
in most depressed areas of Chile. And if we
don't get to these poorer classes of people
in the next 4 years, the Communist Party
has a good chance of getting in.
Therefore we must make sure we get credit
for every dollar in aid we send there.
I think that is where the Peace Corps
would come in useful, to see that anything
we send to these countries gets to where it
is supposed to go.
A national drive for good used clothing
would be very welcome to these poor people.
Nearly all American families have closets
full of clothing they will never use again
because they are tired of them. This ma-
terial could be distributed by the workers
of the Peace Corps, to be sure it gets to the
right people.
My information is that aid donated by the
American people is delivered to the principal
port in each country, and then trusted to
some local agency which may or may not be
honest.
As an American taxpayer, I want to see
us get full value for each dollar spent.
JACK BIRD, Seattle, Wash.
Concurrent Resolution of Michigan State
Legislature Supporting President John-
son's Position on Vietnam Issue
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN D. DINGELL
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, January 24, 1966
Mr. DINGELL. Mr. Speaker, pursuant
to permission granted, I insert into the
Appendix of the CONGRESSIONAL REcoan
House Concurrent Resolution 40, adopt-
ed by the Legislature of the State of
Michigan, in support of President John-
son's position on the Vietnam issue:
HOUSE CONCURRENT RESOLUTION 40
Concurrent resolution supporting President
Johnson's position on the Vietnam issue
(Offered by Representatives Burton and
Marshall)
Whereas the United States has for many
years been committed to a definite policy in
southeast Asia, which policy has declared in-
tentions of the United States to support
those governments of southeast Asia who are
fighting communism: and
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Am.
Jalwary 24,1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD --- APPENDIX
Whereas this policy has been supported by
the two preceding Presidents of the United
States as well as having such policy contin-
ued by the Johnson administration: Now,
therefore, be it
Resolved by the House of Representatives
(the Senate concurring), That the members
of the Michigan House of Representatives
and Senate hereby declare their firm belief
and faith in President Johnson's policy in
South Vietnam and southeast Asia and urge
him to resist all tempting offers to negotiate
a settlement which would be detrimental to
the Government of the United States; and
be it further
Resolved, That the members of the legis-
lature respectfully urge the President of the
United States to continue with his cautious
but firm policy in matters involving south-
east Asia and that the great majority of the
peoples of this country heartily support the
position being taken by his administration
and the majority of the Congress of the
United States; and be it further
Resolved, That a copy of this resolution be
transmitted to President Johnson and to the
Michigan delegation to the U.S. Congress for
their consideration.
Adopted by the house December 9, 1965.
Adopted by the senate December 9, 1965.
BERYL I. KENYON,
Secretary of the Senate.
NORMAN E. PHILLES,
Clerk of the House of Representatives.
The Weaver Appointment
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. LESTER L. WOLFF
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, January 24, 1966
Mr. WOLFF. Mr. Speaker, more than
two-thirds of all Americans are city and
suburban dwellers.
In a real sense, the job of the Federal
Government is now concerned with the
care of the people in these areas.
The job facing the newly appointed
head of the Department of Housing and
Urban Affairs, the very able Robert C.
Weaver, is a tremendously important
one. His new Department must become
the clearinghouse for urban and subur-
ban problems.
A recent editorial in the New York
Times calls this appointment "the begin-
ning of another road along which vast
flew strides must be taken toward better
living conditions."
I respectfully requested that the Times
editorial on Dr. Weaver's appointment
be included in the RECORD, and commend
it to the reading of the membership of
this body:
[From the New York (N.Y.) Times, Jan. 15,
1966]
THE WEAVER APPOINTMENT
President Johnson's appointment of Robert
C. Weaver as Secretary of the new Depart-
ment of Housing and Urban Renewal has
been long expected.
A Harvard-trained economist, Dr. Weaver
hay Government experience dating from the
early days of the Roosevelt administration.
He is dedicated and knows the field to which
he has been assigned; he was deputy State
housing commissioner and later New York
State Rent Administrator under Governor
Harriman. President Kennedy subsequently
named him to the top housing post in the
country. He has attained Cabinet level?
first Negro in American history to do so?
despite some criticism of his abilities and his
imagination.
If the appointment of Robert Weaver to his
new post is the end of the road in the sense
that the struggle to put a Negro in the
Cabinet is won, so is it the beginning of
another road along which vast new strides
must be taken toward better living condi-
tions. "In some of our urban areas we must
help rebuild entire sections and neighbor-
hoods containing as many as a hundred
thousand people," the President said in his
state of the Union message. "Working to-
gether, private enterprise and government
must press forward with the task of providing
homes and shops, parks and hospitals, and
all the other necessary parts of a flourishing
community where our people can come to
live the good life." It is Robert Weaver's task
to direct and coordinate such an ambitious
effort, and we wish him the best of luck in
this monumental job.
Eccles Speaks Out cn Vietna
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. GEORGE E. BROWN, JR.
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, January 20, 1966
Mr. BROWN of California. Mr.
Speaker, in view of the continuing efforts
by the President to seek a negotiated
peace in South Vietnam, for which I am
most grateful, and the pressure which he
is undoubtedly being subjected to from
many persons advocating total victory, I
think we would all do well to note the
recent words by Financier Marriner S.
Eccles. I would like to request unani-
mous consent to have printed at this
point in the RECORD an article which
appeared recently in the Los Angeles
Times, January 4, 1966, wherein Mr.
Eccles joins in urging that we not esca-
late the war in Vietnam:
FINANCIER ASSERTS UNITED STATES SHOULD
NOT ESCALATE WAR
SAN FRANcisco.?"Under no circumstances
should we escalate the war in Vietnam. Our
position there is indefensible," says financier
Marriner S. Eccles.
Eccles declares, "Contrary to Government
propaganda, we were not invited by and have
no commitment to any representative or re-
sponsible Government of South Vietnam.
"We are there as an aggressor in violation
of our treaty obligation under the U.N.
Charter."
Eccles' remarks appeared in the "Letters to
the Editor" column of the Monday morning
edition of the San Francisco Chronicle.
Now 75, Eccles was assistant to the U.S.
Secretary of the Treasury in 1934 and has
held several positions on the Federal Reserve
Board.
U.S. ACTION CITED
Eccles said that after the Vietnamese vic-
tory over the French and the signing of the
Geneva Treaty in 1954, the U.S. refused to
allow free elections in Vietnam, "knowing
that Ho Chi Minh, the Communist leader of
the north, was so popular he would unques-
tionably win."
"The South Vietnamese Catholics, about
10 percent of the population, property owners,
and business Interests in the large cities, are
the strong anti-Communist supporters of
A299
South Vietnam, and are the minority," he
continued.
"We have provided large amounts of mili-
tary and economic aid and supplied them
with military advisers," Eccles said. "But
until the present administration came into
office, we did not furnish American troops
to help fight their war, until it was ap-
parent they were being defeated.
"We have gradually taken over the direc-
tion to their Government as well as their
war until now it has become an American war
rather than a Vietnamese war."
? As a result, Eccles said, "we now have alined
against us the powerful countries of China
and Russia, including all the Communist
world, with practically no support from the
rest of the world in spite of Rusk's and Mc-
Namara's recent appeals to NATO.
"Under these conditions," he concluded,
"we cannot win."
World Is a Small One for Harriman
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. F. BRADFORD MORSE
OF MASSACHUSETTS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, January 24, 1966
Mr. MORSE. Mr. Speaker, world
leaders have continued to be amazed at
the vitality and effectiveness of one of
our most able Ambassadors, Gov. W.
Averell Harriman. Governor Harriman's
familiarity with the principal world fig-
ures for more than a generation has as-
sured his missions a friendly and respect-
ful welcome wherever he goes.
Yesterday, Chalmers Roberts of the
Washington Post reported on an inter-
view with the Governor following his
most recent peace mission regarding the
situation in Vietnam. I ask unanimous
consent to include Mr. Roberts' article in
the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD:
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post, Jan. 23,
1966]
WORLD IS A SMALL ONE FOR HARRISON
(BY Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post
staff writer)
In the dark of last Wednesday evening
W(illiam) Averell Harriman, who will be 75
next November 15, ran down the ramp from
his presidential jet at Andrews Air Force Base
in nearby Maryland. It was the end of yet
another talking trip.
Harriman has been talking straight talk
to presidents, prime ministers, dictators, and
other assorted political potentates since Harry
Hopkins introduced him to the Roosevelt in-
ner circle in early New Deal days.
For 22 days he zigzagged around the world
as one of President Johnson's peace offensive
envoys. Mr. Johnson put a lot of people into
diplomatic orbit but somehow the memory
fades of all but the extraordinary durable
Harriman.
For Harriman the only word is extraordi-
nary. On this 35,000-mile trip he touched
down in 12 world capitals?he was in Bang-
kok 3 times?and none of them was new to
him. Not only had he been to them all
before but he had met every one of the
leaders before with the single exception of
Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser.
GREETED BY MENZIES
That wealth of experience clearly paid
dividends, Australia's Robert Menzies, who
came out to the airport in the late evening
to greet him, was an old friend from World
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A300 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX January 24., le06
War II days in London when the Aussie sat
with the British War Cabinet.
Or take Yugoslavia's President Tito.
"I saw him in Brdo"?where they met
again this time?"back in 1951 when Yugo-
slavia, after the break with Russia, feared
Stalin would turn the satellites loose on
him. We gave him planes and tanks."
Harriman paused and added: "When
you've seen a man in his tough times, there's
a certain relationship."
In Warsaw-, Communist Party Boss Wladis-
law Gomulka saw Harriman "for old time's
sake." He once had been a house guest in
Harriman's New York residence, years after
they first met during the war.
"The Shah of Iran," says Harriman, "con-
siders me one of his oldest friends. He
stayed at my cottage in Sun Valley." Har-
riman, whose father created the Union Pa-
cific Railroad, was of course the man who
created that ski resort.
Harriman has a newspaperman's instincts
about travel and he hasn't missed many cor-
ners of the world.
"If you haven't been to a country," as he
puts it, "no matter how much information
you have, you can't get a feel of it."
In fact Harriman feels so strongly about
the right of Americans to travel that he once
hired Dean Acheson to fight a potential case
for him right up to the Supreme Court.
Back in the Eisenhower years, when he had
finished a term as Governor of New York (he
was involuntarily retired by the voters in
favor of Nelson Rockefeller) Harriman de-
cided he wanted to go to Communist China,
E 1959 TRIP CALLED OFF
At that time the State Department forbade
such trips. But the test case never came off
because at the last minute he received a mes-
sage from Peiping saying it would not be con-
venient to receive him that year, 1959.
Of course, Harriman has been to China.
He stopped off in Chungking, the wartime
capital, to see Chiang Kai-shek en route home
from IVIoscow in 1946. Everybody told him
he ought to go on to Peiping but he had a
date with Gen. Douglas MacArthur in Tokyo,
and so he missed his only chance to get the
feel of today's center of the Asian Commu-
nist world.
"I was very serious in those days," he says
with a sense of regret that he didn't put off
the visit with the general another day or two
to take in Peiping.
'rhe Governor?everybody calls him that
and he loves it despite the fact that his
political skills turned out to be in an al-
most totally inverse ratio to his diplomatic
abilities?had only 8 hours' warning of his
latest trip. President Johnson called him
at noon and he was airborne from Andrews
at 8 p.m.
But the Governor was not unprepared this
time even though he thought it was to be
a trip of only a few days.
"I've been caught several times before,''
lie explains, "on being sent to the tropics. So
usually take some tropical shirts along. I
only wear one weight of wool suit anyway.''
Although the presidential jet, with its huge
"United States of America" legend embla-
zoned on each side, has a pair of bunks, the
6-f oot-l-inch Harriman spent only 3 or 4
nights aboard in bed. At each stop, too, em-
bassy wives reached for the soiled shirts and.
returned them in time for the Governor and,
his two globe-girdling aids, Asian Commu-
nist expert David Dean, and Christopher
Squire, who is in charge of Hungarian af-
fairs at State.
Harriman took no secretary. He penciled
his dispatches on a yellow pad and got them
oil at the next stop. Dean and Squire al-
ternated as note takers at the talks with
the foreign leaders and then wrote up the
detailed reports.
Harriman has his own philosophy about
diplomatic messages.
"I write them short to the President and There was no surfboarding this time. But
and the Secretary of State. More people he mused to a companion: "In my day, it
read the short ones. But I make them very was much more dangerous; they didn't have
much to the point. They have got to be that stabilizing fin on the back of the board
reasonably entertaining. I learned that then."
from the British. They pass around the
Cabinet table the telegrams they get from
their ambassadors. They never have a leak,
either; I wish we could do as well.
"The Ambassador in Britain who writes
the best has his career made. They have
literary style. Sometimes exact reporting is
not as important as being descriptive."
Harriman, of course, won't discuss the
substance of his peace mission other than
to say that "I got the impression that all
the people I saw were anxious to see the
fightin.g stop, although for differing rea-
sons."
"The crocodile" method is to come to the
point and wrap it up quickly. He had 45
minutes at the Peshawar airport with Paki-
stan's President Ayub Khan who, naturally,
he has known since 1959.
IN WARSAW AT 3:30 A.M.
When he arrived in Warsaw, nonstop from
Andrews, it was 3:30 in the morning by his
wristwatch. But 45 minutes al ter the
touchdown he was closeted with Poland's
Foreign Minister Adam Rapacki.
"You can do an awful lot in an hour,"
he says.
Harriman, of course, was acutely oriscious
of the critical role the Sino-Soviet dispute
plays in the war in Vietnam. Like other
administration leaders, he feels that Mos-
cow wants to see the war ended, that Peiping
wants to see it continue and that Hanoi is
trapped in between the two Communist
giants.
It was Harriman, after the German sur-
render and before Japan fell, who inspired
James Forrestal to write in his 1945 diary:
"He said the outward thrust of communism
was not dead and that we might well have to
face an ideological warfare just as vigorous
and dangerous as fascism or nazism." And
that at a time when most Americans were
putting their postwar hopes on a continua-
tion of the wartime alliance with the Soviet
Union.
Stalin himself confirmed Harrini an's dire
views that October when he told him that
"we've decided to go our own way."
It was President Kennedy who first deeply
involved Harriman in the Far East, ,-specially
in the China problem. Today he takes very
seriously the hard words from Peiping such
as Lin Piao's pronouncement that the under-
developed nations of the "countryside" will
surround and defeat the "cities" of North
America and Western Europe.
He wants Americans to fully appreciate the
danger from China. But he does not worry
that in turning their eyes to the .Par East
they Will be bemused into thinking that
Washington and Moscow are about to be-
come allies. He figures the Russians will
make it evident it can't come to that.
Averell Harriman did not bring peace to
Vietnam but he clearly enjoys the satisfac-
tion of yet another job well clone. The trip
was tiring; a cold turned into an ear infec-
tion because of too-rapid descent and change
in the cabin air pressure corning into Darwin,
Australia.
Winging home across the Pacific, he played
bridge with Secretary of State Dean Rusk,
Senator JOHN SHERMAN COOPER, Dean,
Squires, and Rush's aid, C. Arthur (Buck)
Borg. Rusk, who had joined up in New Delhi
and and who lives on his earnings, picked
up a bit of change from Harriman who in
1952 was reputed to be worth $40 million.
When they got to Honolulu and tile luxury
of the Royal Hawaiian Hotel, Harriman
ducked into a sports shop, bought a $6.95
pair of wildly yellow swimming trunks and
headed into the sea at Waikiki.
George Paul Miller: The Conscience
From California
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOSEPH E. KARTH
OF MINNESOTA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, January 24, 1966
Mr. KARTH. Mr. Speaker. It has
been my rare privilege during the last 7
years to know and to work with Congress-
man GEORGE P. MILLER, On the House
Committee on Science and Astronautics.
Under his leadership the committee
has considered the National Aeronautics
and Space Administration authorization
bills which have brought the country's
space programs from very preliminary
stages to full operation. Much credit for
this successful achievement is due to
Chairman MILLER'S knowledge and pa-
tience and parliamentary skill.
The magazine Challenge published by
the General Electric Missiles and Space
division recently printed an article about
Congressman MILLER. So that our col-
leagues can have the opportunity to read
this excellent portrayal, I include it in the
Appendix of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD:
GEORGE PAUL MILLER: THE CONSCIENCE FROM
CALIFORNIA
(One of the first things a boy learns on
getting a drum is that he's never going to get
another one. One of the first things a nation
learns about getting a GEORGE MILLER is that
we need more like him. The capable chair-
man of the House Committee on Science and
Astronautics relies on experience and com-
monsense in encouraging the Nation's space
efforts. Here he speaks out on competition?
among people, in industry, and with Russia.)
In a highly technical world like space,
saturated with semantics like thermody-
namics, gravity gradient, and accelerometers,
if you were going to handpick a man in Gov-
ernment to head up the House of Represent-
atives Committee on Science and Astronau-
tics, you wouldn't pick the manager of a
travel agency that failed, or a man who was
on relief in depression days, or an ex official
of a State fish and game commission.
You wouldn't, that is, sinless the combina-
tion of all three turned out to be GEORGE
Ptah, MILLER, Congressman from California's
8th District, now in his 11th term in Wash-
ington, just shy of his 75th birthday, rind
still building momentum in a life he waited
so long to begin.
And you might pick him for this job of
spearheading the annual authorization of
America's $5 billion space program not be-
cause of his technical background ( though
he's an engineer and has learned the lan-
guage); not because he's a tactful politician
(though associates say he can settle disputes
better than most), and not because of his
experience (though he's served five Presi-
dents).
You pick GEORGE MILLER because he's a
trustworthy guardian of the public invest-
ment; because he asks questions until he
gets answers we can all understand, and be-
cause he's dedicated to the idea that Amer-
ica will not ride on the back of the space
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A280
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD APPENDIX
the curbstone. Neither he nor his wife ever
has been on relief. '
Edward Taylor of 810 North Illinois made
it through the .eighth grade. He was in civil
service work at Oak Ridge, Tenn.., then was
- transferred to Fort Harrison "until the sol-
diers took over" in 1949. Since then he has
been unable to find steady employment.
Most of the other men I talked with have
similarly steady, modest backgrounds: They
are grateful to have the curbstone job mart
as a door to temporary employment. They
prefer that it not be called the "slave mar-
ket." Their pay runs from '75 cents to $1.25
or 0.50 an hour as a rule, depending upon
the type of work they get.
Most of these good men are victims of the
new technology. They are among 3 million
employable but unemployed Americans. To
most of these beyond the twenties or thirties,
retraining and other war on poverty devices
offer scant prospects.
What they need is what Fred Gibson said
is part of being a man?steady jobs. And
they need them now. This strongly suggests
a need for Federal action to create those
jobs. It was Abraham Lincoln, not Karl
Marx, who said the Government "should do
for the people what the people cannot do
themselves or as well themselves."
Affirmation:
SPEEC
OF
HON. CHARLES L. WELTNER
OF GEORGIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, January 13, 1966
Mr. WELTNER. Mr. Speaker, the
university and college students of Geor-
gia have initiated and organized Affirma-
tion: Vietnam, a project which has my
approval and unqualified support. My
colleagues here in the House have ex-
pressed their pride in these young people,
and I join with them in applauding this
expression of constructive patriotism.
The original impetus came from a
group of students at Emory University
In Atlanta, and now includes representa-
tion and support from most colleges and
universities throughout the State. Its
sponsors include Senators RICHARD B.
RUSSELL and HERMAN TALMADGE and other
notable Georgians and Atlantans, as
well as the entire Georgia delegation to
the House of Representatives. Remar
M. Sutton, Jr., is providing excellent co-
ordination of the movement in his capac-
ity as general chairman.
The culmination of Affirmation: Viet-
nam will be a rally at Atlanta Stadium
on February 12. It is a very special
honor that Secretary of State Dean
Rusk, a native Georgian and product of
Georgia schools, will make the major
address.
Students have traditionally and his-
torically occupied a unique place in our
society. Their enthusiasm and intelli-
gence-have been joined to many causes,
and they have not hesitated to debate
the issues with clear candor, and without
regard to personal gain.
In recent months, the students voice
has often protested our commitment in
southeast Asia. Therefore, this sponta-
neous movement by Georgia students is
deeply gratifying and reassuring.
I am proud to be connected with this
project, and I hope that the demonstra-
tion of support for the reasoned princi-
ples of our country's commitment will be
noted by the rest of our Nation.
Johnson and Party Repairing Image
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. J. ARTHUR YOUNGER
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, January 24, 1966
Mr. YOUNGER. Mr. Speaker, re-
cently, under leave to insert my own re-
marks and include extraneous matter,
I had inserted in the RECORD an article
by Walter Pincus relative to the Demo-
cratic National Committee finances.
Another of his articles on the same sub-
ject appeared in the Sunday Star of
January 23. In order to complete the
story, the article follows:
MONEY AND POLITICS--JOHNSON AND PARTY
REPAIRING IMAGE
(By Walter Pincus)
Stung by recent criticism, President
Johnson and his top political aids are
moving to improve the Democratic Party's
darkened fundraising image.
At the same time, however, financial de-
mands of this year's congressional election
activities may resurrect the bad image just
as fast as the Democrats try to knock it
down.
As a first step in image building, negotia-
tions are underway to transfer some $600,-
000 raised by the newest $15,000 a page Dem-
ocratic ad book to a bipartisan foundation
which?with matching funds from the Re-
publican National Committee?would openly
conduct voter registration drives prior to
next fall's election.
The ad book, which drew funds from 68
corporations, was promoted by the Demo-
crats last summer behind a veil of secrecy.
As originally conceived, the proceeds were
to go to Democratic candidates who dis-
tribute the books at fundraising movie
premieres.
DIRECT MAIL PLAN
As a second image-building step, the Dem-
ocrats soon will begin a modest direct mail
solicitation for small contributions. In re-
cent years, the Democrats have received al-
most 80 percent of their funds from donors
of over $100?most of them $1,000 givers.
An effort last year to stimulate small con-
tributions through a contest was a dismal
failure. So few people entered that win-
ners at the State level have not even been
announced.
President Johnson, himself, started off the
new fundraising approach with his cam-
paign fund reform proposals in the state of
the Union message. Among the sugges-
tions?still to be transmitted in detail to
Congress?was a tax relief proposal for poli-
tical contributions. This is aimed at stimu-
lating small donations.
In contrast to the Democrats, the Republi-
can Party has since 1962 reported raising a
sizable proportion of its funds from donors
of $100 or less.
As politically attractive as the imagemak-
ing proposals are, they actually will cost more
money than they will raise.
With the need to raise some $1 million
this year to support the national Democratic
program, party leaders hope their top fund-
raiser?the President?will be able to carry
Januaty 24, 1966
out appearances at five or six dinners around
the country.
The President's recent gall bladder opera-
tion cost the national committee some $1
million. Almost $400,000 of that figure would
have been collected at a California func-
tion Johnson had planned to attend. When
he was unable to go, the California promo-
ters refused to hold the affair and held onto
some $300,000 already collected. That event
apparently has been rescheduled for April.
TWO WASHINGTON EVENTS
Several fundraising appearances of Vice
President HUBERT H. HUMPHREY, which bring
in additional funds to Washington, were
canceled when the President asked him to
stay in Washington during his postoperative
period.
This year, along with out-of-town Presi-
dential appearances, the Democrats are plan-
ning on two affairs in Washington to bring
in money.
The financial attraction of the Nation's
Capital as a campaign fund source is irre-
sistible. The entire take of an affair, rather
than just half the proceeds, go to the Demo-
cratic National Committee. In addition, the
city is bulging with people who understand
politics and respond to requests for contri-
butions.
Lobbyists, trade association representatives,
and Government employees to make the city
the best place to hold either a dinner?as
has been suggested for this spring?or an
entertainment gala?as is being talked of
for midsummer.
However, fundraising in Washington has
its drawbacks?the prime one being the up-
roar over organized Democratic solicitation
of Federal employees. Such protests have
developed over the past 5 years.
All the attempts at imagemaking could
be destroyed if the party resumes its intri-
cate, organized, and illegal solicitation of
Federal employees by their more politically
oriented coworkers.
INQUIRY IS CLOSED
Last year, the Civil Service Commission
and the Justice Department were forced to
review the activities of officials in the Rural
Electrification Administration after allega-
tions were made and partially confirmed that
tickets to the 1964 Johnson gala were being
sold on office time to subordinates.
Justice recently announced it had closed
the inquiry without finding sufficient evi-
dence to warrant prosecution.
Such organized in-house soliciting also
was planned for last year's Democratic con-
gressional dinner. Though it was stopped
in some departments after being revealed in
the press, other agencies carried it on suc-
cessfully.
Another aspect of Democratic 1966 fund-
raising will be promotion of the $1,000 a
membership President's Club, which since
1961 has supplied a heavy proportion of the
party's funds. Though it creates the "fat
cat" image, the President's Club funds will
be needed to provide the major part of this
year's campaignmoney.
Tomorrow, HUMPHREY and other top ad-
ministration and party leaders will attend
the New York City President's Club kickoff
meeting. Over 500 have been invited to at-
tend the closed briefing?and subsequently
contribute $1,000 to the party.
Similar events are being set up around
the country, and probably will precede both
the Washington and out-of-town fundrais-
ing appearances of Johnson.
SECOND AD BOOK DOUBTFUL
The bad publicity generated by this year's
ad book limits chances that another book
will be attempted this year. However, if the
need for funds deMand it, the Democrats
may put together a volume to accompany
the gala.
Over 100,000 of this year's book?a valen-
tine to President Johnson entitled "Toward
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January 24, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
Loisisyna.F. MAN HEADS HEART GROUP
'1'he election of Philip P. Ardery as chair-
man of the board of directors of the Ameri-
can Heart Association was announced yester-
day. Mr. Ardery, a Louisville lawyer, succeeds
John D. Brundage. Gen. Dwight D. Eisen-
hower continues as honorary chairman of the
association.
Mr. Ardery retired last July as a major gen-
eral in the Air Force Reserve. In World War
if lie won seven U.S. decorations and the
Croix de Guerre.
Active for more than a decade in heart as-
sociation work, Mr. Ardery has been a mem-
ber of the group's national board and execu-
tive committee since 1958. In 1962 lie re-
ceived the association's award of merit for
distinguished service to its programs.
One of Our Commissioners Is Missing
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CRAIG HOSMER
CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, January 20, 1966
Mr. HOSMER. Mr. Speaker, the fol-
lowing communication has been sent by
me to the House Republican conference,
but I believe it may prove of interest to
all our colleagues:
Moans ENERGY COMMISSION VACANCY?
FAILURE To FILL
For almost 7 months?since July 1, 1965?
a vacancy has existed on the U.S. Atomic
Energy Commission. This vitally important
body with an annual budget exceeding $2
billion is functioning at 80 percent of its
statutory manpower level. The management
of its vast complex of scientific and indus-
trial activities rides heavy on the shoulders
of four rather than a proper complement of
five supervising Commissioners. The input
of thought, judgment, experience and wis-
dom into Commission decisions affecting
both U.S. nuclear defense and American
progress in peaceful uses of the atom con-
tinues month after month to remain starved
by a factor of 20 percent.
Yet the Johnson administration remains
totally unconcerned. Washington hears not
the slightest rumor whatever of any possi-
bility of a new Commissioner to replace Dr.
Mary I. Bunting, who returned to the campus
of Radcliffe College last June 30.
This regrettable state of affairs follows on
the heels of an equally regrettable body blow
to the Commission's farce level dealt by the
same Johnson administration in 1964. This
involved the appointment of Dr. Bunting
herself in that year with the understanding
and agreement of the White House that she
would remain away from her teaching re-
aponsibilities only for a year. During her
year in Washington, Dr. Bunting proved to
be a brilliant, hard working, and able Com-
missioner. Expectedly, however, most of
her year was devoted to learning the job.
She left, therefore, at the very moment of
emergence into a capability to assume her
full share of the Commission's workload.
The administration knew, or should have
known, at the time it appointed her that
ouch would be the case. There were other
candidates for the 1964 vacancy who were
willing and able to serve the full term, which
Dr. Bunting was not. Nevertheless, she was
selected, because at that moment the admin-
istration was going through one of its peri-
odic "appoint women to office" weeks.
All of this is a record of bad government
administration. The people should know it.
They are entitled to something better. The
Commission vacancy should be filled
promptly by a person of high competence
who will agree to serve the term.
Roy Wilkins on Hogwash
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ANDREW JACOBS, JR.
OF INDIANA
IN TIM HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, January 24, 1966
Mr. JACOBS. Mr. Speaker, a great
deal of nonsense is being spoken and
written today by individuals in an effort
to ridicule this Nation's efforts to cope
with the causes and effects of poverty.
Two columnists writing in the current
issue of the Indianapolis Observer pro-
vide a most welcome change from what
appears to be an increasingly active and
deliberately misleading campaign.
Neither Roy Wilkins nor John Ackel-
raire, the Observer's columnists, will al-
low to go unchallenged the bumper
stickers which smugly proclaim, "I'm
fighting poverty. I work for a living."
These two writers display honesty and
realism in discussing the difficult cir-
cumstances in which the unwilling vic-
tims of the "new technology" find them-
selves. For that reason, I take this op-
portunity to insert their comments in
the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD;
[Prom the Indianapolis (Ind.) Observer]
Roy WILKINS ON HOGWASH
It is easy for most white people to think
of Negro life as one long physical hardship.
They remember lynchings and the victims of
beatings and shootings. They know about
bombings and burned-out homes and
churches.
Where Negroes are free of all this, or most
of it, the public cries out, along with the
young California guardsman in Watts: "What
do they want? They never had it so good.
These are not slums like Harlem."
There are other cruelties besides lynching
and the Negro is not insensitive to them.
One is the popular myth that the race
doesn't want to work, that it prefers wel-
fare payments.
Today the not-so-subtle insult is repeated
by rightwing critics and speakers and parrots
belonging to this or that society, but call-
ing themselves generally, "conservatives."
The latest dig is to be found on automobile
bumper stickers:
"I'm fighting poverty. I work for a living."
The implication is as plain as it is smug.
It says there is work aplenty for those who
want to work. It says that those who do
not work are deliberately choosing the as-
sistance of antipoverty and welfare programs.
It says, further, with an air of self-righteous-
ness, "We who work are paying the bills for
those who choose to enjoy poverty."
Every student of the most elementary eco-
nomics of a capitalistic society knows this
to be hogwash. and pretty smelly even for
that concoction.
Statistics don't mean so much to people
who think and live by slogans, but the fact
is that 3 million Americans are hunting for
work and cannot get a job. In the midst of
our affluence we simply have not solved the
problem of what to do about workers dis-
lodged by technology, not by laziness.
One element of the formula for unemploy-
ment is a dark skin. It is true nationally
that the unemployment rate for Negroes is
A279
twice that for whites, but in some locali-
ties it is as much as four times the white
rate. In the Watts district of Los Angeles
last August 1 out of every 3 Negroes was un-
employed.
In Michigan computers are bringing thou-
sands of different cars off the assembly line
equipped by orders on punchcards. In
Ohio a machine drills 250 cylinder blocks at
once. In Louisiana a computer fills drums
with chemicals. In Chicago a computer
mixes and bakes cakes. On a single Dixie
plantation a cottonpicking machine displaces
50 Negro families.
These changes and wholesale regional and
family disruptions and the myriad personal
tragedies that flow from them will not be
remedied by the auto-bumper philosophers.
They are too busy working?until they reach
the brutal cutoff age of 45, that is.
[From the Indianapolis (Ind.) Observer!
JOHN ACKELMIRE: THE DISINHERITED
Come along to the slave market.. It is in
front of the old city hall at Ohio and Ala-
bama. The scene could be?but won't be?
especially instructive to those social illiter-
ates one generation removed from honest
Hoosier barnyards who have managed to
translate their fiscal luck in this fabulous
economy into a self-righteous contempt for
the unemployed.
Each morning long before sunup 2 dozen
or more jobless Negroes gather at the curb-
stone on North Alabama in hope somebody
will came by and offer them an honest day's
toil. There are a few winos and incompe-
tents among them. But the vast majority
are versatile, able-bodied men about as des-
perate for employment as it is possible to
be. They arrive, poorly clad against the pre-
dawn's icy bite, and they stand on the side-
walk in orderly array until picked up or hope
is abandoned.
Do they enjoy poverty? Are they living
high off the hog on welfare? Do they deserve
to be insulted by bumper stickers reading,
"I'm fighting poverty, I work for a living"?
Fred Gibson is 62. He lives at 2238 North
College and walks the distance each morning
to the curbstone in the 200 block of North
Alabama. He is twice a widower; his second
wife died last February after a 26-year mar-
riage. He has 4 grown children and 13
grandchildren. He is the sole support of one
daughter, now separated from her husband,
and two grandchildren. The daughter is ex-
pecting a third child in 3 months.
Fred Gibson has lived in Indianapolis more
than 40 years. He never got beyond the
fifth grade, although his felicitous manner
of speech and wide range of self-gathered
knowledge suggest considerably more formal
education. In his time he has had some
fair jobs?landscape gardening, construction
work, hod carrying and fry cooking. The
only really well-paying job he ever had,
though, was a brief stint in a World War II
war plant. He never has owned a house or
car.
But neither has he ever been on public
welfare nor has he ever gone to a township
trustee for relief. He has no police record.
"I have always tried to be a man," he said
the other day, "and part of that is holding
a steady job."
In recent times a steady job has eluded
Fred Gibson. So he goes down to the curb-
stone each morning in hope of a day's pick-
and-shovel or tile-laying work. If he is
lucky, he may make as much as $25 or $30
a week. His rent takes $16 of that. ("I
don't know how I'm going to pay this week's
rent," he said.)
Roy Conn, 55, of 303 West 10th, has lived
in Indianapolis since 1928. He is a graduate
of Louisville Central ' High School. For 17
years he parked cars in a downtown lot, but
of late he has had to catch as catch can at
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A278 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX January 24, 1966
Into one sovereign and independent republic
of the Ukrainian people.
Although the Ukrainian Republic was
recognized by a number of States, including
the Government of Soviet Russia, it had no
durable peace nor prosperty because Com-
munist Russia invaded the Ukrainian state
despite its previous pledges to respect and
honor the Ukrainian independence.
For nearly 31/2 years, without assistane
from the Western World, the Ukrainian peo
pie waged a heroic war against Communist
Russia in the defense of sovereignty of their
country but the gallant struggle came to a
tragic end. The free Ukrainian state was
subdued to a puppet regime of the Soviet
Socialistic Republic.
Since the Russian Communist enslave-
ment with brutal oppression and domination
there has been much suffering among these
people. But despite the Communist yoke im-
posed by 1VLOscow, the Ukrainian people never
accepted the foreign domination and are con-
tinuirig to struggle for freedom and national
independence. Through a series of heroic
and bloody uprisings and a steady resistance
through underground warfare, the Ukrainian
people have demonstrated their undying love
of freedom and their opposition to alien slav-
ery and oppression.
Both the Congress and the President of the
United States have recognized the legitimate
right to freedom and national independence
by enacting and signing respectively the
"Captive Nations Week Resoltuion" in July
1959, which enumerated the Ukraine as one
of the captive nations enslaved and domi-
nated by Communist Russia, and is entitled
to recognition and moral support by the
American people and the free world at large.
During the debate on colonialism in the U.N.
Assembly in 1960 and 1961 a number of West-
ern statesmen, including our Ambassador to
the U.N. raised their voices in protest against
the persecution of the Ukrainian people by
the Communists.
The cause of Ukrainian freedom and inde-
pendence is no longer a patriotic desire since
the Communist menace has spread into Asia,
our shores in Cuba and Latin America, it has
become a political necessity for the free world
to recognize that an independent Ukraine
would substantially weaken the Communist
empire.
Americans of Ukrainian descent in our
great State of North Dakota are planning
to celebrate the forthcoming 48th anniver-
sary of the Ukrainian independence on Sun-
day, January 23, 1966, in a solemn and fitting
manner with special religious services and
programs which will be heard on radio and
TV over stations in Bismarck, Mandan, Mi-
not, and Dickinson.
We firmly believe that you are fully aware
of the importance of Ukraine as an ally in
the struggle against Russian Communist
imperialism. We, therefore, respectfully re-
quest that you make an appropriate state-
ment on the floor of the Senate on or about
the 22d of January in commemoration of the
48th anniversary of the Ukrainian independ-
ence. This anniversary provides an appro-
priate occasion not only for the U.S. Senate
and American people but also for the U.S.
Government to demonstrate their sympathy
and understanding of the aspirations of the
Ukrainian people.
It may also provide better understanding
by extending diplomatic relations to Ukraine,
which is a charter member of the United
Nations, by nominating an American of
Ukrainian descent to serve on some diplo-
matic post, and by the issuance of a com-
memorative stamp in honor of Europe's free-
dom fighter and Ukrainian poet, Texas
Sheychenko.
We extend our sincere thanks and appre-
ciation for the favorable response in the
past on this and other. matters, and we hope
that you will continue to accept our expres-
sions with meaningful understanding.
Sincerely yours,
DT. ANTHONY ZTJKOWSKY,
President, UCCA, State Branch of
North Dakota.
Quick, Easy Solution to Vietnam
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WILLIAM S. MOORHEAD
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, January 13, 1966
Mr. MOORHEAD. Mr. Speaker, after
a visit to Vietnam last month I con-
cluded that the most important con-
tribution the average American can
make to the war in Vietnam is patience.
There is no quick and easy solution.
The nationally syndicated writer,
Ralph McGill, in a recent column, com-
pared the fighting conditions in Vietnam
to an episode in our own history. He
noted that Marion the Swamp Fox, using
guerrilla tactics, "kept a large force of
well-equipped British troops engaged
across a long period of time." Four
major expeditions by the British against
him were unsuccessful.
Indeed it is frustrating to hold the
power to devastate completely an entire
enemy country and not be able to use
that power.
Mr. McGill's column, published in the
January 13 issue of the Pittsburgh Post-
Gazette, is an excellent answer to the
question: "Why not win in Vietnam?"
Under leave to extend my remarks I
Include it at this point in the RECORD:
NEITHER POWER NOE VICTORY ARE
ENOUGH FOR VIETNAM
(By Ralph McGill)
ATLANTA.?"Why not victory now?" "Why
not win in Vietnam?" "Why don't we get it
over with?"
"What's wrong with winning?" "Why
can't this great power kick out that rabble
of guerrillas in Vietnam?"
These and other idiocies, born of frustra-
tion, 'echo in the land of the free and the
home of the brave. (It is a land that ought
to understand, out of its own history, the
frustration in Vietnam. Our own history
includes Marion, the Swamp Fox. He based
himself in a swamp and kept a large force
of well-equipped British troops engaged
across a long period of time. On four oc-
casions, major expeditions were mounted
against him. He eluded them. Marion was
one of the factors that enabled final victory
to be won. The more effective units of our
continental army were, in effect, guerrilla
troops, operating out of their knowledge of
terrain and of living off the country.)
The United States would win. Winning
would, in a sense, be easy. Congressman
CHARLES WELTNER, speaking in his Georgia
district, said to the impatient and frustrated:
"Certainly, it would be a simple matter to
bring about, within 24 hours, the utter devas-
tation of all of North Vietnam. We could
kill every able-bodied fighting man there?
along with every little child, every woman,
every old man?all within the twinkling of
an eye. We can win?if winning means
wiping out 16 million human beings; and
if winning includes the very real chance of
direct military engagement with Commu-
nist China; end if winning includes the prob-
able necessity for using nuclear weapons
against Peiping; and if winning includes
the possible destruction of Russia?after,
of course, Russia has simultaneously de-
stroyed 100 million American lives.
"We have the power to win?if we want
to win under these circumstances. That
power has gone unexercised, to the mount-
ing frustration of us all, and to the in-
creasing demand that we do something. We
sincerely seek an honorable peace and, I am
convinced, are willing to go the extra mile.
We will not, however, negotiate a peace that
would mean the inevitable loss of southeast
Asia to the thralldom of China."
The world should have learned out of its
many wars and "victories" that great power
is not enough?not nearly enough. Nor is
"victory" enough. Two tremendous wars en-
veloped most of the earth. They were "won"
with a vast mobilization of power, men, ma-
terials, and food. A Korean war was waged,
bloodily and indecisively.
It was said of this harsh conflict that it
was waged to contain Communist aggres-
sion. That was true. But it was not all
the truth. We were then, as now, confronted
with two Communist giants. Since that
time, the second one, China, has detonated
two nuclear devices. More are on the way.
Russia, believing that communism eventu-
ally will triumph, seems willing, in the face
of power, to build her own economy and
avoid aggression. China, with a growing
birthrate and an increasingly serious lack of
food and viability in her economy, believes
in and seeks aggression. Yet, in the last 2
months her attempts to infiltrate and sub-
vert African governments have failed. A
plot to make Indonesia a Peiping puppet was
thwarted.
Peiping-trained Thailanders now are in
open opposition in north Thailand. The
story goes on and on.
Neither power alone, nor victory alone, is
enough. What this country seeks to do is
to mobilize all our power?our wealth of
goods, money and arms?to seek the slow
way, a new sort of "victory."
Heart Group
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN SHERMAN COOPER
OF KENTUCKY
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Monday, January 24, 1966
Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to have printed in
the Appendix of the RECORD an article-
from the New York Times of January 10,
1966, noting the election of Philip P. Ard-
ery of Louisville, Ky., as chairman of the
board of directors of the American Heart
Association.
Mr. Ardery distinguished himself in
World War II, leading an air squadron on
D-day and since has been equally distin-
guished as a member of the bar and as
a devoted worker in the field of civic af-
fairs.
I am sure that he will continue to pro-
vide effective leadership to the American
Heart Association as chairman of the
board of directors.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
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January 24, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ?APPENDIX
ican system which our deliberations disclose
as necessary. It seems to me that the task
might be entrusted after this Conference to
one or more bodies which would carry for-
ward our work in preparation for a special
conference, under article III of the charter,
to meet possibly within the next 6 months.
At this stage I should like to advance for
consideration some of the ideas that the
United States believes could contribute to
making our organization a more effective
instrument.
First, the United States favors annual OAS
meetings at ministerial level. The interac-
tion and speed of developments in our
hemisphere and elsewhere make it highly
desirable that we meet with more regularity
and frequency than we have before. The
consultations should not be confined to our
hemispheric problems alone. Developments
in other areas might be reviewed both for
their implications for us, as well as for what
we might do to further the cause of peace
and freedom elsewhere.
Second, we should strengthen the organ-
izational relationship among the key organs
of the system: the Ministers, the Council, the
Economic and Social Council, CIAP, and the
Secretariat. Our objective should be to in-
tegrate the various facets of our collective
effort; to insure they are responsive to the
agreed policies of governments; to insure
that cooperation in the political, economic,
social and cultural fields are mutually rein-
forcing and to insure that new operational
tasks are carried forward with administrative
efficiency and dispatch.
Third, in our forward planning we should
think not only of measures to deal with a
conflagration onee it has broken out, but also
of preventive steps the Organization might
helpfully take in a dispute or situation in
this hemisphere before it has reached the
crisis stage. There is wisdom in the old dip-.
lomatic tradition?incorporated in United
Nations clactrine--that bilateral disputes are
best settled bilaterally. Nevertheless, the
Council might be empowered to consider a
dispute or situation at the request of one
or more American Republics: to recommend
procedures for peaceful settlement; and per-
haps to recommend provisional measures de-
signed to prevent an aggravation of the sit-
uation. The Council, in carrying out such
function:3, could avail itself of aiasytance
from the Inter-American Peace Coinntittee,
from special commissions, and from the Sec-
retary General.
Fourth, the United States would also sup-
port strengthening the institution and role
of the Secretary General, authorizing him to
bring to the attention of the Council any
matter which, in his opinion, may endanger
peace and security in the hemisphere.
Fifth, there is the question of joint ac-
tion. Both in the Cuban missile crisis and
In the Dominican situation, the discharge
by the OAS of its responsibilities involved not
merely the assumption of political responsi-
bility but also the employment of units of
the armed forces of various member states.
These were contributed voluntarily and op-
erated collectively under a combined com-
mand. In the crises of 1962, this action was
decisive. In the case of the Dominican Re-
public, the Inter-American Peace Force made
a vital contribution to the avoidance of need-
iess bloodshed and the creation, of conditions
for the Dominican people to determine their
own future by votes and not by arms. Its
importance is attested by the fact that the
Provisional government has called upon it
for continued assistance in the maintenance
of peace and stability.
The United Nations has, of course, had
much more experience than has the OAS
in this type of multilateral peacekeeping
force. Many of your countries have made
personnel available for both United Nations
observation and military operations in sev-
eral crisis situations.
111,11,,111
It may, therefore, be useful for us to ex-
amine, in the light of experience and the
nature of our collective responsibilities for
paece and security in the hemisphere, and
elsewhere, the desirability of establishing
these voluntary contributions to interna-
tional peacekeeping operations on a more
orderly basis in advance of their possible
future use by the OAS or by the U.N.
If we face the fact that we live in troubled
times, if we face the fact that there are
those who seek with purpose and persistence
to destroy democracy. I believe, if we are
patient, we shall find a creative way so rec-
ognize two important principles: first, we
ought to be prepared to move fast and ef-
fectively and, if possible, together when a
dangerous situation arises in the hemisphere;
second, none of our governments is prepared
to engage its military forces except by a na-
tional decision, at the highest level, in the
light of particular circumstances.
Sixth, I would note the need to avoid
within our hemisphere competitive arms
races. Our resources are desperately heeded
for economic and social development. With
all its imperfections we are blessed by the
most mature and reliable system for re-
gional security and peacekeeping on the face
of the planet. As military budgets are form-
ulated we should keep these facts before us?
and the examples, past and present, if the
burdens and consequences of all arms races.
The experience of the Cuban missile crises
gave to the Western Hemisphere a heightened
awareness of the need to control modern
weapons and to prevent the proliferation of
nuclear weapons. One of the initiatives that
received added impetus in 1962 was the pro-
posal to create a nuclear-free zone in l.atin
America. The United States has followed
with keen and sympathetic interesi the
efforts of Latin American countries to work
oat agreed arrangements for excludins the
proliferation, the stationing, or storage of
nuclear weapons within the territory of Latin
Arnerican States. We have noted the en-
couraging progress toward this end which_ was
made during the current year at discus ions
in Mexico City. The United States believes
the project of a nuclear-free zone in Latin
America is constructive statesmanship iii the
but tradition of the hemisphere. We wel-
come the effort and would be glad to see it
reach a successf ul conclusion.
should also note that our membership
mi y expand.
The emergence of two new, independent,
states?Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago?
caused our organization to devise a formula
for the admission of members. We found
the formula without need to alter the char-
ter. The door is now open to additional
countries to join the OAS. We will wet nine
them wholeheartedly at such time as they
with to avail themselves of this opportuaity.
VII
This, as we see it, is the panorama of our
common tasks.
The intent of my country to work with you
in the common quest for freedom and pros-
perity has never been as strong as it is to-
day?to build together and together to pro-
tect what we are building. President Jehn-
son has summed it up this way:
-Our charter charges each American con-
try to seek to strengthen representative
democracy. Without that democracy and
without the freedom it nourishes, material
progress is an aimless enterprise, destroying
the dignity of the spirit that it is really
meant to liberate. So we will continuo to
join with you and encourage democracy until
we build a hemisphere of free nations Ileom
Tierra del Fuego to the Arctic Circle."
Thus vie would reaffirm the faith of my
Government in the effectiveness and vita liLy
of our regional system. It has served to
bring new levels of understanding and good
will between our peoples. It has served to
promote freedom and democracy, It has
A277
served, and is increasingly serving, as a means
for achieving material well-being and social
justice for our nations. It has served to keep
the peace in this hemisphere and to protect
us from our enemies.
The Organization has demonstrated its
flexibility and adaptability to change in the
past. I am confident that it will continue to
do so in the future.
The challenge in this old hemispheric sys-
tem is like the challenge of domestic political
life: to transform and modernize policies and
institutions in harmony with abiding prin-
ciples and values, so that the problems of
today and tomorrow can be met.
Together I am confident we shall meet
that challenge.
The 48th Anniversary of the Proclamation
of Independence of the Ukraine
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. MILTON R. YOUNG
OF NORTH DAKOTA
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Monday, January 24, 1966
Mr. YOUNG of North Dakota. Mr.
President, January 22 marked the 48th
'anniversary of the proclamation of in-
dependence of the Ukraine. On this oc-
casion, Americans of Ukrainian descent
all across the land took part in special
observances to once again bring to the
attention of the world how a free, inde-
pendent nation was forced under the
yoke of communism.
In a recent letter to me, Dr. Anthony
Zukowsky, president of the North Da-
kota branch of the Ukrainian Congress
Committee of America, Inc., discusses the
special programs planned for North Da-
kota. These included special religious
services which were broadcast over ra-
dio and television throughout a broad
area of North Dakota.
In his letter, Dr. Zukowsky made an
excellent case for setting forth the ne-
cessity of maintaining our commitment
to the people of the Ukraine and other
nations who live under Communist
tyranny. We cannot forget these people
and their desire to obtain freedom. We
must continue to support them and help
them to advance in every possible way
the independence they seek.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have Dr. Zukowsky's letter printed
in the Appendix of the RECORD.
There being no objection, the letter was
ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as
follows:
UKRAINIAN CONGRESS
COMMITIM, OF AMERICA. INC.,
STATE BRANCH OF NORTII DAKOTA,
Steele, N. Dak., January 15, 1966.
Hon. MILTON R. YOUNG,
U.S. Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR YOUNG: We want to again call
to your attention that in the month of Jan-
uary Ukrainians all over the world includ-
ing our State, will mark the 48th anniversary
of the proclamation of the independence of
Ukraine, which took place on the 220 of
January in Kiev, the capitol of Ukraine, also
the 47th anniversary of the Act of Union on
January 22, 1919, whereby Western Ukraine
united with the National Ukrainian Republic
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956 - CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE January 24, 1966
dr we can choose, as wise commanders do,
to fight on a front where we can win, to fight
the war against want. It is the most impor-
tant war the race of man ever faced, a war
we can win, and a war from which our
Nation can come off stronger and' richer?
richer in moral, spiritual, and material ways.
We have a disproportionate share of the
world's arable land resources. They are not
enough to meet the whole world's food de-
ficits, but we also have unrivaled agricul-
tural production and handling know-how
which can increase productivity around the
world. And we have a system of democratic
government with freedom and enterprise
which, copied throughout the world, can help
to increase affluence everywhere.
We can fight the war against want with
corn instead of cannon, with farmers instead
of marines, with tractors instead of tanks,
with nitrogen used in fertilizer instead of
explosives, with technology instead of battle
plans, with food instead of fear, and with
development instead of destruction.
All men can be winners in such a war?
just as we are real winners today in the war
against domestic want which was started
in the thirties to end the paradox of want
and surpluses here at home. As we ended
the depression in the thirties, and as we have
created jobs and eliminated poverty in post-
World War II days, we have enjoyed growing
prosperity, and growing affluence.
A world war against want would be an ex-
tension, beyond our national boundaries, of
a policy adopted by our first President and
Congress that has brought us to our present
greatness, strength, and prosperity.
George Washington, Albert Gallatin, and
our earliest national leaders wOrked for Fed-
eral programs to bring about development of
new areas. We have continued programs to
stimulate the expansion of productivity
across our land down to the present time.
As geographical frontiers have disappeared,
we have gone back to redevelop and upgrade
the economic activity of some our own less
developed areas and to expand vertically.
The Tennessee Valley, the Columbia Basin
development, the great western reclamation
projects, and now Appalachia and the
planned regional commissions in New Eng-
land, the Ozarks, the upper Great Lakes, and
my own upper Great Plains area are exam-
ples of that policy.
These area developments have paid divi-
dends to the Nation as well as the immediate
territory involved.
Tennessee Valley counties bear twice the
share of the Federal tax burden today that
they carried in 1935. They pay twice as
much income tax. That means they im-
port and export twice as much or more from
the rest of the Nation. Their contribution
to the total economic strength of the Nation
has doubled. The Columbia Basin has be-
come an economic bastion of the Nation as
a whole.
The flowback of benefits from economic
development abroad is just as clear economi-
cally as the fiowback from our own regional
developments, and it has returns in terms of
world peace and human freedom not involved
in our own regional development projects.
We gave Japan food assistance after World
War II. Japan is today our largest foreign
market for agricultural commodities. She
buys from us each year more than we
granted her over several years.
The Department of Agriculture has made a
study of our exports to 54 developing nations
which we have given food-for-peace aid.
For every 10 percent rise in per capita -in-
income their purchases of agricultural com-
modities from the United States have in-
creased 21 percent.
An in-depth study by the Department of
Agriculture, "Foreign Economic Growth and
Market Potentials for U.S. Agricultural Prod-
ucts." concludes:
"The results of this study clearly indi-
cate a definite and positive relationship be-
tween growth in income and trade. They
also indicate that expansion in the demand
for U.S. agricultural and other products will
continue to be closely tied to world economic
conditions. Rapid economic development
will help maintain a steady growth in U.S.
agricultural and total trade; * * market
outlets for an increasing part of American
agricultural products will become more and
more dependent upon the rate of economic
progress in other countries. And, since the
greatest market potential for U.S. agricul-
tural products is in the developing coun-
tries, it would be in our own economic in-
terest to help promote economic growth in
these less-developed countries."
The techniques for using food assistance
to stimulate development in the emerging
nations of the world are well known to the
agencies that administer our food-for-peace
programs.
The voluntary agencies like CARE, Cath-
olic Family Welfare, and the others use
grant food for wages on community and
rural development projects?and it is rural
development that is most needed to meet
the challenge of the food and population
crisis.
The soft currencies which recipient na-
tions pay for food-for-peace supplies under
title I of Public Law 480 are loaned back
from many types of development projects;
a considerable amount is earmarked for
American private business firms to borrow
to start business in the issuing countries.
A war against want will require a decade
or more to win.
There are bottlenecks of dock facilities,
storage facilities, transportation, and of
knowledge on how to use our foods, which
must be broken. India does not have con-
ventional port facilities adequate to unload
the food she needs right now from the ships
that bring it to her shores.
We cannot pour food into a less developed
country in quantities or on terms which will
destroy the incentive for their own farmers
to increase their production, as they must
if the race with growing population is to
be won. We must help those countries with
our know-how and supplies to achieve maxi-
mum self-sufficiency. There are many other
problems, including increasing the support
of other developed lands.
But if our great Nation has the skill to
put a man on the moon, it has the skills
necessary to solve the distribution and devel-
opment problems connected with a major
world food effort.
President Lyndon Johnson, in his state of
the Union message, has called for a maxi-
mum effort to meet food, education, and
health problems in a worldwide attack. He
did not call for a limited effort.
I had the pleasure of reporting in the
U.S. Senate last Friday that support given
my proposed international food and nutri-
tion bill reflected unprecedented unanimity
among American citizens.
All of the four major farm organizations
favor moving our international food effort
from surplus disposal to production to meet
the needs of men. Labor organizations and
the U.S. Chamber of Commerce are in sup-
port. Church groups, professional groups,
the college and university community, and
scores upon scores of newspapers and mag-
azines?leaders of the fourth estate?have
expressed support. The endorsements are
bipartisan, and by far the most extensive
spontaneous outpouring I have ever known
behind any proposal.
We have yet one gamut to run.
Space technologists and the electronics in-
dustry think they are the inventors of a
new technique of miniaturization.
We have had experts at that technique in
Government for a good many years. They
sometimes serve a useful purpose, but not
always. The war against want, the race
between food and population, cannot be won
with any miniaturized, pilot projects. It
cannot be fought on weekends and holidays.
It cannot be won with left-overs.
This war, from which our Nation and
mankind can benefit eternally, can only be
fought and won if we recognize it as the
most important war in the history of man-
kind and if, in President Johnson's words,
we make a "maximum, worldwide effort."
The war against want cannot ultimately
be avoided.
What we do about it this year?in 1966?
may very well determine whether 15 or 20 or
25 years from now the less developed world
has become a world of self-sustaining, cash
customers of both our agricultural and in-
dustrial industries, of if it is a cauldron of
unrest and danger to the peace of the world,
which can be brought into a balanced rela-
tionship between food and population only
by the expenditure of greatly increased
amounts for assistance and grants as a re-
sult of population growth and lagging
develop nt.
ADDRESS DELIVERED BY THE
PRIME MINISTER OF SOUTH
VIETNAM AT THE ARMED FORCES
CONGRESS IN SAIGON
Mr. COOPER. Madam President, on
January 15, I was in Saigon. On that
day, the Prime Minister of South Viet-
nam, Air Vice Marshal Nguyen Cao Ky,
spoke at the closing ceremony of the
Armed Forces Congress, made up of ap-
proximately 1,500 officers, who serve in
every area of South Vietnam.
In perhaps its most important fea-
ture, Prime Minister Ky declared that
the Republic of Vietnam should set forth
on the road to constitutional democ-
racy. In his speech, he outlined pro-
cedures for the drafting of a constitu-
tion providing for democratic institu-
tions, and plans to have the constitution
voted on by the people at the end of
1966, with elections for office to be held
a year later.
A second feature of the address is the
stress on the pacification and rebuild-
ing of the civilization. It indicates the
importance which Prime Minister Ky
attaches to bringing about a peaceful
Improvement in the living standards of
the people. It is a statement that the
Central Government is concerned about
people throughout the country, and that
his Government is taking vigorous ac-
tion to demonstrate its concern.
I met with Prime Minister Ky and se-
cured a copy of his speech from the U.S.
Embassy. I believe it important that it
should be printed in the RECORD, so that
the full text will be available to the
Members of the Congress of the United
States and to the people of our country.
I ask unanimous consent that it be
printed at this point in the body of the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the address
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
ADDRESS OF PRIME MINISTER NGUYEN CAO KY
AT THE CLOSING CEREMONY OF THE ARMED
FORCES CONGRESS, JANUARY 15, 1966
Dear fellow Vietnamese, dear comrades
in arms, in the course of national events,
each period should provide an opportunity
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January 241966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
"It is obvious," LONG says, "that this pro-
liferation of snooping paraphernalia is in-
ereasingly placing the constitutional right of
privacy of the individual citizen in peril.
"Surveillance is becoming more and more
pervasive in our lives, and privacy is becom-
ing harder to protect.
"If we expect to have any privacy in 1984
or 1985?we must examine the probable ad-
vances in technology, and we must provide
stringent laws against indiscriminate eaves-
dropping.
"As incredible as it may seem, there are
firtually no statutes, Federal, or State, to
protect against eavesdropping, indiscrimi-
nate or otherwise."
Beirne argues that eavesdropping and
wiretapping equipment of all types should
tie registered and that all users of such
equipment must be licensed by the Federal
Government.
In the licensing provisions he urges that
strict limits be placed on the eligibility of
agencies and individuals entitled to use such
equipm ent.
"In discussing the weapons of eavesdrop-
ping and wiretapping," Beirne says, "we are
talking about weapons as dangerous to
democracy, to personal dignity, and to in-
dividual freedom as thermonuclear wean-
ons are to human survival.
"We do not equip the State militia with
thermonuclear missiles. Nor can the cop on
the beat or the bank guard or the private
detective avail himself of tactical nuclear
weapons.
"For the survival of privacy, dignity, and
freedom, for the survival of those things
that make human survival most meaningful,
tet us sharply limit the number and dras-
tically limit the use of all forms of wiretap
end eavesdropping equiement."
A WAR THAT ALL CAN WIN?AD-
DRESS DELIVERED BY SENATOR
McGOVERN OF SOUTH DAKOTA
Mr. KENNEDY of Massachusetts.
Madam President, on January 18, 1966,
Senator GEORGE MCGOVERN delivered a
aignificant address at the annual conven-
tion of the National Limestone Institute
here in Washington.
In discussing the International Food
and Nutrition Act, authored by Senator
MCGOVERN and now pending in the Con-
gress, he said:
All men can be winner of a war against
want, just as we are real winners today from
the war against domestic want which started
in the Thirties to bring an end to the para-
dox of want and surpluses coexisting within
the United States itself.
As a cosponsor of this bill, I call the
attention of other Senators to his re-
marks, and ask unanimous consent that
the text of the address be printed at this
point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the address
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
A WAR TIIAT ALL CAN WIN
t Remarks of Senator GEORGE MCGOVERN, of
South Dakota, at the annual convention
of the National Limestone Institute,
Washington, D.C., January 18, 1966)
For all of the decade I have spent in
Washington I have been talking and writing
shout a war against want.
IL is a real pleasure to talk to some of the
warriors?to the men of an industry who
have helped husband our soil resources and
keep them productive both by supplying an
essential mineral, calcium-carrying lime-
No. 9-- - 15
stone, and by defending the Federal program
which has helped to increase limestone use
from the 1- to 3-million-ton-level in the
1921-46 period to 27 million tons last year.
All Americans are indebted to you ?trid
your industry for your part in the job 1 hat
has been done.
I know you have a direct interest in the
agricultural conservation program. We all
do. And we will all benefit if the applica-
tion of limestone to our farmlands climbs
to the 80 million tons annually which the
agronomists; tell us that we need. You would
benefit. Farmers would benefit. The lend
would benefit. America would be strength-
ened for the great war against hunger whieh
lies ahead.
Private enterprise--yours, the hybrid seed
salesman's, the farm machinery and supply
industry's, and the farmers'?has now ad-
mit tedly made the difference between Anier-
Ma's food abundance and the Commin oat
bloc's conspicuous lag in agricultural devel-
opment and ability to feed its own people.
Russia is now trying to build some incentives
into her system and stimulate some of the
sort of enterprise found in America.
We also have an obligation the Lime-
stone Institute for the presence in Washing-
ton of your president, Bob Koch.
Soh is a genius, and I say that thouee t-
fully. it have long known him as a man of
great organizational ability and as a great
legifiative strategist. Two or three months
ago he produced an edition of your Limestone
magazine so effective you received a wen-
deserved Freedom From Hunger Founda Lion
Award. I can attest its effectiveness for I
got a good many letters asking if I had seen
it, or asking how to get a copy. Copies were
also sent to me by a dozen people who
wanted to be sure that I didn't miss it be-
tianse they were themselves so impressed.
eln Bob has proved himself an editor end
publisher of great talent.
la:Let 'month, Bob and his staff almost
single-handedly arranged an impressive or-
ganizational meeting the Committee on the
World Food Crisis. No one else could have
assembled such an outstanding group of na-
tional leadership people a-nd run a meeting
so smoothly and impressively in the short
time he had. Thus far, I have found nothing
that your president cannot handle in a dis-
tinguished way.
am pleased to have this opportunity to
express my appreciation to you of him, at; I
have already expressed it to him.
Through your national office, this organi-
zation has already made a mighty contri-
bution to efforts to awaken our country to
what I am stare is the greatest challenge of
our times. It is a challenge which involves
not only our moral responsibilities as Chris-
tians to our fellow men, but also our na-
tional security and the possibility of brSag-
ing into existence a world at peace. At the
same time, it offers us an opportunity for
economic growth.
The world is faced with hunger and star-
vation on a scale never before known, unless
we begin at once to plan for tomorrow's t ood
needs, as well as to size population to what
this planet can support. The food crises that
are occurring this year in Russia, Red China,
and India, resulting in food grain transac-
ticas of unprecedented size, arc' a very mild,
pallid warning of what lies ahead.
The reality is that the Russia, China, and
India emergencies have only tended to divert
attention from even larger, chronic hunger
and, starvation in the world, which we have
been taking for granted. Under so-called
normal food supply conditions, want is far
more extensive than generally realized.
'Half a billion of the world's 3 billion
people lack enough food. Another billion
suffer from malnutrition, or lack of adequate
proteins, vitamins and minerals in the foods
955
they eat. Three million children die etch
year from diseases induced by malnutrition.
Countless human beings go through life per-
manently crippled physically, mentally, and
emotionally because they did not have proper
food in their formative years. The ever-
present companions of malnutrition?leth-
argy, disease, and premature death?breed a
vicious cycle of listless people, powerless to
break out of their misery but capable of
breeding children and multiplying misery.
The present prospect of this undernourished
planet is that population will double in the
next 35 years and stand at 6 billion human
beings in the year 2000. World popula Lien
growth is now about 2 percent a year.
The growth rate testifies to the miracles
of modern medicine, but it is a miracle, upon
us here and now, which mankind cannot
manage unless we adopt policies and make
adjustments with far greater speed and bold-
ness than ever before in human history.
Massive famines that will take the lives of
hundreds of thousands of our fellow men
will be upon us in another decade unless the
planet's agricultural resources?both those
of America and of the less-developed world --
are brought to maximum production during
that decade.
There is one thing certain: the paradox
of America restricting production while tens
of millions starve cannot continue any more
than this Nation in the thirties could tol-
erate the paradox of extensive want, hunger,
and death in the midst of surpluses.
Population control measures are on the
way. But they will not be adopted over-
night. There remain both social and sci-
entific hurdles to be overcome. Control is
unlikely to do a great deal about the antici-
pated 40-percent increase in world popula-
tion in the 15 years just ahead, to 1950.
That means another 11/4 billion mouths
feed and bodies to be supplied.
Heroic increases in world food supplies are
needed now to alleviate want and prevent
another generation of warped bodies, ex-
tending the problem of handicapped adults
another generation. Our surpluses are all
but gone. Our 1.4 billion bushel carryover
of wheat in 1961 will have been halved next
July 1, and is headed down toward 600 mil-
lion or even 500 million bushels--less than
an adequate security reserve. Feed grain
carryover has been pulled down from 85
million tons to 57 million tons. Dairy prod-
ucts are already in short supply seasonally.
We need to stimulate soybean production 'for
commercial markets this year. We have o.
statistical surplus of cotton, but less t,tn
enough to decently and warmly clothe the
people on earth today.
It will take large increases in food produce-
tion in the years just ahead if the adjustment
is to be made with food rather than by re-
duction of population through war, cliseL,se,
starvation, and mass deaths.
This grim world outlook can be our
greatest international opportunity if we :ire
capable of a grand strategy in world affairs.
We have two courses to choose between, now
that Public Law 480, the food for peace law,
Is drawing to an end because of the dis-
appearance of agricultural surpluses on
which it is based.
We can treat the race between food and
population as a continuing, inevitable
Iwo-
man tragedy which is remote from us. We
can announce our surpluses are gone and let
children and adults die off in the less de-
veloped and less fortunate lands, concen-
trating on protecting our island of affluence
in a sea of misery with halfway aid measures
and the threat of massive nuclear retaliation,
If we choose that course, we will be running
the risk of a cataclysmic war which will leave
even the survivors in a cauldron of radio-
activity to meet an uncertain fate.
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Januarv 24, 1966
CONGRESSIONAL
for the entrusted with national responsi-
bilities, to review the manner in which they
have carried out these responsibilities, to
assess the situation and to plan adequate
actions for the next stage.
This is why, today after over 200 days in
the office entrusted to me by the directory
as head of the Government and on the occa-
sion which coincides with the end of the
At Ty lunar year, I consider it my duty to
appear before you, fellow citizens and com-
rades in arms, to draw, together with you,
a yearend balance sheet and to define the
objectives for the year ahead.
PART
Dear fellow citizens and comrades in arms,
before dealing with future objectives, we
should of course glance back at the past and
make a sincere review of past activities to
determine what we have achieved and frankly
acknowledge what we were unable to achieve
and what still remains to be completed.
I am going to review the negative part first
because what the Government has not done
according to its wishes has always obsessed
me.
Let me deal straight off with a minor
problem but one which however is closely
related to the daily life of the population in
the capital and which has become a cause
for criticism of the government: electricity.
It is, of course, a handicap to industrial
and commercial enterprises, and an irritL.-
tion for private citizens and the government
alike, when so vital a commodity as elec-
tricity cannot be supplied. In many press
conferences and communiques explanations
have been given regarding the cause of the
electricity shortage and the measures taken
to solve it. Some deadlines for solution
have been set. But notwithstanding this,
the capital still remained short of electricity
until the end of 1965.
It was only at the beginning of the year
that the electricity cut was limited to night-
time only. Despite the efforts made by the
government to help solve the shortage?ef-
forts that yielded some results?the shqrtage
which prevailed during the last 6 months
was a stain which marred the picture of the
government's achievements.
While this stain still remains to be re-
moved, another has appeared: the bus
transportation problem. You all know that
problem. It has been a chronic disease.
Many remedies have been tried to cure the
disease but all of them failed. Finally, the
government was compelled to remove the
cause of the disease by allowing the bus
management authority to wind up business
and leave the place to another and sounder
organization to run the company.
Outside of Saigon, the existing state of
the interprovincial communications network
is also a problem, but one which must be
blamed totally on the war, not on technical
or organizational defects. And the present
war is chiefly one of sabotage directed by
the enemy mainly against eur infrastructure
facilities: highways, bridges and so forth.
Therefore, to solve the problem of lines of
communication Is conditional on the solu-
tion of this war of sabotage. Now that the
war situation has begun to turn to our ad-
vantage, the improvement of the communi-
cations network seems realizable.
In the area of major concern is the eco-
nomic problem. No government whatsoever
could boast full success in its economic
policy after only 6 months in power, espe-
cially when it inherits a chaotic situation
which lasted for 2mars and which bore the
aftermath of a per' of 20 war years.
But not to have attained success does not
mean failure. The tremendous effort and
the achievements recorded will demonstrate
this. However, as long as there is a large
gap between wages and prices, as long as
our people must strive so hard to find such
items of prime necessity as milk, sugar and
cloth, and so long as our fellow countrymen
RECORD -- SENATE 957
have to wait long months before being able
to buy a motorbike the present government
has to admit shortcomings, as it has to make
all-out effort to settle the whole problem or
at least to reduce the numerous injustices
which still abound in all classes of society.
In the list? of shortcomings, we must
acknowledge the absence of institutions
planned in the provisional charter, which to
date still fail to be realized: such as the High
Economic and Social Council, and the High
Council of Magistrates. We must also recog-
nize that, due to the present circumstances,
the government still is unable to create a
favorable political climate. This leads to a
report of what remains to be done.
These things of which I spoke were only
part of the government's shortcomings.
There were naturally many others, as men-
tioned almost daily in the press and by the
public and that I sincerely admit in order to
draw therefrom valuable lessons.
Dear fellow citizens and comrades in arms,
while considering these shortcomings from
an impartial and objective viewpoint, we can-
not, however, deny the achievements made by
the government during the short period of
time since it came to power.
In contrast to the earlier 6-month period,
and contrary to pessimistic predictions by
those malcontent politicians and especially
by those ill omen tellers, we have achieved
political stability, a key prerequisite if we
are to win the present ideological war. The
success in this can be ascribed to the spirit
of comprehension and cooperation prevailing
among all strata of the population and
among all political and religious groups.
All of these were aware that the trend to
division, to partisanship, and to mutual de-
struction in the national ranks are serious
defecte which can only result in hurting the
people's fighting potential at a time when the
Communists are increasing their war effort.
Because of this achievement in national
solidarity and unity of mind and action, our
rear has been more consolidated than ever
before, compared with what prevailed under
previous postrevolution governments. It is
also evident that this support for the front-
line and the consolidation of the rear have
taken place in an enthusiastic and stimu-
lating atmosphere which has brought to-
gether the major sections of the population.
That is also the reason leading to the
obvious improvement of the military situa-
tion, and that is also why the free world
has shown its confidence in us with a great
number of democratic nations giving full
assistance in all fields to us. The most elo-
quent proof has been the participation in
the fight, without any conditions, by the
allied forces, who fight alongside their Viet-
namese comrades in arms on all the battle-
fields. This has resulted in important mili-
tary victories, making the situation better
every day. If we were not cautious, we would
say more and more optimistic. Without hav-
ing to elaborate the difference compared to
what it was 6 months ago it is clear for all
to see.
Our military victories began immediately
in the rainy season, the very monsoon sea-
son in which the Vietcong had boasted many
times that they won the initiative in every
battlefield. If this Communist propaganda
made some lose their confidence and be-
come pessimistic, the government can point
to its victories in the present dry season as
something more specific than propaganda.
Since last October, after the world-famed
victories of Pleime, Ya Drang, and Chu Prong,
where thousands of Communist bodies were
left behind, Government forces, with the
effective support of allied forces, successively
won many other important battles: the Ba
Ria ambush, the pursuit operation against
the VC Dong Thep Regiment at My Tho, Bau
Bang, Ben Cat, as well as the battles at Cau
Ke, Cho Gao, Thach Tru, Lap Vo, Tam Ky,
Long My, and so on. Everywhere, enemy
bodies were lying all over the battlefield
along with huge quantities of weapons.
All this testifies to the Valiant spirit and
the combat tactics of the Government and
allied forces. Of course, this fighting spirit
can only endure if one has confidence in the
Government and in the future of our Nation.
The point most worth mentioning in this
present phase of our struggle is that no
enemy position and no enemy stronghold
can be considered safe, because all these have
been smashed in repeated bombings and
shellings.
In brief, in constrast with the military
situation this month last year, the Govern-
ment and allied troops have completely in
hand the initiative of operations at every
battlefront, and the tide of the war has
turned in our favor.
Following the military victories, the Gov-
ernment has also scored many valuable sue-
cesses in the diplomatic field. The Govern-
ment has striven to restore the national
prestige, the confidence, as well as the
strengthening of cooperation and support,
of the friendly countries in this anti-Com-
munist struggle.
That is one reason why many high-level
delegations from our country have made
goodwill visits to neighboring countries, such
as the delegation led by the Secretary. Gen-
eral Of the National Directory to the Philip-
pines recently and the visits to the Republic
of China, Malaysia, the Republic of Korea,
and Thailand.
The Vietnamese missions abroad also in-
structed their personnel to hold conferences
and seminars at the universities, associations,
press organizations, with student and re-
ligious and other groups to explain the
aggressive plot of Communist North Viet-
nam, and the Vietnamese people's and Armed
Forces' struggle.
Our diplomatic offensive has greatly
diminished any prestige the Vietcong had.
The most concrete proof of this is that the
British Government has put aside a resolu-
tion submitted by a leftist parliamentary
group and formally announced that it rec-
ognized only the lawful government of the
Republic of Vietnam.
Countries friendly to us, especially those
in the Afro-Asian bloc, which include a large
majority of nonalined countries that form-
erly paid little attention to our struggle for
self-defense, have changed their attitude
and now show good will and sympathy to-
ward us through support for Vietnam at the
Algiers conference.
At the United Nations General Assembly,
many member nations have affirmed their
support of the stand of the Republic of Viet-
nam. At present, nearly 40 free world coun-
tries are actively contributing to our struggle
in one form or another and will continue
their assistance until our final victory over
the Communists and until peace and hap-
piness are restored to the entire people.
Next comes the economic aspect. Though
communication difficulties greatly affect the
national economy the Government's efforts
in regularising the internal market have been
as follows:
Rice supply: During the past 3 months
more than 82,000 tons of rice have been sup-
plied to the eastern provinces, the central
highland, and midlands. Some 1,735 tons
of paddy and 90 tons of rice have been trans-
ported from the Mekong delta to Saigon.
Rice imported from the United States totaled
more than 27,000 tons shipped to Da Nang
arid more than 16,000 shipped to Nha Trang.
With more than 93,000 tons of imported rice,
the Economy Department will have enough
rice to provide for local needs and to set up
reserves for the provinces. ,
During the past 3 months, 21,334 tons of
sugar and 331,600 cases of condensed milk
have been put on sale.
There was an increase in price and a
shortage of rice and some other food in
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958 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE Janu,ary-2 f; c
September and October but now thanks to
the Government's efforts, food is no longer
short and prices are stable. For example,
Saigon consumes daily from 800 to 1,000 pigs.
The price of pork previously was high be-
cause the city received only 400 pigs a day.
But now the supply has become regular and
in the last month the city has received 2000,
pigs every day or twice the quantity it needs.
The price of pork has dropped accordingly.
Since July 1965 the Government has spent
$47 million to import rice, condensed nail::
and wheat flour, the quantity of which
largely exceeds local needs for the Lunar New
Year.
To meet any emergency the Government
has set up storage depots to stock needed
goods such as rice. These include: two rice
depots in Ba Xuyen and Bac Lieu, three in
Oa Nang, Qui Nhon and Nha Trang, eight
depots for the cooperatives in the western
provinces, six depots for the tobacco co-
operative and other depots for cotton yarn
and paper.
To supply other needed materiel for the
population, the Government has provided 25
more million of U.S. dollars to Import motor-
bikes, scooters, radios, sewing machines, and
other goods. Meanwhile assistance from
countries other than the United States have
been used to import industrial equipment.
To cope with artificial shortages and exces-
sive price increases, the establishment of
large retail centers is being studied.
Our efforts to improve the standard of liv-
ing and activities in the field of social welfare
are also noteworthy:
Land reform: Thanks to the new land re-
form program, 3,158 farmers have been made
landowners since September 1965. Of this
total, 2,268 low-income farmers in 10 prov-
inces were allotted cultivated land in ac-
cordance with ordinance 57. A further 758
families in seven provinces were allowed to
work public-owned land and 132 families in
one province were allotted cultivated land
which was purchased from French nationals.
Further, by virtue of the October 8, 1965,
decree, 227,629 families that were working
on cultivating fallow land in the clearing
and resettlement centers have been given
ownership of 134,700 hectares of cultivated
land.
Electrification of the rural areas: Three
rural electrification pilot cooperatives were
established In Tuyen Due, An Giang, and
Due Tu (Bien Hoa) with the view of supply-
ing power to the cooperative members at low
prices. The Rural Electrification Cooperative
Union was established on October 15, 1965,
in order to push ahead the rural electrifica-
tion program.
Workers' appropriation program: A total of
400 taxicabs and 200 tri-Lambrettas were
imported In the first phase of the Govern-
ment's program to sell these vehicles on an
installment basis to drivers who used to rent
their cars from others. A first lot drawing of
such vehicles took place on January 8, 1966,
in the capital. All the vehicles will be dis-
tributed by January 17. Other contingents
of such vehicles will be imported by the
Economy Department for redistribution.
f.ow-cost housing units: The Public
Works and Communications Department
built 554 single-story housing units at Vinh
Hui and Tan Qui Dong. Other construc-
tion projects such as road paving and drain-
age operations are underway at Thanh My
'ray. Thanh Oa and Phu Tho Hoa. An-
other building project, covering the construc-
tion of 1,000 housing units, at VN$25,000
each for workers is :under study. Pay-
ment for the homes will be made on a 10-
to 20-year installment basis and no down
payment will be required. At the same time,
the Department also plans to buy up vacant
lots and sell them on an installment basis
to low-income families who wish to do their
own building. Another noteworthy fact is
that the Government has cancelled the "vil-
la" building project for certain civil servants
which was initiated by previous govern-
ments.
Health: The Health Department made a
tremendous effort to build in the capital as
well as in various provinces, a dispensary,
a psychiatric center, a leprosy center, a sur-
gical section, four maternity clinics, and a
farm for mentally ill persons. These ef-
forts have been carried out, along with the
training of rural health cadres. We have
arranged the reception of foreign medical
teams including a number of experts and
quantities of materials and drugs.
Social welfare work: As of December 12,
1965, the Social Welfare Department granted
a total of VN$285,714,210 to anti-Red ref-
ugees throughout the country. Of the total
number of refugees, 160,434 have been re-
settled. The Social Welfare Department also
has enlarged the Thu Due Nationa: Orphan-
age and built two new orphanages in Vinh
Long and Birth Thuan at a total cost of
VN$12 million. Plans have also been drafted
for the construction of 20 day nurseries and
12 other orphanages in 1966 at a total esti-
mated cost of VN$82
All the regional social welfare organiza-
tions throughout the country have received
financial assistance from the Social Welfare
Department for further development. A
beggar reformation center has been set up
at Phu Binh in an effort to put an end to
begging which must be eliminated in any
modern society.
In the field of information, with the aim
of bringing news to large numbers of people
in the rural areas, more than 30 provincial
newspapers have been published. During the
past 6 months, the Chieu Hoi (open arms)
program recorded more than 7,000 returnees
who brought in nearly 1,000 weapons.
Television is one of the newest activities
in our society. After a series of studies, on
January 3, 1966 we signed an agreement with
the American Government on telesasion. At
the end of this month television programs
will be available here. One thousand TV sets
will be installed in the heavily populated
areas of the capital and in nearby provinces.
A following shipment will bring another
1,500 sets to Vietnam.
In the field of culture and educa Lion, one
can note the following points:
An education reform movement has been
launched in order to help studen hi make
progress from the moral, intellect oat and
physical points of view. The movement also
aims at giving the students a stronger sense
of responsibility as citizens. This is an at-
tempt -to form it new generation of south for
the reconstruction of the countrje Four
pilot centers are now actively open i Ling to-
ward this end.
A large number of schools have lam built
to cope with our educational needs, such as
the Viet Due (Vietnamese-German) tech-
nical education and the craft and industry
school at Thu Due, the school for :the deaf
and dumb at Lai Thieu, three new primary
schools in Thua Thien, Ham Tan, and Binh
Toy and so on. In addition to all this, 546
primary school noon classes which :ire very
detrimental to the health of the children,
have been abolished, and 224 new classrooms
have been built for the pupils in the Saigon-
Gia Dinh area.
The annual examinations at the primary
and secondary education levels ha-e been
revised for the benefit of the students. The
primary education examinations and those
for the junior high school certificates will
no longer be held, starting with this school
year. The baccalaureate I system ol exami-
nations will also be abolished starting with
the 1968-69 school year.
As another evidence of the government's
efforts in the rural education field, out-
standing students from low-income families
will be granted official scholarships, thus
enabling worthy students to complete their
secondary education.
A cultural institute is to be established
with a view to promoting all the national
cultural activities. The institute will be
open to writers, artists, journalists, and to
the public as well. A program aimed at im-
proving arts and letters will be announced
shortly and put into practice in the near
future.
Administrative reforms are also being
tackled by the government. An adminis-
trative reform committee has been estab-
lished to study and to recommend all appro-
priate measures designed to increase the ad-
ministrative efficiency of the government
machinery. As a result of such reforms,
close cooperation between the Administra-
tive and Financial Inspection Directorate
General on the one hand and the inspection
divisions of the other departments on the
other hand has been initiated. All the ad-
ministrative abuses such as misuse of au-
thority, bribery, misappropriation, etc., will
be eliminated.
In other fields, the Government has done
its best to successfully serve the people in
accordance with scheduled programs which
are scheduled but which I will not mention
here.
The Government has strictly run its pro-
grams in line with what was announced 7
months ago. The outcome of the prosecu-
tion of such programs are modest but un-
questionable and are decisive to the success
of the social revolution. In fact, the steps
which our society are taking have not merely
started in another direction, they are already
traveling in another direction. All those
who directly contribute to the struggle for
the emergence and the reconstruction of the
fatherland are well treated and supported.
All the low-income people who once suffered
injustice under the old regime now are get-
ting land of their own to plow or taxicabs of
their own to drive. In the economic field, no
complete control of consumer goods prices
has been made by the Government as yet.
But the normalization of the supply of such
goods by the Government has been effected.
This means that the Government is cutting
off opportunities for the profiteers' malprac-
tices by totally controlling the supply of the
consumers' goods. In the military area the
continuous victories on the battlefields have
forced the enemy into a defensive position
and he has to take recourse in terrorist acts.
Although these results have not yet en-
tirely satisfied us, they do constitute reasons
to strengthen our confidence in the final
victory.
PART II
Dear fellow Vietnamese, dear comrades in
arms, from the date of assumption of office
by the war cabinet, the Government's
policies and programs of action have been
clarified on several occasions. Therefore, the
major targets of the war cabinet could in
no way be misunderstood by the people.
The assessment of the home situation and
the announcement of the major duties 01
the war cabinet during the inauguration
ceremony of the Government on June 19.
1965, and the declaration of its 26-point pro-
gram of action still constitute the guiding
principles for governmental projects. In
addition, on October 1, after 100 days of
office, I made an amendment -to the war
cabinet's role so as to fit its progrems of
action more closely to the national require-
ments. On that occasion I also confirmed
my standpoint on the national revolution
and restoration of peace?a standpoint which
the Government is perseveringly and de-
terminately carrying out to respond to the
situation.
Within the framework of such general
policy of the Government, and on the basis
of the results which I have reported, I would
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January,24, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 959
like np;i: on behalf of the cabinet, to an-
nounct the main targets to be realized by
the Government in 1966:
A. First target: To win the war?to pacify,
and to reconstruct the rural areas
First of all, what do we really want?
Such a question posed to any Vietnamese
concerned with the fate of his compatriots
and the honor of the nation and the hap-.
piness of the people in this part of the
world?which means the happiness of
each individual and each family?gets this
unique and unvarying answer: Decidedly,
not to communism.
To such an answer, no additional comment
is needed.
There is no answer more eloquent than
the blood of thousands of combatants who
have sacrificed themselves for the survival
of the fatherland from the Red imperialists'
invasion.
There is no reason stronger than the hard-
ship endured by the Vietnamese combatants
and civilians during the lifetime of one gen-
eration, the hardships of those who are de-
termined to eradicate Communist ideology
from this part of the world.
There is no evidence more concrete than
the flow of anti-Red refugees who prefer
leaving behind all that is so dear to them:
homes, ricefields, villages, rather than live
shamefully under Communists' tyranny.
We are determined not to be Communists.
Such is the unanimous determination, the
slogan of the whole Vietnamese population,
yesterday, today and tomorrow, and until
the day the Communist threat is eliminated
from this country.
But how do we get rid of this threat?
There is no other alternative to the solu-
tion than to defeat the Communists and to
rout them from their strongholds. We must
defeat the Communists and exterminate
communism. Otherwise, the Communists
will exterminate us and enslave our people
from our generation to our offsprings' gen-
eration. No one can foresee when enslave-
ment by Communists will end,
The present anti-Red struggle is a total
one. Its battlefields are everywhere. But
the main line of resistance is in the rural
areas and that is where the struggle will be
decided.
So the formula for such a struggle for the
war Cabinet is: to defeat the Communists,
to pacify and to reconstruct the rural areas.
Of course, such a formula is not a new dis-
covery. All the former governments called
for rural reforms, back to the countryside,
and so on. The policy remains the same,
from the so-called strategic hamlet program
to the new life hamlet action program, to
to win the hearts of the people and to re-
move the poisonous fish from the pure rural
waters.
What about the results? There is no need
to repeat the results.
The war Cabinet will not follow the path
of the one which has failed. It is deter-
mined to do something for the rural areas,
the areas which constitute the main and
basic part of our Nation.
To attain this goal, one must have an ob-
jective and realistic view of the situation.
In fact, after a victorious military opera-
tion, one may think that an area is auto-
matically pacified. But a state of insecurity
can quickly return to the area by a small
number of the Vietcong who mix themselves
in with innocent people.
Our viewpoint is not only to root out the
Vietcong from the rural areas but also to
root ourselves in the rural areas and this not
only for some time, but forever.
But, how to put this concept into action?
The task of liberating national territory
remains a heavy, but glorious, task of the?
Armed Forces. But, naturally the Armed
Forces cannot be stationed forever in every
hamlet and village, and on every portion of
the roads. For this reason, immediately
after a successful military operation, an ef-
fective and well-organized group of cadres
will arrive to exploit the advantages brought
in by the military operation. They will carry
out pacification work with their maintask to
be the rebuilding of a new life in rural areas.
These cadres will immediately set up teams
among the people to help them rebuild their
homes and till their land. They will contact
authorities responsible for reconstruction of
social welfare facilities such as schools, dis-
pensaries, maternity clinics and the like. To
maintain and consolidate the security in the
area, they will also rally and organize the
local people.
This effective system of cadres will spread
horizontally from hamlet to hamlet and
vertically from hamlet to village and village
to district and so on. This will constitute
an intersupport position having the effect
of an oil spot. This is the very key to the
problem of pacification and rural recon-
struction.
These conceptions and plan of the govern-
ment will constitute the main work of the
Vietnamese Government for this year. The
Government is determined to mobilize every
opportunity and every resource and make
every effort to recover maximum control of
our cherished population and our rural areas
by the end of 1966.
B. The second goal is to stabilize the eco-
nomic situation
Our second important goal in the new
year is to stabilize the economic situation.
To draw up a correct economic policy, one
must begin by assessing accurately the pres-
ent economic situation in the country.
Do we have inflation or do we not?
If we take the word in its literal meaning-
indiscriminately putting in circulation bank-
notes without maintaining proper gold and
currency reserves?we do not have any infla-
tion because we have sufficient gold reserves
to meet any currency demands.
If we understand the word in its popular
meaning, i.e. a too large and too rapid circu-
lation of the currency, then we do have this
thing called inflation. Why? The following
five reasons will explain this situation:
1. For a long time, and particularly for the
past few years, because of the increasing
tempo of the war, the budget demands in-
creased to meet the war situation. To an
already deficit budget we have added more
deficits because of the instability and suc-
cessive,changes in the national situation.
2. Die to increasing subversive Vietcong
activities, the supply system has encountered
many difficulties, many branches of produc-
tion have slowed down.
3. A number of short-sighted businessmen,
thinking only of their immediate interests,
have indulged in speculation and hoarding,
cornering the market in many items and
disturbing the economic life of the people.
4. To stop the expansion of Red imperial-
ism, 200,000 allied troops have come to Viet-
nam to fight on our side, with expenditures
reaching 1 billion piasters a month. In
addition to this are the amounts spent on
construction.
These reasons are the direct causes of the
increase in the volume of currency while
goods and other necessities could not supply
the 'demand, thus creating price increases.
We should introduce here a parenthesis:
civil servants and employees in the private
sector and other people who live on a fixed
salary suffer the most from price spirals.
At the same time, unemployment has com-
pletely disappeared, since services every-
where are paid at the highest rates ever
seen. In brief, if there are some classes of
people suffering from this situation, other
classes have benefited and now have a higher
living standard. This is an important
change in the overall living standard of the
Vietnamese society. It is too soon at present
to estimate the effects.
Such is the real situation and the difficul-
ties in the solving of the problems are enorm-
ous. I would like to report here a typi-
cal event.
When speaking about the increase in the
volume of currency and the decrease in
available goods, everyone sees that the sim-
ple solution is merely to import a large
quantity of foreign goods to make up for
the shortage in local goods.
Thus, in the last 3 months, the Gov-
ernment has released nearly $200 million
from the aid funds as well as the Govern-
ment-owned foreign currency to import
prime necessity goods. But the problem is
not that simple.
If you want to import goods, you have not
only to pay for then, but also you have to
hire ships to transport them and provide
docks for landing them.
The commercial port of Saigon can only
receive a maximum of 200,000 tons a year.
With the present American aid program, the
volume of imported goods already exceeds
more than double this figure, not counting
military materiel.
Thus, with the Government's utmost effort
and with the help of the most eminent ex-
perts, it still needs a minimum period of
several months to enlarge the landing piers
and to construct new ones. This is the work
the Government is urgently carrying out at
Thu Thiem, an islet on Thu Duo River, and
at Vung Tau, Cam Ranh, Qui Nhon, and Da
Nang, so as to complete in a few months an
emergency plan.
This plan includes any urgent and reason-
able measures concerning financial, currency,-
and economic fields which will converge to-
gether to the important goal of maintaining
the purchasing power of the piaster, arrest
price increases, and provide the population
with all the prime necessities.
On the one hand, the Government will
'strictly implement a policy of thrift and
economy in its agencies, and reduce the na-
tional budget's expenditures to their mini-
mum, despite the increase in military ex-
penses.
The decision to reduce the expenditures
down to $55 billion and the decision to give
priority in the national budget to rural re-
construction, and to construction of schools
and hospitals was a basic element in discus-
sion with the U.S. Government on the aid
program. These decisions led to an increase
of U.S. aid this year to at least twice the
amount of U.S. aid last year.
On the other hand, the Government will
strive to increase national resources, mostly
its revenues by improving tax-collecting
methods. In this respect, I am convinced
that our compatriots of all social strata not
only are eager to fulfill their duties toward
the national budget, but also heartfully con-
tribute to any urgently needed national re-
quirements.
The tax system is under reexamination
with new standards on social equity, so as
to enable those circles who were enriched
greatly due to the war situation to have the
opportunity to contribute more than other
laboring and needy people, Concerning those
who live on their monthly salary, the Gov-
ernment will carry out every logical and com-
plete supply system for their benefit.
In the meantime, all Government credit
and tax agencies will give every assistance
to the establishment or development of all
useful branches of business. The Govern-
ment is planning to expand public and semi-
public enterprises to enable Vietnamese
capital to participate to a greater degree.
Therefore, the savings can be used pro-
ductively. Investments for increasing pro-
duction will replace passive holding or illegal
trade speculation, and foreign currency
blo,ckmarketing, khich the Government is
determined to eradicate.
I would like to warn once again all those
blindfolded profiteers who heard goods for
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960 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE January -24, VG('
speculation and provoke price hikes; they
will go bankrupt, because in the days to
come, with the increase in foreign aid, im-
ported goods will Ilow into the local markets.
Adequate measures and procedures will be
adopted to enable an abundant and rapid
import of goods.
Concerning the consumers, I would like to
call your attention to this fact: Every delay
in the supplies and the temporary shortage
of goods should be considered normal in a
protracted war. So I ask you to avoid rush-
ing into crowded shops to buy some tem-
porarily short product. This only benefit:3
dishonest dealers, pushes forward the speed
of the money circulation and thus increases
the pressure of inflation.
C. Our third goal: To build democracy
The third goal, building democracy, is as
urgent and important as the two previous
ones. I would like to clarify once more--
to be sure ihat no one misunderstands the
present government's goal and policy: be-
cause of the need in this historic phase, and
conscious of their responsibilities toward
the national destiny, the armed forces have
assumed power, not with the intention of
clinging to it, but to create the necessary con-
ditions for setting up a genuine democracy
that will answer the aspirations of the entire
people and the goal of our nation's long
war which lies been with us since the French
domination to present.
My viewpoint in this problem has not origi-
noted from my subjective conception but
from . an objective situation of the 2-year
period following the November 1, 1963, events,
Two years which saw the profound division
of the people, the decomposition ol our so-
ciety, the internal subversion, along with a
war that reached its highest intensity?all
this caused a loss of confidence in this part
of land, increased the people's suspicion, ann
sowed confusion among them. No one had
confidence in anything and every theory,
policy, or program submitted was regarded
with distrust :tad cynicism.
le pure theory, democracy is the only fac-
tor which can defeat communism; if there is
no democracy we lose the reason for our
etruggle, let alone the means of victory.
A genuine concept of democracy, however,
should be based on the true situation al the
country, the real circumstances of the so-
Mety, the political maturity level of the pop.
illation and, in this case, the subversive war
being waged by the Communists.
fact, in these 2 years, there was no basic
document winch could serve as a basis for
building democracy. A provisional conven-
tion which was in effect no longer than 3
months was violated, amended, and some
mouths later, completely buried, only to be
replaced by what was called the Vung Tau
Charter. 'obis charter had been the cause of
a troubled, dark period before a civilian gov-
ernment come into being with a provisional
charter. Cut the fate of this document was
no differen i; from fiat of its predecessors.
Now, with the National Leadership Coni mu,-
tee, we have a convention, but this is no mme
than a temporary statute which comes from
the Government, not from the people.
When one speaks of demoeracy, everything
sthould come from the base that is the
people-. entire people, or at least, the ma-
jority of them?and not dilated from the
Government and forced on the people.
A democratic regime should begin with a
democratic constitution. But a constitution
la not the work of a few days, and also it is
not an experiment in a laboratory. Thus,
the main point of the problem is to build
democracy.
Without such a basic medium, a constitu-
tion, no matter how ideal, will be wilt and
carte away, ii it is not torn up by the up-
risings.
llowevcr. I do not mean that this G'cry-
ernment wall use the state of war, or play up
anticommunism or use the present condition
of the nation, to restrict democratization.
This Government has made up its mind to
proceed with democratization, slowly but
determinedly by training the people for their
responsibilities and their interests, by helping
the social organizations and political parties
find ways and means to step up their activ-
ities and strengthen their positions. Thus
win such organizations and parties lend a
successful hand to the common performance
of the national duties in the fut:ire. This
Government has also made up its mind to
drop demagoguery and to deny any con-
fused, shortsighted and Mind democratiza-
tion which will push the whole nation into
chaos.
With such a philosophy, we move on our
way toward progress with the following:
I. A democracy building council will be
set up after the lunar new year. Upon for-
mation, such a council will propose a draft
constitution in the near future.
2. This draft constitution will serve as the
main topic of discussion for seminars to be
held throughout the country. Invited to
participate in such seminars will be city and
provincial councilmen, members of political
parties, trade-union members, and students.
So all the pros and cans of the matter con-
cerned will be aired and recorded. Thus the
preparation of the future constittition will
be the preoccupation of the whole people,
not of just a minority.
3. Once these seminars are launiehed, the
Democracy Building Council will collect and
consolidate the opinions and ideas of the
participants a.nd arrive at a consensus. The
council will then amalgamate the various
points into a document to be voted upon in
a popular referendum. 1 he referendum will
be held next October.
4_ After the people's opinions seminars
have decided on a particular constitution,
that constitution will serve as the basis of
our democratic regime and will be officially
proclaimed next November.
Those who wonder why we don't elect a
constitutional assembly like many other
countries have to look straight at the pres-
ent war situation with its difficulties, com-
plexities, and tricks, to find the answer.
The situation of our country is :not like
any other, so why take after other countries?
We have to establish a constitution which
fits our nation.
5. When we have the people's opinions on
the constitution, we Will prepare for real
democratic elections in 1967. With these
elections, we will have legislative services,
according to the people's will, and come
back to the regular government elected by
the people.
While accomplishing these objectives we
naturally also have to increase our efforts
in the war and in the rural reconstruction
program, in order to recover the Vietcong-
controlled areas and help the anti-Com-
munist refugees. The elections will only
have meaning and value if security' is assured
and the citizens vote in large numbers. This
is one reason why we are choosing a gradual
and stable solution for the establishment of
our democracy.
Besides, it is a reality which everyone
has to accept, to be patient and confident,
to prepare for the next step. As for the
Government, it will carry out its responsi-
bilities in these tasks and provide the orga-
nizations and parties with appropriate op-
portunities and conditia:is to reach a mature
and superior level, to assure the future of
the nation. The Org,anittations and the par-
ties themselves will--to be realist re-
view their ranks, reorganize themselves, form
new cadres, and reinforce their real strength
and prestige to assure themselves of the peo-
ple's and authorities' confidence.
On this point, I would like to add that,
though the present Government raay still be
awkward and inexperienced, there is no doubt
of its good will in collaborating with evani-
zations, parties, and individuals who Whole-
heartedly want to lay the foundation for
our future true democracy.
This completes the report on the objec-
tives of the Government's program.
On this occasion, I deem it my duty to
point out the traditional ideal and determi-
nation of the Vietnamese people which is to
always cherish and seek peace but only a
peace which will guarantee its freedom, in
sovereignty, and territorial in-
tegrity. Any other form of peace which fails
to provide these guarantees, would only be
a lure into slavery and one which the Vietna-
mese people, with their clearsightedness and
courage, would crush down in order to pro-
ceed toward a genuine and realistic peace.
For those who still nurture doubts about
this issue, I would say to them: our con-
cept of peace is very simple. We have not
provoked war, we have not declared war.
The present war is an invasion from outside.
our country and one which at the outset was
disguised as an internal struggle. But the
disguise has been removed for a long time
and the invader has uncovered himself.
Now, it is up to the invaders from outside
and his subversive henchmen within our
country to end the invasion and subversion
Then peace would at once return to this part
of the country. Thus we would end the
concern of so many nations large anti Srnafl
and of so many statesmen the world over. II
the invaders, acting like a blind force, cam.-
not restrain themselves, then it would be oor
duty and the duty of all those peace-loving
people to combine efforts to contain their
ambition. Otherwise, the last resort woulet
be to "outlaw them as peace saboteurs" in
this peace-loving and freedom-loving part
of this country.
I deem it my duty also to express the sin-
cere gratitude of all our people to all the
countries and international organizations
and statesmen, as well as to all religious
leaders, especially Pope Paul VI. who have
demonstrated great concern over the plight;
of the Vietnamese people. I further won:
to insist that peace is workable only if it can
guarantee national independence as well :13
the people's freedom of thought and human
dignity.
I also want to associate all our fellow
citizens and comrades-in-arms to the ac-
knowledgement that under whatever cir-
cumstances, we should ourselves be respon-
sible for our own destiny. No other nation
is qualified and able to decide on our destiny.,
independently of our own will. For reasons
of international solidarity, we have accepted,
and are grateful for the moral and motorist,
military and economic, assistance from the
friendly countries. But never can we tol-
erate any Interference harmful to our lin-
tional sovereignty or any decision at vari-
ance with our people's aspirations.
Fellow citizens, comrades in arms, now I
have spoken. out all my feelings, my remarks
and nay observations and I have reported o
the objectives of both the National Directory
and the war Cabinet from the period just
ended to the next one.
Despite the clamor of war roaring arcival
us, despite the noisy provocations hurled by
our enemy to discourage us, despite differ-
ences of view touched off by certain people,
whether responsible or not, we mire deter-
mined to hold unflinchingly to our spirit, to
endure suffering with great patience, to pur-
sue tenaciously the struggle for national
salvation and reconstruction with the pur-
pose of defeating the Communists and bring-
ing back peace to the fatherland. We wird
prevail in our present national plight in or-
der to bring back democracy, prosperity and
happiness to our people.
With this strong belief and decision, I sin-
cerely urge all our compatriots without dis-
tinction of class, religion, social stratum
group, or party to clearly assist in the effort
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January .24, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
to swep aside all friction, confrontation,
or jealousy of an individual or communal
nature and devote all their efforts and will
to the future reconstruction of the father-
land and nation.
When the nation is faltering, when the
country is suffering destruction and parti-
tion, most of our families will suffer estrange-
ment, separation, misery, and the loss of
loved ones.
If there are some classes of our society
which are privileged, this is just a minority
in the different classes of the national com-
munity.
The war situation, along with disorder,
oppression and the struggle for survival and
for progress have created social injustices,
hampered the love of the nation and of man-
kind, and even has caused that love to be
forgotten.
In the face of this state of affairs, I can
only make a sincere appeal to every strata of
society and to all of our compatriots to share
the misfortune and to help the families
who have been unfortunate in this national
catastrophe. I also urge them to look
straight at the situation created by the sub-
version, the mourning, and the war, in order
to come to the assistance of our poor com-
patriots by sacrificing to a certain extent
our own interests.
Only with this can one hope to reduce
social injustices, to restore the love for our
fellow creatures, so that we may advance
toward the reconstruction of this country.
The international situation is now going
through tremendous changes which will see
either the upsurge or the decline of our
people. The period that lies ahead will be
a decisive one as far as the salvation and re-
construction of this beloved land of ours is
concerned.
We will have opportunities to quickly re-
fill the gaps, the delays, and the waste of
time which occured during the past 2 years.
We should remain united in mind and
spirit so that we may try to take advantage
of these opportunities. We alone can save
ourself. We can not stay idle waiting for
assistance from others.
I am of the opinion that those of us who
are still alive have as had those who have
died, the duty of contributing to the task
of rebuilding, renovating, and developing
this land to help it become stronger and to
help it progress.
This is our heritage and the heritage of
our successive generations.
I resolutely have confidence in the clear-
minded recognition and of the reasonable
choice of all fellow countrymen as well as
of our fellow combatants.
I salute my fellow countrymen and fellow
combatants.
THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
MINIMUM WAGE LAW
Mr. TYDINGS. Madam President,
since my duties as presiding officer of the
Senate last Thursday kept me from
speaking on H.R. 8126, the bill to amend
the District of Columbia minimum wage
law before it was passed by the Senate, I
would like to take a moment now to note
for the record, my strong support for this
long overdue reform and my pleasure at
its passage.
Madam President, the concept of mini-
mum wage legislation for the District of
Columbia is not new. Congresss first
enacted a District of Columbia minimum
wage law in 1918. That law was a pio-
neer in -the minimum wage field.
But as the decades have passed, that
law stood still. Its coverage was too re-
strictive and its provisions were to rigid
to meet the needs of the National Capital.
Although many workers in the District
were protected by the minimum wage
provisions of the Fair Labor Standards
Act, more than 200,000 employees who
work in the District of Columbia were not
protected by any minimum wage law.
Indeed, one of the most glaring defects
of the 1918 law was that it covered only
female and children employees. It gave
no protection to men at all. Nor did it
cover ci.inestic workers.
Who needs minimum wage protection?
Do the lawyers, doctors, architects and
other 'Professional people have to worry
about earning the $1.25 an hour mini-
mum wage the bill the Senate passed
last Thursday authorizes? Do organized
and skilled employees work for less than
$1.25 an hour?
No, the people who directly benefit
from minimum wage legislation and the
people who need it most are the unskilled
workers whose labor contributes so
greatly to the effective functioning of
society, but whose skills are so slight
or whose employment is so unstable that
they have little power to organize and
no ability to bargain for a decent wage.
The dishwashers, the waiters, the jani-
tors, the car parkers, the household
maids, and the thousands of others who
provide many of the services which make
life easier and more pleasant for all of us,
most often find that society is willing to
accept their labor, but not willing to see
that they are paid a living wage.
In preparing the minimum wage bill
we passed Thursday, the Senate District
Committee discovered too many cases
like that of a restaurant kitchen worker
here in the District who works 48 hours
a week and gets only $12.50 a week and
two meals a day for his pay. The com-
mittee discovered an apartment house
maintenance man paid $35.40 for a 40-
hour week and a parking lot attendant
paid 45 cents an hour.
We cannot tolerate these incredible
conditions anywhere in the country, and
especially not in the Capital.
H.R. 8126, as amended and passed by
the Senate, is a reasonable response to
the pressing problem of providing a mini-
mum living wage for thousands of work-
ers in the District of Columbia.
By extending the minimum wage to
men, as well as women and children, in
the District, the bill will eliminate con-
ditions such as those found to exist in
one upholstery shop, where a man was
paid 90 cents an hour for doing the same
work women do in the same shop for
$1.10 an hour.
By requiring payment of time and a
half for overtime, the bill will reduce
the excessive hours worked in many Dis-
trict of Columbia places of business and
spreading the number of jobs available.
By extending the minimum wage to
domestic workers in the District of Co-
lumbia for the first time, the bill will
guarantee a decent wage for the many
women who labor in others' homes to
provide or supplement a bare subsistence
income for their families.
All this bill does is to make sure that
District of Columbia workers receive at
least the national minimum wage for
their labors. All this bill basically pro-
vides is that for a 40-hour week, 52
961
weeks a year, a worker should receive at
least $2,600.
A reasonable minimum wage for the
workers of the District of Columbia will
help hold families together, help contain
welfare costs, and help provide a decent
opportunity for family dignity. A de-
cent minimum wage will generate in-
creased purchasing power for District of
Columbia" businesses, thereby improving
economic conditions generally, and pro-
viding greater employment opportunity.
But an equally compelling reason for
enacting this District of Columbia mini-
mum wage bill is that the human cost of
a lower minimum wage is simply too
high to bear. When the father of a
family cannot make enough to feed and
clothe his family, the community cost is
increased crime and delinquency, wors-
ened slums and rising welfare expenses
is intolerable by the cost to our con-
science of standing by while fellow citi-
zens are exploited by a cynical and
heartless wage slavery.
This revision of the District of Colum-
bia minimum wage law was long overdue.
It was necessary. It was right.
PRAISE FOR JACK VAUGHN AND
LINCOLN GORDON
Mr. CHURCH. Madam President "A
Good Reshuffle"?that is what the New
York Times called the change which
brought Jack Vaughn in as Director of
the Peace Corps and Lincoln Gordon to
take his place as Assistant Secretary of
State for Latin American Affairs. Know-
ing them both, I can say "amen" to the
praise they have both received.
Jack Vaughn was in on the ground
floor of the Peace Corps. He was there
from the first, and was one of those who
kept its programs close to the earth. He
has emphasized a community develop-
ment approach by which corpsmen act
as catalysts, cheerleaders, gadflies, and
promoters for self-help projects which
begin when the local people identify
their needs. When he came to the Peace
Corps, there were 123 volunteers in Latin
America. When he left to become Am-
bassador to Panama, there were 3,000.
I have seen them at work in the urban
slums and destitute backlands of Brazil,
and I can testify that they are doing a
praiseworthy job.
It was in Brazil, where he has served
as our Ambassador, that I first met Lin-
coln Gordon. I endorse the appraisal
of him made by the New York Times.
Their editorial of January 19 said:
The appointment of Lincoln Gordon as the
new Assistant Secretary of State for Latin
America brings to that difficult assignnient
a man with penetrating judgment and a
wealth of useful experience as an economist,
Government official, and diplomat.
He has been an enthusiastic Ambassador to
Brazil, providing that country with sensible
economic advice and trying tactfully to steer
its present military regime toward a demo-
cratic solution of its difficulties. Mr. Gordon
understands what the Alliance for Progress
Is all about and can be depended upon to
give it resolute support.
The Washington Evening Star said of
Jack Vaughn:
(He) was doing a remarkable job as As-
sistant Secretary of State for Latin American
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962 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE January 24, 1966
Affairs and U.S. coordinator of the Alli-
ance * *. His selection does assure the
Peace Corps of an able, imaginative Director.
Mr. President, both men promise well.
We have reason for reassurance in their
selection.
I ask unanimous consent that the two
editorials to which I have referred be
printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the edito-
rials were ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
From the New York Times, Jan. 19, 19661
A 100D RESHUFFLE
Whether his directorship of the poverty
program. enhances or detracts from his
reputation in the future, Sargent Shriver's
service with the Peace Corps has marked
him as an effective idealist.
The idea for the Peace Corps was first
broached by Vice President ROBERT Hum-
PTIREY in the Senate and Representative
Hans's, of Wisconsin, in the House and was
later taken up by President_ Kennedy; but it
was Mr. Shriver who transformed an exciting
idea into a convincing success. His zest and
energy have helped thousands of volunteers,
young and old, cut through the deadly smog
of cynicism that tends to envelop foreign
policy and to reach the poignant human re-
alities that lie behind today's crises.
Jack Hood Vaughn, who now takes over
the leadership of the Peace Corps, is doubt-
less happy to be leaving the State Depart-
ment, where he has been Assistant Secretary
for Latin America. As an outsider with an
academic background, he has been sand-
wiched between the career Foreign Service
officers below him and the dominating per-
sonality of Under Secretary Thomas C. Mann
above him.
Ile had barely assumed office a year ago
when the Dominican Crisis erupted. Mr.
Vaughn has loyally defended administra-
tion actions in that crisis, but the evidence
suggests that he was a bystander, as Presi-
dent johnson and Under Secretary Mann did
most of the policymaking. Back in the Peace
Corps, where he previously served as Latin
American chief, Mr. Vaughn can deploy his
talents in a line of work totally congenial to
Ii rn.
The appointment of Lincoln Gordon as
the new Assistant Secretary or State for
Latin America brings to that difficult assign-
ment a man with penetrating judgment and
a wealth of useful exerience as an economist,
Government official, and diplomat. He has
been an enthusiastic Ambassador to Brazil,
providing that country with sensible eco-
nomic advice and trying tactfully to steer its
present military regime toward a democratic
solution of its difficulties. Mr. Gordon un-
derstands what the Alliance for Progress is
ail about and can be depended upon to give
it, resolute support. If any man can reassert
the full authority of the Assistant Secre-
tary as chief policymaker for Latin America
in the bureaucratic jungles of Washington,
Mr. Gordon is the man.
'From the Washington (D.C.) Evening Star.
19, 19661
(.; InDIan FOR. BATTLE
The White House showed good Judgment in
giving the war on poverty its first full-time
administrator. TiliS is the most ambitious
of all the domestic programs created by the
Johnson administration?and, at the
moment, the most vulnerable. The Repub-
licans are talking of scandals in the anti-
poverty war that will be revealed in due
course. And such extravagant failures as
New York City's Haryou-Act program have
left the public skeptical of the whole opera-
tion. Relieved of his Peace Corps job, Mr.
Shriver still will have his hands full defend-
ing and guiding what has become a prime
target of congressional criticism.
The White House had to raid the State
Department to find a Peace Corps Director?
and the Alliance for Progress seems to be the
loser. We agree with Representative S1?1,DEN,
chairman of the Inter-American Affairs Sub-
committee, that Jack Hood Vaughn was do-
ing a remarkable job as Assistant Secretary
of State for Latin American Affairs and
United States coordinator or the alliance.
It is even possible that Vaughn's present
tasks are a good deal more important than
anything he could do as Peace Corps Director.
Bat his selection does assure the Peace Corps
cif an able, imaginative director?ltiaving
Sargent Shriver free to wage the bigger war
sit home.
SAGA OF THE SEA
Mr. BARTLETT. Madam Pres]cient,
on November 26, 1965, the SS Oduna,
battered by high seas and 50-mile-an-
hour winds, ran aground between rocks
and a high cliff on Unimak Island, off
western Alaska.
The angle of the ship made it im-
possible to lower lifeboats. Thus the
scene was set for another great saga of
the sea. In the true tradition of those
that go down to the sea in ships, coura-
geous attempts to take the men off the
SS Oduna were successful. The entire
crew of :37 was rescued.
The ship, on a regular run from Adak
to Seattle, was owned by the Alaska
Steamship Co. The company's agent
hl Kodiak submitted a report on the
crow. The report is fascinating read-
ing. I ask unanimous consent that the
report be printed in the RECORD at the
eonclusion of my remarks.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
(See exhibit :L.)
Mr. BARTLETT. Madam President,
those reading the report will learn of
the courageous actions of four members
of the crew of the MV Adeline Foss, a
Seattle-based tug which sped to the
stricken ship on receiving its S 0 it
Weather conditions made it inipos-
Able to approach the Oduna from the
sea or the air. Military helicopters sent
to the scene were forced to wait for a
turn in the weather.
However, the Adeline Foss crc wmen
Cid not wait, A party consisting of 1st
Mate W. D. Thompson and Seamen
.Russ Christensen, Larry Ostby, and Ted
Snider, managed to land on Unimak
Island. After making their way down
the cliff they successfully set up a
breeches buoy line and brought 19 mem-
bers of the Oduna safely to shore. At
that point, the weather improved and
the rescue was completed by helicopter.
A report of the rescue operation has
been submitted to the Merchant Marine
Awards Committee for consideration of
possible awards for the four men of the
Adeline Foss.
Special mention must be made of the
efforts of Air Force Capt. Gerald Bel-
anger and his helicopter crew, which
completed the rescue. Describing the
work of these men, the captain of the
Oduna said:
What he did is beyond words. We owe a
great deal to him.
And finally, words of praise., and
thanks should go to all the units, mili-
tary and civilian, which were alerted
and ready to take part in the rescue op-
erations if needed.
Madam President, the story of the
rescue of the crew of the Oduna indeed
belongs among the great stories about
those who go down to the sea in ships.
EXHIBIT 1
REPORT ON THE SS "OntiNA"
The tragic ending of this voyage of SS
Oduna under the sheer 700-foot cliffs of
Ikatan Peninsula, Alaska, can only be
tempered by the successful rescue of all 37
crewmen aboard in spite of battering seas
and 50-knot wind conditions.
At 0655 November 26 we were notified of
the Oduna's distress by Capt. R. E. Emerson,
commanding officer, U.S. Coast Guard Air
Station, Kodiak, with the terse information
that she was aground, breaking up, end
safety of the crew was deemed to be in ex-
treme danger. Our office staff was alerted
and reported for duty immediately. The
facilities of Alaska Communication System
were also notified and placed in full emer-
gency status by their Kodiak commanding
officer, M. Sgt. Gordon Wells, which subse-
quently contributed immeasurab:y to the
successful communications network for the
ensuing rescue operations.
On my arrival at the Kodiak Coast Guard
Rescue Center at 0735, it was learned that
the U.S. Coast Guard Cutter Storis and one
of their Albatross aircraft, both based at
Kodiak, were already en route to the scene,
and intense operations were in progress for
the dispatch of other vessels and aircraft.
Kodiak Rescue Center was in full charge of
all rescue operations, and the facilities of
related commands in the Alaska Sea Frontier
and on the Mainland were made available as
required. The nearest suitable helicopter was
dispatched from the Air Force at King Sal-
mon. The Air Force also supplied a C -130
transport aircraft from Elmendorf to move
a detachment of Army mountain troops
from Fort Richardson which were deemed
necessary in the event it became appropriate
to perform a rescue from the beach cliff
area. Another U.S. Coast Guard Albetross
was dispatched from Kodiak with additional
equipment and personnel, including Lt.
Comdr. John Hancock, U.S. Coast Guard,
who was directed to assume mission com-
mand of all rescue forces on arrival at Cold
Bay.
Commercial marine units also responded
to the distress call. The nearby tug Adeline
Foss quickly anchored her tow in a cove near
the area and proceeded to Oduna. A Japa-
nese vessel also responded, Taiyo Sari; No.
82, and permission was obtained from the
Navy to place a Japanese landing party on
the beach should it be necessary before ar-
rival of the Army mountain troops. The
fisheries research vessel Reed, and U.S. Fish
and Wildlife vessel U.S.S. Pribiloff, operating
in the Dutch Harbor area, were also dis-
patched to the scene.
By 0900 rescue operations had assumed
massive proportions. Weather conditions at
the scene did not abate, and were reported
to worsen. A Reeve Aleutian Airways Goose,
based at Cold Bay, managed a hazardous
flight to position of Oduna, and resulting
reports were indeed grim. Seas were break-
ing over the stranded vessel, and 50- ti 60-
knot wind conditions prevailed.
We waited for arrival of rescue unit. By
1100 both the Adeline Foss and the Japanese
vessel reported any attempted approach to
Oduna was impossible by sea. Rocks off-
shore and on both sides of the stranded ves-
sel prevented any close approach, as well as
any launching of the Oduna's lifeboats.
The first Albatross from Kodiak arrived
at the scene at 1145 and the helicopter from
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940 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
cottage bid defiance to all the force of the
Crown. It may be frail?its roof may
shake?the wind may blow through it?the
storm may enter, the rain may enter?but
the King of England cannot enter?all his
force dare not cross the threshold of the
ruined tenement." 2t'
THE NEW YORK Tpirda_AN JAMES
RESTON ON THVIETNAM AR
Mr. 1VIeGOVERN. Madam President,
some of the most perceptive writing on
the Vietnam war has been done by the
editorial staff of the New York Times
and its distinguished columnist, Mr.
James Reston.
I ask unanimous consent that two im-
portant editorials published in the Times
of January 21 and 23, together with
columns by Mr. Reston of the same dates,
be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the material
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the New York Times, Jan. 23, 19661
TALKS WITH THE VIETCONG
Secretary General Thant's formula for an
interim broadening of the Saigon govern-
ment, to "take over the responsibility" of
organizing self-determination in South Viet-
fain after the war, points to the heart of the
problem of achieving a peaceful settlement.
Despite Secretary Rusk's negative reaction to
U Thant's suggestion and his almost exclu-
sive emphasis on Hanoi, somehow a way must
be found to get talks going between the
South Vietnamese factions that are doing the
bulk of the fighting on the ground.
President Johnson's plan for free elections,
after a cease-fire, is Itself a means of achiev-
ing a representative administration in Saigon
prior to American withdrawal. In a recent
statement by Ambassador Bohlen, the United
States has indicated that it would accept the
results of such an election even if it returned
a dominant Communist faction. But the
real isSue is how the elections are to be
organized.
Essentially, this is a question of the kind
of interim government that will preside over
the country, under international supervision,
during the electoral campaign. The electoral
campaign itself can only follow a cease-fire.
But a cease-fire is likely to be achieved only
after an agreement on the makeup of an
interim government.
Proposals often have been made?inchid-
ing one by the United Nations?Secretariat
after the fall of Diem in 1963?that neu-
tralist South Vietnamese leaders resident in
Paris be brought home to form a new gov-
ernment and mediate between the warring
factions. Talks between the generals ruling
in Saigon and the Vietcong leadership?
either directly or through intermediaries
initially?would be another possible ap-
proach. There have been hints that the
Vietcong would welcome the independence
from Hanoi that such contacts might
encourage.
The intransigent attitude of Air Vice
Marshal Ky, the present Saigon Premier, does
not necessarily rule out such talks. There
have been repeated rumors in the past of
contacts with the Vietcong on the part of
South Vietnamese officers, Buddhist leaders,
businessmen, and intellectuals. There would
be little difficulty in finding intermediaries
if the United States were prepared to en-
courage such exchanges. The aim of such
talks could be to form either a neutral ad-
ministration or a coalition in which the
South Vietnamese Army, the Vietcong, the
15 Hansard, Parliament History of Eng-
land 1307 (1753-1765).
Buddhists, the Catholics, the Cao Dai, and
other political elements would participate.
The attraction of such an approach has
been increased by the numerous setbacks
Communist China has suffered during the
past year in projecting its influence beyond
its borders from Indochina to Africa. Most
of its programs of expansion or subversion
have either failed or have been deflated.
The result, as Times Correspondent
Seymour Topping reported the other day, has
been to create an opportunity for the United
States to deal with the war in Vietnam no
longer on the basis of determining "the form
or ideology of the Vietnamese nation, but the
reestablishment in southeast Asia of peace,
order and respect for borders." A Vietnam,
independent from China, that respected the
borders of its neighbors would be a Viet-
nam contained?and separated from the rest
of southeast Asia by the neutral buffer states
of Laos and Cambodia.
The most orderly way to deal with the
whole problem would be another Geneva
conference similar to that on Laos in 1962.
That conference brought together the five
great powers, the Indochina states and fac-
tions, the neighboring nations of southeast
Asia and the countries which comprise the
International Control Commission, India,
Poland and Canada. The best method to
clear the way for such a conference might
well be a beginning of efforts to broaden the
Saigon Government?a move that might als6
stimulate Hanoi's interest in getting into
the negotiating act.
iFrom the New York Times, Jan. 21, 1966]
THE VIETNAM DECISION
Failure of the Johnson peace offensive thus
far to bring about formal negotiations with
Hanoi inescapably raises the question: what
course should the United States now follow?
Much depends on Washington's evaluation
of Hanoi's ambiguous public and private
replies and on the official estimate of how
long it is safe to keep the bombers grounded.
Is Hanoi holding out for concessions? Or
is Hanoi seeking to avoid a conference out
of the conviction that the United States
will get tired and withdraw? President
Johnson expressed the latter belief yester-
day. But his conclusion from this remains
unclear, since he also said: "The door of
peace must be kept wide open."
Many factors counsel patience. The 2-
month absence of North Vietnamese Army
units from combat in South Vietnam?which
may signal a Hanoi desire to continue the
diplomatic exchanges?is one such factor.
Far more important is the fact that the mili-
tary balance in South Vietnam has been
fundamentally transformed in the past year.
The decisive new element has been the
ninefold build-up of American troops in
South Vietnam to a strength of about 190,-
000. South Vietnamese armed forces, in-
cluding militia and police, now exceed
635,000. With South Korean, New Zealand,
and Australian units, there are upward of
850,000 men in the field. And the backing of
American air and naval strength gives these
forces devastating firepower and unparalleled
mobility.
This buildup, in the words of President
Johnson's state of the Union message, has
put the enemy on notice that time is no
longer on his side and that a Vietcong vic-
tory now is out of reach.
Meanwhile, It has become evident that the
bombing of North Vietnam failed to achieve
either of its original two objectives. It
failed to slow down the infiltration of men
and supplies, which increased as the bomb-
ing intensified. And it failed to bring Hanoi
to the conference table. The bombing did
force North Vietnam to turn from Peiping to
Moscow for antiaircraft missiles and, even
more important, for massive economic and
technical aid. But this unexpected dividend
January 24, 1966
argues for a continued suspension of the
bombing, rather than for its resumption.
As White House security adviser McGeorge
Bundy recently observed: "It has been made
clear to us over a long period of time that
the Soviet Government hopes there can be
a peaceful settlement." And Moscow has
also made it clear that peace efforts cannot
be carried on while North Vietnam is being
bombed.
The critical decision that confronts Presi-
dent Johnson, therefore, is not whether to
resume the early bombing of the North?
which even Republican leaders no longer
press--but how to conduct the war in the
South while continuing the probes for peace.
The ground and air war in South Vietnam
undoubtedly will resume fully after the
Lunar New Year truce. What the President
now must decide is whether to escalate that
war in the south to a wholly new level by
yielding to military requests for a doubling
of American forces. Such a move would
finally convert the struggle from a Vietnam-
ese conflict into an American war against
Asians.
A further large-scale buildup would not
end the military stalemate in South Viet-
nam. As in the past, it would be matched
by increased Vietcong recruiting, infiltra-
tion of additional North Vietnamese units
and ultimately?if the ground war expanded
into Laos, Cambodia and, perhaps, North
Vietnam?by the entrance of Chinese troops
into the conflict.
At present, American forces are secure in
their coastal positions and cannot be invol-
untarily dislodged. General Gavin's recent
advice, not to expand the war but to continue
efforts to negotiate the peace, has the force
of logic on its side.
[From the New York Times, Jan. 21, 1966]
WASHINGTON: WHAT GREAT DEBATE?
(By James Reston)
WASHINGTON, January 20.?The process of
debate in Washington, even on so solemn a
business as risking war with a quarter of the
human race, is an astonishing and depress-
ing business.
No capital ever talked so much about
"great debates" or had so few of them. The
Senate has not been performing its consti-
tutional function of "advise and consent" on
the critical issues of foreign affairs during
the pause in the war. It has been tugging
and hauling on the President in a series of
disjointed and unconnected statements,
speeches, and television remarks, most of
them made outside the Senate Chamber.
The opposition party did not launch a de-
bate on the President's state of the Union
message. It put on a television show featur-
ing Senator Dunce= and Representative
Form in a recitation which differed wildly
from most of the things they have said about
the war in the past.
CHAOS IN THE CORRIDORS
Secretary of Defense McNamara went be-
fore the Senate Armed Vervices Committee
today and when he and the Senators emerged
from the privacy of the commitee chamber
the scene was about as orderly as the end of
a professional football game.
Senator RICHARD RUSSELL of Georgia told
the crowding reporters that the general tone
of McNamara's private reniarks was that time
was running out on the peace offensive.
"Never even mentioned it," the Secretary said ,
later.
No doubt the discussion inside the com-
mittee room was better, but ever since the
start of the peace offensive the public state-
ments have been a babble of disconnected
shouts. One day a general comes back from
Vietnam and calls for a resumption of the
bombing in North Vietnam. The next a
Senator offers his opinion that escalating the
war now would be sheer madness.
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January 24, 1966
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 939
crop Is first-class mail lrom the levy powers
of the I1tS..2.
While the officials of most departments
have ultimately extended cooperation and
pledges to remedy existing situations, no
stah action has been taken by the FDA offi-
cials. No new regulations or controls, or
even investigations, have occurred. However,
this situation may be improved by new legis-
lation currently under study that would
make the FDA a nun timembered commission
with definite time limitations on tenure and
tne imposition of other restrictions on the
cemmission members. In this way new
1, oinking and a broader perspective can be
troduced to aid the fair, efficient, and
effective administration of the drug laws.
The very compilation of the record of the
hearings is valuable. ft documents the dan-
gers inherent when the bureaucrats become
too impervious and too insulated from crit-
clan or challenge Violation of laws, in-
midation, and harrassment have been
proven. Disregard and ignorance of consti-
ea Lionel rights have been brought before the
public and Congrees. All of this will set the
basis for future comprehensive legislation.
The Commissioner of the IRS has pledged
that he will conduct his own investigation
and report fully to the public and Congress.
Already, new orders have been issued that
will aid in controlling the overzealousness of
his agents..
On July 15, 1915, the President publicly
reaffirmed his ban in wiretapping and praised
the efforts of the subcommittee as in the
public interest.
With this record of achievement, the fu-
ture should promise that more definite steps
will be more easily taken to get to the heart
of the problem 0S protecting privacy.
Legislai.iea and review
The intention of the subcommittee is to
continue the investigation until a complete
picture is developed. This may Lake some
time. However, the record is sufficient to
give some general direction that future legis-
lation should follow.
Initially, a comprehensive code regulating
investigative techniques involving invasions
of privacy presents a feasible means to
remedy the existing violations and guard
against future infringements. This code
would attempt a broad definition of the
right to privacy and the policy of Congress
that such a right should be fully protected.
Wiretapping and electronic eavesdropping
could either be banned outright or limited
to specific urgent needs such as national
defense, natimed security, or the investiga-
tion of major crimesac Criminal and civil
penalties would be imposed for violation of
these rights. In addition the code would
protect against intimidation or harassment
by Federal agen,s.
Presently, there exist criminal statutes out-
lawing deliberate violations of certain con-
e! Pub. L. No. 89-44, 89th Cong., 1st seas,
(June 21, 1965).
Letter from Commissioner of IRS to all
criminal investigative personnel of IRS.
June 29, 1965. Letter from Acting Secretary
of Treasury to Senator EDWARD V. LONG,
July '23, 1965. In substance both letters con-
cerned use of hivestigative equipment and
methods destructive ref the individual's
privacy and dignity arid both stated the
steps taken to prevent future infringements
i II this area.
Legislation to a similar effect was pro-
posed by the then Attorney General Robert
Kennedy. It was subjected to compre-
hensive analysis. Hearings on wiretapping,
(eavesdropping and the Bill of Rights Before
the Subcommittee on Constitutional Rights
of the Senate Committee on the Judiciary,
87th Cong., let sess., pts. 1-5 (1961).
No. 9 ?13
stitutional rights of citizens.. Howeves.
these have been either ignored or only par-
tially enforced. There is need for expansion
and effective enforcement of these laws.
Further possible legislation which count
be considered separately by Congress or in -
corperated into the code would set forth a
code of conduct for Federal agents, with ap-
propriate penalties for its violation. In ae-
dition specific requirements as to the educa-
tion Of agents in the constitutional rights
of citizens could be provided.
It is believed that while most agents hate
had the legal principles pertaining to sears e
and seizure made available to them, this
isolated, microscopic information is inade-
quate.. Further and more comprehensive ed-
ucation is needed in the purpose and mean-
tog, not only of the fourth amendment, bat
of the entire Bill of Rights.
Agents should be instructed that their pri-
mary responsibility is to prevent crimes and
violations of law, not solely to convict people.
This conviction psychology is imbued into
the agent from his first association with an
egency and ingrained while he remains there.
All too often this conviction syndrome is
generated by the publication of statistics
aimed at proving the dedication and neces-
sity of the agency. In short, compilation of
self-serving statistics goads agents into all
sort; of indiscretions. It remakes a protector
of society into a menace to liberty, a law en-
forcement officer into a potential violator of
the law himself.
More civilized standards than the number
of convictions should not be impalatable to
Congress or to the people. Rather than
branding law enforcement as lax when the
conviction rate falls, we should study the
overall reduced rate of crime. Putting peo-
ple behind bars by illegal or questionable
methods is no deterrent to crime; indeed,
it acts only as a spur to competition in
criminal acts.
The increasing difficulties of law enferce-
mcnt, while partially due to lack of man-
power, lukewarm citizen support, low sa-
laries, etc., are attributable to a more deep-
seated dilemma. Basically, law enforcement
officers are confused as to what is or is not
within the permissible scope of their duties.
The IRS agents on the one hand were Issued
a directive by the Treasury Department,
which was in existence since 1938, that com-
pletely banned wiretaps. On the other
the national office of IRS conducted a wire-
tap and snooping school, and furnished the
equipment and experts to place the taps.
lettle wonder agents winked at the ban
against wiretaps. Little wonder they had
no fear of prosecution or other disciplinary
action being taken against them. Setting
forth specific guidelines in this code of con-
duct, plus education and the impositlon of
appropriate sanctions for its violation ehould
alleviate the confusion of federal :gents
caused by such double standards.
Two major salutary effects could come
from this legislation. One, the right of pri-
vacy will be given public recognition as the
constitutional and basic human right that
it is. Two, the professionalism, efficiency, ef-
fectiveness, and dignity of the Federal agent
can be jud.ged, assessed, and determined by
his compliance or lack of compliance with
the codeSe
vi Rhodes v. Graham, 238 Ky., 225, 37 S.W. 2d
46 (1931), Plaintiff was granted damages for
invasions of privacy by means of a wiretap.
18 U.S.C., sec. 2236 (1958).
" A cleaning house for complaints against
tactics of Federal agents could possibly be
established. The recently created adminis-
trative conference may be of aid here. Its
major advantage is that it would be inde-
pendent of the agency It was investigating
These hearings have also pinpointed the
need for further investigation into subjects
tangentially related to invasions of pri-
vacy. The legal process of libel of informa-
tion should be reviewed. This process exists
as an anachronism in the law and permits
the skirting of protections in certain cases
afforded by a fourth amendment search war-
rant.
The summons powers and jeopardy assess-
?ment powers of the IRS should be reviewed
with a view toward limiting their use and
providing seta guards against abuse.
On an overall scale, Congress should be
more wary of granting too much power to
agencies. Indiscriminate grants have led I:,
abuse and a lessening of congressional
powers of coatrol. It is hoped that from
this point on, when Congress delegates its
powers it will provide safeguards against
abuse and retain some supervisory control
over its delegates.
Congress should take more of an interest
In how its laws are administered. No law is
very effective or promotes social development
unless it is properly administered. Laws
today are being misconstrued, misread, or ig-
nored by sonic of their administrators. It is
Congress who represents the people; Con-
gress must answer to the people. Delegating
powers to bureaucrats who often answer to
no one is not responsible representation of
the people. If vigilance be the price of
liberty, that price has to be paid by the Con-
gress as well as by the people. Today we
seem to be experiencing a vital lack of vigi-
lance when Law enforcement officials disobey
the law and Congress allows liberty to be
lessened by administrative flat.
CONCLUSIONS
If the privacy so necessary to the develop-
ment of a free and independent people is to
be preserved, our national lethargy and lack
of knowledge must be countered. These
hearings and the legislation that can be cre-
ated pursuant to them are steps in the right
direction. But more is demanded; more is
needed before we as a nation can reach a
plateau of civilized existence above that on
which we now abide. Citizen concern and
assistance is vitally needed at this time to
foster and nurture the neophyte strides
made to protect our privacy and our heritage.
Without them, this country is threatened
with degradation into a comatose state of
dependence and conformity. Encroach-
ments on freedom begin on a small insidious
scale. Mr. Justice Frankfurter saw this dan-
ger as exemplified by police excess in the
name of law enforcement and his keen per-
ception pinpointed the aspects of that
danger: "[We are in danger of forgetting
that the Bill of Rights reflects experience
with police excesses. It is not only under
Nazi rule that police excesses are inimical
to freedom. It is easy to make light of
insistence on scrupulous regard for the safe-
guards of civil liberties when invoked on
behalf of the unworthy. It is too easy. His-
tory bears testimony that by such disregard
are the rights of liberty extinguished, heed-
lessly at first, then stealthily, and brazenly
In the end." .
Would not all Americans feel mere secure
and justly proud of their democracy if the
following were to become reality and no sim-
ple aphorism: "The poorest man may in his
and answerable to the President through its
chairman. In 1952 the IRS set up its In-
spection Division to check the integrity of its
employees. The fact that no instances of
wiretap were discovered or reported since its
Inspection is indicative of the ineffectiveness
of a program to police police by police.
28 Davis v. United States, 328 U.S. 582, 597
(1946) (dissenting opinion),
iu: Urn IIIIIIIIIMMIPMHPIAIIMAIVIO NOM* 011,11.1.101' ,11R onspo. POI* , ,45,1.11,..41.15%.4041,11805554Pd5II5RU9Ilf 1511551.,
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January 24, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 941
Yet there was no reason why the two
Houses of Congress could not have taken a
week for a serious discussion of the Presi-
dent's state of the Union message. It was at
least a clear picture of a perplexed man. It
defined the dilemmas if not their solutions.
In any other democratic country the par-
liament would have regarded such a mes-
sage at such a time by the head of the gov-
ernment as an invitation to a debate. The
leader of the opposition in both houses
would have replied at length, defined the
areas of agreement and disagreement. Ex-
perts on both sides of the aisle would have
talked on the aspects of the message they
know best. And at the end of the debate,
the leaders of the majority party would have
tried to answer the questions raised.
THE MYSTIFYING CLARIFICATIONS
Such a procedure not only clarifies the
feeling of a democratic Congress, but is
often useful to the Government executives
who finally have to make the decisions. But
no such orderly clarifying procedure has
been followed here.
It may be objected that a public debate
in the midst of the peace offensive would
dramatize the divisions in the country on
Vietnam?they are being dramatized any-
way?but there is no reason why the Gov-
ernment, if it fears this result, cannot debate
the issue in private. This was done during
the last war, and while there were the in-
evitable leaks, these slid little damage.
The present situation is remarkable in a
number of other ways. President Woodrow
Wilson died believing that the power of the
Senate was so great in the field of foreign
affairs that it could virtually paralyze the
President, but today the President alone can
decide whether to renew the bombing or ex-
tend the pause, to raise or lower the level
of violence on the allied side, to bomb Hanoi
and mine the harbor of Haiphong or leave
them alone, to attack the Soviet ships car-
rying supplies to the North Vietnamese or
ignore them, without even listening to the
Senate.
TIIE CHINA QUESTION
There has been no real debate on the
China question, which lies behind the whole
war. It is not even clear whether the North
Vietnamese and the Vietcong have increased
the number of attacks on our positions since
the start of the peace offensive, for the Pen-
tagon has testified that the attacks have
increased and the President has said they
have decreased.
If the purpose of all this is to confuse the
enemy, it must be a success?for the so-
called debate is certainly confusing every-
body else. The American people are enti-
tled at such a time to a candid and search-
ing discussion of the issues in the Congress
assembled, but this is precisely the one
thing they have not had.
[From the New York Times, Jan. 23, 1966.]
WASHINGTON: THE MIND OF ASIA
(By James Reston)
WASHINGTON, January 22.?The mind of
Asia, in all its different manifestations, is a
constant puzzle to our policymakers in Wash-
ington.
The Vietcong are not intimidated by our
superior firepower and airpower: They just
keep on coming. The people in the South
Vietnamese villages seem to resent the bomb-
ing of their dead more than the bombing of
the living. The brutality of the Vietnamese
to their fellow countrymen they capture is
almost beyond our comprehension.
THE INDONESIAN MASSACRE
Seldom a week passes now without some
startling illustration of the point. Not so
long ago, the Communists in Indonesia were
demonstrating against the United States, ap-
parently with the approval of the Sukarno
government and the Indonesion people.
Then came the brutal murder of five leading
Indonesian generals and a vicious counter-
attack against the Communists.
Since then, over 100,000, not 1 but 100,000
people, have been murdered in Indonesia,
not in bombings but in savage manhunts.
Even Sukarno concedes that 87,000 people
have disappeared in this barbaric slaughter,
and the intelligence services here put the
total at nearer 130,000.
Understanding the European mind in the
past 30 years has been hard enough for offi-
cials in Washington, but Asia is something
quite different. The North Vietnamese do
not react to our peace offensive as we
thought they might. The South Vietnamese
have been very quiet about it, not because
they approved, but because, knowing their
countrymen, they didn't think it would
succeed.
Yet the same officials who have constantly
been surpriSed by developments in Asia since
the war, who were wrong in their calcula-
tions on the North Vietnamese bombing,
wrong in their estimates of the effect of the
American military buildup, wrong on a
Whole succession of Saigon Governments,
and wrong on the effects of our successful
monsoon campaign?these same officials are
now being quite dogmatic again about
China.
RUSK'S PARALLELS
Secretary of State Rusk is constantly
drawing the parallel between the Nazi ag-
gression in Europe and the Chinese aggres-
sion in Asia. His proposition is perfectly
plain: China is the enemy. China must be
stopped in this early phase of its aggressive
expansion, just as the Nazis should have been
stopped in the 1930's, and as the Soviets were
stopped in Greece and Turkey, Persia and
Berlin, after the last war.
He may be right, but then again he may
not. The Secretary General of the United
Nations, U Thant, who is Burmese and pre-
sumably knows as much about Asia as Lyn-
don Johnson, sees China today not as a
rogue elephant but as a nervous wreck.
Prime Minister Sato of Japan thinks China
is primarily concerned about her problems of
production at home, and is using the war as
a threat of foreign invasion to get more work
out of the poor Chinese people.
DIFFERING VIEWS
When a country has been treated as an
outcast, an outlaw, and a culprit, said the
Secretary General, referring to China, "it is
apt to act in a certain way * * *. In such a
delicate stage, countries will sometimes show
certain emotions, certain strong reactions,
certain rigidities, and even a certain
arrogance * * *."
These two views of China are not neces-
sarily contradictory. If countries, like indi-
-viduals, can have "nervous breakdowns,'
as U Thant suggests, they can also be danger-
ous, as Secretary Rusk assumes, but surely
there is room here for more modest analysis
of China, lest we commit more and more
power to more and more false assumptions.
TIME TO THINK
The Communists may or may not need
more time to think anew about the future
course of the war and bring up supplies for
the purpose, but the Johnson administration
could certainly use more time. It is not
agreed about how to proceed. It has not yet
solved its supply problems in Vietnam, and
It is not yet clear about the extent of the
China menace or who is going to help con-
tain China if it does go mad.
What, then, is the hurry? There is no
danger that the American command can be
overcome. We are constantly patrolling the
enemy supply lines and will know in advance
if any concentration of force is being gath-
ered. And there's nothing in the situation
other than past tradition that forces us to
act before we take time to think.
MY SCOUTING PAST, YOUR SCOUT-
ING FUTURE: BY VICE PRESIDENT
HUBERT H. HUMPHREY
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam President,
of all the many fine organizations in our
country which help to build youngsters'
lives, few are more important, more con-
structive or more inspiring than the Boy
Scouts of America. America is truly in-
debted to over a million adult leaders
who serve the Boy Scouts in individual
troops, in headquarters and in other ca-
pacities.
Many of our outstanding leaders in
public and private life have had the
happy privilege of serving as scoutmas-
ters. One of the finest descriptions of
the joys and opportunities of scoutmas-
ter has been given by Vice President Hu-
BERT H. HUMPHREy.
In the January 1966 isue of the maga-
zine, Scouting, he gives recollections of
his days as a scoutmaster in South Da-
kota in the 1930's. And he summarizes
the significance of today's and tomor-
row's Scout work. "My Scouting Past,
Your Scouting Future" is his theme.
I believe that his article will be of in-
terest not only to all those who have
worked with the Boy Scouts, but to many
other thinking citizens as well.
I ask unanimous consent that the Vice
President's article be printed in the REC-
ORD at this point.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
MY SCOUTING PAST, YOUR SCOUTING FUTURE
(By HUBERT H. IITJMPHREY)
Scouting is a joy?and a challenge. It is
fun and fellowship, adventure and achieve-
ment, honor and patriotism.
That's how I felt when I was a Scout in
Reverend Ilartt's troop 24 back in the little
town of Doland, S. Dak., and that's how I
remember my later years as a scoutmaster of
troop 6 in Huron, S. Dak. And that's how
I feel about scouting today.
My visit last spring to the national head-
quarters of the Boy Scouts of America
brought back many fond memories. There
was a large picture of Scoutmaster HUM-
PHREY and seven of his Scouts, and there
were momentoes of all the early B.S.A.
heroes?men like Beard, Seton, West, and
Baden-Powell.
Then there were all those wonderful Nor-
man Rockwell paintings that so accurately
depict the adventure and the integrity of the
scouting program. And there was a photo-
graph of our first national jamboree that
made me recall that in 1935 I was all set to
attend that remarkable gathering of youth
in Washington, D.C., when a national polio
epidemic forced its postponement until 1937.
Appropriately enough, Mrs. Humphrey
shared my visit to your national headquar-
ters, just as she had shared so many of my
days as scoutmaster. Mrs. Humphrey?
Muriel?always enjoyed the outdoors and the
company of Scouts. She called them young
Indians.
An honor guard of uniformed Cub Scouts,
Boy Scouts, and Explorers greeted us at na-
tional headquarters. How that colorful as-
sortment of blue and gold, khaki, and green
differed from my crop of boys in troop 6
back in Huron.
In those days our people were pretty down
on their luck from dust storms and the de-
pression. We had a rule that no one could
have a new uniform, because we didn't want
any boy to feel inadequate or inferior. So
we passed around second-hand uniforms and
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942 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE January 24, 1966
tried to outfit each boy from the hand-me-
downs of older brothers. We made our
camping equipment, too?at least some of it.
Old troop 6 was versatile when it came to
meetings. We didn't even start out as a
church basement operation?the church
budget, like everything else, was the victim
of the depression and, therefore, too skimpy
to allow for heating the basement.
We were sponsored by the Good Fellow-
ship Class of the Methodist Church and my
first meeting was held in the church's vesti-
bule during a dust storm. Later on we met
outside the church, in the basement of Hum-
phrey's Drugstore, in my living room, and, on
occasion, even. in Muriel's living room.
Those were difficult and trying days.
Money was scarce and church funds were
even less available. But we finally did get
beat for that church basement, even though
it took a small conspiracy and a well-kept
eecret.
We announced a big troop bean feed and
promoted it all over town. A real crowd
turned out and shivered through the meal.
We had, on purpose, negelcted to warn the
folks that the basement wasn't heated.
After that bean feed, the church officials
managed to have it heated for us.
That was in 1933. I served as scoutmas-
ter for about 3 years. During that eventful
Lime we took into our troop a few boys who
today might be labeled juvenile trouble-
makers. In fact, some of them had been
in a little trouble, but they were not bad
boys. They simply needed guidance, activ-
ity, and work. And the Boy Scout troop of-
fered these opportunities.
Working with the troop committee we
found jobs for our boys. I hired two of
them to work in the family drugstore and
put them on their honor to do well and to
keep out of trouble. Given a chance, they
came through with Hying colors.
Those were days when we took a firmer
stand with our young people. I had an
understanding with my Scouts that we
weren't going to have any smoking. So,
when. I caught several of the boys red-
handed. I told them, "You're through?beat
it."
They were the most unhappy boys in the
world and they started coming around my
home every morning. Finally they got up
enough courage to apoolgize and we took
them all back into the troop?provided
they abided by the rules.
Starting in 1935 I was a pretty busy per-
son, what with my Scout meeting on Tues-
day nights and courting Muriel on
Thursday nights. Muriel was always a sort
of assistant scoutmaster. Even in those early
days before we were married she encouraged
me to carry on my Scout work?apparently
she was already learning to cooperate with
the inevitable.
i[his was when Muriel earned the "fastest
and best hamburger maker in South Da-
kota"?and those Scouts would eat them as
fast as the could make them. They always
Preferred her cooking to mine, and no won-
der.
Once on an overnight hike I decided to
Show the boys what a great cook I was. I
prepared for them a simple desert?a sort of
pudding of rice and raisins. I recall drop-
ping a rather large portion of rice into a
kettle of boiling water. The rice kept ex-
striding. We wound up filling about every
container in the camp with rice pudding.
from that point on the Scouts of Troop 6
resolved to do their own cooking and leave
their scoutmaster to other chores.
Sometimes I was 'worried about the qual-
ity of discipline in our troop. After all,
eager, spirited young men are not easy to
order about. But when the occasion re-
quired it, we would have good discipline.
There was no need to be authoritarian or
hard-fisted. Our discipline was based upofl
fellowship, friendship, and a sense of pride
In the achievements of troop 6.
When I wanted the boys to do something
they did it because they knew I wanted it
done. It reflected upon the record of our
troop. I always was able to be "one of the
gang" without losing their respect. We
worked together, played together, and
camped together.
I did my Scouting work right with the
boys, starting as a Second Class Scout. I
went on to Life Scout. Unfortunately, I
didn't have the opportunity to finish my
work as an Eagle Scout. But we Lad six
Eagles in Troop 6 and that was good f r those
days.
Our town was Scout-minded; and with our
little population, we had no less than six
active troops. We had our own Scout-
master's roundtable in Huron?all the Scout-
masters in town met once a week it noon.
We developed great fellowship that way and
great competition between troops.
By 1936 my future was taking a new turn.
Muriel and I had decided to marry and to
return to the University of Minnesota to
complete my education which had been in-
terrupted by the depression.
The move to Minnesota meant the end of
my Scoutmaster days. On Scout Sunday
during Boy Scout Week, I "preached" the
sermon at the Methodist Church, then made
my resignation official by presenting my
khaki shirt to my good friend and fellow
Scouter, the late Dewey Van Dyke.
As a Scoutmaster I was a novice and an
apprentice. The SUCCESS of Troop 6 was due
in large measure to the man who served for
some ti:me as my assistant, Dewey Van Dyke,
and to another outstanding church roan and
youth leader, Lynn LaCraft. It was Dewey
and I.ynn above all who gave stability, con-
tinuity, and leadership to Scouting in our
community.
Dewey Van Dyke was full of stories of his
youth and his experiences in World War I.
He was a natural camper, loving the out of
doors. He was the kind of man that boys
respected. While short in stature, he was
athletic, competitive, rugged, and a down-to-
earth fellow. The boys loved him.
Dewey's only son, Bobby, was a member of
Troop 6. He was an excellent Scout and he
and his -dad were inseparable companions.
But early in Scouting, Bobby was to lose his
life in a drowning accident. This was a
tragic blow to Dewey and his wife, Hazel.
Dewey's wife, like Muriel Humphrey. was a
Scouter, too: her life was fully involved in
the work of Troop 6.
The loss of Bobby Van Dyke was a blow
to all of us. He was such a wonderful boy.
But this sorrow and sadness that arlie to
the Van Dykes served as an inspirition to
Dewey. He redoubled his efforts in Scouting.
He and Hazel literally adopted every boy in
the troop. Instead of having one son, the
Van Dykes now found themselves with any-
where from ;25 to 35 boys?treating !.j.lelri all
like their very own. Scouting to them was
a labor of love.
My dear friend, Lynn LaCraft, a merober of
the troop committee, also lost his boy --a for-
mer troop member, Kendall--as a Navy pilot
in World War If;. They were also inseparable
companions and dear friends to me.
Kendall was an outstanding Seout?an
Eagle Scout. He was always the leader :in the
troop, a brilliant young man, athletic, an
engaging personality, courageous, and co-
operative.
Lynn LaCraft went on as did my friend,
Dewey Van Dyke, to become a Scout leader,
giving unselfishly of his life to other young
men.
Tragedy befell two families?the V Dykes
and the LaCrafts?but they eased their sor-
row arid pain by giving of themselves to
others. This is what it takes to make a great
Scout leader?giving, sharing, caring for
others. What wonderful memories these
names bring back, memories of friendship
and devotion to the highest values.
We who have served as volunteers receive
far more from the Scouting program than we
can possibly give it. Whatever I gave to
Scouting was richly rewarded by the joys,
satisfaction, and opportunities of working
with my boys of Troop 6.
Few experiences can compare with the rich
pleasure of seeing boys with whom you have
worked grow to sturdy manhood and posi-
tions of respect in community life.
An investment in time and energy with
youngsters reaps the greatest "dividends"?
personally, for the boys, the sponsoring in-
stitution, for town and Nation. No wonder
Scouting has grown and will continue to
grow.
Best of all, it is voluntary. This volun-
tarism is a unique characteristic of American
life?the willingness of people to give of
themselves to help others, the sharing and
the building together out of conviction rather
than ordered direction. Scouting is one of
the finest examples of America's genius to
get things done through the citizen's own
initiative and responsibility. And it offers
continuing challenge to so many adults who
feel a deep desire to keep America free and
to preserve the spirit of personal initiative
and self --discipline.
Scouting is more needed today than ever
before. Life in America has changed greatly
in the last quarter of a century. Family
unity is tested more than ever. People a:re
constantly on the move and often our roots
are not as deep as they used to be. Scouting
unites neighbors and former strangers, welds
communities, builds tremendous good will
and understanding internationally.
As a former mayor, as a U.S. Senator, and
now, as Vice President, I have seen Scout-
ing's good works in so many ways and places.
Today in America's war against poverty,
Scouting is helping to bring many disadvan-
taged youngsters into a new, better life.
Sometimes this expansion of scouting may
not be easy, but it is in the finest Scout
tradition. You're interested in the boy?
not his race, color, or religion. The boy's
own growth, his work, his skill?these are
the things that count. You want to see that
every boy is taught respect for law and order
and the great institutions of our country--
the family, home, church, government, in-
dustry.
Quite appropriately this "missionary"
challenge is part of your current break-
through for youth program, a national effort
to make scouting even more effective and
meaningful as it is brought within the reach
of more and more boys. You are absolutely
right to be doing this, because the progra:m
Is too good to keep to ourselves.
Also on the scouting horizon is a signifi-
cant event for all Americans--next year's
12th World Ja:mboree in Idaho. This will be
the first time our country has been privi-
leged to be host for this international show of
scouting brotherhood. God willing, I hope
to be there.
What a joy it will be to have boys from
all over the world in our country.
What an opportunity it will be for them to
see this land of ours, and how fortunate we
will be to knc.w the future leaders of other
nations. They will come here as youngsters,
but in a few years they will be guiding uni-
versities, managing businesses, leading trade
unions, or serving in positions in govern-
ment. They will be helping to build a finer,
more peaceful world.
In our own land, Boy Scouts and their
leaders will play an ever-more important role
in helping America realize its highest ideals.
For scouting is a vital activity in a truly
great society. In his inaugural address,
President Lyndon B. Johnson so well de-
scribed ". * * the execitement of becoming-
always becoming, trying, probing, falling,
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918 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
either by undue responsibility or the re-
straints of size" (p. 117). The statement
smacks more of a somnolent old mens club
rather than the U.S. Senate which has a
large number of relatively young men and
bustles with activity and overwork?even
with the 6-year term.
I found the chapters by Richard P. Fenno,
Jr. ("The Internal Distribution of Influence:
The House"), Harvey C. Mansfield ("The
Congress and Economic Policy") and Hol-
bert N. Carroll ("The Congress and National
Security Policy") worthwhile and provoca-
tive. I do question Professor Carroll's state-
ment concerning foreign aid authorization
and appropriations legislation as far as the
U.S. Senate is concerned. He notes that
while substantial bipartisan majorities have
supported these programs "since the mid-
1950's, however, more than half of the Demo-
crats from the South and, since the late
1940's, some two-thirds of the Republicans
from the Middle West have voted 'No'"
(p. 166). The fact is that during the 8
Eisenhower years of the 12 rollcall votes on
final passage of either the mutual security
authorization or appropriations bills, a ma-
jority of midwestern Republican Senators
supported foreign aid in each of the 8 years
except 1956. They did so often by 2 to 1
and 3 to 2 margins. Under a Democratic
administration the record has been no dif-
erent. In the final vote on June 14, 1965,
on the Foreign Aid Authorizations for fiscal
year 1966, six midwestern Republican Sen-
ators voted for the bill, only three were op-
posed. This has included the consistent
support of Senators DiaicsEN, HICKENLOOPER,
and MUNDT, among others.
Dean Truman concludes in "The Prospects
for Change" that "One thread that runs
through all of these essays is the dispersion
of power, in the past half century appar-
ently an increasing dispersion, within and
between the Houses of Congress" (p. 178).
He believes that many reforms such as sep-
arate days for committee and floor work,
additional personal staff, home rule for the
District of Columbia, a requirement of joint
hearings by House and Senate committees,
and even disclosure of assets and income by
Members would be insubstantial in actual
effect on Congress. Reforms which would
further dispersion, in his judgment would
Include some of the "democratizing ones
such as requiring fewer signatures on"
a discharge petition. Truman is equally un-
enthusiastic regarding the introduction of
electronic voting equipment and other time-
savers. He believes this "would strengthen
minbrity control by facilitating snap votes"
(p. 180).
Truman views as most promising those
measures which would increase leadership
control not only over the floor, but also over
the committee timetable. He agrees with
Huntington as to the need for the Speaker
or the Senate majority leader to select com-
mittee chairmen or at least to have the ma-
jority caucus choose a chairman from among
the tap three on each committee provided
the leadership "were able and willing to
make their preferences prevail" (p. 181).
Otherwise the result, Truman thinks, would
be a further dispersion of power.
Truman notes the various outside devel-
opments which have contributed to congres-
sional cohesion (an executive budget and
legislative program, White House legislative
liaison, and regular Presidential consulta-
tion with his own congressional leaders).
But he longs for the suggestion made by
Huntington and others that there be a con-
gressional commitment to bring to a vote
top priority legislation from the administra-
tion. One recalls Senator Taft, and the at-
tempt to draft striking railroad workers
under another Truman?President Harry S.
Truman?and is perhaps as glad that we lack
such an urgency procedure.
I do think Dean Truman is profoundly
correct in concluding that "The Congress
and. its power structure cannot profitably be
viewed as something separate and isolable
from the remainder of the Government and
society. They affect and are affected by
needs and changes in the society and in the
Government as a whole. They must, there-
fore, be looked at within this context" (p.
183).
That is why I am optimistic regarding
reform. Reform has come in Congress and
between Congress and the Executive over the
years. Reform will continue to come. Per-
haps it will not come as rapidly as some of
us would like. Perhaps it will come more
rapidly than some of our colleagues prefer.
But it is coming and will come, and in the
process it has been aided by the thoughtful
presentations such as "The Congress and
America's Future," which have stimulated
thought not only in various regional meet-
ings of the American assembly throughout
America but also in Congress and among the
interested public generally.
UNAUTHORIZED VISIT TO NORTH
VLETNAM gY THREE AMERICANS
Mr. LAUSCHE. Madam President,
according to an article carried in the
Cleveland Plain Dealer on January 20,
1966, the President of Yale University,
Kingman Brewster, Jr., made a state-
ment pertaining to the visit of Prof.
Staughton Lynd to Hanoi.
Prof. Staughton Lynd, together with
Communist Historian Herbert Aptheker,
and Thomas Hayden, founder of the
Students for a Democratic Society, sev-
eral weeks ago obtained permission to
visit Brussels, Belgium. When they got
to Brussels they took a Communist plane
provided by the Communists that carried
them to Prague, Moscow, Peiping, and
finally to Hanoi.
In Hanoi they met with the Commu-
nist leader. Out of Hanoi Professor Lynd,
of Yale University, sent a telegram to
the chairman of the Committee on For-
eign Relations asking for the right to
appear before that committee and give
testimony.
I am quite certain that the Committee
on Foreign Relations will not honor
Aptheker, the practical leader of the
Communists in the United States, nor
Professor Lynd, nor Hayden, by allowing
them to appear before that committee.
However, It is rather refreshing to
note that President Kingman Brewster,
Jr., of Yale University, had the courage
and the recognition of civil responsibil-
ity to speak up in regard to Professor
Lynd.
Professor Lynd teaches at Yale. I
now wish to quote from an Associated
Press dispatch from New Haven, Conn.:
Yale University President Kingman Brew-
ster, Jr., said yesterday that Staughton Lynd
was "naive and misguided" in making an
unauthorized trip to North Vietnam.
He had stronger words about the assistant
history professor's speech in Hanoi, saying
that it was "a disservice to the causes of
freedom of dissent, freedom of travel, and
conscientious pacifism."
In addition, President Brewster said
he felt that Lynd's "disparagement of
his country's leadership and policies,
while in Hanoi, damaged the causes he
purports to serve."
President Brewster then went on to
January 24, 1966
refer to the statements ascribed to Lynd,
which Lynd reportedly affirmed, to the
effect that "while in Hanoi" Professor
Lynd "publicly asserted that the Johnson
administration lies to the American peo-
ple and that the U.S. policy is immoral,
illegal and antidemocratic."
Madam President, those statements
are a disservice to our country. We can
tolerate dissent about judgments, but
we cannot tolerate persons going around
the world unlawfully and depreciating
the cause of their country, not by speak-
ing the truth to their own people, but
by trying to help Communists.
I repeat what I said last week: The
Attorney General should investigate this
visit to Hanoi, and if he finds there has
been a violation of law, he should insti-
tute the necessary proceedings to see to
it that justice is done.
Madam President, I ask unanimous
consent that the two articles published
in the Cleveland Plain Dealer be printed
at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the articles
were ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
[From the Cleveland (Ohio) Plain Dealer,
Jan. 20, 1966]
SAYS PROFESSOR Is NAIVE: YALE PREXY
ATTACKS LYND FOR HANOI TALK
NEW HAVEN, CONN.?Yale University Presi-
dent Kingman Brewster, Jr., said yesterday
that Staughton Lynd was "naive and mis-
guided" in making an unauthorized trip to
North Vietnam.
He had stronger words about the assistant
history professor's speech in Hanoi, saying
that it was "a disservice to the causes of free-
dom of dissent, freedom of travel, and con-
scientious pacifism."
In his first direct comment on Lynd's ac-
tivities, Brewster said he felt that Lynd's
"disparagement of his country's leadership
and policies, while in Hanoi, damaged the
causes he purports to serve."
Lynd and two other Americans, Thomas
Hayden, a founder of the Students for a
Democratic Society, and Herbert Aptheker, a
Communist Party theoretician, spent 10 days
in North Vietnam, defying a State Depart-
ment ban on travel there.
Brewster cited Hanoi radio reports, which
he said Lynd reportedly confirmed, "that
while in Hanoi he publicly asserted that the
Johnson administration lies to the American
people and that the U.S. policy is immoral,
illegal and antidemocratic."
Brewster said that Lynd is entitled to his
opinions, "but the use of his presence in
Hanoi to give this aid and comfort to a gov-
ernment engaged in hostilities with Amer-
ican forces seems to me inconsistent with the
purposes of factfinding in the name of
peace."
Last week, when Lynd was asked about the
radio Hanoi broadcast, he denied that he
said the administration "lied" to the Amer-
ican people. He said he delivered the same
speech last year at a rally in Washington, D.C.
[From the Cleveland (Ohio) Plain Dealer,
Jan. 20, 1966]
OPPOSES SENATE UNIT HEARING: IGNORE LYND,
LAUSCHE URGES
WAsniNoToN.?U.S. Senator PRANK J.
LAUSCHE, Democrat, of Ohio, said yesterday
he would vigorously oppose allowing three
Americans who went to Hanoi to testify be-
fore the Senate Foreign Relations Commit-
tee.
LAUSCHE, a committee member, was refer-
ring to Asst. Prof. Staughton Lynd, of
Yale University; Thomas Hayden, founder of
the Students for a Democratic Society, and
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January 24, 1966
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 917
come to play a more and more significant role
as spokesman for the interests of unorganized
individuals" (p. 25). Much of this is all too
Irise but it overlooks the fact that if a Sen-
ater want to be a legislator, he can be. Many
of our finest legislators come from the smaller
States where constituent pressures are not so
great in sheer volume. On the other hand,
the legislator from the large State who de-
lies to perform a legislative rather than
errand boy function has a unique oppor-
tunity to do so since the great size of his
State can enable him to be relatively freer
of particular interest group pressures. While
Senators and Representatives do strive to
serve as a court of last resort with the ad-
ministration for the unorganized individual,
e do thing Members of Congress in both
parties are well aware of "the principal or-
ganized social forces of society" and definitely
so if they operate in one's own State.
Huntington disagrees, correctly I think,
th the so-called democratizers who "attack
the power of the Senate Establishment or
inner club and urge an equalizing of power
among Congressmen so that a majority of
each House can work, its will," (p. 27) . This
dispersion of power would only lead to fur-
ther oligarchy and he believes "the only ef-
fective alternative to oligarchy is centralized
authority." Thus Huntington argues that
e Speaker in the House and the majority
iesder in the Senate should select committee
chairman and thus "restore to Congress a
more positive role in the legislative process
ansi strengthen it vis-a-vis the executive
branch" (p. 28). Such a suggestion would
he more likely to intensify the ''rubber
stamp" aspects of a particular transitory
majority, but I doubt if it would further the
accommodation intrinsic and necessary, to
the legislative process. Nor would it pro-
mote the interpersonal relations required to
accomplish business in a chamber such as
the Senate where much is accomplished by
unanimous consent. The fact is that some
committee chairmen in both Houses remain
where they are because a majority likes it
that way since these chairmen can withstand
the heat. Other chairmen who block a ma-
jority are circumven fed in various informal
ways when the majority desires,
ifuntington feels that "recruitment of
Senators from the national scene rather
than from local politics would significantly
narrow the gap between Congress and the
other elements of national leadership. The
'local politics' ladder to the Senate would be
replaced or supplemented by a 'national
politics' line in which mobile individuals
might move from the establishment to the
administration to the Senate" (p. 29). It
is an interesting suggestion and probably
there will be a few unique examples where
this happens, but if it had been the prevail-
ing practice in the last two decades, two
Presidents of the United States, John F.
Mennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson and two
Vice Presidents Richard M. Nixon and
1 1111ERT H, Humengay, would not have risen
to national power. They were strictly
products of the "local politics" ladder each
of them beginning as either Congressman or
nutyor.
Huntington offers another possibility of a
role for Congress and that is as a vehicle for
pproving or disaporoving Presidential re-
quests within a given time period of 3 or 6
months. He notes: "If thus compelled to
choose openly, Congress. it may be supposed,
ould almost invariably approve Presiden-
t al requests. Its veto power would become
a reserve power like that of the Supreme
Court if not like that of the British Crown.
Cm these urgent measures it would perform
a legitimizing function rather than a legis-
lative function" (p. 30),
lie assumes that such a procedure would
induce the executive leaders to consult with
congressional leaders prior to the submis-
sion of such legislation and that. Congress
would continue to amend and vote freely 011
non-urgent executive requests. I completely
disagree. Certainly the Civil Rights Act eh'
1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 were
two acts which might well be put in the
urgent category, yet to have Congress simply
vote them up or down without the right to
change them would have been wrong from
the standpoint of eventual implementation
of these measures, as well as from the ac -
ceptance of the country for them. The fact
is that Members of Congress Urged these
measures?and more comprehensive ones- -
before the Chief Executive submitted any at
all. The fact is that in the case of the Voting
Rights Act of 1965 it was largely written in
the Senate Republican leader's office where
by letting diverse viewpoints be aired, a vet -
sion was agreed upon which was assured of
passage. But even then further substan-
tial?and worthwhile, .e.g. the poll tax ban- -
amendments occurred in committee and on
the floor of both Chambers.
With then Senator HUMPHREY, Democrat.
of Minnesota, I was one of the Senate floor
leaders in enacting the Civil Rights Act if
1964. As leaders of a bipartisan coalition.
we also attempted, over the years, at the be-
ginning of three Congresses to change rule
XXII which permits the filibuster, In order
to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1964 we were
required to shut off a filibuster by securing
approval from two-thirds of the Senators
present and voting, which in practical terms
meant two-thirds of the whole Senate. We
did that. I think many of us who believe in
majority cloture whereby 51 of 100 Senators
could invoke cloture, after a stipulated pe-
riod of time, say a month, or so, realize that
despite the time it took us and the obstacles
we had to overcome, when we got there, we
had a consensus in this land which no nar-
row sectionalism could afford to overlook.
.ff. Douglas Price has written a brillian I.
and .perceptive chapter entitled -The Elec-
toral Arena" showing the effect of one's elec-
toral district, party organization, and the
cost of campaigning on the type of person,
"local" or "cosmopolitan," elected. He notes,
correctly and, I think, regrettably that the
"blur of activity" one often witnesses in the
House or Senate Office Buildings "has little
or nothing to do with pending legislation or
public policy, but a great deal to do wills
the reelection possibilities of the Members of
the House and Senate," (p. 48). Not all
Senators or Representatives are errand boys
but there is no question that before one
can be a statesman one must get elected.
And who, in a free society, would have it;
another way?
Ralph K. Huitt, in a well-written essay, has
analyzed the Senate with care and senti-
ment; ("The Internal Distribution of In-
fluence: The Senate"). As a staff man (for
Lyndon Johnson and WILLIAM PROXMIRE
he had a unique opportunity to view the
Senate from different perspectives. His com-
ments on the role of individual and com-
mittee staffs and why these professionals
serve is particularly noteworthy (pp. 97-981.
In his first category of reforms which would
strengthen the hands of the elected leaders,
he retains the political scientist's nerve In
change the seniority system, although his
views are more tempered than most since Ile
notes that "if it cannot be destroyed, et
heist chairmen might be required to relin-
quish their authority at a certain age or the
committee majority might be given some
choice among the ranking members" (p. 91).
Professor Huitt advocates a second cate-
gory of reforms which would bring some
coordination to the spending and taxing pro-
grams of Congress. I completely agree wiLh
him. In testifying before the Joint Com-
mittee on the Organization of the Congress.
I stated that I was disturbed that the ad-
propriations process in Congress bears little
relationship to the economic, tax, monetary,
and fiscal policies with which it should he
intimately involved. I recommended that the
Joint Economic Committee be reconstituted
to include the chairman, the ranking minor-
ity member, and a majority member from the
following committees: The Appropriations
and Banking and Currency Committees of
both Houses, the House Committee on Ways
and Means, and the Senate Committee on
Finance. Because of the tremendous eco-
nomic impact which the decisions of the
Armed Services and Public Works Commit-
tees of both Houses also have on Government
spending and our economy perhaps they,
too, should be represented. In addition,
there should be greater coordination between
the subcommittees which are practically
autonomous arid the full Committee on Ap-
propriations in both Houses. The President's
economic report should also be submitted
more frequently and at a time when it can
be utilized by the individual Members of
Congress.
Huitt notes that a third category of re-
forms relates to the effectiveness of indi-
vidual members and that "allowances for
office help and materials are wholly inade-
quate for Senators from populous States..
These are nagging nuisances which reduce a
Senator's efficiency" (p. 99). Again, he is
completely correct. 'While he does not out-
line specific reforms, I would like to note a
few which I also mentioned to the Joint
Committee: authorizing each Member to
have an additional legislative assistant for
each of his standing committee assignments,
provision for more adequate space, profes-
sional staff (especially for the minority),
travel, telephone, and mail allowances, espe-
cially for Members from larger States, secur-
ing management co:nsultants to scrutinize
senatorial offices and develop up-to-date pro-
cedures, precommittee staff hearings, elimi-
nation of senatorial consideration of post-
master appointments, permission for the
military academies to select students via
nationwide competitive examinations on a
geographical basis, and establishment of a
separate board of former Senators and Con-
gressmen to consider private immigration
bills and small claims.
Professor Huitt's fourth category of re-
forms "is aimed at the conduct of individual
Members which brings discredit on the whole
body" (p. 99). He :is not talking so much
about unlawful conduct as that "behavior
which falls in a kind of twilight zone where
the ethics of the individual must be the
regulator" (p. 99). I agree, only I would be
more sepcific, as I attempted to be before the
Joint Committee, when I urged that stand-
ards be applied not only to the Members of
Congress but also to the professional staffs
and other Senate officials as well as to all
candidates for congressional office in a pri-
mary, special, or general election. Such
standards should also be applied to the sen-
ior career and policymaking Members of the
executive and judicial branches.
Richard E. Neustadt in "Politicians and
Bureaucrats" has written with skill of the
relationships between the executive and
legislative branches and within the execu-
tive establishment. He notes correctly that
"presidential appointees are men-in-the-
middle, owing loyalty at once to the man who
put them there, to the laws they administer,
and to the body of careerists, backed b,y
clientele, whose purposes they both direct
and serve" (p. 109). Professor Neustacit's
administrative experience is perhaps greater
than his experience on Capitol Hill, since I
am not inclined to agree with his soothing
statement that "for most of its inhabitants
the Senate is a pleasant place, possessed of
quite enough prestige and power OP its
semblance), and amenities of stall and
space, and time to enjoy them (6 years at a
crack), so that it alone remains what much
of Government once was, a refuge for the
spirit of political free enterprise, unfettered
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January 24, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
Herbert Aptheker, U.S. Communist Party his-
torian.
Charging that the three men violated the
laws of the United States in their unauthor-
ized travel to Communist Vietnam and ought
to be prosecuted, LAUSCHE said in a Senate
speech:
"I can suffer disagreements with the views
of the President and other distinguished
leaders about the course that we should fol-
low in South Vietnam.
'However, neither I nor the general citi-
zenry and, of course, not the Members of the
U.S. Senate, should give tolerance or suffer-
ance to persons who make statements hoping
that the Communists of North Vietnam
would be victorious.
"These individuals are not promoting the
cause of the United States. They should not
be listened to; they should be recognized not
in their false but their true colors which
cause them to have greater sympathy for
the cause of the Communists than for the
cause of our own citizenry and Nation."
COMMENT BY SENATOR RANDOLPH
ON THE PRESIDENT'S BUDGET
Mr. RANDOLPH. Madam President,
I have had access to the information
contained in the President's budget mes-
sage. I wish to make certain comments
at this time and, if necessary, be per-
mitted to have 1 additional minute be-
yond the 3 minutes allocated in the
morning hour.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection? The Chair hears none, and
it is so ordered.
Mr. RANDOLPH. Madam President,
the President's 1967 budget program
demonstrates responsible fiscal and eco-
nomic policy? appropriate to the times.
With this program we can move closer
toward the goals of what is characterized
as the Great Society at home while
strengthening our resistance to aggres-
sion abroad.
With this program we can look "for-
ward to a continuation of the unprece-
dented and uninterrupted' economic
growth of the past 5 years.
With this program, we can meet our
domestic needs without either recession
or inflation.
Since early 1961, the total national
output has risen by nearly $200 billion,
employment has increased by more than
61/2 million workers, and the unemploy-
ment rate has dropped from 7 percent
to close to 4 percent, a decrease which
Is highly encouraging.
In the year ahead, even higher levels
of output, income, and employment can
be expected. To sustain a sound and
prosperous economy, the President is
calling for a modest measure of fiscal
restraint. He has proposed a set of tax
measures which economic experts say
will soak up a small proportion of the
rising demand in the economy and en-
able the Government to achieve a small
surplus in its cash transactions with the
public. I have no reason to doubt the
validity of the appraisal by the experts.
In sum, the President's 1967 budget
provides adequately for furthering our
domestic and international objectives
without imposing undue strain on our
economic potential or productive capa-
bilities. His budget proposals, I believe,
by and large, are both prudent and re-
strained. Together with responsible
efforts by business and labor, our na-
tional and international objectives can
be advanced?and advanced in an en-
vironment of steady yet noninflationary
economic growth.
WHOM DO WE KILL IN VIETNAM?
Mr. GRUENING. Madam President,
In a two-page advertisement in the New
York Times yesterday, January 23, 1966,
the International Committee of Consci-
ence on Vietnam answered the question
uppermost in the minds of all of us:
"Whom Do We Kill in Vietnam?"
The committee's membership is hn-
pressive. I ask unanimous consent that
their names and addresses be printed
at this point in my remarks.
There being no objection, the names
and addresses were ordered to he printed
in the RECORD, as follows:
INTERNATIONAL COMMITTEE OF CONSCIENCE ON
VIETNAM (AFFILIATED WITH THE CLERGY-
MEN'S EMERGENCY COMMITTEE FOR VIETNAM
OF THE FELLOWSHIP OF RECONCILIATION)
Howard B. Radest, executive director,
American Ethical Union, New York.
Msgr. Thomas J. Reese, director, Cath-
olic social services, Wilmington, Del.
Esko Rintala, general secretary, Finnish
Bible Society, Turku, Finland.
Rt. Rev. T. D. Roberts, archbishop (retired)
of Bombay, London.
Rev. W. Harold Row, executive secretary,
general brotherhood board, Church of the
Brethren, Elgin, Ill.
Rt. Rev. John W. Sadiq, bishop of Nagpur,
India.
Dr. Howard Schomer, president, Chicago
Theological Seminary.
Prof. Hiroshi Shinmi, associate secretary,
World Council of Churches, Tokyo.
Dr. Pavel Simek, curator of the Synod,
Czech Brethren, Prague.
Rev. Gerard S. Sloyan, head, religious
education department, Catholic University,
Washington, D.C.
Rev, Francois Smyth-Florentin, general
secretary, Bible study service, Protestant Fed-
eration of France.
Rev. Lord Donald Soper, former president,
Methodist Church, Great Britain.
Vaclav Tomes, president, Baptist Union of
Czechoslovakia.
Prof. Dr. Hans Timer, Halle/Saale, GDR
(East Germany).
Rev. Valdo Vinay, professor, Waldenisan
Theology, Rome.
Prof. Wilhelm Vischer, Reformed Church
of France.
Rabbi Jacob Weinstein, president, Central
Conference American Rabbis, Chicago.
Dr. Charles C. West, professor, Christian
ethics, Princeton Theological Seminary,
Princeton, N.J.
Jan-Eric Wikstrom, president, Svenska
Missionsforbundet, Stockholm.
Very Rev. Conn Winter, dean, St. George's
Cathedral, Windhoek, southwest Africa.
Bishop Friedrich Wunderlich, Methodist
Church, GFR (West Germany).
Rev. Ake Zeterberg, dean, Stockholm
Cathedral, and member of Parliament,
Stockholm.
A Vietnam Buddhist, a leading monk in
South Vietnam, whose name is withheld for
reasons of prudence.
Dr. Helmut Bandt (professor systematic
theology) , University of Greifswald, GDR
(East Germany).
Rev. Dr. William Barclay (professor of
theology) , Glasgow University, Scotland.
Prof. Dr. Karl Barth, University of Basel,
Switzerland.
Conn W. Bell, executive secretary, Ameri-
919
can Friends Service Committee, Philadel-
phia, Pa.
Rev. Daniel Berrigan, associate editor,
Jesuit Missions, New. York.
La Campagnie des Pasteurs (120 Reformed
Church pastors) , Geneva, Switzerland.
Archbishop Canon S. H. Best, West Aus-
tralia.
Dr. Harold A. Bosley, minister, Christ
Church (Methodist) , New York.
Rev. Girardo A. Bote, district superinten-
dent, Methodist Church, Philippines.
Dr. George A. Buttrick, Garrett Theologi-
cal Seminary, Evanston, Ill.
Prof. Aldo Capitini, director, Center of
Religious Orientation, Perugia, Italy.
Canon L. John Collins, St. Paul's Cathe-
dral, London.
Bishop Geoffrey F. Cramswick, Tasmania.
Rev. Dr. Edwin T. Dahlberg, former presi-
dent, National Council of Churches, Chester,
Pa.
Danilo Dolci, Sicily.
Dr. Ansgar Eeg-Olofsson, president, mis-
sion board, Evenska Missionsforbundet,
Sweden.
Dr. Ragnar Forbech, former dean, Oslo
Cathedral, Norway.
Msgr. Paul Hanly Furfey, professor of soci-
ology, Catholic University, Washington, D.C.
Rabbi Roland B. Gittelsohn, Temple Israel,
Boston.
Dr. Helmut Gollwitzer, professor of sys-
tematic theology, University of Bonn, GFR
(West Germany) .
Prof. Mario Gozzini, Florence, Italy.
Bishop A. Raymond Grant, Methodist
Church, Portland, Oreg.
Dr. Dana McLean Greeley, president, the
Unitarian-Universalist Association of United
States, Boston.
Rolf-Dieter Gunther, national director of
youth work, Evangelical Church, Branden-
burg, GDR (East Germany) .
Bishop Odd Hagen, Methodist bishop for
northern Europe, Stockholm.
Bishop M. Held, Copenhagen, Denmark.
Dr. Georgia Harkness, professor of theology,
Pacific School of Religion, Berkeley, Calif.
Alfred Hassler, executive secretary, Fellow-
ship of Reconciliation, Nyack, N.Y.
Rabbi Abraham J. Heschel, Jewish Theo-
logical Seminary, New York.
Dr. Ralph M. Holdeman, associate di-
rector, evangelism, National Council of
Churches, New York.
Va,clav Hunaty, general superintendent,
Methodist Church, Prague, Czechoslovakia.
Dean Alfred Jowett, Manchester Cathedral,
England.
Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., president,
Southern Christian Leadership Conference,
Atlanta, Ga.
Oberkirchenrat Heinz Kloppenburg, Dort%
mund, GFR (West Germany) .
Prof. H. Kohlbrugge, Utrecht University,
Netherlands.
Rt. Rev. W. Appleton Lawrence, bishop
(retired) , western Mass.
Rev. Dr. Lindhardt, director, department of
theology, University of Copenhagen.
Rt. Rev. Glyn Llandaff, lord bishop of
Llandaff, Wales.
Rt. Rev. Sir George MacLeod, former mod-
erator, Church of Scotland, Glasgow.
Dr. Kenneth MacMillan, general secretary,
Canadian Bible Society.
Rev. Domenico Maselli, president, Italian
Evangelistic Mission, Assembly, Naples.
Rt. Rev. Robert H. Mize, bishop of Da-
maraland, southwest Africa.
Dr. Juan Nabong, president Philippines
Christian College, Manila
Dr. John Oliver Nelson, former professor,
Yale Divinity School, Bangor, Pa.
Bishop Tiran Nersoyan, Armenian Ortho-
dox Church, Evanston, Ill.
Kircheprasident Martin Niemoeller, co-
president, World Council of Churches, Wies-
baden, GFR (West Germany) .
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920 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE January 24, 1966
Rev. Amor V. Oribello, moderator, Central
Luzon Conference, United Church of Christ,
Mr. GRUENING. Madam President,
the advertisement gave only a partial
list of those endorsing the statement and
I ask unanimous consent that the state-
ment, the partial list of names and ad-
dresses of ministers, rabbis, and priests
endorsing the statement, as well as the
statement itself and reasons for the
statement given by the Fellowship of
Reconciliation be printed in full at the
conclusion of my remarks.
There being no objection, the state-
ment, names, and addresses were ordered
to be printed in the RECORD.
(See exhibit 1.)
Mr. GRUEN1NG. Madam President,
the statement signed by all these emi-
nent men is impressive because it sep-
arately addresses itself to the United
States, to the people and Government of
North Vietnam, to the National Libera-
tion Front of South Vietnam, and to the
people and Government of the People's
Republic of China. It is my earnest
hope that the pleas for peace contained
in this statement will be heeded by all
those so vitally concerned.
l'Jxumrr
From the New York Times, Jan. 23, 19661
International Committee of Conscience on
Vietnam (affiliated with the Clergymen's
Emergency Committee for Vietnam of the
l'f'ellowship of Reconcilation).
STATEMENT Dr THE INTERNATIONAL COMMIT-
'r T,m: or. CONSCIENCE IN VIETNAM--THEE ARE
(RIR BROTHERS WHOM WE KILL
No generation has had shown to it more
clearly than ours the interdependence of all
men. No matter what the reasons we ad-
vance for the killing we do?in Vietnam or
elsewhere?they are our brothers whom we
kill. More indeed than our brothers?they
are ourselves and our children, for as surely
as we do not find other ways than war for
solving our human problems, we destroy the
Future for ourselves and for them.
We who sign this statement are impelled
to speak by the tragedy of Vietnam, and by
the failure of ;:eavernments to end that terri-
ble conflict. Yet we think not only of Viet-
nam, but of all our apprehensive world, torn
by contending ideologies and ambitions, of
which Vietnam is the present symbol. We,
who in various ways have assumed the tern-
hie responsibility responsibility of articulating the human
conscience, must speak or, literally, we
should expect the very stones to cry out.
We know the claims of both sides in the
Vietnamese conflict. Each professes fts own
moral rectitude. The United States and its
allies assert their determination to stop what
they describe as "ruthless Communist egres-
sion" in order to defend freedom, both for
Vietnam and for the world. North Vietnam,
the National Liberation Front of South Viet-
nam, and the People's Republic of China
-vigorously proclaim their intention to throw
back the "ruthlessly aggressive American im-
perialists" in defense of the right of the Viet-
namese to govern themselves, and on behalf
of all those nations that are seeking "na-
tional liberation." Each side rejects with
acorn the claims of the other, and ridicules
the possibility that its antagonist may be
sincere.
We do not question the sincerity of either
elde, on the contrary, the passionate con-
viction that each has of its own absolute
rightness profoundly alarms us. Their de-
termination seems to have no terminal point;
to prove its case, each seems willing to risk
the ultimate nuclear conflict and jeopardize
the future of the human race.
Helpless villagers in Vietnam, unable either
lo escape or defend themselves, recoil from
the bombing of one side and from the terror
of the other. War has become a way of life
for them, dominating their rice paddies and
inarketp laces, conscripting their young men,
making widows of their women and orphans
of their children, holding a whole population
hostage to horror. In such circumstances.
the claims of both sides become a mockery of
lthe noble words they use. Freedom and jus-
tice are for men; they are not achieved by the
tormenting of men.
We address ourselves to the rulers of na-
tions, and to those associated with them:
Lyndon B. Johnson, Nguyen Cao Ky, ho Chi
Minh, arid Mao Tse-tung.
Continuation of the war will not prove
which side is right and which wrong. It will
only increasingly force both sides to commit
such atrocities as will mock all their claims.
will draw both sides farther and farther
Into a maelstrom of destruction in which
mankind as a whole may finally be engulfed.
You, each of you, has the opportunity at
least to try to reverse this dreadful course,
arid each of you has the responsibility. We
plead with you to accept it, now, today, in
the interest of all humanity.
We address ourselves to our fellow human
beings everywhere.
Each of our nations has its hopes t nd as-
pirations, its own history and grievances and
resentments. We live in widely differing so-
teal systems and ideologies, which seem to
have in common only one thing: a willing-
ness to resort to war in their own interests.
But war cannot serve the interests of men
any longer, if it ever could. In this age, no
matter for what ends war is fought, it can
only destroy all our hopes and all our accom-
plishments. We must find new, nonmilitary
ways of dealing with the conflicts and mis-
understandings that inevitably arise among
us, and to secure justice for all men.
We recognize and respect the necessary
functions of government. We are not dis-
loyal; we honor the accomplishments and
particular values of our respective societies.
But governments have as their proper re-
sponsibility the safety and well-being of their
citizens,, and in our world that well-being
cannot be achieved through the military con-
frontation of competing states.
It is your responsibility and ours Ia make
this known, unmistakably and in every way
open to us. To this end, we who sign this
statement have committed ourselves as a be-
ginning. We represent many religious faiths
in many countries, but we are of a common
mind in our plea to all the con tending
parties.
Ti) the people and Government of the
United States of America:
The horrors that your planes and massive
firepower are inflicting on the people of
Vietnam are beyond any moral or political
justification. The destruction of whole
villages and the murder of masses of non-
combatants which are the consequences of
your policies cannot be excused on any
grounds whatever. We believe that there is
wrong on both sides, but that, as the only
one of the world's major powers directly
involved, you bear the heaviest responsibility
for the initiation of peace moves. We call
on you:
To stop the air attacks in both North and
South Vietnam, at once, unilaterally, not
simply as a political move in the direction of
negotiations, but because those attacks are
an affront to human decency and unworthy
of a great people;
To express a clear intention to withdraw
all U.S. military forces from Vietnam, con-
sistent with the 1954 Geneva Agreements, to
take effect immediately on conclusion of
satisfactory arrangements to assure the Viet-
namese people a free choice of government;
To state unequivocally your readiness to
negotiate an end of the war on the basis of'
the 1954 agreements, with the National
Liberation Front as one of the principals in
the negotiations.
To the people and Government of North
Vietnam, and to the National Liberation
Front of South Vietnam:
The opposition to your cause is not motiv-
ated solely by what you call the "aggressive
Imperialism" of the United States. Honest,
brave Vietnamese patriots who fought beside
you in the Viet Minh against the French are
among those who fight against you now.
They distrust your intentions; they cherish
certain rights and freedoms which they sus-
pect you of wanting to destroy; they are
shocked find repelled by some of the methods
you use. We believe that a heavy respon-
sibility for ending the war honorably rests
with the United States, but that there is
also a very heavy responsibility on you to
create the conditions of peace. We call on
you:
To abandon the methods of torture, assas-
sination, the indiscriminate bombing o
civilians and other forms of terror. They are
an affront to the whole concept of human
decency, and hopelessly degrade your cause.
No consideration whatever of either justice
or vengence can excuse such tactics;
To issue a clear statement that any Viet-
namese Government in which you may have
a part will honor the right of its citizens to
practice their religions in absolute freedom,
and that there will be no reprisals against
those who have fought against you;
To express your unqualified willingness to
meet with representatives of the United
States and this present South Vietnamese
Government to negotiate peace and the
future of your country, based on the 1954
agreements.
To the people and government of the
People's Republic of China:
Your influence in southeast Asia is enor-
mous, your words and actions are weighed
throughout the world as portents of the
future. We call on you:
To refrain from statements and fictions
that harden already bitter attitudes on both
sides, and so perpetuate the war:
To make clear your willingness to see the
countries of southeast Asia develop their in-
stitutions of government and society free
from outside intervention by force, and free
from the military presence of any foreign
powers.
It is hard to imagine a world so torn by
suspicion and hatred as is ours turning away
from war and toward the resolution of con-
flict and the building of justice by non-
violent means, yet we humans have no other
choice, and in our great religious heritage
we have the guidelines we need to make this
difficult decision. We call on all those, of
whatever faith and nationally, who share our
concern, to join us in our effol ts to build
a truly human society on earth.
U.S. MINISTERS, RABBIS AND PRIESTS
(PARTIAL LIST)
William Abbot, Los Angeles, Calif.
Herman C. Absher, Salisbury, N.C.
Melvin Abson, Geneva, N.Y.
Lyman Achenbach, Columbus, Ohio.
Merlin J. Ackerson, Rowan, Iowa.
Eugene H. Adams, Holden, Mass.
Oscar H. Adam, Seal Beach, Calif.
Thomas F. Adams, Versailles, Ohio.
Roy Charles Agie, Brockport, N.Y.
Alvin A. Ahern, Churchville, N.Y.
Paul H. Alexander, Parker, Ariz.
Charles 'I'. Allen, Chelsea, Mass.
Wesley H. Allen, Yonkers, N.Y.
Carl Allinger, Evansville, Ind.
Albert Allinger. Somerville, N.J.
Lawrence F. Almond, Boston, Mass.
Ezekiel T. Alvarado, Mountain View, Cali r.
Bruce F. Anderson, Collinsville, Conn.
Elmer S. Andersen, San Mateo, Calif.
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Declassified and Approved For Release 2013/01/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000400010008-8
January 24, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
Jay W. Anderson, Wichita, Kans.
John C. Anderson, Warwick, N.Y.
Wm. C. Anderson, Marion, Tex.
Leslie E. Andrews, Wakeeney. Kans.
Lloyd R. Applegate, Collingswood, N.J.
Lewis F. Archer, Madison, N.J.
Merle S. Arnold, Williamsport, Pa.
John K. Arnot, La Grange Park, Ill.
David W. Ash, Ottumwa, Iowa.
Richard H. Athey, Prairie Village, Kans.
Lester W. Auman, Spirit Lake, Iowa.
James L. Austin, Rockville, Conn.
Clarence F. Avey, Oxford, Mass.
Leif H. Awes, Minneapolis, Minn.
Joseph B. Axenroth, Durham, N.H.
Thomas E. Alston, Valparaiso, Ind.
Frederick H. Allen, Findlay, Ohio.
William H. Allison, Cashmere, Wash.
Rabbi M. M. Abramowitz, Springfield, Ill.
Layen R. Adelmann, Odessa, Minn.
Ole Arnold, Burlington, Colo.
James I,. Airey, Portland, Oreg.
J. E. Arthur, Saginaw, Mich.
M. P. Andrews, Jr., Alderw'd Manor, Wash.
K. Brooke Anderson, Cambridge, Mass.
K. Roy Bailey, Omaha, Nebr.
Ralph C. Bailey, Danbury, Conn.
Robert B. Bailey, Minneapolis, Minn.
Glen M. Baird, Ellicott City, Md.
John D. Baker, Washington, Kans.
George 11. Baldridge, Atwood, Ill.
Lee M. Baldwin, Owaneco, Ill.
Frederic E Balt, Chicago, Ill.
Lee H. Ball, Ansley, N.Y.
Rabbi Henry Bamberger, Sharon, Mass.
Russell B. Barbour, Perkiomenville, Pa.
C. Eugene Barnard, Roseville, Calif.
Jack L. Barnes, Macon, Mo.
Glenn H. Barney, Center, Colo.
Robert U. Barrowclough, Newark, N.J.
Douglas E. Bartlett, Commack, N.Y.
E. H. Bassler, New Bremen, Ohio
Loyd A. Bates, Shepherdstown, W. Va.
Richard Bauer, Staten Island, N.Y.
Alvin J. Beachy, Souderton, Pa.
Joseph C. Beavon, Jr., Barbourville, Ky.
Edwin R. Beck, West Hilton, Ohio
Lawrence E. Beebe, New York, N.Y.
Rabbi Leonard I. Beerman, Los Angeles.
Edwin E. Beers, Madison, Wis.
Birt Beers, Quincy, Mich.
C. Edward Behre, Silver Spring, Md.
Edwin de F. Bennett, HoustOn, Tex.
Gordon C. Bennett, Merion Station, Pa.
Albert A. Bentley, Albuquerque, N. Mex.
Lloyd A. Berg, Bronx, N.Y.
Philip Berrigan, SSJ, Baltimore, Md,
Louis Bertoni, Vermilion, 0.
Lee James Beynon, Jr., Rochester, N.Y.
Charles M. Bieber, Hummelstown, Pa.
Vernon Bigler, Syracuse, N.Y.
Lester H. Bill, South Bend, Ind.
B. Stanley Bittinger, Kingsville, Tex.
Charles H. Bixby, West Henrietta, N.Y.
Elizabeth Bixby, Jamestown, N.Y.
Donald K. Blackie, Grand Rapids, Mich.
Myles D. Blanchard, Monson, Mass.
Robert I. Blakesley, Shaker Heights, Ohio
George Blau, Decatur, Ga.
Robert M. Bock, Hollywood, Calif.
Robert W. Bockstruck, Louisville, Ky.
Paul John Bode, St. Louis, Mo.
Leslie Eugene Bogan, Allentown, Pa.
Milton Bohmfalk, Del Rio, Tex.
Ernest J. Bohn, Goshen, Ind.
Paul F. Boller, Malverne, N.Y.
Theodore W. Boltz, West Hartford, Conn.
Arthur E Bomers, Bakersfield, Calif.
Charles M. Bond, Lewisburg, Pa.
Charles W. Bonner, Kearney, N.J.
0. E. Bonny, Topeka, Kans.
Sister M. C. Borromeo, CSC, Notre Dame,
Ind.
Lloyd Boshart, Lowville, N.Y.
Bill Bosler, Grand Rapids, Mich.
Ronald L. Boswell, Craig, Neb.
Emory Lee Bithast, Keene, N.H.
Robert D. Botley, Burlingame, Calif.
Clement Boutgrager, Raleigh, N.C.
Frank A. Boutwell, Pasadena, Tex.
Glenn H. Bowlby, Laverne, Calif.
Fred F. Bowman, Dayton, Va.
Harold L. Bowser, Union Bridge, Md.
Lee 0. Boye, Tazewell, Va.
Richard V. Boylan, Fresno, Calif.
Roger V. Boyvey, Oakland, Calif.
Howard Box, Brooklyn, N.Y.
Orla E. Bradford, South Bend, Ind.
John W. Bradley, Salt Lake City, Utah.
Donald 0. Brady, Honor, Mich,
James A. Braker, Kingston, N.Y.
J. Kenneth Brand, Warren, Mich.
Wilbur R. Brandli, Paterson, N.J.
Frank M. Branno, Jr., Madison, N.J.
Robert M. Brashares, La Habra, Calif.
Donald E. Bratton, Rocky Mount, N.C.
H. Myron Braun, Austin, Tex.
Richard H. Bready, Georgetown, Conn.
Alan R. Bragg, Swanton, Vt.
Bradley B. Brehmer, Denver, Colo.
Ray B. Bressler, Ellinwood, Kans.
Charles T. Brewster, Honolulu.
William M. Briggs, Chicago, Ill.
Robert L. Bromley, Louisiana, Mo.
George Douglas Brown, Palo Alto, Calif.
James R. Brown, Corpus Christi, Tex.
W. Paul. Brown, Hannibal, Ohio.
W. G. Browning, Sylvis, Ill.
H. C. Brubaker, Saginaw, Mich.
Robert C. Brubaker, Brighton, Mich.
Daniel M. Brambaugh, Saxton, Pa.
Leonard J. Brummett, Columbia, Mo.
Monk Bryan, Columbus, Mo.
J. Ernest Bryant, Boston, Mass.
Walter E. Bucher, Canton, Ill.
Ben F. Buckinham, Prairie City, Iowa.
Robert C. Buckley, Hempstead, N.Y.
Hartzell Buckner, Auburn, Calif.
Leonard H. Budd, Stow, Ohio.
Gerard Bugge, Suffield, Conn.
N. Ellsworth Bunce, Baltimore, Md.
Dodds B. Bunch, Sunnyvale, Calif.
Richard L. Burgess, Laurel, Nebr.
Maurice Glynn Burke, Columbia, Mo.
John W. Burkholder, Lancaster County, Pa.
Clement Burns, New Haven, Conn.
Russell Burriss, Santa Ana, Calif.
Ina E. Burton, Maywood, Ill.
John C. Bush, Americus, Kans.
Jackson L. Butler, Modesto, Calif.
Jay Butler, Jr., Sharon, Pa.
William T. Butterfield, Staples, Minn.
Very Rev. John V. Butler, New York, N.Y.
L. A. Bangerter, Fairborn, Ohio.
H. D. Bollinger, Nashville, Tenn.
Harold Z. Bomberger, McPherson, Kans.
George W. Brighton, Stratford, Iowa.
Walter P. Brockway, Exeter, N.H.
Dale W. Brown, Oak Brook, Ill.
Albert W. Buck, Chicago, Ill.
Joe Riley Burns, El Dorado, Kans.
Lee Vaughn Barker, Oakland, Calif.
William F. Baur, Stony Point, N.Y.
Roger S,Boraas, East Orange, N.J.
Rabbi Stanley R. Bray, Cincinnati, Ohio.
Harold J. Bass, Tacoma, Wash.
Howard D. Baumgart, Sumner, Wash.
Lavon B. Bayler, Hinckley, Ill.
Robert F. Beach, New York, N.Y.
Robert E. Beck, Russiaville, Ind.
Robert W. Beggs, Ithaca, N.Y.
Joseph W. Bell, Nashville, Tenn.
Harry L. Bennett, Washington, D.C.
Ronald A. Beverlin, Elkton, Md.
Neil F. flints, Grand Rapids, Mich.
Paul Boecler, Milford, Ohio.
James W. Bristah, Detroit, Mich.
George G. Brooks, Burlington, Iowa.
John R. Bross, Billings, Mont.
Edwin A. Brown, Berea, Ohio.
J. Thompson Brown, Lexington, Va.
J. H. Bruemmer, Grand Island, N.Y.
Paul H. Burditt, Westbrook, Maine.
Francis A. Belot?, Lincoln, Nebr.
Rabbi Herbert Bronstein, Rochester, N.Y.
Jackson Burns, Cedar Rapids, Iowa.
The Ven. C. D. Braidwood, Lapeer, Mich,
Prof. Can Bangs, Kansas City, Mo.
George C. Beebe, Lakeside, Ohio.
B. J. Black, Sandusky, Ohio.
921
Prof. D. W. Brown, Jamestown, N. Dak.
Prof. Kenneth Brown, Manchester, Ind.
Prof. Herbert C. Burke, Collegeville, Minn.
Prof. G. Murray Branch, Atlanta, Ga.
Edward A. Cahill, Pittsburgh, Pa.
Terry Cain, Greenwood, Neb.
Maurice Caldwell, Anderson, Ind.
Raymond Calkins, Belmont, Mess.
Raoul C. Calkins, Dayton, Ohio
A. W. Campbell, Somerset, Ky.
Charles G. Campbell, Norwalk, Conn.
Colin Campbell, Jr., Ann Arbor, Mich.
J. Warren Campbell, Edwards, Mo.
Ralph J. Capolungo, Oakland, Calif.
Fred Cappuccino, Takoma Park, Md.
Erla,nd E. Carson, Escanaba, Mich.
Milton S. Carothers, Covington, Va.
J. Russell Carpenter, Pine City, N.Y.
Clyde Carter, Midland, Va.
Robert L. Carter, Shelby, N.C.
William L Carter, Benton Harbor, Mich.
Donald L. Carver, Moville, Iowa.
G. Arthuh Casaday, Palo Alto, Calif.
Elwood E. Case, Schaghticoke, N.Y.
J. R. Case, Vergennes, Vt.
Estell R.sCasebier, Louisville, Ky.
Harry L. Casey, Ardmore, Pa.
David G. Cassie, Providence, R.I.
Marid A. Costar?, Jaffrey, N.H.
James N. Chamblee, Jr., Woodward, Okla.
Prof D. R. Chandler, Washington, D.C.
Eben T. Chapman, Woodbury, Conn.
J. Howard Cherry, Pittsburgh, Pa.
James 0. Childs, Norton, Va.
Charles J. Chipman, Abilene, Kans.
Paul E. Chreiman, Newtown, Pa,
Jonn P. Christensen, Barre, Vt.
Tom H. Christensen, Royal Oak, Mich.
C. W. Christman, Jr., Hudson, N.Y.
John Christoff, Lima, Ohio.
Prof. K. E. Christopherson, Tacoma, Wash.
Luther K. Clare, Erie, Pa.
Clarence H. Clark, York, Maine.
Gordon M. Clark, Johnsonville, N.Y.
Jack Clark, Laconia, N.H.
Bishop M. K. Clarke, Washington, D.C.
William R. Clark, Moran, Kans.
George V. Clause, Portland, Oreg.
Kenneth D. Claypool, Seattle, Wash.
Marvin E. Clingenpeel, Smithville, Ohio.
C. Donald Close, Pratt, Kans.
John I. Coffman, Pomona, Calif.
Rabbi Jehudah M. Cohen, Los Angeles,
Calif.
Rabbi Hillel Cohn, San Bernardino, Calif.
John H. Cole, Seelyville, Ind.
Jordan Cole, Schuylerville, N.Y.
George L. Collins, San Jose, Calif.
J. J. Collins, Newton, Ala.
George D. Colman, Detroit, Mich.
William H. Compton, Port St. Lucie, Fla.
J. Elliott Corbett, Washington, D.C.
Pablo Cotto, New York, N.Y.
Ray H. Cowen, Chester, N.H.
Robert M. Cox, Rye, N.Y.
Martha A. Cox, Rye, N.Y.
Thomas B. Cox, McLean, Va.
Robert B. Craig, Muncie, Kans.
Harry S. Crede, Peoria, Ill.
Edna L. Crede, Peoria, Ill.
Henry D. Crede, Roseville, Ill.
George Crenshaw, Steubenville, Ohio.
Tom 0, Crosby, Jr., Bossien City, La.
Charles F. Crist, Canonsburg, Pa.
Tom 0. Crosby, Jr., Bossien City, La.
Prof. John P. Crossley, Jr., Hastings, Nebr.
Walter B. Crowell, Ione, Oreg.
Donald J. Cunningham, Redwood City,
Calif.
John M. Currie, Easton, Pa.
Sister Helen Carey, Nauvoo, Ill.
Marion Casey, Belle Plaine, Minn.
Franklin K. Cassel, Lititz, Pa.
Wallace Cedarleaf, Sidney, N.Y.
Rabbi Arthur A. Chiel, New Haven, Conn.
Robert T. Clark, Denver, Colo.
Arden Clute, Mountainview, Calif.
Martin J. Corbin, Tivoli, N.Y.
Thomas C. Cornell, New York, N.Y.
Henry Hitt Crane, Detroit, Mich.
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Declassified and Approved For Release 2013/01/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000400010008-8
922 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE January 24, 1966
Vivian Crossrnan, Honolulu, Hawaii.
W. Lynn Crowding, Carlisle, Pa.
Kevin Culligan, Milwaukee, Wis.
Gale D. Clain-mine, Troy, Ohio.
M. E. Cunningham, Nashville, Tenn.
Harold A. Clark, Clarissa, Minn.
William G. Coxhead, St. Petersburg, Fla.
Donald S. Campbell, Myrtle Creek, Oreg.
Thomas M. Carson, Denver, Colo.
George P. Carter, San Mateo, Calif.
Paul 1.1. Chreiman, Newtown, Pa.
W. ft. Callaway. Cumming, Ga.
Charles B. Curran, Washington, D.C.
Prof. William Case, Kansas City, Mo,
Prof. Russel J. Compton, Greencastle, Ind.
Prof. Carl W. Condit, Morton Grove, Ill.
Elmer L. Da.disman, Astoria, Ill.
Arthur R. Daes, Otisco, Ind.
Gordon E. Dalbeck, Flagstaff, Ariz.
James P. Dale, St. Petersburg, Fla.
Leroy M. Dancer, Bainbridge, N.Y.
Alex E. Danciar, Elyria, Ohio.
John Irving Daniel, Franklin, Mass.
Wilbur 0. Daniel, Pearl River, N.Y.
Prof. John W. Darr, Seattle, Wash.
David G. Davis, Timmath, Colo.
E. Julius Davis, Parlier, Calif.
Harry B. Davis. Kansas City, Mo,
Jack A. Davis, Orlando, Fla.
S. Kenneth Davis, Daytona Beach, Fla.
Albert Edward Day, Falls Church, Va.
A. Garnett Day, Jr., Indianapolis, Ind.
Ben F. Day, Rockford, Ill.
LeRoy Day, Sioux Falls, S. flak.
George W. Deaton, Claypool, Ind,
Punt E. Deitz, New York, N.Y.
Charles A. DeLay, Oilman, DI.
Douglas Denton, North Weymouth, Mass.
Kermit 11. Derstine, Akron, Pa.
Clarence R. Desler, Clatskanie, Oreg.
Oviatt E. Desmond, Indianapolis, Ind.
Charles De Vries, Harwich, Mass.
Rhoda Jane Dickinson, Minneapolis,
Minn.
Albert A. Dickson, Spencerport, N.Y.
Elmer A. Dickson, Ashton, Ill.
Theodore Dixon, Simsbury, Conn.
Paul FT. Doering, Loyal, Wis.
Carroll A. :Doggett, Jr., Rockville, Md.
Herbert L. D. Doggett, Silver Spring, Md.
Harlow Phelps Donovan, Jr., St. Louis, Mo.
John E. Donovan, Des Moines, Iowa.
EL F. Doran, Apros, Calif.
M. E. Dorr, Fairfax, Va.
James B. Douglas, Richmond, Va.
itobert E. Doxey, Binghamton, N.Y.
Is'rancis A. Drake, Schroon Lake, N.Y.
M. Richard Drake, Cleveland, Ohio.
Allen E. Dripps, Rochester, Minn.
William 11 DoBay, Santa Monica, Calif.
Wilton J. Dubrick, Binghamton, N.Y.
Paul H. Ducicavall, Statesville, N.C.
hart Logan Duncan, Traverse City, Mich,
T. If. Dunlap, Sr., Green Bank, W. Va.
James S. Duren, Menomonee Falls, Wis.
G. Eugene Durham, Ithaca, N.Y.
C. L. Duxbury, Kansas City, Mo.
John Dykstra, Locust Valley, N.Y.
Claude F. Dadisman, San Diego, Calif.
Richard J. Davey, Rochester, N.Y.
1.ewis IT. Davis. Dobbs Ferry, N.Y.
Paul F. Davis, Corvallis, Oreg.
.iesae De Witt, Royal Oak, Mich.
Walter Dolue, Tioga, Ill.
Glenn A. Dunn, Westfield, Wis.
Prof. William E. David, Athens, Ga.
Norman Dewire, Detroit, Mich.
Joel Duffield, Hamilton, Ill.
IS. Dale Dunlap. Kansas City, Mo.
Litanley Earhart, Mechanicsburg, Pa.
itiggins R. Earl, Jr., Nashville, Tenn.
Robert Ebey, Argos, Ind.
Th. anus H. Eck, Rockford, Ill.
Hobert M. iaddy, Farmington, Mich.
Ra?bbi Jason Z. Edelstein, Pitcairn, Pa.
Robert A. Edgar, New York, N.Y.
Prof. George R. Edwards, Louisville, Ky,
J. Edgar Edwards, Ann Arbor, Mich.
William C. Eicher, Rocky Mount, Va.
Charles W,. Eichman, Hope, Ind.
PIM
John Elder, Waverly, Ohio
Al. W. :Eiftmann, Kenosha, Wis.
Al Burton Eliason, Fond du Lac, Wis,
Richard F. Elliott, Jr., Clemson, S.C.
Thomas E. Ellis, Camarillo, Calif.
Charles A. Ellwood, West Liberty, W. Va.
George F. Emery, Springfield, Ill.
J. Martin England, Greenville, S.C.
Frank W. Engstrom, Natoma, Kans.
Kenneth L. Engstrom, Buffalo, Wyo.
Herman Ensslin, Waynesburg, Ky.
Fred Erion, Audubon. Pa.
Gerald Eslinger, Shelton, Iowa
Edgar J. Evans, Los Angeles, Calif.
Rowland 11, Evans, Mazomarie,
William. Al. Everhart, Ashboro, N.C.
M. Jones Egan? New York, N.Y.
Richard Ehrenberg, Leonard, N. Dak,
Rabbi Harry Bssrig, Los Angeles, Calif.
Rabbi Randall Al. Falk, Nashville, Tenn.
Lyman G. Farrar, Westbury, Long Island,
N.Y.
Dean L. Farringer, Columbus, Ohio.
Frank Favalora, McFarland, Calif.
R. A. Feenstra, Falls City, Oreg.
Rabbi Alexander Feinsilver, Easton, Pa.
Raymond A. Fenner, Birmingham, Mich.
J. Frank Ferguson, Cincinnati. Ohio
Harlo H. Ferris, Waterloo, Iowa.
Emerson S. Fike, Blue Ridge, Va.
Galen E. Fife, Eglon, W. Va.
Lester E. Fake, Ashley, Ind.
Oscar R. Pike, Bellwood, Pa.
Paul H. Pike, Weyers Cove. Va.
Kenneth A. Fineran, Frakes, Ky.
W. W. Finlator, Raleigh, N.C.
Thomas M. Finn, C.S.P., Washington, D.C.
Carleton Al. Fisher, Massapequa, N.Y.
E. R. Fisher, Lansing, Mich.
Geo. L. Fitzgerald, New Haven, C01111..
William J. Fitzpatrick, Detroit, Mich,
J. Emery Fleming, Jr., Tokyo, Japan.
Daniel C. Flory, Peru, Ind,
Edgar Flory, New Preston, Conn.
Raymond C. Flory, Paradise, Calif.
Wendell Flory, Waynesboro, Va.
Williston M. Ford, 0.S.L., San Diego. Calif.
Robert E. Forester, Loyal], Ky.
Charles W. Forman, New Haven, Cann.
James E. Forrest, Mobile, Ala.
Robert Forsberg, New Haven, Conn,
Gerald E. Forshey, Chicago, Ill.
Rabbi Stephen Forsteln, Richmond, Calif.
Fred E. For. Mount Vernon, Wash,
Donald L. Frank, Eau Claire, Wis.
Howard G. Franklin, Jamesburg, N.J.
Dean L. Frantz, North Manchester, Ind.
Ira H. Frantz, Delphi, Incl.
Delton Frans, Chicago, Ill.
Harold R. Fray, Jr., Newborn, Mass,
Porter French, Chester, Ill.
Edward S. Frey, New York, N.Y.
E. A..Fridell, Berkeley, Calif.
Gerhard Friesen, Newtorn, Kans.
James E. Friesner, Sr., Bankin, Ill..
Harold I. Frost, Auburn, Maine.
Leota T. Frye, Sandlake, Mich.
J. Alfred Fryer, Madison,
Clifford F. Fugate, Huntington Park, Calif.
Clarence 0. Fuller, Jr.., New Orleans, La.
Clyde Funkhouser, Lebanon, Ill.
Norman J. Fa:ramelli, Philadelphia, Pa.
WI. H. Ferry, Santa Barbara, Calif.
Herbert A. Fisher, Kettering, Ohio,
Byron M. Flory, Jr., Dayton, Ohio.
Walter J. Fox, Jr., Philadelphia, Pa.
Richard E. French, Auburndale, Mass,
Marion C. Frenyear, Unadilla, N.Y.
Prof. Gilbert S. Fell, Navesink, N.J.
Rabbi Henry Fisch, West Orange, N.J.
Rabbi Frank A. Fischer, Athens, Ga.
Allan R. Fisher, Grand Marais, Min a.
Charles F. Frederich, Gray, Maine.
John Fragale, Jr., Warwick, N.Y.
Prof.. V/. Arthur Faus, Williamsport , Pa.
Parlan Al. Frost, Buffalo, N.Y.
Richard Al. A. Gadow, Fairport Harbor,
Ohio.
James S. Gadsden, Camden, S.C.
Erwin A. Gaede, Ann Arbor, Mich.
Bradford E. Gale, Quincy, Mass.
Rabbi Hillel, Gamoran, Hoffman Eqates,
Dl.
Dwight Ganzel, Waverly, Nebr.
Bruce W. Garner, Hancock, Mich.
Curt Garrett, Roselle, N.J.
Karl C. Garrison, Jr., Durham, N.C.
Allen H. Gates, Hatfield, Mass.
John H. Gebhart, Marathon, Fla..
Frank Gehma,n, Klamath, Calif.
Harmon M. Gehr, Pasadena, Calif.
Vance Geier, Los Angeles, Calif.
H. Robert Gemmer, Whitesboro, N.Y.
J. H. Gerhard ins, Denver, Colo.
Ira W. Gibbel, Newport News, Va.
Pius Gibble, Tipp City, Ohio.
0. E. Gibson, Westmont, Ill.
If. John Gibson, Rapid City, S. flak.
Bruce E. Gideon, Wilmette, Ill.
Win. A. Gilbert, Ventura, Calif.
David A. Giles, New York, N.Y.
Malcolm E. Gillespie, Carbondale, Ill.
Philip H. Gillis, Amsterdam, Ohio.
Robert Gilman, Milton-Freewater, Oreg.
Aaron S. Gilmartin, Walnut Creek, Calif.
Paul J. Gilmer, Institute, W. Va.
William E. Gilpin, Little Falls, N.Y.
C. Homer Ginns, Middleboro, Mass.
Dennis E. Glad, Chicago, Ill.
Glenn D. Glazier, West Brookfield, Mass.
Charles Glenn, Roxbury, Mass.
W. Herbert Glenn, Vernon, Mass,
Irving R. Glover, Canton, Ohio.
Theodore S. Cooley, Wells, Maine.
Prof. John D. Godsey, Madison, N.J.
Robert E. Goessling, Owen, Wis.
Rabbi Robert E. Goldburg, Hamden, Conn.
Rabbi Abram Vossen Goodman, Lawrence,
N.Y.
Quentin A. Goodrich, Elk Grove Village,
John Goodwin, S. Nyack, N.Y.
William Al. Goodwin, Muscle Shoals, Ala.
Clifford H. Goold, Portland, Oreg.
Robert W. Gordon, E. St. Louis, Ill.
John W. Gosnell, Elizabethtown, Pa.
Prof. Norman K. Gottwald, Newton Center,
Mass.
Harvey Graber, Topeka, Ind.
O'Ray C. Graber, Oklahoma City.
Grover C. Graham, Spruce Pine, NC.
Don Gaymon, Manhattan, Kans.
Rabbi Sidney Greenberg, Philadelphia, Pa.
Albert Greene, Sayre, Pa.
Donald Greenough, Harrisburg, S. Dak.
Paul Ray, Greenwood, Sherrodsville, Ohio,
A. Ray Grurnmon, Springfield, Ill.
Kenneth Griswold, Minneapolis, Minn.
Malcolm Grebe, W. Lebanon, N.H.
Wilbur D. Grose, Minneapolis, Minn,
Thomas E. Ciuerdat, Randolph, N.Y.
Chester L. Guinn, Emmetsburg, Iowa.
David Gustafson, Kankakee, Dl.
Robert Gardiner, Wellesley, Mass.
Laurence Garrett, Stuart, Iowa.
Fa L. Gass, Mountain Grove, Mo.
Raymond H. Giffin, Minneapolis, Minn.
Richard S. Gilbert, Ithaca, N.Y.
Rabbi Jerrold Goldstein, St. Paul, Minn.
Floyd Gotten, Silver Creek, N.Y.
Ellis Graber, Minneapolis, Minn.
Robert E. Grant, Suffern, N.Y.
John Paul Griffith, Bernardsville, N.J.
Thomas A. Grimm, Albany, Calif.
Rabbi, Everett Gendler, Princeton, N.J.
Dr. Ira E. Gillet, Portland, Oreg.
Eugene H. Haat, Hampton Bays, N.Y.
Dennis W. Haas, Lancaster, Pa.
Dwight Haberman, Ortonville, Minn.
Carl C. Hackman, Richmond, Mo.
Rosen F. Haning, Alexandria, Minn.
Gary L. Hakes, Syracuse, N.Y.
Tom G. Haley, Van Alstyne, Tex.
Cameron P. Hall, Garden City, N.Y
David C. Hall, South Norwalk, Conn.
R. F. Hall, Elyria, Ohio.
Williard B. Hall, Harrington, Wash.
Arthur A. Tamann, Leon, Iowa
L. Al. Hamby, Grafton, Mass.
P. M. Hammond, Portland, Oreg.
Robert A. Hammond, Ballston Spa, N.Y.
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1
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January 24, 1966
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 923
Bernie H. Hampton, Chattanooga, Tenn,
Emerson G. Hangen, Long Beach, Calif.
George Hangen, Reseda, Calif.
Ray E. Hankins, Exeter, Nebr.
Walter W. Hannum, Juneau, Alaska
Carl A. Hansen, Minneapolis; Minn.
James 11. Hanson, Glendive, Mont.
Vernon R. Hanson, Medford, Oreg.
George Haram, Flora, Ill.
Arthur L. Hardy, Kansas City, Kans.
Ira R. Harkins, Tiffin, Ohio
Chester I. Harley, West Milton, Ohio
Frederick F. Harlins, Somerville, Mass.
Herman Harmelink III, North Bergen, N.J.
John J. Harmon, Roxbury, Mass.
Lyle E. Harper, Walkersville, Md.
J. F. Harriman, Bellingham, Wash,
Ernest S. Harris, Jr., Hartford, Conn.
Gerald F. Harris, Elmira, N.Y.
Robert A. Harris, Gelina, Ohio
W. Reid Harris, Hickory, N.C.
Thomas 0. Harrison, Lexington, Ky.
Norman L. Harsh, Staunton, Va.
J. Richard Hart, Stockton, Calif.
Marvin J. Hartman, St. Joseph, Mich.
Vartan Hartunian, Belmont, Mass.
L. H. R. Hass, Washington, D.C.
Roy Allan Hassel, New Platz, N.Y.
Glenn 0. Hassinger, Myerstown, Pa.
Clabourne Hatcher, Columbia Palle, Mont.
Albert M. Haught, Mount Union, Pa.
Francis C. Hawes, Manchester, Conn.
Percy R. Hayden, Concord, N.H.
Edward H. Hayes, North Stonington, Conn.
Paul G. Hayes, Minneapolis, Minn.
C. Douglas Hayward, Berkeley, Calif.
R. W. Haywood III, Kingsville, Tex.
Prof. Lowell B. Hazzard, Washington, D.C.
H. Lee Hebei, Karthaus, Pa.
Raymond W. Hedberg, St. Paul, Minn.
Sam Hedrick, Newton Center, Mass.
Norval Hegland, Philip, S. Dak.
Matthias R. Hellig, Mount Gretna, Pa.
Gerald G. Heilman, Baltimore, Md.
Edward K. Heininger, Des Moines, Iowa.
Walter J. Heisey, Tiffin, Ohio.
Arthur G. Heisler, Columbia City, Ind.
DeWitt F. Helm, Kenly, NC.
Robert A. Helstrom, Claysville, Pa.
Kenneth R. Hemphill, Manhattan, Kans.
C. L. Hendrix, Elkhart, Ind.
Walter F. Hendricks, Jr., Richmond, Va.
M. Miles Henry, Marion, Kans.
H. Eugene Herr, Scottdale, Pa.
Rabbi Richard C. Hertz, Detroit, Mich.
Robert E. Heskett, Roslindale, Mass.
Robert G. Hess, Goldendale, Wash.
D. Russell Hetsler, Alhambra, Calif.
Lorton G. Hensel, Wilmington, Ohio.
Clare B. Hewitt, Poplar Grove, Ill.
Gerald C. Hibbard, Milwaukee, Wis.
Richard R. Hicks, Chestertown, Md.
Anne Higgins, North Haven, Conn.
Clarence M. Higgins, Jr., Stone Creek, Ohio.
G. Truett High, Duluth, Minn.
William A. Highfield, Mountaintop, Pa.
Dean E. Hill, Weedsport, N.Y.
Gordon W. Hill, Northampton, Mass.
Robert W. Hill, Philadelphia, Pa.
Melvin Himes, Indianapolis, Ind.
Frank T. Hiroms, Wahpeton, N. Dak.
Philip D. Hirtzel, Mason, Mich.
Sam Hochstatter.
P. Stein Hockman, Romney, W. Va.
Violet Hodges, Montara, Calif.
George A. Hodgkins, Stratford, Conn.
Elmer H. Hoerer, St. Louis, Mo.
Gilbert E. Hoffman, Sharon, Pa.
Wayne M. Hoffman, Luverne, Minn.
Rodney D. Hokenson, Hancock, Mich.
Ralph M. Holdeman, New York.
Benj. R. Hollis, Keosaugua, Iowa.
Donald G. Holsopple, Lansing, Mich.
Reynold N. Hoover, Flagler Beach, Pia.
Harold Hornberger, Red Bank, N.J.
Laurence M. Horst, Evanston, Ill.
Robert Horton, Trevose, Pa.
Wright M. Horton, Galesburg, Kans.
3. J. Hostetler, Peoria, Ill.
Robert E. Houff, Harrisonburg, Va.
No. 9-11
W. Donald Housser, Cattaraugus, N.Y.
Robert W. Hovda, Washington, D.C.
Ernest L. Howard, Chattanooga, Tenn.
Lee A. Howe, Schenectady, N.Y.
Robert M. Howes, Kennebunkport, Maine.
Paul C. Hoyt, Shokan, N.Y.
William Huckabone, Corydon, Ind.
John L. Hudson, Northlake, Ill.
Kenneth de P. Hughes, Cambridge, Mass.
James David Hulett, Claremont, Calif.
George M. Hunt, Henry, Ill.
Allan A. Hunter, Claremont, Calif.
Donald F. Hursh, Meyersdale, Pa.
Paul L. Huscher, Strawberry Point, Iowa.
Horace Huse, Logansport, Ind.
Jack Hustad, Overland Park, Kans.
David Hykes, Cedar Rapids, Iowa.
Dale Hylton, Westminster, Md.
John Harrell, Berkeley, Calif.
Wayne L. Harting, Butler, N.J.
Guy C. Heyl, Rock Hill, S.C.
Eugene W. Hibbard, Manson, Wash.
Geo. A. Hickson, Bellevue, Ohio.
Alberta Hidritch, Benton, Ill.
Dean E. Hill, Weedsport, N.Y.
Donald Robert Hoff, Monroe, Conn.
Everett R. Hunt, Tacoma, Wash.
Donald C. Hanson, Syracuse, N.Y.
Albert E. Hartman, Trenton, N.J.
Prof, Hideo Hashimoto, Portland, Oreg.
Anna E. Koglin, Thief River Falls, Minn.
Rabbi Isadore B. Hoffman, N.Y.
Prof. Yates Hafner, Yellow Springs, Ohio.
James F. Hopewell, Pomona, N.Y.
Charles W. Iglehart, Dunedin, Fla.
Bothan T. Elwell, Fort Lewis, Ohio.
Wilder V. Immel, Santa Cruz, Calif.
Bruce 0. Inglis, Mojave, Calif.
Robert W. Inglis, Denver, Colo.
Deane W. Irish, LaCrosse, Wis.
Jerold L. Irvin, Des Moines, Iowa.
Edwin F. Irwin, Sacramento, Calif.
Earl Jabay, Princeton, N.J.
Charles H. Jack, Cincinnati, Ohio.
Patrick A. Jackson, Ann Arbor, Mich.
Richard H. Jackson, Mora, Minn.
Richard L. Jackson, Durham, N.C.
Warren E. Jackson, Vermontville, Mich.
Herman M. Janssen, Marlette, Mich.
Harold A. Jayne, Portage, Mich.
Lee E. Jeambey, Muscatine, La.
Alan Jenkins, Royal Oaks, Mich.
David W. Jenks, Tuxedo, N.Y.
Joseph R. Jennings, Fresno, Calif,
Harold V. Jensen, Santa Monica, Calif.
Warren E. Jensen, Ware, Mass.
Richard A. Johnsen, Middleburgh, N.Y.
Brace E. Johnson, Sterling, Ill.
Charles E. Johnson, Minneapolis, Minn.
Herman C. Johnson, Cambridge, Mass.
J. H. Johnson, Ferndale, Mich.
Roy A. Johnson, Elizabethtown, Pa.
W. L. Johnson, Tacoma, Wash.
Berwyn E. Jones, Kouts, Ind.
Jack E. Jones, Shelbroille, Ind.
J. Ira Jones, Lima, Ohio.
Laurence R. Jones, Oak Brook, Ill.
Richard E. Jones, New Albany, Ind.
Charles Wesley Jordan, Chicago, Ill.
Donald R. Jordan, Elgin, Ill.
Correll M. Julian, Walnut Creek, Calif.
Hershey Julien, Albuquerque, N. Mex.
Andrew Juvinall, San Francisco, Calif.
William M. Justice, Stony Point, N.Y.
Augusta T. Jackley, Ogden, Utah.
Francis Johnson, Jr., League City, Tex.
Major L. Johnson, Weathersfleld, Conn.
Clarence Jordan, Americus, Ga.
Donald E. Jordan, Fresno, Calif.
W. 0. Johnson, Elmhurst, Ill.
Rabbi Wolli Kaelter, Long Beach, Calif.
Frederick F. Kaetzel, Mitchell, Ind.
Dean Ragarise, New Windsor, Md.
Dean C. Kallander, Oxford, Ohio.
Rabbi D. L. Kaplan, Needham Heights,
Mass.
Rabbi Samuel E. Karff.
Calvin R. Kaufman, South Bend, Ind.
Bishop Nelson E. Kauffman, Elkhart, Ind.
Robert W. Kauffman, Waupun, Wis.
Stewart B. Kauffman, Huntingdon, Pa.
L. Robert Keck,. Des Moines, Iowa.
Harold R. Keen, Ottawa, Ill.
Christian H. Kehl, San Antonio, Tex,
Arthur C. Kelm, Pomona, Calif.
Howard H. Keim, Peoria, Ill.
D. Howard Helper, Lititz, Pa.
Richard A. Kellaway, New Bedford, Mass,
Walter E, Kellison, Cedar Rapids, Iowa.
Max V. Kemling, Paw Paw, Ill.
3. Paul Kendall, Kokomo, Ind.
Harold M. Kenepp, Clearville, Pa.
Alick, M. Kennedy, Clinton, N.J.
George T. Kennedy, Athens, Ohio.
Hazel M. Kennedy, Elgin, Ill.
Roger Kennedy, Green Springs, Ohio,
LeRoy Kennel, Lombard, Ill.
Richard Kern, Findlay, Ohio.
Earl Kernahen, Chula Vista, Calif.
Erwin K. Kerr, McKean, Pa.
Howard A. Kerstetter, Baltimore, Md.
Donald A. Kessler, Wichita, Kans.
Milton G. Kessler, Cape Cod, Mass.
Phillip G. Kessler, North Manchester, Ind.
Delbert W. Kettering, Sheffield Lake, Ohio.
Russell W. Kiester, St. John, Kans.
S. Collins Kilburn, Raleigh, N.C.
Paul E. Killinger, Orange, Calif.
Carl E. Kline, Battle Creek, Mich.
Dean Kindy, Creston, Ohio.
David S. King, Amherst, Mass.
Deaconess Dellema J. King, Pierre, S. Dak.
Horace M. King, San Antonio, Tex.
Jack K. King, Northport, N.Y.
James Wilbur King, Bagler, Iowa.
Thomas Moore King, Sioux City, Iowa.
David C. Kinnard, St. Louis, Mo.
Glenn E. Kinsel, Hanover, Pa.
Alvin L. Kintner, Marion, Ind.
Homer Kirdcofe, Plymouth, Ind.
David Kirk, Wheeling, W. Va.
Dean R. Kirkwood, Oakland, Calif.
Stanley P. Kim, Sr., Cass City, Mich.
Scott D. Kittredge, Wiscasset, Maine.
Gerhard Klassen, Fairfield, Pa.
LeRoy H. Klaus, Stillwater, Minn.
Voigt Kleckley, Atlanta, GEL:
Ralph G. Kleen, San Bernardino, Calif.
M. B. Klepinger, Dayton, Ohio.
Robert E. Klingel, Carey, Ohio.
George H. Klohck, Northville, N.Y.
A. W. Klumb, Moonee, Ill.
Charles P. Knight, Ottawa, Kans.
Edwin L. Knopf, Marlette, Mich.
John G. Koehler, Wakefield, Mass.
Robert W. Koenig, Terre Haute, Ind.
James H. Konrad, Fremont, Ohio.
William Koshewa, New Albany, Ind.
Charles F. Kraft, Evanston, Ill.
Aba Krause, Henderson, Nebr.
C. W. Kreamer, Bridgeton, N.J.
Burl G. Kreps, Greeley, Colo.
Eugene William Kreyes, Naperville, Ill.
Timothy J. Kribs, Harrisburg, Oreg.
Allen E. Kroehler, Lancaster, Pa.
Rabbi Charles A. Kroloff, Westbury, N.Y
James F. Kubik, Half Moon Bay, Calif.
Rabbi Harold L. Kudan, Glencoe, Ill.
Wm. F. Kuechmann, Walnut, Iowa.
Ralph L. Kuether, Manchester, Mich,
Howard R. Kunkle, Fort Scott, Kans.
Gordon F. Kurtz, Rochester, N.Y.
H. E. Kettering, Greenville, Ohio.
D. Franklin Kohl, Great Falls, Mont.
Rabbi Pesach Krauss, Woonsocket, R.I.
A. V. Krebs, Jr., San Francisco, Calif.
John A. Kruse, Eau Claire, Wis.
Arthur L. Lacey, Ilion, N.Y.
R. Gwinn Lacy, Versailles, Ohio.
Arnold R. Lambarth, St. Claire Shores,
Mich.
A. C. Lambert, Fruitland, Idaho.
Edward H. Lander, Jr., Dayton, Ohio.
Harvey M. Landis, North Manchester, Ind.
Herman B. Landis, Sunnyside, Wash.
Alfred P. Landon, Fenton, Mich.
Richard L. Landrum, Topeka, Kans.
William P. Langham, Jr., Dayton, Ohio.
E. G. Larson, Ada, Minn.
Hilmer Larson, Hastings, Nebr.
E, Edwin Lasbury, Fruitland, Md.
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24 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
Philip H. Lauver. South Bend. Ind.
1?,abbi Bernard H. Lavine, Evansville, Ind.
R. D. LaWall, .Kasseville, N.Y.
Earl A. Lawrence, Auburn, Calif.
ihenry H. Lawson, Dallas, Tex.
Fernando A. Laxamana. Waterman, Ill.
Richard D. Leach, Gregory, S. Dak.
Edward L. Lee, Jr., Philadelphia? Pa.
James 0. Leffingwell, Emporia, Kans.
13:angles Leffler, Pinly, Ind.
Wilmer M. Lehman, Wiley, Colo.
ionald. E. Leiter, Berwyn, Pa.
Robert. L. Lemon, Richmond, Calif.
R. Webb Leonard, Middletown, N.J.
Richard D. Leonard, New York. N.Y.
IlLibbi J. Aaron Levy, Sumter, S.C.
its bbi Richard N. Levy, New York, N.Y.
Wilburn Lew:lien, Nappanee, Ind.
:Duane A. Lewellen, Dayton, Va.
llote Lid R. Lewis, Hudson Falls, N.Y.
Edson T. Lewis. Jr., Hoboken, N.J.
Henry H. Lewis, Sioux Falls, S. Dak.
Donald Lichten felt, Fraser, Mich.
David H. Lindberg, Waynesburg, Pa.
Melvin W. Lindberg, Youngstown, Ohio.
Carl H. Linden, Redwood Falls, Minn.
Frank A. Lindhorst, Seal Beach, Calif.
W. C. Link, Jr., Liberty, Mo.
Rabbi Eugene J. Lipman, Washington, D.C.
I.ester E. Loden Bayside, N.Y.
Richard E. Lofgren, Minneapolis, Minn.
Richard D. Logan, Waterbury, Vt.
Wesley T. Logan, Waterbury, Vt.
Robert D. Loggic, Harwinton, Conn.
John G. Lola, Cambridge, Mass.
James A. Loll's, Lexington, Ky.
Kenneth G. Long, Perrysburg, Ohio.
John D. Long, Lancaster, Pa.
Loy h. Long. flub urndale, Mass.
Norman D. Long. Minneapolis, Minn.
Alden L. Longwell. Elm Creek, Nebr.
Charles Edwin Lord, Oakland, Calif.
Donald G. Lothrop, Boston, Mass.
James E. Loudermilk, Goleta, Calif.
[Toward Lone. Taunton, Mass.
Julian Price Love, Louisville, Ky.
Warren B. Lovejoy, Albion, N.Y.
Adams Lovekin, LaVerne, Calif.
Edward F. Lovill, Pulaski, Va.
Herbert R. Lucas, Middletown, Ohio.
Randy Lunsiord, La Crosse, Wis.
Prof. Robert E. Luccock, Boston, Mass.
Paul L. Ludlow, Burley, Idaho.
Dale Luther, Lockport, Ill.
William B. Lutz. Mayville, Mich.
Patrick Lynch, Suffield, Conn.
Wm, B. Lytle, Clarksville, Ark.
Bishop Charles W. Long, Tiskilwa,
James H. Laird, Detroit, Mich.
J. Harry Lau, Woodstock, Va.
John M. Lederach, Hubbard, Oreg.
Henry V. Lofquist, Wilson, N.C.
William W. Longenecker, Mount Joy, Pa.
Richard Lungren, Sacramento, Calif.
Verne H. Leininger, LaFayette,
Carl H. Lenz, Buffalo, N.Y.
James S. Leslie, Delaware, Ohio.
Howard T. Lutz, Eau Claire, Wis.
Prof. Paul A. Lacey, Richmond, Ind.
Prof. George Lang, Tuscaloosa, Ala.
Prof. William F. Luder, Boston, Mass,
SIGNERS FROM EUROPE, ASIA, AFRICA, SOUTH
AM ER ICA, AND CANADA
Australia: W. D. Adams, D. J. Andrews,
Philip Andrews, Most Reverend 0. Appleton,
Lewis A. Borrn, John Bryant, Frank Hyatt,
E. G. Clancy?A.M. Clarke, F. M. Combridge,
W. R. Cowper, Eric Derbyshire, Alfred M.
Dickie, Clyde Dominish, Arthur Ellemor,
Leonard G. Forward; H. B. Freeman, Neil
Glover, Frank Hartley, S. Henshall, A. C. Hol-
land, A. G. Howse, David L. Hurse, Austin
James, T. Lane, John A. Lloyd, R. V. Long-
thorpe, Dr. Allan W. Loy, J. Lukies, Dr. R. J.
Maddox, E. Gwyn Miller, Bishop John S.
Moyes, R. Painter, Norman H. Park. R. B.
Patterson, R. G. Peterson, R. H. Pethybridge,
David J. Pope, Gordon G. Powell, G. R. Riley,
W. T. Riley, H. Roberts, H. E. Roland, Neville
R. Ross, P. M. Saphin, W. W. Saunders, Bruce
Silverwood, Donald H. Smith. G. C. Smith,
Ralph Sutton, A. E. Vogt, Alan Walken '. W.
Whyte, A. R. Wilbrey, E. L. Williams.
Belgium: Abbe Paul Carrette, Abbe
Chapelle, Abbe Georgery, Abbe Joseph Gof-
finet, Emil Jequier, Andre H. II. Van der
Mensbrugghe, P. Tourne.
Canada: Gerald Brown, Richard CI Cam-
midge, Dr. David H. Carr, Rt. Rev J. C.
Feeney, Glenn M. Harmon, Peter B. Moore,
K. Barry Passmore, J. C. Thompson.
Chile: Joel Gajardo Valasquez.
Czechoslovakia: Milos Sourek.
Denmark: S. I3irke, Enirco Belem, Sage
Blirno, Father Horns, B. Christiansen Im L.
Christensen, Robert Christensen, Father
Martin Drovsy, C. A. Flannen, Fritz Florin,
Itigurd Granild, Jorgen Hansen, Uffe Hansen,
Hell Helmer, Otto Helms, N. R. Hemming-
( en, Hardy Hoillead K. Keiding, T. C. Kemp,
el Mouser'. Bent A. Koch, Olaf Rime, Y.
blind, fvan Mathiesen, Be:nt Melchior, Jorgen
Nissen. S. Oldenburg, Ole Olcson, Paul Peder-
son, N. Y. Raid, Tim Rosenberg, H. 31.(.jerk,
K E. Skydsgaard, Berg Soremcn, G. Sparring-
Petersen, Jan Stolt, Immanuel Telter, Marie
M. Th -distort p , Gunner Tjtt ive, Moe t is V.
Zeuthen.
England: Rabbi Saul A mias, Lucy M.
13urtt, Edward Carpenter, L. G. Che mpion,
Pennar Davies, H. H. Farmer, Susan Ford, A.
Graham Heiner, Anita Hicks, Robin 1'. Hutt,
John Kielty, Kenneth A. I.ee, Lewis Mac-
Lachlan, Clifford H. Macquire, David Mason,
Geoffrey F. Nuttall, Paul Oestreichet, Prof.
E. Gordon. W. G. Sewell, John Stace, , John
Stewart, Stephen Thorne, Dr. John 'I' Vin-
cent.
Finland: Alexander Kasanko.
France: Edward Theis, jean Lassern , Henri
Rosser.
Ghana: Emmanuel Sackey Decker
East Germany: Dr. Dieter Frielinghaus,
Martin Kramer.
West Germany: Frank Crusemann Gun-
ther Danger, Kurt Essen, John R. Friesen,
Joachim Gneist, Dr. D. Goldschmidt. Adolf
Grau, Friedrich Hutendiek, Dr. Robert Kohl,
Siegfried Mebrer, Dr. E. Muller-Gangloff, Otto
Getker, Helmut Pohl, Renate Rieme Ul-
ricke Schleifenbaum, Alexander Semnielrock,
Horst Symanowski, Gerhard Weber Fritz
'Weissinger, Gerhard Wessler, Dieter S mmer-
mann.
Ireland: D. Erwin Strunz.
Italy: Raymond J. Bouley, Michel( Fong-
no, Don Lorenzo Milani, Giorgio Spini Tullio
Vinay, Valdo Vinay.
Japan: J. Emery Flemming, Jr., Ge.arge
Theuer.
Netherlands: A. H. E. van Hengel, Mrs. M.
M. van Hengel, T. C. C. Scholten, Pro] Dr. H.
:Kohlbrugge and Miss H. Kohlbrugge Albert
J. Rasker, Jan E. Uitman, H. W. P. Wegg,en.
Philippines: Abel A. Amago, Justinian?
Cajuiat, Prof. Janice B. Deats, Dr. Richard
:Deats, Francisco Fernandez. W. Cecil Find-
ley, Betty M. Hesse', Dr. Eugene A. Hessel,
Marion Kline, J. William Matthews, Jannette
E. Newhall.
Scotland: Werner Becher.
Southwest Africa; R. McKenzie Fraser, Nor-
man Ciess, Miss Mabel Charlotte Hart Canon
Frank M. Haythornthwa.ite, Hansie Herrle,
Mrs. Cornelia G. Warrington.
Sweden: Andes Akelund, Carl-Gastaf Boe-
thins, Elsa Cedergreen, Olov Hartman, John
Hedlund, Stiv Jakobson, Bernt Johnsson,
Gosta Nicklasson, Dr. Margit Sahlin, Ingmar
Strom. Joel Sorenson, Dr. Lars Thunberg, Dr.
Anne-Marie Thunberg.
Switzerland: Prof. Samuel Amslet, Prof.
Pierre Annen, Lydia von Auw, Pierre 13almer,
Hermann Hauler, Willy Benguin, Jean de
Benoit, Rodolphe Bergier, Ernest Bernouilli,
Francis Berthold, W. Bieder, Giovanni Bogo,
Emile Boissonnas, Fritz Bonnard, Jules Bon-
nard, Gad Borel, Jean Bourquin, W. Bremi,
Arnold Bricod, Frederic Bron, Hans Brup-
pacher, Charles Brutsch, Joseph Buhl/mm-3e
Marc Buck, Robert Cand, Jean-Louis Charpie,
January 24, 1966
G. Chautems, Prof. Marcel Cristen, Laurent
Clerc, Franz Delhove, Gaston Deluz, Th.
Dieterle, Charles Dintheer, Claude Dolivo,
Reynold Dubois, William. A. Dudde, Jacques.
Du Pasquier, Michel Du Pasquier, Richard.
Ecklin, Andre Emery, Julien Erni, Paul Pat-
ton, Fernand Favre, Pierre Favre, Marc Elu-
bacher, Charles Freundler, Willy Fritschy,
Renaud Gallaz, Max Geiger, David Gigon.
Louis Girardet, Roger Glardon, Theodore
Gorge, Prof. William Goy, Marcel Grand,
Michel Grenier, Marcel Grobety, Gerard
Guenod, Jean Guye, Alfred Gygax, R. _Hem-
meler, Jacques Henriocl, Willi Hirsch, H.
Hoegger, Francois Hoguer, Paul-Emile In-
gold, Bernard Jeanneret, Pierre Jeanneret.
Marcel Jeannet, Paul Jomini, Jean-Daniell
Kaestli, Willi Kobe, M. B. Koelbing, H. Rub-
ner, William Lachat, R. Lanz, Maurice
Lauter, Antoinette Lozeron, J. Mangold, K.
Marti, M. Martin, Prof. Charles Masson, Henry
Mercier, Philippe de Mestral, Prof. Jean
Meyhoffer, Henri Nicod, Albert Nicole, Ber-
nard Nicole, Philippe Nicole, Edouard Pache,
Daniel Pache, Edouard Panchaud, Sully Per-
renoud, Albert :Perrenoud, Willy Perriard, M.
Petremand, Albert Pfund, Henri Piguet,
Henri Pingeon, Paul Primault, Georges
Probst, Prof. Dr. A. Rich, Maurice Robert,
Andre Rochat, G. Roggwiller, Jacques Ro-
land, Edouard :Ressler, Heinz Rothenbuhler,
J. de Roulet, Philippe Roulet, Jean Sauter,
Claude Schaerer, W. Schatz, Martin Schwarz,
Prof. Christophe Senft, W. Senft, F. Sieve-
king, E. Sigrist, Paul Siron, Gerard Soguel,
Dr. J. J. Stamm, Dr. Paul Strassmann, Ber-
nard Terrisse, P. Trub, Paul Vaucher, Max
Vernaud, Georges Vittoz, Jean Vivien, Rene
Vuilleumier, Jean Wachsmuth, Edouard
Waldvogel, P. Walter, Paul Weber, Bertrand
Zweifel.
Uruguay: Earl M.. Smith.
A NOTE FROM THE SPONSOR
The Fellowship of Reconciliation is the
sponsor of the International Committee of
Conscience on Vietnam, as it was of its pred-
ecessor the wholly American Clergymen's
Emergency Committee for Vietnam. This
does not mean that all of the supporters of
the various statements and other actions of
these committees endorse the entire position
of the fellowship; many?perhaps most?of
them do not, and their signatures commit
them only to the statements they have
signed, the one to the left in particular.
Considering the number of individuals in
and the complications of communica -
tion, however, it is unavoidable that deci-
sions as to the time and circumstances under
which these statements will be made public
must be made by the fellowship. There
will be those who will question the decision
to publish this statement at this time. Their
questions will be of two sorts:
1. Is it fair to publish a statement urging
the United States to initiate peace moves at
a moment when President Johnson has sus-
pended the bombing of North Vietnam and
is insisting on. his readiness to negotiate
peace?
2. Would it not be wiser to delay publica-
tion by 2 weeks more in order to have a
fuller representation of signers from other
countries? (Committees have been formed
in a number of other countries, but have not
had time to receive and transmit names of
hundreds?perhaps thousands?of signers to
the statement. It is probable that 2 weeks
from now the number of signers listed here
would be doubled or trebled.)
We have considered both these matters
carefully and make these comments.
The peace offensive
We are gratified at the suspension of the
bombing of North Vietnam, though we regret
the continuation of bombing in South Viet-
nam and deplore the initiation of bombing
In Laos. We rejoice at the emphasis on peace
that has dominated our Government's state-
ments in the past few weeks, and earnestly
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January 2.4, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD? SENATE
hope that it may continue. Some aspects
of that emphasis, as well as the report that
there has been no positive response from
Hanoi make us uneasy, however.
Both in the President's state of the Un-
ion address and in other Government state-
ments, the war hi Vietnam continues to be
described without qualification as "Com-
munist aggression." From the point of view
of North Vietnam and the National Libera-
tion Front (Vietcong), however, the genesis
of the war was the refusal of the South Viet-
namese Government under President Diem,
supported by the United States, to permit the
1956 elections that had been the keystone of
the armistice signed in Geneva in 1954. That
armistice, ending the war between the vic-
torious Viet Minh and the defeated French,
had provided for the withdrawal of the Viet
Minh north of the 17th parallel and the
French south of it, as a temporary measure
until the French could withdraw completely
and nationwide elections under interna-
tional supervision in July 1956, would unite
the country. Millions of non-Communists
throughout the world, whatever their ulti-
mate political sympathies, agree that the re-
fusal to permit these elections was the vio-
lation of the armistice that laid the founda-
tion for the conflict now going on.
In the second place, though the Presi-
dent on January 12 carried the matter of
Vietcong representation in negotiations an
Inch further in saying that "we will con-
sider the views of any group," he has not
accepted what many qualified observers con-
sider may be the sine qua non for negotia-
tions; recognition of the Vietcong National
Liberation Front as a full principal in such
negotiations. Since NLF has been the prin-
cipal opposition force throughout the last
10 years of war, and since it now actually
governs substantial portions of South Viet-
nam, it is not hard to understand its insist-
ence that it be a direct and full participant
in the negotiations.
Why now?
January 23 is the final day of the lunar
new year celebration known in Vietnam as
Tet, and the final day of the truce agreed
upon by both sides. The days that follow
may well be decisive in determining whether
this brutal, bloody war will be ended or. es-
calated. Hence this is a critical moment
for those whose compassion goes out to the
helpless Vietnamese people caught in this
storm of ideological destruction and murder,
and who are concerned lest all humanity's
future be engulfed in nuclear conflict.
This is the moment to bring maximum, in-
sistent pressure on both sides to make peace,
to moderate their rigidities. It is a moment
to insist that the United States recognize
and deal with motivations on the other side
that are more than simple aggression. It is
also a moment to insist that the Govern-
ment of North Vietnam and the leaders of
the National Liberation Front respond to
the American peace proposals more posi-
tively than with vituperation and mockery,
stating in unequivocal language what spe-
cifically they consider to be wrong and how
It could be set right.
These are the considerations that led to
the decision to publish the statement now,
while the U.S. Government still seeks peace
and, regrettably, even before the names of
many signers from this country and abroad
can be included.
We hope that those who read this state-
ment will feel led also to bring maximum
pressure to bear on both sides, with letters
to all the parties involved. Letters to gov-
ernments can be addressed to Washington,
Hanoi, and Saigon, of course; letters to the
Vietcong forces may be addressed to Front
National de Liberation du Sud-Vietnam, 18
Longevin, El Mouradia, Algiers, Alegeria.
ALFRED HASSLES,
Executive Secretary,
Fellowship of Reconciliation.
THE MANSFIELD REPORT ON
yjETNAM
Mr. GRUEND. iesident,
during the recess between the 1st and
the 2d sessions of the 89th Congress,
our able and distinguished majority
leader, the Senator from Montana [Mr.
MANSFIELD], accompanied by four of our
eminent colleagues, Senators MUSKIE,
INOUYE, AIKEN, and BOGGS, at the request
of the President, undertook a study mis-
sion to Europe and Asia.
As a result of this 30-day mission, the
study group filed with the Senate Com-
mittee on Foreign Relations on January
3, 1966, a detailed, realistic report on the
United States involvement in the unde-
clared war in Vietnam entitled: "The
Vietnam Conflict: The Substance and
the Shadow."
I ask unanimous consent that that
report be printed at the conclusion of
my remarks, together with the letter of
transmittal.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is ordered.
(See exhibit 1.)
Mr. GRUENING. Madam President,
at the present time, it is obvious that
the administration has under serious
consideration the determination as to
whether or not there should be further
escalation of our military commitment
in Vietnam. It would be well if those
charged with such decision read care-
fully and fully the report submitted by
Senator MANSFIELD and his colleagues.
Senator MANSFIELD is well qualified to
head such a mission. A student of Asia,
Its history and politics, he submitted,
February 25, 1963, and at various earlier
times, reports on Vietnam and southeast
Asia containing predictions of things to
come there unless our policies were
altered. His sage advice then remained
unheeded. I hope his warning contained
in this report will be more carefully
considered.
The senior Senator from Vermont
[Mr. AIKEN] was also a valuable addition
to the study team, serving as he does as
minority member of the Senate Com-
mittee on Foreign Relations with many
years of experience in foreign affairs.
In fact, all the members of the study
team are to be highly commended for
the contribution which they have made
to a more realistic appraisal of our Viet-
namese involvement.
Some of the more important, sobering
conclusions of the report are:
A rapid solution to the conflict in Viet-
nam is not in immediate prospect. This
would appear to be the case whether military
victory is pursued or negotiations do, in fact,
materialize.
"Insofar as the military situation is con-
cerned, the large-scale introduction of U.S.
forces and their entry into combat has
blunted but not turned back the drive of
the Vietcong. The latter have responded to
the, increased American role with a further
strengthening of their forces by local recruit-
ment in the south and reinforcements from
the north and a general stepping up of mili-
tary activity. As a result the lines remain
drawn in South Vietnam in substantially the
same pattern as they were at the outset of
the increased U.S. commitment. What has
changed basically is the scope and intensity
of the struggle and the part which is being
played by the forces of the United States and
those of.North Vietnam.
925
Despite the great increase in American
military commitment, it is doubtful in view
of the acceleration of Vietcong efforts that
the constricted position now held in Vietnam
by the Saigon government can continue to
be held for the indefinite future, let alone
extended, without a further augmentation
of American forces on the ground. Indeed,
if present trends continue, there is no assur-
ance as to what ultimate increase in Ameri-
can military commitment will be required
before the conflict is terminated. For the
fact is that under present terms of reference
and as the war has evolved, the question is
not one of applying increased U.S. pressure
to a defined military situation but rather
of pressing against a military situation which
is, in effect, open ended. How open is de-
pendent on the extent to which North Viet-
nam and its supporters are willing and able
to meet increased force by increased force.
All of mainland southeast Asia, at least, can-
not be ruled out as a potential battlefield.
As noted, the war has already expanded
significantly into Laos and is beginning to
lap over the Cambodian border while pres-
sures increase in the northeast of Thailand.
Even if the war remains substantially
within its present limits, there is little
foundation for the expectation that the Gov-
ernment of Vietnam in Saigon will be able,
In the near future, to carry a much greater
burden than it is now carrying. This is in
no sense a reflection on the caliber of the
current leaders of Vietnam But the fact is
that they are, as other Vietnamese Govern-
ments have been over the past decade, at
the beginning of a beginning in dealing with
the problems of popular mobilization in sup-
port of the Government. They are starting,
moreover, from a point considerably behind
that which prevailed at the time of Presi-
dent Diem's assassination. Under present
concepts and plans, then, what lies ahead is,
literally, a vast and continuing undertaking
in social engineering in the wake of such
military progress as may be registered. And
for many years to come this task will be very
heavily dependent on U.S. foreign aid.
The basic concept of present American
policy with respect to Vietnam casts the
United. States in the role of support of the
Vietnamese Government and people. This
concept becomes more difficult to maintain
as the military participation of the United
States undergoes rapid increase. Yet a
change in the basic concept could have a
most unfortunate impact upon the Viet-
namese people and the world at large. What
is involved here is the necessity for the
greatest restraint in word and action, lest
the concept be eroded and the war drained
of a purpose with meaning to the people of
Vietnam.
This danger is great, not only because of
the military realities of the situation, but
also because, with few exceptions, assistance
has not been and is not likely to be forth-
coming for the war effort in South Vietnam
from nations other than the United states.
On the contrary, as it now appears, the
longer the war continues in its present pat-
tern and the more it expands in scope, the
greater will become the strain placed upon
the relations of the United States with allies
both in the Far East and in Europe.
Many nations are deeply desirous of an
end to this conflict as quickly as possible.
Few are specific as to the manner in which
this end can be brought about or the shape
it is likely to take. In any event, even
though other nations in certain circum-
stances, may be willing to play a third-party
role in bringing about negotiations, any
prospects for effective negotiations at this
time (and they are slim) are likely to be
largely dependent on the initiatives and ef-
forts of the combatants.
Negotiations at this time, moreover, if
they do come about, and if they are accom-
panied by cease-fire and standfast, would
serve to stabilize a situation in which the
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926 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE
majority o the population remains under
nominal government control but in which
dominance of the countryside rests largely
in the hands of the Vietcong. What might
eventually materialize through negotiations
I rom this situation cannot be foreseen at this
time with any degree of certainty.
That is not, to say the least, a very satis-
factory prospect. What needs also to be
borne in mind, however, is that the visible
alternative at this time and under present
terms of reference if; the indefinite exparei
eion and iatensification of the war which
will require the continuous introduction of
additional U.S. forces. The end of that
course cannot be foreseen, either, and there
are no grounds for optimism that the end is
likely to be reached within the confines of
South Vietnam or within the very near
future
EXHIBIT I.
1 ETTER OF TRANSMTTTAL
ITS. SENATE,
DETTEE OF THE MAJORITY T,EADFR,
Washington, D.C., January] 3, 1966.
Boo. J. W. FULBRIGHT,
Chairman, Committee On Foreign Relations,
U.S. Senate, Washington. D.C.
DEAR MR, CHAIRMAN: In accord with a letter
from the President dated November 7, 1965,
Senators Asazn, MUSKIE, Boccs. and INotrrir,
joined me in a study mission to Europe and
to Asia. The group was drawn in part from
the Senate it large, rather than exclusively
from the committee, because it seemed to
me that it would be useful to add to a joint
effort, of this kind, the views of Members who
could bring other perspectives to the study.
In this connection, the contributions of Sen-
ators MITSKIE. BOGGS? and INOUYE were ex-
ceptional. Insofar as Senator AIKEN is con-
corned, he also provided not only a bipartisan.
strength to our purposes, but his great wis-
dom and judgment and his knowledge based
on a long Senate and committee experience.
The mission took us to France, Poland, the
Soviet Union, Romania, Ceylon, Burma, Thai-
land, Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam, Hong Kong,
the Philippines. and Japan. Consideration
was given to the inclusion of both Pakistan
and India ill the itinerary. It was decided
that it. would be inadvisable to include these
two great countries, because the immediate
difficulties with which they are beset over
Kashmir are currently under active consid-
eration before the United Nations, and it is
the policy of the United States to support
fully the efforts of that international body
to alleviate these difficulties. In the cir-
cumstances and in view of the nature of the
group, we did not wish by our presence even
to imply otherwise. To avoid any possible
misunderstanding, therefore, we proceeded
by a longer route from Bucharest to Aden
and across the Indian Ocean to Ceylon, mak-
ing courtesy calls en route in Riyadh and
On this mission, which took us more than
:10,000 miles in over 30 days, we met with
many of our own officials abroad and with
officials of other governments. We went not
to propound but to ask, to listen, and to note.
To the extent that we spoke, it was to stress
the essential unity of the Nation, irrespective
of party or personal view in matters which
affect the Na tion in its relations with other
nations. We emphasized the deep concern
if the President and the people for peace,
end the profound preference which this Na-
Lion has for the works of construction over
those of destrection. We reiterated the deep
and firm commitment of the United States
to a just resolution of the conflict in Viet-
nam..
We were at all times correctly and cour-
leously received and, on occasion, with very
great warmth. Conversations with the offi-
eials of other governments were invariably
frank, often animated, but never personally
discourteous Even where our points of view
differed most markedly. Almost without ex-
ception, officials put their cards on the table-
We did the same.
Reports covering the situation in Vietnam
and on other aspects of the mission were
submitted to the President on December 19,
1965, the day following my return to Wash-
ington. Subsequently, there were discussed
when I met with Secretaries Rust and Mc-
Namara. A report reflecting the j.iint obser-
vations and conclusions of the group as the
situation appeared to us in Novrinber-De-
cember 1965 is now submitted herewith to
you as chairman of the Committee on For-
eign Relations.
The situation in Vietnam and i 1.5 world-
wide ramifications constitute the gravest
international problem which has eonfronted
the United States in many years. In con-
nection therewith, the forces of t..n United
States in Vietnam (under Gen. William C.
Westmoreland) are performing a profound
service at great personal sacrifice an behalf
of the Nation. It is essential the!. the full
dimensions of the Vietnamese problem be
explored and considered as thorooghly and
as widely as practicable in preseni circum-
stances. It was in the hope that a construc-
tive contribution will be made to tais explo-
ration and discussion, that this report was
prepared for the use of the committee and
the Senate. There has also been included,
as an appendix to this report, a study made
public by a similar Senate group n a pre-
vious presidential mission 3 year" ago. It
may help to provide a useful perspective for
the current situation in Vietnam.
should like to note before closing a mat-
ter of special interest to the comm ii see. The
Ambassadors and the officers of the Depart-
ment of State abroad were immensely helpful
to the mission. Administrative arrange-
ments for the group were exceptionelly effec-
tive and efficient. The knowledge, under-
standing, and diplomatic skills of the em-
bassy staffs which were placed at our dis-
posal were generally outstanding in char-
acter. And the cooperation of the Defense
Department, not only in providing efficient
transportation but in many other ways, was
of the greatest value to us.
The group had as escort from the Depart-
ment of State, Minister Francis Meloy,
Jr., Mr. W. 0. Trone, Direr ler of the Office of
Operations, Department of State, and Mr.
Paul Kelly. The Department of Defense pro-
vided the services of Maj. 0-en. Charles R.
Roderick, Col. Prank Gess, and Lt. Col.
George L. J. Dalferes. The a.ssis"ance of
these men was highly effective in every re-
spect and of the greatest value to the group.
Sincerely yours,
MIKE MAN, cIELD.
THE VIETN At CONFLICT: THE SUDST NCR AND
THE SHADOW
Ej A NE : THE SUBSTANCE OF WAR
1. Introductory
The most important new factor in the war
in Vietnam has been the introduction of large
numbers of U.S. troops into South Vietnam
and their direct entry into com.bat. This
augmentation of the U.S. military role in
Vietnam was a response to a near-desperate
situation early in 1965. There is no question
that the Government of Vietnam in Saigon
was faced with a rapidly deteriorating posi-
tion a.t that time.
After the assassination of Ngo Dinh Diem,
repeated coups had weakened the cohesive-
ness of the central authority and seted to
stimulate public disaffection and indifference
to the war. At the same time, there was
a greatly accelerated military drive by
strengthened Vietcong forces. Their control
expanded over large areas of the country,
particularly in provinces adjacent to the
western borders. Communications and trans-
portation between population centers became
increasingly hazardous, except by Vietcong
January 24, 1966
sufferance. In short, a total collapse of the
Saigon Government's authority appeared im-
minent in the early months of 1965.
U.S. combat troops in strength arrived at
that point in response to the appeal of the
Saigon authorities. The Vietcong counter
response was to increase their military activ-
ity with forces strengthened by intensified
local recruitment and infiltration of regular
North Vietnamese troops. With the change
in the composition of opposing forces the
character of the war also changed sharply.
2. Military forces of the Government of
Vietnam
The Government of Vietnam now has ap-
proximately 635,000 men under arms. Of thin
number, however, only about 300,000 are reg-
ular troops of the Army, Navy, Air Force, and
Marines, with about 88 percent being Army
troops. A general reserve of six airborne bat-
talions and five marine battalions is equipped
to fight anywhere in the country.
The Vietnamese Government has six fight-
er-bomber squadrons. It also has a small
navy, composed of sea, river, and coastal
forces.
In the total of 635,000 men there are also
regional forces of about 120,000 men which
act as a constabulary in the 43 provinces.
Each province chief, who has a military as
well as a civil capacity, has a number of
regional force companies under his com-
mand. Popular forces number about 140,000.
Lightly armed, this group is recruited as
a rule from local youth to act ELS defend-
ers of villages and hamlets. A civilian irregu-
lar defense group is recruited by the Viet-
namese Special Forces. It numbers about
25,000 and is posted in border areas for patrol
purposes. Finally, there is a national police
of about 50,000 men.
The total of 635,000 men in all categories
is expected to be expanded in the current
year, although a substantial increase is not,
anticipated. The sources of expanded re-
cruitment are not great and, in any event,
are shared with the Vietcong. Moreover, a
high desertion rate continues, despite deter-
mined efforts to reduce it.
3. U.S. and international forces in Vietnam
In 1962, U.S. military advisers and service
forces in South Vietnam totaled approxi-
mately 10,000 men. This number had in-
creased by May of 1965 to about 34,000. At
that time the American force was still basic-
ally an advisory organization. Americans,
in regular combat units.; were not yet en-
gaged on the ground. U.S. heheopter com-
panies were in use but only to supply tacti-
cal transportation to regular Vietnamese
units and the U.S. jet fighter-bombers in the
country with the exception of two or three
squadrons of aircraft were not yet engaged
in support of the Vietnamese Armed Forces.
By December 1965, however, there were
approximately 170,000 U.S. troops in South
Vietnam. Additionally, there were about
21,000 soldiers and marines from the Re-
public of Korea, an infantry battalion, and
a battery of artillery, comprising some 1,200
men, from Australia, and a New Zeala nd ar-
tillery battery of about 150 men.
The augmented U.S. ground forces were
composed of two Army divisions, the 1st In-
fantry Division, and the 1st Air Cavalry Divi-
sion, and two separate brigades, the let Bri-
grade, 101st Airborne Division, a:nd the .173(1
Airborne Brigrade. The Australian and New
Zealand troops were attached to the latter
group. A full U.S. Marine division reinforced
by a separate regiment was in Vietnam with
the support of six Marine fighter-bomber
squadrons.
The small Vietnamese coastal force was
augmented by a number of U.S. naval ships
and Coast Guard vessels. The U.S. 7th Fleet
was off the Vietnamese coast. Planes from
its carriers were active in the air campaign
against North Vietnam. They were also re-
inforcing the U.S. Air Force and Vietnamese
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January 24, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
fighter-bomber squadrons in operations in
South Vietnam.
Ten U.S. Air Force and Marine fighter-
bomber squadrons were operating from five
jet airfields in Vietnam; a sixth field was
under construction. B-52 bombers from
Guam were providing additional air strength,
concentrating on more remote Vietcong bases
which had previously been immune to
harassment or attack.
The magnitude of the expanded U.S. mili-
tary effort has required a vastly enlaged sup-
port complex. Starting almost from scratch
in May of 1905, a logistic system has been
built. There are four major logistic support
areas. One is in the Saigon region, includ-
ing Bien Hao and Vung Tau. The other
three are located along the coast, at Cam
Ranh Bay, at Qui Nhon in Binh Dinh
Province, and at Da Nang. The rapid in-
fusion of American forces has strained the
facilities of the new logistic system to the
utmost, with long delays in unloading and
moving equipment not unusual. There have
also been and still are shortages of important
items of supply despite efforts to eliminate
these shortages.
4. Relationship of United States and Viet-
namese forces
From the point of view of American policy
and practice, the war itself remains a Viet-
namese war. The American command em-
phasizes that U.S. forces in Vietnam are
there to support the Vietnamese and their
Armed Forces in the effort to resist aggres-
sion by infiltration from the north and ter-
rorism and subversion from within. Viet-
namese sovereignty and the paramount role
of the Vietnamese are meticulously respected
and the supporting nature of the U.S. role is
stressed.
There is no combined or unified command
of the international forces in Vietnam.
United States and Vietnamese forces work
together through coordination and coopera-
tion. The commander of the U.S. forces
maintains close liaison with the Vietnamese
Minister of Defense and the Chief of the
Joint General Staff. Strategy and plans are
devised together. Parallel instructions are
then issued to the respective commanders
through corps and division to regimental
level. In the execution of an operation a
joint command post is set up or liaison offi-
cers are exchanged and terrain is appor-
tioned for tactical areas of operation. Ac-
cording to American military commanders
these arrangements have proved to be prac-
tical and workable.
5. Vietcong-North Vietnamese forces
In December 1965, the best available esti-
mates placed Vietcong strength in South
Vietnam at 230,000 men. This figure is double
that of 3 years ago. Total Vietcong strength,
apparently, is steadily increasing despite the
serious casualties which these forces have
suffered during the past few months.
Of the present total, approximately 73,000
are main force soldiers, including 14,000 reg-
ular PAVN (Peoples' Army of North Viet-
nam) troops from North Vietnam. The Viet-
cong forces also include about 100,000 militia,
some 17,000 support troops who operate along
lines of communication, and approximately
40,000 political cadres. It is estimated that
the Vietcong, through local recruitment in
the south and infiltration from ?the north,
have the capability of a substantial increase
in their numbers within a short period of
time.
Infiltration of men from North Vietnam
through Laos has been going on for many
years. It was confined primarily to political
cadres and military leadership until about
the end of 1964 when North Vietnam Regular
Army troops began to enter South Vietnam
by this route. It is anticipated that with
the multiplication of routes through Laos
the rate of infiltration is likely to increase
threefold from the present estimated 1,500
per month. The monsoon, which earlier was
considered to be of great significance in its
effect on the reinforcement capabilities of
the Vietcong as well as on the ability of both
sides to prosecute the war, has proved in ex-
perience to be of minor consequence if, in-
deed, of any consequence at all.
6. Current state of the war
By November 1965, American troops were
directly involved in battle to a much greater
degree than at any other time in the history
of the Vietnamese conflict. At the same
time, the intensity of the war itself reached
a new high. The Vietcong initiated 1,038
incidents during the last week of November
and the total number of incidents which had
increased steadily throughout 1965, reached
3,588 in that month. These incidents in-
volved armed attacks up to regimental
strength as well as terrorism and sabotage
of various kinds of antiaircraft fire against
U.S. aircraft. In the later months of 1965
the trend was toward larger attacks, except
in the Mekong Delta where there were nu-
merous small-scale actions.
With the increase in the intensity of the
conflict, there were increased numbers of
casualties among all participants. In the
month of November 1965, alone, 469 Ameri-
cans were killed in action, a figure repre-
senting about 35 percent of all Americans
killed in action in the war until that date.
In addition 1,470 Americans were listed as
wounded and 33 as missing. During the
same month the South Vietnamese Army re-
ported 956 soldiers killed in action, 2,030
wounded, and 355 missing. The Vietcong, for
their part, are estimated to have lost 5,300
men killed in the month and, in addition,
595 were taken prisoner. Many of these
casualties were regulars of the North Viet-
namese Army.
7. The security situation in South Vietnam
The presence of U.S. combat forces has
a'ted to arrest the deterioration in general
security in Government-controlled parts of
South Vietnam. It has also improved the
ability of the Vietnamese Government to hold
Saigon, the strategic heart of the country, the
coastal bases, and certain other key areas in
the country. In the latter connection, it
should be noted that a strategic route (19)
from the coast to the western highlands has
been reopened for convoyed ground traffic to
Plieku, a major military strong point in the
western highlands. On certain other roads,
an improvement in security is also reported.
8. Vietcong reactions
Faced by a blunting of their military
efforts, the Vietcong have reacted strongly to
the new situation. Beginning in June- an
estimated 1,500 North Vietnamese troops per
month have entered South Vietnam through
Laos and this number is rapidly increasing.
The estimates are that at least seven regi-
ments of regular troops from North Vietnam
are now in the country with more on the
way. At the same time the Vietcong have
in recent months greatly stepped up the re-
cruiting, induction, and training of South
Vietnamese in the densely populated delta
region. They have increased their small-
scale attacks in that area, aiming apparently
at isolated outposts and at demoralizing the
regional and popular forces as well as har-
assing lines of supply and communication.
The stepped-up activity of the Vietcong
in the countryside has been paralleled by
an effort on the part of the Government
forces to strengthen their control over the
population in the base areas and their im-
mediate environs. These base areas them-
selves are held in some force. At the U.S.
Marine base at Da Nang, for example, the
perimeter of security has been pushed out
about 10 miles. The bulk of the U.S. Ma-
rine forces, however, is now preoccupied in
defense within that perimeter. Nevertheless,
it is still possible for the Vietcong to bypass
the defenders and penetrate the area in
927
sporadic hit-and-run raids. Communica-
tions between the base areas along the coast
are still subject to Vietcong ambush and
attack.
In Saigon, heavily defended as it is, the
rattle of automatic weapons fire or the ex-
plosion of mortar shells in the outskirts of
the city are not uncommon sounds by day
or by night. Vietcong ability to carry out
terroristic attacks within the city itself is
from time to time made evident. Indeed, it
is considered by some that Saigon with its
many vulnerabilities to sabotage and terror-
ism and Hanoi with its exposure to air attack
are mutual hostages, one for the other.
9. Impact of increased American forces on
the Vietnamese
The arrival in Vietnam of American com-
bat troops in large numbers has had an im-
mediate positive psychological effect on Gov-
ernment-held areas. Not only has there been
an improvement of morale in the Govern-
ment and the Armed Forces, there has also
been a return of confidence among Viet-
namese civilians. This is especially true in
Saigon where the increased American pres-
ence is taken as insurance against an immi-
nent collapse of the existing structure.1
Politically and commercially minded Viet-
namese, seeing that the United States had
so far committed itself, have found renewed
courage and confidence.
Of great significance is the fact that there
has been a period of Government stability in
Vietnam following the arrival of additional
U.S. troops. This stability is more essential -
than ever for the maintenance of public con-
fidence after the debilitating consequences of
the repeated coups which followed the assas-
sination of President Diem. It is also vital
for the effective prosecution of the war and
the formulation and carrying out of social,
economic, and political reform programs.
10. The government of Gen. Nguyen Cao Ky
The new leadership in Government, which
is drawn largely from military circles, is
young and hopeful, but with little knowledge
of politics. Gen. Nguyen Cao Ky, the Prime
Minister, recognizes that a purely military
solution to the problems of Vietnam is not
possible. Security and social and economic
reform, in his view, must proceed hand in
hand in order to gain the support of the
people.
The new leaders express the intention of
moving toward some form of representative
civilian government, taking into account the
history and needs of the Vietnamese people.
They speak of a consultative assembly to pre-
pare the way for a constitution and hearings
throughout the country on the constitution
with a view to 'a referendum at the end of
1966. The referendum, according to their
concepts, would be followed by elections to a
legislative body by the end of 1967, if by that
time elections can be held without intimida-
tion in as much as two-thirds of the country.
Some observers believe that, perhaps, not
more than 25 percent of the villages under
Government control in South Vietnam would
be free from intimidation at an election at
the present time.
In addition to prosecuting the war, the
Government of Vietnam is seeking to initiate
measures to protect and improve the welfare
of the population. With the indispensable
assistance of U.S. aid, food and other com-
modities are being imported into the country
to meet current needs and to insure that the
price of staples such as rice, fish, and canned
milk remain within the reach of the people.
1 The illustrative story is told of the Viet-
namese professional man who sold his house
in Saigon in January of 1965 in despair over
the deteriorating situation, only to buy back
the same house later in the year, following
the arrival of American troops, for twice the
price at which he had sold it.
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928 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
11. The pacification or civic action program
A new effort is also being made to bring the
people of the villages into closer and firmer
rapport with the Government. In the period
following the fall of the government of Ngo
Dinh Diem, the so-called pacification or civic
action program which brought government,
police, economic, and social organization into
the hamlets, was allowed in large measure to
lapse. Due to subsequent changes of govern-
ment, there were eventually only a very few
people left to carry on this work. Military
necessity required the Government to con-
centrate on attempting to stop Vietcong mili-
tary advances.
The present Government is once again
seeking to create an organization to carry out
a program of pacification or civic action.
Screening the cadres left from the programs
of previous governments, a basic group has
been selected. Together with additional
groups to be trained it is expected that a total
number adequate to meet the needs for
pacification teams in the priority areas
chosen by the Government of Vietnam will be
available by the end of 1966.
The present plan for pacification work is
regarded by observers as more thorough and
snore realistic than previous efforts. It con-
templates teams remaining in each village :for
an initial period of several months with sub-
sequent .followups over a period of at least 1
year. The belief is that the inhabitants can
generally be sufficiently won over to the sale
of the Government in that period and condi-
tions established where elections for local
officials can be held. It is realized, however,
that even then the work cannot be consid-
ered as completed.
17. Other programs
In addition to giving strong support to the
pacification program, the new Government
has numerous other plans to better the lot of
the people. There are, for example, projects
to improve the pay of the troops, construct
low-cost housing, and redistribute land. In
this connection a program has been inaugu-
ated to give 700,000 acres of land to 180,000
farmers. It is generally recognized that Gov-
ernment programs of this kind, many of
which have been attempted in various forms
before, will require years before any substan-
tial political effect upon the population ran
be anticipated.
Economic aspects of the conflict
The Government of Vietnam has also in-
stituted a resources control program in an
effort to restrict the Vietcong's ability to get
the things they need to carry on the war.. In
most parts of Vietnam, which is a naturally
rich and productive country, it is not difficult
to obtain enough food to support life. This
is particularly true in the fertile and densely
populated delta of the south with its great
rice fields and network of interconnecting
eanals. The Vietcong obtain money by many
means, including taxation and extortion, and
they can and do use these funds to purchase
food in the countryside and medicines in
district and provincial towns. The Vietcong
can and do attack trucks and convoys on the
roads mai seize the weapons, ammunition,
and the other goods which they may carry.
By a system of rationing, identity cards,
and resource control, including checkpoints
and mobile control teams, however, tne Gov-
ernment hopes to stop the 'Vietcong from
obtaining key commodities such as food and
MCCII.CillCS ill key areas such as the highlands,
which is a deficit region. In other areas it
is hoped that the system will make goods
less available for the Vietcong and more diffi-
cult for them to obtain.
it must be said that there is also a reverse
side to this picture. The Vietcong, operat-
ing in the countryside, have the ability to
restrict the flow of food to cities and popula-
tion centers such as Saigon. Vegetables, for
example, come to Saigon from Dalat in the
central highlands. Sugar also comes to Sai-
gon along the same road which is controlled
in part by the Vietcong. It is common
knowledge that commodities reaching Sai-
gon's markets by road from the Dalat area
have paid a tax to the Vietcong before reach-
ing the city and that unless the tax is paid
they will not reach the city. The fact is
plain: Much of Saigon's indigem us food and
commodity supply depends on the sufferance
of the Vietcong and on payments to them.
The ravages of war and terrorie on however,
are taking a toll of the country' productive
capacity Rice fields and rubber plantations
in areas that are being bombed and fought
over no longer produce their cm nibution to
feed the people and to nourish the economy.
Fledgling enterprises in outlying areas, cut
off from supplies and from markets by inter-
rupted communications, wither and fail.
Along with increased Vietcone activity in
the delta in recent months, there has been
growing Vietcong restriction on the flow of
rice from that region to the Saigon market.
The result is that Vietnam, a rice surplus
region, in 1966 will have to import at least
300,000 tons of rice from abroad under U.S.
aid programs to feed the population of the
cities and towns under the Government's
control.
Although, as has been said, the arrival of
large numbers of American troeps has gone
far to restore business confidence in the cities
cf Vietnam, there have been adverse effects
as well. One of these is the creation of a
labor shortage, particularly among skilled
workers, as men have been drained away
from normal areas of employment to the
base complexes and other regions where con-
struction projects are being pushed to create
the logistic structure and other facilities re-
quired by the American forces.
Inflationary pressures resulting from the
war and the changed U.S. role have thus far
been kept within bounds. Saigon itself, how-
ever, has an overstimulated atmosphere of
almost hectic prosperity, in some respects, as
the impact of spending by American service-
men and the effect of U.S. defense expendi-
ture make themselves felt. There are also
the beginnings of the rumblings of personal
discontent and antagonism which generally
characterize the reaction in any nation to
the sudden infusion of a large bedy of foreign
forces,
14. Summation
In sum, the overall control oh the country
remains about the same as ie was at the
beginning of 1965. It is estimated that about
22 percent of the population is under Viet-
cong control and that about 18 percent in-
habits contested areas. About tiO percent of
the population in the country it, at present,
under some form of government control,
largely because of its hold on Saigon and
other cities and large towns.
The population cif the cities ins been aug-
mented by a great number of relugees. Hun-
dreds of thousands in number, they are for
the greater part composed 0: people who
have fled to the cities in an effort to escape
the spreading inte:nsil.y of the war. In this
sense, they are unlike the refugees who came
from North Vietnam in 1954. These earlier
refugees consciously chose -Li leave their
ancestral homes and come tout a permanent-
ly, rather than accepe a Communist regime.
the new refugees, for the most part, are
believed merely to be waiting i or an end to
the ligating in order to return to their homes
and land.
The Vietcong have stepped up sabotage,
terrorism, and hit and run attacks in the
Government-held areas which are, principal-
ly, cities and major towns and .ndeterminate,
but limited, extensions outward from them.
Harassment by United States :Ind Vietnam-
ese air attack and airborne :forces has in-
creased in the firmly held Vie lcong areas of
South Vietnam which are almost entirely
rural. And, of course, North Vietnam has
been brought under air attack
January 24, 1966
In general, however, what the Saigon gov-
ernment held in the way of terrain in the
early months of 1965 (and it was already
considerably less than was held at the time
of the assassination of Ngo Dinh Diem), is
still held. What was controlled then by the
Vietcong is still controlled by the Vietcong.
What lay between was contested at the out-
set of 1965 and is still contested.
IL VIETNAM AND THE NATIONS OF ASIA
Other nations of Asia generally view the
conflict in Vietnam with great concern.
Those countries nearest to Vietnam see in
the spread and increasing intensity cif the
warfare a heightened danger of a spillover
into their territory. They sense that the
longer the conflict continues and the more
it escalates the greater becomes this danger
to themselves. Furthermore, they fear the
effect upon their own future should all of
Vietnam become' a Communist state.
Laos already finds itself deeply although
unwillingly involved on the fringes of the
war in Vietnam. The fighting within Laos,
which continues despite the 1962 Geneva
Agreement, is now a closely interwoven part
of the Vietnamese struggle. The connection
is most pronounced in the eastern part of
Laos which lies within the control of the
Communist Pathet Lao forces. This region,
the so-called Laotian panhandle, is a natural
infiltration route for men and supplies from
North Vietnam into South Vietnam. Along
border abutting on South Vietnam make:. it
possible for troops and equipment from Ha-
noi to reach far south through Communist-
controlled territory in Laos with a minimum
of risk before being diverted across the bor-
der into South Vietnam by any number of
lateral communications routes. New roads
have been constructed through this :moun-
tainous terrain along which men and sup-
plies can pass, for the most part undetected,
protected as they are in some regions by
double canopies of jungle foliage. These
roads are not easily susceptible to aerial in-
terdiction.
Cambodia, in a different mariner and to
a much lesser extent than Laos, is already
directly touched by the fighting in Vietnam.
There are repeated charges that Cambodian
territory is being used as a base for Viet-
cong operations. That is possible in view
of the remoteness and obscurity of the border
but there is no firm evidence of any such or-
ganized usage and no evidence whatsocver
that any alleged usage of Cambodian soil is
with the sanction much less the assistance
of the Cambodian Government. Prince Siha-
nouk responded immediately to a recent al-
legation that the Cambodian port of Siha-
noukville is being used to transship supplies
to the Vietcong by calling for an investiga-
tion by the International Control Commis-
sion which was set up under the Geneva ac-
cords of 1954.
Cambodia's overwhelming concern is the
preservation of its national integrity which,
In times past, has been repeatedly violated
by more powerful neighbors and is still sub-
ject to occasional forays from a minor dissi-
dent movement (the Khmer Semi) Which has
been allowed to base itself in the neighbor-
ing nations. Cambodia seeks recognition and
reepect of its borders by all parties to the
conflict. It asks to be left to live in peace
so that it may concentrate on its own prob-
lems and internal development. The Cam-
bodians have made great internal progress,
largely through their own efforts supple-
mented by a judicious use of aid from the
United States in the past and from other na-
tions both in the past and at the present
time. They have a peaceful and productive
nation with an intense sense of national
unity and loyalty to Prince Sihanouk.
The fact that fighting in South Vietnam
has raged close to the border and there have,
as a result, been occasional border incursions
and bombing of Cambodian territory has
caused the deepest concern to the Cambodian
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January 24, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
Government. Cambodia can be expected to
make the most vigorous efforts to resist be-
coming directly involved in the struggle
surging through South Vietnam and to re-
pel to the best of its capability direct and
organized invasions of its territory which may
stem from the mounting tempo of the war.
Thailand, the only country on the south-
east Asian mainland directly allied with
the United States, seeks to cooperate with
the United States as an ally while avoiding
a spillover of the war into Thai territory.
That course is becoming increasingly dif-
ficult to maintain. Thailand has a large
number of North Tietnamese living in its
northeast region bordering on Laos. This
element retains an affinity for Hanoi and is
susceptible to its influence. Moreover, in
the recent past Peiping has brought to the
forefront a Thai leader in exile and has
increased the intensity of its propaganda
attacks against Thailand. Reports of ter-
rorism and sabotage in the northeast of
Thailand are increasing.
The Vietnamese war was brought very
close to Thai territory in November 1965.
A Pathet Lao military thrust toward the
Laotian town of Thakkek on the Mekong,
which was supported by North Vietnamese
troops, was fortuitously driven back by
Government forces. Had it not been re-
pelled, the war, in effect, w^ul_. have reached
the point where it made direct contact with
Tailand's frontier.
Nations in Asia more geographically re-
mote from the war in South Vietnam are
nonetheless conscious of the dangers to the
entire area as the struggle in South Vietnam
becomes more prolonged and ever more in-
tense. These countries range from neutral
and nonaligned Burma through such a-lies
of the United States as the Philippines and
Japan.
Each of the countries of Asia has its own
internal problems. Each has varying degrees
of internal stability. Each has a principal
concern, the avoidance of direct involvement
in the Vietnamese conflict. With the excep-
tion of Korea, there is little likelihood of
substantial material help from these sources
in providing military assistance in South
Vietnam. Others are either unwilling or
reluctant to become involved in a military
sense or are unable to do so because of inner
difficulties or the broader strategic require-
-lents of the Asian situation. Even with
aspect to Korea, it is obvious that any with-
drawal of forces for use in Vietnam creates
new problems of military balance as be-
tween North and South Korea. It should
not be overlooked that peace in the Korean
peninsula is still held together only by a
tenuous truce.
The Asian nations generally are aware of
their own relative powerlessness to influence
the main course of events, or, in the final
analysis, to control their own destinies
should the conflict in Vietnam ultimately
develop into a confrontation between the
United States and Communist China with
all that such an eventuality might imply
for the peace of Asia and the world. In
Japan, for example, there is a deep anxiety
over the possible consequences to that na-
tion of such a confrontation if it should
materialize. The memory of the escalation
of the limited Manchurian incident of 30
years ago into a seemingly interminable war
on the mainland of China is not yet dead in
Japan.
To sum up, then, the nations of Asia
recognize the immense importance to them-
selves of what is transpiring in Vietnam.
But they also recognize their own limitations
in the face of it. Their immediate preoc-
cupation, in any event, is with their own
internal problems and development.
Throughout the area there is a continuing
interest in activities involving peaceful co-
operation for economic development. The
Peace Corps is generally welcomed wherever
It operates and, notably, in the Philippines.
The new Asian Development Bank is being
launched with considerable enthusiasm.
The Mekong project has warm support
throughout the region and considerable in-
terest in Cambodia, which is central to the
concept.
It is clear that none of the nations of the
area desires the domination of either China
or the United States. Given a choice, it is
doubtful that any nation would like to see
the influence of the United States with-
drawn completely from southeast Asia.
Generally speaking, the nations of the area
welcome peaceful ties with the United States
and our participation in the development of
the region if that participation does not be-
come overwhelming.
C. TIIE SOVIET UNION AND EASTERN EUROPE
Without exception the Soviet Union, Po-
land, and -Rumania give full and firm sup-
port to the position of Hanoi and the Viet-
cong. They are quick in their denunciation
of the U.S. role in South Vietnam and ve-
hement against U.S. bombing in North
Vietnam.
Part -of this solidarity is undoubtedly de-
rived from ideological affinities. Whatever
attitudes they may manifest toward Com-
munist China, and they vary, it is clear that
responsibility for the continuation of the
conflict in Vietnam is assigned to the United
States and this is regarded as an impediment
to improvement in political relations with
this country.
There is no reason to believe that the
Soviet Union, in present circumstances, sees
its way clear or, in fact, is anxious to play
a significant role to assist in bringing an end
to hostilities in Vietnam. The Soviet Union
has steadfastly refused to join with the
United Kingdom, the other Cochairman of
the 1954 Geneva Conference, in calling for
a reconvening of that Conference. They have
efhphasized repeatedly in public statements
as well as in other ways that they have no
intention of taking an initiative for peace
in Vietnam at this time.
The countries of Eastern Europe have rea-
son for concern over the continuation of the
conflict in Vietnam and its escalation. Some
of these reasons have to do with their own
national preoccupations and the situation in
Europe. Both Poland and Rumania, for
example, have a very substantial trade with
the Western World and remain interested in
increased trade with the United States
should conditions permit. Both might well
be disposed to make a contribution to a
settlement of the Vietnam problem to the
extent their capabilities permit but only
should they see some possibility of success,
D. COMMUNIST CHINA
Behind the war in Vietnam, behind the
fears and preoccupations of other Asian na-
tions and through the attitudes of the East-
ern European countries and the Soviet Union
runs the shadow of Communist China.
Until now the Chinese Communists have
not introduced their manpower directly into
the conflict although they clearly recognize
that the war may reach that point. They
recognize, too, that the war may impinge
upon China herself at some point and have
begun to make preliminary preparations for
that eventuality.
For the present, however, the Chinese ap-
pear to take the view that their direct inter-
vention in Vietnam is not required since: (1)
the war in South Vietnam is a people's war
which the Vietcong are winning; (2) North
Vietnam is successfully defending itself; (3)
the more the United States escalates the war
the higher our casualties will be and the more
discouraged we will become; and (4) the
United States cannot win, in any event, ac-
cording to Chinese theories.
It is from Communist China that Hanoi
and the Vietcong derive the bulk of their
outside material support. It is from Com-
929
munist China that there has also flowed en-
couragement of resistance to negotiation or
cOmpromise. As the war escalates and Hanoi
becomes ever more dependent upon Chinese
support, a dependence which Soviet aid at
best only tempers, the likelihood also in-
creases that North Vietnam will not be able
to negotiate a settlement without at least
the tacit consent of China. In fact, that
point may already have been reached.
E. CONCLUDING COMMENTS
A rapid solution to the conflict in Vietnam
is not in immediate prospect. This would
appear to be the case whether military victory
is pursued or negotiations do, in fact, ma-
terialize.
Insofar as the military situation is con-
cerned, the large-scale introduction of U.S.
forces and their entry into combat has blunt-
ed but not turned back the drive of the Viet-
cong. The latter have responded to the in-
creased American role with a further
strengthening of their forces by local re-
cruitment in the south and reinforcements
from the north and a general stepping up of
military activity. As a result the lines re-
main drawn in South Vietnam in substan-
tially the same pattern as they were at the
outset of the increased U.S. commitment.
What has changed basically is the scope and
intensity of the struggle and the part which
is being played by the forces of the United
States and those of North Vietnam.
Despite the great increase in American
military commitment, it is doubtful in view
of the acceleration of Vietcong efforts that
the constricted position now held in Viet-
nam by the Saigon Government can continue
to be held for the indefinite future, let alone
extended, without a further augmentation
of American forces on the ground. Indeed,
if present trends continue, there is no assur-
ance as to what ultimate increase in Ameri-
can military commitment will be required
before the conflict is terminated. For the
fact is that under present terms of reference
and as the war has evolved, the question is
not one of applying increased U.S. pressure
to a defined military situation but rather of
pressing against a military situation which
is, in effect, open ended. How open is de-
pendent on the extent to which North Viet-
nam and its supporters are willing and able
to meet increased force by increased force.
All of mainland southeast Asia, at least, can-
not be ruled out as a potential battlefield.
As noted, the war has already expanded sig-
nificantly into Laos and is beginning to lap
over the Cambodian border while pressures
increase in the northeast of Thailand.
Even if the war remains substantially
within its present limits, there is little foun-
dation for the expectation that the Govern-
ment of Vietnam in Saigon will be able, in
the near future, to carry a much greater bur-
den than it is now carrying. This is in no
sense a reflection on the caliber of the current
leaders of Vietnam. But the fact is that they
are, as other Vietnamese Governments have
been over the past decade, at the beginning
of a beginning in dealing with the problems
of popular mobilization in support of the
Government. They are starting, moreover,
from a point considerably behind that which
prevailed at the time of President Diem's
assassination.- Under present concepts and
plans, then, what lies ahead is, literally, a
vast and continuing undertaking in social
engineering in the wake of such military
progress as may be registered. And for many
years to come this task will be very heavily
dependent. on U.S. foreign aid.
The basic concept of present American
policy with respect to Vietnam casts the
United States in the role of support of the
Vietnamese Government and people. This
concept becomes more difficult to maintain
as the military participation of the United
States undergoes rapid increase. Yet a
change in the basic -concept could have a
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CONGRESSIONAL
most unfortunate impact upon the -Viet-
namese people and the world at large. What
la involved here is the necessity for the great-
est restraint in word and action, lest the con-
cept be eroded and the war drained of a pur-
pose with meaning to the people of Vietnam.
This danger is great, not only because
of the military realities of the situation but
aleo because, witn a few exceptions, assist-
ance has not been and is not likely to be
forthcoming tor the war effort in South
Vietnam from nations other than the United
States. On the contrary, as it now appears,
the longer the war continues in its present
pattern and the more it expands in scope, the
greater will become the strain placed upon
the relations of the United States with allies
bOth. iii the Far East and in. Europe.
Many nations are deeply desirous of an
end to this conflict as quickly as possible.
Few are specific as to the manner in which
this end can be brought about or the shape
it is likely to take. in any event, even
though other nations, in certain circum-
stances, may be willing to play a third-party
role in bringing about negitiations, any pros-
pects for effective negotiations at this time
(and they are slim) are likely to be largely
dependent on the initiatives and efforts of
the combatants.
Negotiations at this time, moreover, if
they do come about, and if they are ac-
companied by a cease-fire and standfast,
would serve to stabilize a situation in which
the majority of the population remains un-
der nominal government control but in which
dominance of the countryside rests largely
in the hands of the Vietcong. What might
eventually materialize through negotiations
from this situation cannot be foremen at
this time with any degree of certainty.
That is not, to say the least, a very satis-
factory prospect What needs also to be
borne in mina, however, is that th.e visible
alternative at this time and under present
terms of reference is the indefinite expan-
sion and intensification of the war which
will require the continuous introduction of
additional U.S. forces. The end of that
course cannot be foreseen, either, and there
arc no grounds for optimism that the end is
likely to be reached within the confines of
South Vietnam or within the very near
future.
In sort, such choices as may be open are
not simple choices. They are difficult and
painful choices and they are beset with
many imponderables. The situation, as it
now appears, offers only the very slim pros-
pect of a just settlement by negotiations or
the alternative prospect of a continuance
of the conflict in the direction of a general
war on the Asian mainland.
ADMIRAL RICKOVER WRITES
ABOUT LEWIS AND CLARK
Mr. MUNDT. Madam President, one
of America's most imaginative and active
minds belongs to the eminent naval offi-
cer, Adm. H. G. Rickover. He possesses
many talents. He has a wide range of
interests. No matter on what subject
he writes or talks, he is always able to
interpret the information in a colorful
and interesting way.
During the congressional recess, I re-
ceived a leter from Admiral Rickover,
written in the North Atlantic, aboard the
U.S.S. Lewis and Clark, our new nuclear
submarine. 'This is our 33d nuclear sub-
marine, Admiral Rickover reported, and,
added to the fleet of 22 other attack-type
submarines, brings our total attack fleet
to 55.
However, the very interesting part of
the admiral's letter was a review of the
RECORD ? SENATE January 24, P)66
/tCCOMpilishments of Meriwether Lewis
and William Clark, the famous explorers
who traveled through the area which now
comprises my home State, as well as all
the States adjacent to the Missouri River.
Admiral Rickover gives a condensed re-
view of the travels of Lewis and Clark in
a most vivid manner. Because I fee 'I that
not enough is known about these iamous
explorers, or what they hoped to do and
what they actually did do, I asked Ad-
miral Rickover for permission?which I
have received--to place his letter in the
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD where I am sure
st will be read by many persons hereto-
fore unfamiliar with a great part of our
American history and heritage.
ask unanimous consent thiTit this
letter be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RTCORD,
as follows:
AT SEA, U.S.S. "LEWIS AND CLAIM"
(SSBN-644),
North Atlantic, November 16, 965.
Ron. KARL E. MUNDT,
U.S. Senate.
DEAR SENATOR MUNDT: We have jl.tiL suc-
cessfully completed the first sea trials of the
U.S.S. Lewis and Clark, our 33d Polaris nu-
clear submarine. We also have in operation
22 attack type nuclear submarines, making
a, total of 55. The Lewis and Clark built
by the Newport News Shipbuilding and Dry
Dock CO., Newport News, Va.
This ship is named for Meriwether Lewis
(1774-1809) and William Clark (1770-1883),
the Virginia-born captains under whose joint
command a small American Army unit (3
sergeants, 24 men, 1 Indian, and 2 French
Canadian interpreters) crossed fr:iim St.
Louis to the mouth of the Columbia River
and back, thus competing one of the great
transcontinental voyages of expli iration,
ranking in importance with those of Balboa
(1513) and Mackenzie (1793).
Planned and personally supervised Peas-
if-lent Jefferson, the expedition had as its ob-
jective exploration of "the, Missouri River,
and such principal streams of it, as, by its
course and coMmunication with the waters
of the Pacific Ocean * * * may oiler the
most direct and practicable water communi-
cation across this continent." If such a
water route could be found, much of the lu-
crative fur trade, then largely in C.madian
hands, might be diverted to American sea-
ports. The President had long been inter-
ested in exploring this possibility; had, in
fact, given aid to three previous al tempts
that came to nothing. He obtained from
the Congress authorization and am: initial
grant of $2,500 in January 1803, a few
months before the uncharted territory to
be traversed by Lewis and Clark passed into
our possession through the Louisiana Pur-
chase. The expedition got underway, May
1804, in a bateau and two pirogues and did
not return until nearly 21/2 years is ,or.
It is difficult for us to realize the impor-
tance of water transportation in those days.
Men, were inclined to believe certain naviga-
ble routes most exist simply because they so
ardently whined that they should exist.
Thus, the hope of reaching the Orient by
sailing westward was not relinquished even
after it became known that the American
land mass stood as a barrier between the
Atlantic and Pacific Oceans; this hope was
merely transferred northward to the inland
waterways of North America, where for 300
years Spaniards, Frenchmen, and English-
men diligently searched for the mythical
Northwest Passage first postulated by 1/errs-
sane in 1524. To discover this passage was
one of the avowed objects of the Hudson
Bay Co.
Some envisaged it as a strait across Can-
ada at the latitude of Hudson Bay, others as
a comingling of the headwaters of major
eastward and westward flowing rivers. Both
versions of the myth were inscribed, as late
as 1767, in Jonathan Carver's map ol
America. Explorers kept the myth alive by
asserting as fact what was pure fantasy,
Thus, in. 1765, Robert Rogers stated cate-
gorically that between the sources cif the
Missouri and the great river of the west the
portage was not above 30 miles. His river of
the west was pure figment of the imagine-
than but, oddly enough, speculation placed
it near the actual location of the Columbia.
No one then knew of the Rocky Mountains
or imagined that such a barrier might divide
America's eastern and western rivers.
t must be counted a major gain, of the
Lewis and Clark expedition that it laid to
rest forever the myth of a navigable passage
across the continent. It established, by ac-
tual observation, that the sources of the
Missouri and Columbia lay too far apart for
an easy portage and that neither river was
truly navigable in its upper reaches. A feas-
ible route from St. Louis to the Pacific was,
indeed, mapped out, but 430 miles of it ran
overland through rugged terrain, and the
3,555 miles by river were part way navigable
by canoe only. Not until a century later did
Amundsen find the only true Northwest
Passage which does not, of course, bisect the
continent but runs along Baffin Island
-through the Arctic Ocean. In 1960, the nu-
clear submarine Scadrapon traversed the
passage underwater.
If then the Lewis and Clark expedition
could find no natural and easy cross-
continental water route, it accomplished
what in the end proved more important: It
greatly strengthened our claim to the Oregon
Territory, originally based on the discovery of
the Columbia River in 1792 by Capt. Robert
Gray of the American ship Columbia Recli-
viva. Over the route mapped by Lewis and
Clark soon came American trappers, and in
1811 Fort Astoria was built at the mouth of
the Columbia, the first permanent settle-
ment in the Oregon country.
America won the race to the Pacific by a
hair's breadth, for Canadian traders were
fast approaching the coast. Mackenzie had
traversed Canada from Lake Athabaska to
the mouth of the Bella Coola as early as
1793, Simon Fraser came down the rive
named i'or him in 1808, and David Thomp-
son followed part of the Lewis and Clark
route in 1811. When he reached the mouth
of the Columbia, he saw the American flag
flying over Fort Astoria- it had been raised
but a few months earlier. As the historian
John Bakeless writes: "Because of the Corps
of Discovery, Oregon is American today.
And 10 white stars in the blue field of Old
Glory stand for States of the Union that one
by one grew up in the farms and mills,
cities and homesteads, along the trail where
weary men in tattered elk-skin cursed the
rocks that tore their feet, sweated at the
tow rope, poled against the savage current
of the muddy Missouri, stumbled in the
chilly streams of the Rockies, and staggered
down the western end of the Lob o Trail."
It had been a hard journey and a long one.
When Clark wrote in his diary, November 7.
1805, "Ocean in view. Oh joy." the weary
explorers doubtless felt much the same tri-
umph and relief as the men on the three
small Spanish caravels when they heard the
lookout on the Pinta cry "Tierra! Tierra!"
Charting a course-4,000 miles each way-
through unknown territory inhabited lay
numerous, often hostile Indians, surely was
difficult enough, but many other tasks were
imposed on Lewis and Clark by Jefferson.
Ile instructed them to keep a daily record
of the weather and an accurate description
of the route traversed; to ascertain "by ce-
lestial observation, the geography of the
country"; describe in detail its fauna, flora
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January 24 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 907
portance and I believe it deserves an
explanation.
Mr. MANSFIELD. I was informed by
the distinguished chairman of the Com-
mittee on Armed Services this morning
that this was a bill which had to be
considered in relation to the loaning of
one destroyer and one destroyer escort
from the reserve fleet to the Republic of
China.
The purpose, according to the report
would be to authorize that loan, and,
quoting from the report:
The loan of these vessels is intended to
give the Republic of China an increased
capability to defend her contiguous waters
against aggressive acts and to augment the
free world naval forces in the western Pacific.
Is that enough information for the
Senator?
Mr. COOPER. It is an explanation;
and I believe it is good that it has been
made. As I understand, this is a loan
of a destroyer and a destroyer escort to
the Republic of China?
Mr. MANSFIELD. The Senator is
correct. A full report will be incor-
porated in the RECORD.
CONSERVATION?AND DESERVED
RECOGNITION TO SENATOR
CHURCH, OF IDAHO
Mr. MOSS. Madam President, con-
servation is everyone's business. Unfor-
tunately, too few Americans make it
their business. As a result, the task of
preserving our natural resources?of de-
veloping them but not exploiting them?
has fallen on a few dedicated persons in
both public and private life.
We in the West, enriched as we are
ith an abundance of magnificent natu-
ral wealth and beauty, are probably more
aware of the need for balanced develop-
ment of our natural resources than any
other section of the country.
I am proud of the fact that our western
congressional delegatidns have initiated
and supported most of the great conser-
vation measures that exist today. Last
week, I was privileged to vote in support
of another of the great pieces of legisla-
tion aimed at preserving for future gen-
erations, portions of America's rich heri-
tage of splendor.
In voting for Senate passage of the
national wild rivers system bill, I also
acknowledged the outstanding leader-
ship that my distinguished colleague, the
senior Senator from Idaho [Mr.
CHURCH], has played in so many conser-
vation efforts.
Conservation means far more than
simple preservation. Wise use and man-
agement of our resources rank equally
with wise preservation and management
and in both fields. FRANK CHURCH has
been the one who has shown the way and
lighted our legislative steps. A half
dozen great dams and reclamation proj-
ects bear the imprint of his effort, along
with many other smaller projects. He
has battled for continued and increased
soil conservation measures and has
pleaded for additional funds to open up
our great western forests for larger tim-
ber outputs and for greater recreational
uses.
No. 9-9
As sponsor of the Wilderness Act, the
Nez Perce National Historic Park bill,
and the wild rivers bill, and as floor man-
ager for the Land and Water Conserva-
tion Fund Act, he has assured our grand-
children and our great grandchildren
that segments of the American natural
heritage will be theirs to enjoy, even as
it has been ours.
It is fitting, Madam President, that we
should recognize the effort and dedica-
tion of our distinguished colleague from
the State of Idaho. It is even More sat-
isfying to know that others appreciate
his work and look to him as a champion
of the cause of conservation. It is to the
latter events that I direct the interest of
the Senate.
On December 20, 1965, the Senator
from Idaho was named the Idaho Con-
servationist of the Year by the Idaho
Wildlife Federation. In appropriate
ceremonies in Boise, Idaho, the Gover-
nor of Idaho, the Honorable Robert E.
Smylie presented the Senator with the
annual Governor's Award. Governor
Smylie noted at that time a fact that we
in the Senate have long known, that
conservation is truly a bipartisan matter.
As the result of that award, the Sen-
ator from Idaho then became a finalist
In the National Wildlife Federation an-
nual competition for outstanding con-
servation honors.
On January 11, 1966, at the annual
banquet of the National Wildlife Federa-
tion at the Hotel Statler Hilton, here in
Washington, D.C., the Senator from
Idaho [Mr. CHURCH] received the Na-
tional Conservation Legislative Award
from the hands of the First Lady of our
country. This came only moments after
Mrs. Lyndon B. Johnson had herself, re-
ceived the Federation's National Dis-
tinguished Service Award. The citation
to the Senator from Idaho with the
award read as follows:
For significant congresssional leadership in
the creation of the national wilderness pre-
servation system and for exceptional states-
manship and skill in focusing public atten-
tion on the need for preserving wild rivers,
parks, and outdoor recreation areas.
Madam President, the senior -Senator
from Idaho has brought great honor to
himself. But in so doing, he has reflected
credit upon every Member of this body.
We who have served with him during the
years that the wilderness bill was de-
bated, the Nez Perce National Historical
Park was created, the wild rivers bill
passed by the Senate and a host of other
measures, have been termed "Conserva-
tion Congressmen" by our fellow Amer-
icans. If we are truly worthy of this
honor, Madam President, it is because
our able colleague, Mr. CHURCH, has
guided our thoughts and actions.
TI3LIETNAM.".00NFLICT: THE SUB-
STANCEAND THE SHADOW
Mr. MUSKIE. Madam President, last
fall it was my privilege to be a member of
what has since been described in the
press as the Mansfield mission.
Under the distinguished leadership of
Senator MANSFIELD, it was our objective,
In his words, "to look, to listen, to ask
questions, and to report" to the President
and the Senate.
In this factfinding process we engaged
in some 50 formal discussions with the
leaders of the countries we visited and
with our representatives in those coun-
tries.
For us, as Senators, it was an inval-
uable opportunity to observe conditions
In those countries, to hear firsthand the
reaction of their leaders to our policies,
to state and clarify U.S. positions, and
to get in-depth briefings from American
representatives in the field.
Our approach to our mission was sim-
ple: First, to discuss any subject, any
problem, any issue, any point of friction
raised by our hosts; second, to state and
to clarify, to the best of our ability, any
American policy involved; third, to con-
sider, evaluate, and report to the Presi-
dent any suggestion, express or implied,
to deal more effectively with any prob-
lem; and fourth, to note any possibility,
however vague or remote, for moving
toward a reduction of friction.
This approach led to discussions of a
wide range of subjects in almost every
country. The list included few, if any,
surprises. The one subject which arose
in every instance was Vietnam.
I take this opportunity to pay a per-
sonal tribute to the effective and able
leadership of Senator MANSFIELD in de-
veloping the maximum utility of this
kind of J nission. His dignified and cour-
teous, but "no nonsense" approach to
our discussions was received with respect
and frankness from our hosts, without
exception. In my judgment, he made
a major contribution to better under-
standing, in places where such under-
standing is important, of our country's
Purposes, intentions, and motivations.
The wise and distinguished Senator
from Vermont, Senator AIKEN, per-
formed an invaluable service as "co-
leader" of the mission. He was a never-
failing source of good counsel and sound
judgment.
The intelligent, hard working, and
dedicated work of my good friends, Sen-
ator CALEB BOGGS, of Delaware, and Sen-
ator DANIEL INOUYE, of Hawaii, com-
pleted the team of which I was proud to
be a member.
The report of our mission has received
wide attention and comment. Many de-
scriptive labels have been attached to it.
It was our purpose to produce a report
which was, above all else, "realistic." It
is the hope, I am sure, of each of us that
the report may contribute to a sound
understanding of the realities upon
which to base the serious decisions we
face.
Because there is such widespread in-
terest in the report, Madam President,
I ask unanimous consent that excerpts
from the report be printed at this point
In the RECORD.
There being no objection, the excerpts
from the report were ordered to be
printed in the RECORD, as follows:
THE VIETNAM CONFLICT : THE SUBSTANCE AND
THE SHADOW
A. VIETNAM: THE SUBSTANCE OF WAR
1. Introductory
The most important new factor in the war
in Vietnam has been the introduction of
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908 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE January 24, 1966
large numbers of U.S. troops into South Viet-
nam and their direct entry into combat.
This augmentation of the U.S. military role
in Vietnam was a response to a near-desper-
ate situation early in 1965. There is no
question that the Government of Vietnam
in Saigon wits laced with a rapidly deteri-
orating position at that time.
Alter the assassination of Ngo Dinh Diem,
repeated coups had weakened the cohesive-
ness of the central authority and acted to
stimulate public disaffection and indiffer-
ence to the war. At the same time, there
was a greatly accelerated military drive by
strengthened Vietcong forces. Their con-
trol expanded over large areas of the coun-
try, particularly in provinces adjacent to the
western beaters. Communications and
transportation between population centers
becaine increasingly hazardous, except by
Vietcong sufferance. In short, a total col-
lapse of the Saigon Government's authority
appeared imminent in the early months of
1965.
11.11. combat troops in strength arrived at
that point in response to the appeal of the
Saigon authorities. The Vietcong counter
response was to increase their military ac-
tivity with forces strengthened by intensified
local recruitment and infiltration of regular
North Vietnamese troops. With the change
in the composition of opposing forces the
character of the war also changed sharply.
2. Military forces of the Government of
Vietnam
The CInvernment of Vietnam now has aps
proximately 635,000 men under arms. Of
this number, however, only about 300,000 are
regular troops of the Army, Navy, Air Force,
and Marines, with about 88 percent being
Army troops. A general reserve of six air-
borne battalions and five marine battalions
is equipped to fight anywhere in the
cituntry.
The Vie t na mese Government has six
tighter-bomber squadrons. It also has a
email navy, composed of sea, river, and
coastal forces.
In the total of 635,000 men there are also
regional forces of about 120,000 men which
act as a constabulary in the 43 Provinces.
leach Province chief, who has a military as
well as a civil capacity, has a number of
regional force companies under his com-
mand.. Popular forces number about 140,-
000. Lightly armed, this group is recruited
as a rule Irom local youth to act as de-
fenders of villages and hamlets. A civilian
irregular defense group is recruited by the
Vietnamese Special Forces. It numbers
about 25,000 and is posted in border areas
for patrol purposes. Finally, there is a na-
tional police of about 50,000 men.
The total of 635,000 men in all categories
is expected to be expanded in the current
year, although a substantial increase is not
anticipated. The sources of expanded re-
cruitment :ire not great and, in any event,
are shared with the Vietcong. Moreover, a
high desertion rate continues, despite de-
termined efforts to reduce it.
a. U.S. and international forces in Vietnam
1.0 1962, U.S. military advisers and service
forces in South Vietnam totaled approxi-
mately 10.000 men. This number had in -
ereaned by May of 1965 to about 34,000. At
that time tile American force was still basic-
ally an advisory organization. Americans, ln
regular combat units, were not yet engaged
im the ground. U.S. helicopter companies
were in use but only to supply tactical trans-
portation to regular Vietnamese units and
the U.S. jet lighter-bombers in the country
With the exception of two or three squadrons
of aircraft were not yet engaged in support
of the Vietnamese Armed Forces.
By December 1965. however, there were ap-
proximately 170,000 U.S. troops in South
Vietnam. Additionally, there were about
21,000 soldiers and marines from the itepublic
of Korea an infantry battalion and a battery
of artillery, comprising some 1,200 mon, from
Australia, and a New Zealand artillery bat-
tery of about 150 men.
'The augmented U.S. ground forces were
composed of two Army divisions, the 1st In-
fantry Division and the let Air Cavalry Di-
vision, and two separate brigades, the 1st
Brigade, 101st Airborne Division, and the
173d Airborne Brigade. The Australian and
New Zealand troops were attached to the
latter group. A full U.S. Marine die ision re-
inforced by a separate regiment was in Viet-
nam with the support of six Marine fighter-
bomber squadrons.
The small Vietnamese coastal ii gee was
augmented by a number of U.S. eel ships
and Coast Guard vessels. The U.S. 7th Fleet
was off the Vietnamese coast. Plies from
its carriers were active in the air unpaign
against North Vietnam.. They were also re-
inforcing the U.S. Air Force and Vietnamese
fighter-bomber squadrons in open, lions in
South Vietnam..
Ten U.S. Air Force and Marine fighter-
bomber squadrons were operating f tom five
jet airfields in Vietnam; a sixth deld was
under construction. B--52 bombers from
Guam were providing additional air strength,
concentrating on more remote Vietcong bases
which had previously been immune to harass-
ment or attack.
The magnitude of the expanded U.S. mili-
tary effort has required a vastly enlarged
support complex. Starting aIm st from
scratch in :May of 1965, a logistic system has
been built. There are four major logistic
support areas. One is in the Saigon region,
including Bien boa and Vung Tau. The
other three are located along the coast, at
Cam :Ranh Bay, at Qui Nhon in Binh Dinh
Province, and at Da Nang. The rapid infu-
sion of American forces has strained the fa-
cilities of the new logistic system Jo the ut-
most, with long delays in unloeding and
moving equipment not unusual. There have
also been and still are shortages isf import-
ant items of supply despite efforts to elimi-
nate these shortages.
4. Relationship of United States and Viet-
namese forces
From the point of view of Amer. 'an policy
and practice, the war itself remains a Viet-
namese war. The American command em-
phasizes that U.S. forces in Vietnam are
there to support the Vietnamese and their
Armed Forces in the effort to resist aggres-
sion by infiltration from the nor tii and ter-
roism and subversion from wittin. Viet-
namese sovereignty and the paramount role
of the Vietnamese are meticulously respected
and the supporting nature of the U.S. role
is stressed.
There is no combined or unified command
of the international lorces in Vietnam.
United States and Vietnamese forces work
together through coordination and coopera-
tion. The commander of the U.S. forces
maintains close liaison with the Vietnamese
Minister of Defense and the Chief of the
Joint General Staff. Strategy and plans are
devised together. Parallel instructions are
then issued to the respective commanders
through corps and division to regimental
level. In the execution of an operation a
joint command post is set up or liaison offi-
cers are exchanged and terrain is armor tinned
for tactical areas of operation. According
to American military commanders these ar-
rangements have proved to be practical and
workable.
5. Vietcong-North Vietnames- forces
In December 1965, the best available esti-
mates placed Vietcong strength in South
Vietnam at 230,000 men. This figure is
double that of 3 years ago. Total Vietcong
stre:ngth, apparently, is steadily increasing
despite the serious casualties which these
forces have suffered during the past few
months.
Of the present total, approximately 73,000
are main force soldiers, including 14,000 reg-
ular PAVN (People's Army of North Vietnam)
troops from North Vietnam. The Vietcong
forces also include about 100,000 militia,
some 17,000 support troops who operate along
lines of communication, and approximately
10,000 political cadres. It is estimated that
the Vietcong, through local recruitment in
the south and infiltrated from the north,
have the capability of a substantial increase
in their numbers within a short period of
time.
Infiltration of men from North Vietnam
through Laos has been going on for many
years. It was confined primarily ta political
cadres and military leadership until about
the end of 1964 when North Vietnam Regu-
lar Army troops began to enter South Viet-
nam by this route. It is anticipated that
with the multiplication of routes through
Laos the rate of infiltration is likely to in-
crease threefold from the present estimated
1,500 per month. The monsoon, which earlier
was considered to be of great significance
in its effect on the reinforcement capabili-
ties of the Vietcong as well as on the ability
of both sides to prosecute the war, has proved
in experience to be of minor consequence if,
Indeed, of any consequence at all.
6. Current state of the war
By November 1965, American troops were
directly involved in battle to a much greater
degree than at any other time in the history
of the Vietnamese conflict. At the same
time, the intensity of the war itself reached
a new high. The Vietcong initiated 1,038
incidents du:ring the last week of November
and the total number of incidents which had
increased steadily throughout 1965, reached
3,588 in that month. These incidents involved
armed attacks up to regimental strength as
well as terrorism and sabotage of various
kinds and antiaircraft fire against U.S. air-
craft. In the later months of 1965 the trend
was toward larger attacks, except in the
Mekong Delta where there were n.umerous
small-scale actions.
With the increase in the intensity of the
conflict, there were increased numbers ol
casualties among all participants. In the
month of November 1965, alone, 469 Ameri-
cans were killed in action, a figure repre-
senting about 35 percent of all Americans
killed in action in the war until that date.
In addition, 1,470 Americans were listed as
wounded and 33 as missing. During tile
same month the South Vietnamese Army re-
ported 936 soldiers killed in action, 2,030
wounded, and 355 missing. The Vietcong,
for their part, are estimated to have lost
5,300 men killed in the month and, in addi-
tion, 595 were taken prisoner. Many of these
casualties were regulars of the North Viet-
namese Army.
7. The security situation in South Vietnam
The presence of U.S. combat forces has
acted to arrest the deterioration in general
security in Government-controlled parts of
South Vietnam. It has also improved the
ability of the Vietnamese Government to
hold Saigon, the strategic heart of the coun-
try, the coastal bases, and certain other key
areas in the country. In the latter connec-
tion, it should be noted that a strategic route
(19) from the coast to the western highlands
has been reopened for convoyed ground traf-
fic to Pleiku, a major military strongpoint iii
the western highlands. On certain other
roads, an improvement in security is also
reported.
8. Vietcong reactions
Faced by a blunting of their military ef-
forts. the Vietcong have reacted strongly to
the new situation. Beginning in June an
estimated 1,500 North Vietnamese troops pr
month have entered South Vietnam through
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January 24, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
Laos and this number is rapidly increasing.
The estimates are that at least seven regi-
ments of regular troops from North Vietnam
are now in the country with more on the
way. At the same time the Vietcong have
in recent months greatly stepped up the re-
cruiting, induction, and training of South
Vietnamese in the densely populated delta
region. They have increased their small-
scale attacks in that area, aiming apparently
at isolated outposts and at demoralizing the
regional and popular forces as well as harass-
ing lines of supply and communication.
The stepped-up activity of the Vietcong in
the countryside has been paralleled by an
effort on the part of the Government forces
to strengthen their control over the popula-
tion in the base areas and their immediate
environs. These base areas themselves are
held in some force. At the U.S. Marine base
at Da Nang, for example, the perimeter of
security has been pushed out about 10 miles.
The bulk of U.S. Marine forces, however, is
now preoccupied in defense within that pe-
rimeter. Nevertheless, it is still possible for
the Vietcong to bypass the defenders and
penetrate the area in sporadic hit-and-run
raids. Communications between the base
areas along the coast are still subject to
Vietcong ambush and attack.
In Saigon, heavily defended as it is, the
rattle of automatic weapons fire or the ex-
plosion of mortar shells in the outskirts of
the city are not uncommon sounds by day
or by night. Vietcong ability to carry out
terroristic attacks within the city itself is
from time to time made evident. Indeed, it
is considered by some that Saigon with its
many vulnerabilities to sabotage and terror-
ism and Hanoi with its exposure to air at-
tack are mutual hostages, one for the other.
9. Impact of increased American forces on
the Vietnamese
The arrival in Vietnam of American com-
bat troops in large numbers has had an
immediate positive psychological effect on
Government-held areas. Not only has there
been an improvement of morale in the Gov-
ernment and the armed forces, there has
also been a return of confidence among Viet-
namese civilians. This is especially true in
Saigon where the increased American pres-
ence is taken as insurance against an immi-
nent collapse of the existing structure?
Politically and commercially minded Viet-
namese, seeing that the United States had
so far committed itself, have found renewed
courage and confidence. ?
Of great significance is the fact that there
Las been a period of government stability in
Vietnam following the arrival of additional
U.S. troops. This stability is more essential
than ever for the maintenance of public
confidence after the debilitating oonse-
quences of the repeated coups which fol-
lowed the assassination of President Diem.
It is also vital for the effective prosecution
of war and the formulation and carrying out
of social, economic, and political reform
programs.
10. The government of Gen. Nguyen Cao Ky
The new leadership in government which
is drawn largely from military circles is
young and hopeful, but with little knowl-
edge of politics. Gen. Nguyen Cao Ky, the
Prime Minister, recognizes that a purely
military solution to the problems of Vietnam
is not possible. Security and social and
economic reform, in his view, must proceed
hand in hand in order to gain the support
of the people.
The new leaders express the intention
of moving toward some form of representa-
1 The illustrative story is told of the Viet-
namese professional man who sold his house
in Saigon in January of 1965 in 'despair over
the deteriorating situation, only to buy.back
the same house later in the year, following
the arrival of American troops, for twice the
price at which he had sold it.
tive civilian government, taking into ac-
count the history and needs of the Viet-
namese people. They speak of a consultative
assembly to prepare the way for a consti-
tution and hearings throughout the coun-
try on the cons titution with a view to a
referendum at the end of 1966. The refer-
endum, according to their concepts, would
be followed by elections to a legislative body
by the end of 1967, if by that time elections
can be held without intimidation in as much
as two-thirds of the country. Some ob-
servers believe that, perhaps, not more than
25 percent of the villages under government
control in South Vietnam would be free
from intimidation at an election at the
present time.
In addition to prosecuting the war, thls.
Government of Vietnam is seekinzo, to initiate
measures to protect and improve the wel-
fare of the population. With the indis-
pensable assistance of U.S. aid, food and
other commodities are being imported into
the country to meet current needs and to
Insure that the price of staples such as rice,
fish, and canned milk remain within the
reach of the people.
11. The pacification or civic action program
A new effort is also being made to bring
the people of the villages into closer and
firmer rapport with the government. In
the period following the fall of the govern-
ment of Ngo Dinh Diem, the so-called pacifi-
cation or civic action program which brought
government, police, economic, and social
organization into the hamlets, was allowed
in large measure to lapse. )ue to subse-
quent changes of government, there were
eventually only a very few people left to
carry on this work. Military necessity re-
quired the government to concentrate on
attempting to stop Vietcong military
advances.
The present Government is once again seek-
ing to create an organization to carry out a
program of pacification or civic action.
Screening the cadres left from the programs
of previous governments, a basic group
has been selected. Together with additional
groups to be trained it is expected that a
total number adequate to meet the needs for
pacification teams in the priority areas
chosen by the Government of Vietnam will be
available by the end of 1966.
The present plan for pacification work is
regarded by observerers as more thorough
and more realistic than previous efforts. It
contemplates teams remaining in each vil-
lage for an initial period of several months
with subsequent followups over a period of
at least 1 year. The belief is that the in-
habitants can generally be sufficiently won
over to the side of the Government in that
period and conditions established where elec-
tions for local officials can be held. It is
realized, however, that even then the work
cannot be considered as completed.
12. Other programs
In addition to giving strong support to
the pacification program, the new Govern-
ment has numerous other plans to better
the lot of the people. There are, for ex-
ample, projects to improve the pay of the
troops, construct low-cost housing, and re-
distribute land. In this connection a pro-
gram has been inaugurated to give 700,000
acres of land to 180,000 farmers. It is gen-
erally recognized that Government programs
of this kind, many of which have been at-
tempted in various forms before, will re-
quire years before any substantial political
effect upon the population can be an-
ticipated.
13. Econoinic aspects of the conflict
The Government of Vietnam has also in-
stituted a resources control program in an
effort to restrict the Vietcong's ability to get
the things they need to carry on the war. In
most parts of Vietnam, which is a naturally
rich and productive country, it is not diffi-
cult to obtain enough food to support life.
909
This is particularly true in the fertile and
densely populated delta of the south with
its great rice fields and network of inter-
connecting canals. The Vietcong obtain
money by many means, including taxation
and extortion, and they can and do use these
funds to purchase food in the countryside
and medicines in district and Provincial
towns. The Vietcong can and do attack
trucks and convoys on the roads and seize the
weapons, ammunition, and the other goods
which they may carry.
By a system of rationing, identity cards,
and resource control, including checkpoints
and mobile control teams, however, the Gov-
ernment hopes to stop the Vietcong from
obtaining key commodities such as food and
medicines in key areas such as the highlands,
which is a deficit region. In other areas it
is hoped that the system will make goods
less available for the Vietcong and more diffi-
cult for them to obtain.
It must be said that there is also a re-
verse side to this picture. The Vietcong,
operating in the countryside, have the abil-
ity to restrict the flow of food to cities and
population centers such as Saigon. Vegeta-
bles, for example, come to Saigon from Dalat
in the central highlands. Sugar also comes
to Saigon along the same road which is con-
trolled in part by the Vietcong. It is com-
mon knowledge that commodities reaching
Saigon's markets by road from the Dalat
area have paid a tax to the Vietcong before
reaching the city and that unless the tax is
paid they will not reach the city. The fact
is plain: Much of Saigon's indigenous food
and commodity supply depends on the suf-
ferance of the Vietcong and on payments to
The ravages of war and terrorism, however,
are taking a toll of the country's productive
capacity. Rice fields and rubber plantations
in areas that are being bombed and fought
over no longer produce their contribution to
feed the people and to nourish the economy.
Fledgling enterprises in outlying areas, cut
off from supplies and from markets by in-
terrupted communications, wither and fail.
Along with increased Vietcong activity in
the delta in recent months, there has been
growing Vietcong restriction on the flow of
rice from that region to the Saigon market.
The result is that Vietnam, a rice surplus
region, in 1966, will have to import at least
300,000 tons of rice from abroad under U.S.
aid programs to feed the population of the
cities- and towns under the Government's
control.
Although, as has been said, the arrival of
large numbers of American troops has gone
far to restore business confidence in the
cities of Vietnam, there have been adverse
effects as well. One of these is the creation
of a labor shortage, particularly among
skilled workers, as men have been drained
away from normal areas of employment to
the base complexes and other regions where
construction projects are being pushed to
create the logistic structure and other fa-
cilities required by the American forces.
Inflationary pressures resulting from the
war and the changed U.S. role have thus far
been kept within bounds. Saigon itself,
however, has an overstimulated atmosphere
of almost hectic prosperity, in some respects,
as the impact of spending by American serv-
icemen and the effect of U.S. defense ex-
penditure make themselves felt. There are
also the beginnings of the rumblings of per-
sonal discontent and antagonism which gen-
erally characterize the reaction in any na-
tion to the sudden infusion of a large body
of foreign forces.
14. Summation
In sum, the overall control of the country
remains about the same as it was at the
beginning of 1965. It is estimated that about
22 percent of the population is under Viet-
cong control and about 18 percent inhabits
contested areas. About 60 percent of the
population in the country is, at present,
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910 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE
under some form of government control,
largely because of its hold on Saigon and
other cities and large towns.
The population of the cities has been aug-
mented by a great number of refugees.
Hundreds of thousands in number, they are
for the greater part composed of people who
have fled to the cities in an effort to escape
the spreading intensity of the war. In this
sense, they are unlike the refugees who came
from North Vietnam in 1954. These earlier
refugees consciously chose to leave their an-
cestral homes and come south permanently,
rather than accept a Communist regime.
The new refugees, for the most part, are
believed merely to be waiting for an end to
the fighting in order to return to their homes
and land.
The Vietcong have stepped up sabotage,
terrorism, and hit-and-run attacks in the
Government-held areas which are, prima-
pally, cities and major towns and indetermi-
nate, but limited, extensions outward from
them. Harassment by United States and
Vietnamese air attack and airborne forces
has increased in the firmly held Vietcong
areas of South Vietnam which are almost
entirely rural. And, of course, North Viet-
nam has been brought under air attack.
In general, however, what the Saigon Gov-
ernment held in the way of terrain in the
early months of 1965 (and it was already
considerably less then was held at the time
of the assassination of Ngo Dinh Diem), is
still held. What was controlled then by the
Vietcong ITT still controlled by the Vietcong.
What lay between was contested at the out-
set of 1965 and is still contested.
R. VIETNAM AND THE NATIONS OE ASIA
Other nations of Asia generally view the
conflict in Vietnam with great concern.
Those countries nearest to Vietnam see in
the spread and increasing intensity of the
warfare a heightened danger of a spillover
into their territory. They sense that the
longer the conflict continues and the more it
escalates the greater becomes this danger to
themselves. Furthermore, they fear the
effect upon their own future should all of
Vietnam become a Communist state.
Laos already finds itself deeply although
unwillingly involved on the fringes of the
war in Vietnam. The fighting within Lacs,
which coneinues despite the 1962 Geneva
Agreement, is now a closely interwoven part
of the Vietnamese struggle. The connection
is most pronounced in the eastern part of
bans which. lies within the control of the
Communist Pathet Lao forces. This region,
the so-called Laotian panhandle, is a natural
infiltration route for men and supplies from
North Vietnam into South Vietnam. A long
border abutting on South Vietnam makes
it possible for troops and equipment from
Efanoi to reach far south through Commit-
uist-control led territory in Laos with a mint-
mum of risk before being diverted across the
border into South Vietnam by any number
of lateral communications routes. New
roads have been -constructed through this
mountainous terrain along which men amd.
supplies can pass, for the most part undetect-
ed, protected as they are in some regimm
by double canopies of jungle foliage. These
roads are not easily susceptible to aerial in-
Lerdiction.
Cambodia, in a different manner and to
o much Lesser extent than Laos, is already
directly touched by the fighting in Vietnam.
There are repeated charges that Cambodian
territory i.e being used as a brixe for Vietcong
operations. That is possible in view of the
remoteness and obscurity of the border but
there is no firm evidence of any such orga-
nized usage and no evidence whatsoever that
any alleged usage of Cambodian soil is with
the sanction much less the assistance of the
Cambodian Government. Prince Siha,noult
responded immediately to a recent allega-
tion that the Cambodian port of Sihanouk-
ville is being used to transship supplies to
the Vietcong by calling for an investigation
by the International Control Commission
which was set up under the Geneva Accords
of 1954.
Cambodia's overwhelming coneern is the
preservation of its national integrity which,
in times past, has been repeatedly violated
by more powerful neighbors and is still sub-
ject to occasional forays from a tainor dissi-
dent movement (the Khmer Serail which has
been allowed to base itself in the neighboring
nations. Cambodia seeks recog )iticin and
respect of its borders by all parties to the
conflict. It asks to be left to I. ve in peace
so that it may concentrate on it, own prob-
lems and internal development. The Cam-
bodians have made great internal progress,
largely through their own efforts supple-
mented by a judicious use of aid :from the
United States in the past and From other
its Lions both in the past and at he present
time. They have a peaceful and productive
nation with an intense sense ,,r national
unity and loyalty to Prince Sihaeouk.
The fact that fighting in S-out h Vietnam
has raged close to the border and there have,
as a result, been occasional border incursions
and bombing of Cambodian territory has
caused the deepest concern to the cambodian
Government. Cambodia can be expected to
make the most, vigorous efforts to resist be-
coming directly involved in the struggle
surging through South Vietnam end to repel
to the best of its capability direct and or-
ganized invasions of its territory which may
stem from the mounting tempo of the war.
Thailand, the only country on the south-
east Asia mainland directly allied with the
United States, seeks to cooperate with the
United States as an ally while avoiding a
spillover of the war into That territory.
That course is becoming increasinely difficult
to maintain. Thailand has a large number
of North Vietnamese living in its northeast
region bordering on Laos. This element re-
tains an affinity for Hanoi and is susceptible
to its influence. Moreover, in the recent
past Peiping has brought to the forefront a
Thai leader in exile and has increased the
intensity of its propaganda attacks against
Thailand. Reports of terrorism and sabotage
in the northeast of Thailand are increasing.
The Vietnamese war was brough I very close
to Thai territory in November 1965. A Pathet
Lao military -thrust toward the Laotian town
of Thakkek on the Mekong, which was sup-
ported by North Vietnamese troope, was for-
tuitously driven back by Government forces.
Had it not been repelled, the war: in effect,
would have reached the point whbre it made
direct contact with Thailand's frontier.
Nations in Asia more geographically re-
mote from the war in South Vietnam are
nonetheless conscious of -the danifers to the
entire area as the struggle in South Vietnam
becomes snore prolonged and eve;- more in-
tense. These countries range frcen neutral
and nonalined Burma through .uch allies
of the United States as the Philippines and
Japan.
Each of the countries of Asia la is its own
internal problems. Each has varying de-
grees of internal stability. Each has as a
principal concern, the avoidance of direct
involvement in the Vietnamese conflict. With
the exception of Korea, there is hale likeli-
hood of substantial material help from these
sources in providing military assistance in
South Vietnam. Others are either unwill-
ing or reluctant to become involved in a
military sense or are unable to do so because
of inner difficulties or the broader strategic
requirements of the Asian situation. Even
with respect to Korea, it is obvioue that any
withdrawal of forces for use in Vietnam
creates new problems of military halance as
between North and South Korea. It should
not be overlooked that peace in the Korean
peninsula is still held together only by a
-tenuous truce.
The Asian nations generally are aware of
their own relative powerlessness to influence
January 24, 19(56
the main course of events, Or, in the final
analysis, to control their own destinies should
the conflict in Vietnam ultimately develop
into a confrontation between the United
States and Communist China with all that
such an eventuality might imply for tale
peace of Asia and the world; In Japan, for
example, there is a deep anxiety over the
poesible consequences to that; nation of such
a confrontation if it should materialize. Tne,
memory of the escalation of the limiter'
Manchurian incident of 30 year;; ago into
a seemingly interminable war on the
land of China is not yet dead in japan.
To sum up, then, the nations of Asia re-
cognize the immense importance to them-
selves of what is transpiring in Vietnam.
But they also recognize their own limita-
tions in the face of it. Their immediate
preoccupation, in any event, is with their
own internal problems and development.
Throughout the area there is a continuing
interest in activities involving peaceful co-
operation for economic development. The
Peace CorpJ, is generally welcomed wherever
it operates and, notably, in the Philippines.
The new Asian Development Bank is being
launched with considerable enthusiasm. The
Mekong project has warm support through-
out the region and considerable interest in
Cambodia, which is central to the concept.
It is clear that none of the nations of the
area desires the domination of either China
or the United States. Given a choice, it is
doubtful that any nation would like to see
the influence of the United States with
completely from southeast Ash;.
Generally speaking, the nations of the area
welcome peaceful ties with the United
States and our participation in the devel-
opment of the region if that participation
does not become overwhelming.
C. THE SOVIET UNION AND EASTERN ETTROPE
Without exception the Soviet Union, Po-
land, and Rumania give full and firm sup-
port to the position of Hanoi and the Viet-
cong. They are quick in their denunciation
of the U.S. role in South Vietnam and ve-
hement against U.S. bombing in North
Vietnam.
Part of this solidarity is undoubtedly de-
rived from ideological affinities. Whatever
attitudes they may manifest toward Com-
munist China, and they vary, it is clear that
responsibility for the continuation of the
conflict in Vietnam is assigned to the United
States and this is regarded as an impedimeni;
to improvement in political relations with
this country.
There is no reason to believe that the So-
viet Union, in present circumstances, sees it;;
way clear or, in fact, is anxious to play a
significant role to assist in bringing an end
to hostilities in Vietnam. The Soviet Union
has steadfastly refused to join with the
United Kingdom, the other cochairman of the
1954 Geneva Conference, in calling for a re-
convening of that Conference. They have
emphasized repeatedly in public statemen
as well as in other ways that they have no
intention of taking an initiative for peace
in Vietnam at this time.
The countries of Eastern Europe have rea-
son for concern over the continuation of the
conflict in Vietnam and its escalation. Some
of these reasons have to do with their own
national preoccupations and the situation
in Europe. Both Poland and Rumania, for
example, have a very substantial trade with
the Western World and remain interested in
increased trade with the United States
should conditions permit. Both might well
be disposed to make a contribution to a
settlement of the Vietnam problern to the
extent their capabilities permit but only
should they see some possibility of success.
D. COMMUNIST CHINA
Behind the war in Vietnam, behind the
fears and preoccupations of other Asian na-
tions and through the attitudes of the East-
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January 24, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
ern European countries and the Soviet Union
runs the shadow of Communist China.
Until now the Chinese Communists have
not introduced their manpower directly into
the conflict although they clearly recognize
that the war may reach that point. They
recognize, too, that the war may impinge
upon China herself at some point and have
begun to make preliminary preparations for
that eventuality.
For the present, however, the Chinese ap-
pear to take the view that their direct inter-
vention in Vietnam is not required since:
(1) the war in South Vietnam is a people's
war which the Vietcong are winning; (2)
North Vietnam is successfully defending it-
self; (3) the more the United States escalates
the war the higher our casualties will be and
the more discouraged we will become; and
(4) the United States cannot win, in any
event, according to Chinese theories.
It is from Communist China that Hanoi
and the Vietcong derive the bulk of their
outside material support. It is from Commu-
nist China that there has also flowed en-
couragement of resistance to negotiation or
compromise. As the war escalates and Hanoi
becomes ever more dependent upon Chinese
support, a dependence which Soviet aid at
best only tempers, the likelihood also in-
creases that North Vietnam will not be able
to negotiate a settlement without at least the
tacit consent of China. In fact, that point
may already have been reached.
E. CONCLUDING COMMENTS
A rapid solution to the conflict in Vietnam
is not in immediate prospect. This would
appear to be the case whether military vic-
tory is pursued or negotiations do, in fact,
materialize.
Insofar as the military situation is con-
cerned, the large-scale introduction of U.S.
forces and their entry into combat has
blunted but not turned back the drive of
the Vietcong. The latter have responded
to the increased American role with a further
strengthening of their forces by local recruit-
ment in the south and reinforcements from
the north and a general stepping up of mili-
tary activity. As a result the lines remain
drawn in South Vietnam in substantially the
same pattern as they were at the outset of
the increased U.S. commitment. What has
changed basically is the scope and intensity
of the struggle and the part which is being
played by the forces of the United States
and those of North Vietnam.
Despite the great increase in American
military commitment, it is doubtful in view
of the acceleration of Vietcong efforts that
the constricted position now held in Vietnam
by the Saigon government can continue to
be held for the indefinite future, let alone
extended, without a further augmentation
of American forces on the ground. Indeed,
if present trends continue, there is no assur-
ance as to what ultimate increase in Amer-
ican military commitment will be required
before the conflict is terminated. For the
fact is that under present terms of reference
and as the war has evolved, the question is
not one of applying increased U.S. pressure
to a defined military situation but rather of
pressing against a military situation which
is, in effect, open ended. How open is depen-
dent on the extent to which North Vietnam
and its supporters are willing and able to
meet increased force by increased force. All
of mainland southeast Asia, at least, cannot
be ruled out as a potential battlefield. As
noted, the war has already expanded sig-
nificantly into Laos and is beginning to lap
over the Cambodian border while pressures
increase in the northeast of Thailand.
Even if the war remains substantially with-
in its present limits, there is little foundation
for the expectation that the Government of
Vietnam in Saigon will be able, in the near
future, to carry a much greater burden than
It is now carrying. This is in no senSe a
reflection on the caliber of the current leaders
of Vietnam. But the fact is that they are,
as other Vietnamese Governments have been
over the past decade, at the beginning of a
beginning in dealing with the problems of
popular mobilization in support of the Gov-
ernment. They are starting, moreover, from
a point considerably behind that which pre-
vailed at the time of President Diem's
assassination. Under present concepts and
plans, then, what lies ahead is, literally, a
vast and continuing undertaking in social
engineering in the wake of such military
progress as may be registered. And for many
years to come this task will be very heavily
dependent on U.S. foreign aid.
The basic concept of present American
policy with respect to Vietnam casts the
United States in the role of support of the
Vietnamese Government and people. This
concept becomes more difficult to maintain as
the military participation of the United
States undergoes rapid increase. Yet a
change in the basic concept could have a
most unfortunate impact upon the Viet-
namese people and the world at large. What
is involved here is the necessity for the
greatest restraint in word and action, lest the
concept be eroded and the war drained of a
purpose with meaning to the people of
Vietnam.
This danger is great, not only because of
the military realities of the situation but also
because, with a few exceptions, assistance has
not been and is not likely to be forthcom-
ing for the war effort in South Vietnam
from nations other than the United States.
On the contrary, as it now appears, the longer
the war continues in its present pattern and
the more it expands in scope, the greater
will become the strain placed upon the rela-
tions of the United States with allies both
in the Far East and in Europe.
Many nations are deeply desirous of an
end to this conflict as quickly as possible.
Few are specific as to the manner in which
this end can be brought about or the shape
it is likely to take. In any event, even
though other nations, in certain circum-
stances, may be willing to play a third-party
role in bringing about negotiations, any pros-
pects for effective negotiations at this time
(and they are slim) are likely to be largely
dependent on the initiatives and efforts of
the combatants.
Negotiations at this time, moreover, if they
do come about, and if they are accompanied
by a cease-fire and standfast, would serve to
stabilize a situation in which the majority
of the population remains under nominal
government control but in which dominance
of the countryside rests largely in the hands
of the Vietcong. What might eventually ma-
terialize through negotiations from this sit-
uation cannot be foreseen at this time with
any degree of certainty.
That is not, to say the least, a very satisfac-
tory prospect. What needs also to be borne
in mind, however, is that the visible alterna-
tive at this time and under present terms of
reference is the indefinite expansion and in-
tensification pf the war which will require
the continuous introduction of additional
U.S. forces. The end of that course can-
not be foreseen, either, and there are no
grounds for optimism that the end is likely
to be reached within the confines of South
Vietnam or within the very near future.
In short, such choices as may be open are
not simple choices. They are difficult and
painful choices and they are beset with many
impounderables. The situation, as it now
appears, offers only the very slim prospect
of a just settlement by negotiations OT the
alternative prospect of a continuance of the
conflict in the direction of a general war
on the Asian mainland.
Mr. MUSKIE. Madam President,
since our return from our travels, each
911
of us, of course, has been asked to add
our personal impressions to the report.
The report speaks for itself and repre-
sents a consensus of the five Senators
Involved. Nevertheless, it cannot con-
ceivably encompass the hundreds of re-
actions and impressions which we expe-
rienced and are still digesting.
It may be useful, therefore, Madam
President, to include at this point in the
RECORD?and I ask unanimous consent
to do so?some excerpts from comments
I have made since our return.
There being no objection, the excerpts
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
I have said that Vietnam was the single,
consistently recurring subject in our discus-
sions:
Only the Communist countries urged our
unconditional withdrawal from South Viet-
nam?with varying degrees of emphasis and
harshness in their criticism of American
policy.
There appeared to be an underlying regret
in Warsaw, Moscow, and Bucharest that the
Vietnam problem exists and a wish that it
might go away?but the words used con-
sistently placed responsibility upon the
United States for the existence of the prob-
lem and for eliminating it.
There was a general uneasiness about the
dreadful uncertainties to which the Vietna-
mese conflict might lead.
There was a general pessimism about the
prospects for a negotiated settlement, but
indications of an interest in contributing to
that objective if the opportunity arose.
Support for U.S. policy in Vietnam varied
inversely with the distance from southeast
Asia.
There was very great uneasiness in south-
east Asia as to the consequences for south-
east Asian countries of a complete U.S. with-
drawal.
All the areas of the world which we
visited were a constant source of interest to
all of us, but southeast Asia had a particu-
lar fascination.
It is, of course, the site of our greatest
overseas problem.
It is an area of great variety and beauty.
It is an area of great resources and poten-
tial richness.
On the surface, the five countries we
visited?Burma, Laos, Thailand, Cambodia,
and South Vietnam?have mach in common
and would appear to have much to gain
from a closer association.
In reality there are differences and divi-
sions, deep seated and historic, which are
sources of constant friction?and instability
even within a given country.
And the gap between the rich and the
poor is as great as anywhere in the world,
and productive of more instability.
There is no love or natural affinity between
any of these _ countries and China?before
or since mainland China has gone Com-
munist; and each of these countries, in its
own way is seeking to be independent of
Chinese domination and control.
There is no question in my mind but
that all of them would fall under Chinese
domination and control if the United States
withdraws or is driven from South Vietnam.
To the leaders of Red China, South Viet-
nam is just another incident in the long
struggle which they have waged for 40 years
and which they intend to continue to wage
for the ultimate supremacy of their brand of
communism in the world.
They will not be diverted from their ulti-
mate objective by whatever happens in Viet-
nam.
Only the forces of evolution and change,
when, as, and if their country emerges as
a modern, industrial state, can blunt or
elimina is their revolutionary fervor and per-
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912 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
:made them to accept coexistence and di-
versity as the normal condition of the world.
This is the reality as we seek a way to
resolve the Vietnam dilemma.
SUBSTITUTION OF PRIVATE FOR
PUBLIC CREDIT
Mr. MOSS. Madam President, I am
sure that Senators on both sides of the
aisle will welcome the special emphasis
that President Johnson's budget places
on urging the private financial commu-
nity to participate more fully in financ-
ing major Federal credit programs.
In the coming fiscal year, the Federal
Government plans to relinquish to pri-
vate buyers $4.7 billion of Federal
loans?including both individual loans
and opportunities to participate in pools
of loans.
To make this possible, the President
proposes to broaden the whole range of
assets now sold through participation
pools. He also proposes to expand the
newly enacted program under which
State and nonprofit agencies, with Fed-
eral assistance, insure private loans to
college students, so as to reduce the
budgetary requirements for direct Fed-
eral loans.
The President's program of substitut-
ing private for public credit?wherever
consistent with program objectives?is
in line with policies voiced by each of
the last three Presidents. It fulfills the
recommendations made in 1963 by the
Committee on Federal Credit Programs
that "Government credit programs
should, in principle, supplement or stim-
ulate private lending, rather than sub-
stitute for it"?a report endorsed by
both President Kennedy and President
Johnson.
It carries out the views so cogently ex-
pressed by the minority members of the
House Ways and Means Committee in
1963 when they declared that "The ad-
ministration can always reduce its bor-
rowing requirements by additional sales
of marketable Government assets."
Finally, this emphasis is most timely
in the light of the special urgency of
total budget requirements this year. By
substituting private for public credit, we
can free money for high-priority pro-
grams without increasing budget ex-
penditures.
This is realistic, sensible, financial
management.
it penalises no beneficiary of public
, credit assistance.
It encourages the private credit sys-
tem to share with Government the re-
sponsibility and opportunity to build the
Great Society.
ADDRESS BY SENATOR RUSSELL OF
GEORGIA To GEORGIA STATE
LEGISLATURE, JANUARY 17, 1966
Mr. TALMADGE. Madam President,
my distinguished colleague, the Senator
from Georgia i Mr. RUSSELL I recently de-
livered an outstanding address to the
-eneral Assembly of the State of Geor-
gia, meeting at the State Capitol in At-
lanta. -
appearing before a joint session of the
State senate and the Georgia House of
Representatives, Senator RUSSELL out-
lined in some detail the lasting and
meaningful results of more than 3 dec-
ades of service in the U.S. Senate La his
native State and to his Nation. As his
record clearly shows, his primary eon-
cern has always been and will always be
the well-being of the people of his State,
as well as the security and best interests
of the United States. The warmth and
respect with which Senator RUSSELL is
regarded by an overwhelming majority
of the people of Georgia was demon-
strated by the enthusiastic reception he
received from members of the Georgia
Legislature, prior to, during, and follow-
ing his address,
Just as the senior Senator from
gia is held in high esteem by his fellow
Georgians, so is he in the Chamber of
the U.S. Senate. I know of no ether
Member of this body who is more res;axt-
ed for his unswerving allegiance to the
principles which have made this Nation
what it is today, for his steadfastness in
holding to heartfelt convietions, or for
his knowledge of the parliamentary in-
ner workings and procedures of this body
than my beloved senior colleague and
warm friend, Dicx RUSSELL.
Madam President, I commend Senator
RussELL's remarks to the attention of the
Senate and ask unanimous consent that
they be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the remarks
were ordered to be printed in the RLCORD,
as follows:
I UM ARES OF SENATOR RICHARD B. R::SSELL
PREPARED FOR DELIVERY TO THE GENERAL
ASSEMBLY Of GEORGIA AT THE CAME?, AT?
LANTA., MONDAY, JANUARY 17, 1966
It is a high honor to stand again is this
historic hall where men and events hare met
In shape the destiny of our beloved Georgia.
For me, each return visit to this general
a3cembly is a sentimental and deeply moving
eeperience. It brings back a flood of nos-
talgic rnemorlas of my own service in this
body. I count the 10 yearn: I spent as a
member of the house from Barrow County---
4 of them as speaker?as, among the most
pleasant and satisfying of my career,
This occasion today is especially meaning-
[sl. Last year, for the only Shoe in my life.
I was unable to respond to a call to eldress
this assembly. I can assure you that my
esteem end respect for this body a:id its
members are such that only illness pre' ented
my presence on that occasion.
EALT It GOOD, SPIRITS HIGH
no this morning I welcome the oppor-
tunity to redeeem myself. I am happy to
-ay that today my health is good, my spirits
are high., and my face is turned full to the
future. I look forward to serving Georgia in
the Senate of the United States for many
years to come ?provided that meets With ap-
proval of the people of this State.
In both basis of organize tion and mem-
bership, this general assembly is deferent
from any that has met here in the memory
of man. But 1 am confident that its viedica-
lion and devotion to the welfare of Cleorgia
is as great as any that has gone before. I
am sure that you will discharge every re-
aponsibUity without fear, favor, or in
imida-
ion.
Georgia, in common with the rest of the
country, is undergoing a period of whirl-
wind change and transition. When 1 was a
member of this house, two-thirds of the
people of Georgia lived on farms :,nd in
rural areas. Today, however, slightly more
'ell:an half of our people reside in urban corn-
January 24, 1 9 66
inuniticse--and the trend to the city is almost
certain to continue in the coming years.
These changes have brought about a host
of new and perplexing problems that are
peculiar alike to the rural and the urban
areas of our State.
In searching for solutions to our problems,
I know there will be differences and conflicts
among you. But these can be resolved if
they are approached in a spirit of cooperation
and mutual understanding?and in accord-
ance with the words inscribed on our great
seal?in "wisdom, justice, and moderation."
GEORGIA'S HORIZON UNLIMITED
Nothing can do more to enhance the future
of Georgia than to have all our people from
all sections working in harmony together for
the common good of all. We must not jeop-
ardize that future through a needless strug-
gle between urban and rural interests that
can only bring harm to the people of both
sections.
Georgia today is forging forward in all
areas of life and in all spheres of activity.
In the dark and discouraging years that, fol-
lowed Appomattox, the eloquent and incan-
descent Benjamin Harvey Hill uttered some
words that Georgians of his day and ours
have taken to heart. He said: "We can live
neither in nor by the defeated past, and if
we would live in the growing, conquering
future, we must furnish our strength to
shape its course,, and our will to discharge
its duties."
This we have done. Upon a proud and
honorable heritage, we are constructing a
new and modern Georgia that blends the best
of the old with the promise of the new.
Today, the future beckons as never before
with hope and opportunity for all our people.
A recent eurvey by the U.S. Department of
Commerce revealed that in 34 of 35 cate-
gories Georgia has outstripped the Nation in
industrial growth since 1948. In the same
period, the average income of Georgians has
doubled?though in our self-congratulation
on this achievement let us not forget that we
are still behind many other States. This is
an area in which we must do better.
WORKING FOR GEORGIA
During my years in the Senate, I have
worked with unstinting zeal and energy to
advance Georgia's progress in every legiti-
mate and proper way at my command. I
have undertaken to see that Georgia receives
full opportunity to participate in all Federal
programs and activities which our people,
after all, help to pay for with their tax dol-
lars. I have done so in the conviction that
I have been elected to represent and work
for Georgia's interest in Washington - -and
not Washington's interest in Georgia.
The record, I think, bears evidence that
these efforts have borne fruit. Let me
quickly summarize some major areas:
National defense
Some 60,000 Georgians today are employed
on the 15 major military bases located in
Georgia and in defense-related industrial
activities. The total impact on the Georgia
economy of military and defense payrolls
and activities amounts to well over $l bil-
lion annually and is increasing. Last year,
for the first time, Georgia became one of
the 10 leading States in dollar volume of
defense contracts?and this was before selec-
tion of the Lockheed Co. at Marietta to build
the mammoth C.-5A aircraft?one of the
largest defense contracts ever to be awarded.
River development
Four of Georgia's principal rivers?the Sa-
vannah, the Chattahoochee, the Coosa, and
the Flint?are under major development by
the Corps of Engineers and construction of
four new multipurpose dams is underway
or is authorized. In the postwar period.,
we have opened 500 miles of year-round navi-
gable waterways on our rivers and our goal.
is to add another 250 miles in the foresee-.
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January 24,:1966
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
the unhoused to have homes. He
learned there that they could not protect
such policies when the interest rates were
being increased in this bludgeon-like
manner. If the interest rate did not go
up on the loan, the discount would come
in on the mortgage and the homeowner
would be hurt in either instance because
the piper must be paid.
Once the decision to increase the in-
terest rates had been determined by the
Federal Reserve Board, the cost of the
housing had to march ahead in order
to take care of this interest payment.
This meant that if a person were buying
a $20,000 home and the interest rate
goes up one-half percent, which it im-
mediately did, there was a $100 cost
which had to be absorbed on a discount,
or spread across the life of the mortgage.
It meant monthly payments had to be
increased by $6 a month. To qualify for
the home the man had to have a pay in-
crease of $24 a month. Now, for good-
ness sake, Mr. Speaker, if what we are
trying to do here is to stop inflation, then
I suggest to you the ? action of the Fed
brought about the very condition that
they were predicting because in the lit-
tle movement recited above you can see
the house cost increase and the pay-
ment per month has to increase. There-
fore the wages, in order to take care of
these demands, have to be increased. So,
if we are upping the demand for wages
and if we are upping the consumer prices,
we are certainly moving forward on what
I should judge is the common man's in-
terpretation of inflation.
Therefore, it seems to me it was a very
unhappy thing to do this. I must join
the gentleman from Wisconsin in that
determination, in that the Federal Re-
serve chose to make the determination
they did at the time that they did it. It
seems to me that the record is not yet
clear as to how they can justify this
move. I predict to you that the record
will not show now or in the immediate
future that the move they have made has
stopped in any way the seeking of loans
for investment. The bank loans have in-
creased since the movement of the Fed.
Everybody has rushed into the market
because they said that inflation is com-
ing. Immediately they charged the
money market up, and there has been a
greater demand as a result. I have seen
no effect in the area in which one would
hope to have gotten an effect. That leads
me to believe that the gentleman from
Wisconsin is right. Instead of firing a
cannon they should have called up the
riflemen and should have zeroed in on
the problems on a selective basis. There-
fore, Mr. Speaker, I associate myself with
the remarks of the gentleman from Wis-
consin. I would hope that we can look in
the future to action by the Federal
Reserve Board that will really indicate
they are a part of this Government and
intend to be as responsible and as re-
sponsive as the rest of us in Government
have to be.
I shall look forward to that great day,
Mr. Speaker.
Mr. REUSS. Mr. Speaker, I thank
the gentleman from California [Mr.
HANNA], who is one of the most indus-
trious and scholarly of our colleagues and
who, particularly as a member of the
great House Committee on Banking and
Currency takes seriously the obligation
which that membership entails for him,
that he keep a continuing surveillance
over monetary conditions in this country.
I am proud and delighted that the
gentleman shares my hope that the an-
nual report of the Federal Reserve, which
will be delivered to our committee in a
matter of weeks, will contain a reasoned
account of what the Fed has done and
an effort to come to grips with some of
the problems and possibilities which I
have discussed here this afternoon.
I thank the gentleman from California
for his contribution.
VIETNAM!
The SPEAkER pro tempore. Under
previous order of the House, the gentle-
man from New Jersey [Mr. GALLAGHER]
is recognized for 30 minutes.
Mr. GALLAGHER. Mr. Speaker, com-
mittees of the Congress are presently
considering various aspects of our Na-
tion's very substantial effort to stem
Communist military and psychological
aggressions in southeast Asia. Very
shortly the Congress will act on the Pres-
ident's request for supplemental funds
in the fiscal year 1966 budget to support
our military operations in Vietnam. We
will be asked to approve some additions
to nonmilitary spending, specifically to
permit expansion of the U.S. AID pro-
grams in South Vietnam.
I am confident the Congress will act
speedily on the President's request, thus
reaffirming its strong support for the
President's policies and actions.
The situation confronting the United
States in southeast Asia is difficult, com-
plex, and fraught with danger. If it were
anything less, it would not be the issue
to which this Congress will devote the far
greater share of its attention in the
months that lie ahead. The actions of
the Congress will, in large measure,
determine the course the country shall
follow; our decisions will influence the
military and political actions of the
United States.
I expect the Congress will engage in a
broad and sweeping review of the situa-
tion. It is right that we should do so. I
am confident the most searching studies
will confirm that the President has fol-
lowed a course of action best suited to
achieve our objectives which are to pre-
serve the integrity of the established Gov-
ernment of the Republic of Vietnam, to
turn back the armed aggressors from the
North and to bring about a cessation of
hostilities and a just and enduring peace.
The grave responsibility for the mili-
tary and political actions necessary to
achieve these objectives rests with the
President. He, in his loneliness, wisdom,
and conscience, must make the decisions.
This is the shattering burden of the man
in the White House.
Wide interest at the present moment
is focused on the pause in the bombing.
Great pressure is being brought to bear
to resume the bombing. 4 may well be
that a resumption will of necessity come
about.
The decision on how long to continue
881
the suspension of bombing against the
north is one which only those with knowl-
edge of all the developments, both mili-
tary and diplomatic, can reach a mean-
ingful judgment. Few are in possession
of such knowledge. The President is. I
will say, however, that once the bombing
is resumed, the momentum established
as the result of the present pause and the
intent diplomatic activity which has ac-
companied it will die and the openings
toward peace which might have devel-
oped will close.
We can resume the bombing of the
north at any time, in a matter of minutes,
and the advantages of that course?both
physical and psychological?will imme-
diately come into play. But the present
efforts dedicated to seeking out a peace-
ful, political settlement?which the
President has told us have thus far
achieved neither success or failure?
would then be shut off, in a sense wasted.
If we continue this peace effort a while
longer, we do not sacrifice our ability to
reinstitute the bombing ?whenever we
might. But if we send the bombers
against the north prematurely we have
sacrificed?at this stage, in this time?
the chances for moving in the direction
of resolving the conflict in a peaceful
manner. Therefore, unless there is an
immediate and overriding necessity to re-
sume the bombing of North Vietnam, I
am inclined to believe that we should not
press the President to do so now. If the
bombs fall so will fall the hopes for an
early settlement. We will know then
that the aggressors can only be deterred
through continued military pressure.
The President is dedicated to peace
but he is also dedicated to protecting the
lives of the young Americans involved in
the war. Both these goals are equated
with the present bombing pause. I am
sure that the President will make the
right decision when all the ingitdients
have been evaluated. To press him now
to resume bombing is but adding one
more strain to what must be an agoniz-
ing review of the limited options at his
disposal.
I address myself to a fundamental and
therefore critical point?whether, as has
been suggested in some circles the United
States should make a formal declaration
of war against North Vietnam.
This, in my opinion, would be a most
unwise move. I know that many Mem-
bers share my concern that we should
even seriously consider such an action.
The President now has the emergency
powers and authority necessary to act.
The Congress in joint resolution dated
August 10, 1964, approved all steps taken
including the use of armed force, in the
defense and freedom in southeast Asia.
Let us be mindful that although we are
involved in sizable military operations
In support of the Government of the
Republic of Vietnam, we are at the same
time, engaged in continuing worldwide
effort to bring an end to conflict, to
move from the jungle battlefields to the
conference table. We seek to curtail
the conflict, not broaden it. We seek to
end it, not extend it.
The President of the United States
must have flexibility to act quickly and
decisively in a situation of this type.
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882 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE January 24, 1966
A declaration of war would deny him
this flexibility. It would place him in a
rigid position, very severely reducing his
capability of quick action to take advan-
tage of either military or political tar-
gets of opportunity.
We must be conscious of the political
sensitivity of our involvement in south-
east Asia. Great change has taken place
In the past two decades in the relation-
ships between nations.
Although we are the most powerful na-
tion on earth, we must be mindful that
we live in a community of nations, many
of whom are alined with us in the fight
to halt the spread of communism. I am
certain that a declaration of war would
prove distressing to most of the allied
nations who support our present policies
and actions in Vietnam.
As war has become more devastating,
diplomacy has become infinitely more
delicate, more urgent. As the likelihood
of expansion of a conflict increases, a re-
sponsible nation must intensify its efforts
to end conflict.
The United States possesses military
power so tremendous that it is almost
beyond the comprehension of man. A
declaration of war would assume the full
application of that power with rather
limited restraints in the hands of the
President. At a time when our objective
is to limit the conflict in southeast Asia
and to end it as quickly as possible, a
declaration of war would tend to broaden
it, quite possibly extend it.
One who possesses great power must
have the will and the means to control
power. In the context of our involve-
ment in Vietnam, there must be day-to-
day, hour-to-hour management of our
military operations at the highest level.
The President, committed in an open
campaign for peace, must have the con-
trol that can immediately escalate or de-
escalate our military effort as may be
in his sound judgment and dictated by
developments.
If a declaration of war assumes the
application of maximum military power,
as most nations would take it to mean,
it assumes destruction of North Vietnam.
This, we are attempting to convince the
world, is not an objective of the United
States.
Our objective is to apply the military
power necessary to rid the Republic of
Vietnam of the armed aggressors?and
to permit, in time free and open elections,
a self-determination by the citizens of
that country. What damage has been
done and what further damage may be
wrought by American - irpower in North
Vietnam is what is necessary to curtail
and eventually to halt Hanoi's support of
the Vietcong. This, we hope, is clearly
understood by the leaders of the Demo-
cratic Republic of Vietnam.
Although our objectives may be lim-
ited, our determination to achieve those
objectives is not. It becomes more firm.
The President, as he has so often stated,
will apply the power necessary to halt
the aggression. We will meet our com-
mitments in southeast Asia
I cannot give too great an emphasis
to the point that a declaration of war
would have serious international impli-
cations. This is so not only because as
I have noted, a declaration would as-
sume dedication to the total destruction
of the enemy, but it would question the
validity of the President's statements
concerning his desire for a peaceful set-
tlement. Our hope, of course, is that,
in time. Hanoi will take a more reasoned
and rational approach to a solution. A
declaration of war would reduce such a
possibility.
In this age, as post-World War II his-
tory shows, it is important that a power-
ful nation tailor its actions, both polit-
ical and military, to existing situations.
In Greece, threatened by Communist
guerrillas in 1947, President Truman as-
sumed a firm position in support of the
Greek Government, providing necessary
support to sustain that government. He
designed his strategy and his policies to
fit the existing situation.
The situation in Korea called for a
totally different strategy, a tremendously
expanded effort, approaching but not
quite becoming a total effort. Here
again? President Truman had the flexi-
bility a Chief Executive needs.
The most recent example of controlled
response was President Kennedy's han-
dling of the Cuban missile crisis. He
was prepared to use maximum power,
but applied just enough pressure to force
withdrawal by the Soviet Union, thus
achieving his objective.
President Johnson's decision to halt
bombing of North Vietnam properly
complimented his very open and deter-
mined worldwide effort to bring those in
conflict to the conference table. If he
had been in an inflexible position, such
as we might expect in a state of declared
war, an adjustment to compliment a
stepped up move toward peace might not
have been possible.
The decision as to how long the cessa-
tion of bombing shall continue must rest
with the President. Only he has knowl-
edge of all of the developments, military
and political, that influence the actions
that must be taken to achieve our objec-
tives. Control is not a one-way street, it
can be employed to achieve rapid escala-
tion, as could well be the case once it be-
comes evident the cessation of bombing
is serving no purpose. But at what pre-
cise moment this might become the bet-
ter part of strategy, only the President
can say.
Although there have been, since the
founding of the United Nations in 1945,
too many armed conflicts in the world,
there has not been a formal declaration
of war by any nation.
As the Congress seeks to assist the
President in his efforts to gain the lim-
ited objectives that have so often been
proclaimed, as we review and study the
policies and actions aimed at winning
those objectives, let us make sure that
we place no undue restraints upon the
President or insist on any actions that
might hamper his efforts to win the war
and win the peace.
DUPLICTY IN GOVERNMENT
(Mr. HARSHA (at the request of Mr.
JoHNE;ox of Pennsylvania) was granted
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. HARSHA. Mr. Speaker, the
Johnson administration is certainly
amenable to the charge of duplicity
in government. This administration,
which has shed so many crocodile tears
about how it sympathizes with the plight
of the aged, and professes to want to do
so much for the poor, has been doing
more to pauperize the aged and poor in
this Nation than any administration in
the history of America.
This administration, through its in-
flationary policies, has destroyed the life
savings of the retired people by reducing
the purchasing power of their pensions
and savings. It has made the poor
poorer, and the plight of those living
on fixed incomes more severe, by driving
up the cost of living so high that their
meager income is insufficient to purchase
the bare necessities of life. And now
this administration continues its attack
on the less fortunate by insisting that
they be required to pay a tax on the use
of telephones.
This is certainly duplicity in govern-
ment. While giving lipservice on the
one hand to the plight of the poor and
the aged, the administration, on the
other hand, is going to compound that
plight by taking from these people part
of their meager savings and income
through a telephone tax. A telephone
tax hits hardest those who can least
afford it.
In this day and age telephone service
is a necessity. Many people rely on this
service to do their shopping, to be in-
formed as to their work, as a means of
communication with their children, jobs,
schools, and homes; and, in many in-
stances where both parents of a family
work, this is the only means of commu-
nication between their children and
emergency agencies. For many, partic-
ularly the aged and less fortunate, it is
the only means of contact with law en-
forcement officials, the fire department,
doctors, and hospitals.
If the administration needs this addi-
tional revenue to help finance the war
in Vietnam, let it obtain it by striking a
comparable amount from the foreign aid
program. Let some of the other na-
tions, who will benefit from the fight
against communism as much as the
United States, contribute to this onerous
task, instead of placing the burden on
the aged and those least able to afford it.
I shall oppose the imposition of any tele-
phone tax, and hope that those who are
interested in the welfare of the aged,
retired, and poor will join me.
INDEPENDENT SURVEYS ON THE
POVERTY PROGRAM
(Mr. YOUNGER (at the request of Mr.
Joimsoist of Pennsylvania) was granted
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. YOUNGER. Mr. Speaker, very
few independent surveys have been made
in regard to the poverty program. How-
ever, the attached article by Haynes
Johnson, taken from the Sunday Star
of January 23, 1966, gives a detailed re-
port on the action of the program in
Little Creek, Ky., which I am sure the
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January 24, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE 849
ists in supporting the need for preserva-
tion of etur natural heritage, it is cer-
tainly appropriate to reinforce one of the
very earliest official projects having such
a purpose.
This bill is in effect an extension of the
Appalachian Trailway agreement which
since 193$ has been a guide for the 13
States through which the trail passes.
About one-third of the trail is now on
Federal lands. It runs from Mount Ka-
tandin, Maine, to Springer Mountain, Ga.
One of the most beautiful sections of
the trail lies in my own 27th Congres-
sional District in New York State. It was
here in 1922 that the first section of the
trail was opened under the leadership of
the late Raymond H. Torrey, a name
highly honored in my district. The trail
there is partly within the Palisades In-
terstate Park, itself a majestic treasure
of natural American forest land. At that
point the Appalachian Trail is at the
point closest in its entire length to the
New York metropolitan area. Perhaps
here the greatest numbers of Americans
enjoy this fraction of Amercian in its
original condition.
In substance my bill H.R. 12204 pro-
vides coordination of the efforts of the
Secretaries of Interior, Agriculture, and
Defense and those of other Federal offi-
cials in providing uniform administra-
tion and protection of the Appalachian
Trail. The trail is designated to be a
trailway which shall be maintained so
as to retain its natural and scenic char-
acter. The Secretary of Interior, with
concurrence of other Federal agencies, is
authorized to issue regulations carrying
out the purpose of the act. The Secre-
tary is authorized to redefine the route in
order to improve its quality. The bill
sets up the principle of locating the trail-
way to provide maximum retention of
natural conditions and scenic and his-
toric features, and its primitive nature.
The bill provides for acquisition by the
Federal agencies of properties through
donations or willing sellers, all for the
benefit of the trailway objectives.
PEACE QUEST PRAISED
(Mr. DOW asked and was given per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD.)
Mr. DOW. Mr. Speaker, the President
has made quite clear his hopes for end-
ing the war in Vietnam. No one doubts
that the United States prefers peace?
a just and honorable peace?to a mean
and ugly war. Our motives will go far to
convince others that we do not seek
added territory and that we do not seek
to rob another country of its resources.
A recent editorial in the Washington
Star is typical of many which have
praised the administration for its ap-
proach to ending the war in Vietnam.
Because this editorial is of much interest,
I insert it in the RECORD:
[From the Washington (D.C.) Evening Star,
Jan. 17, 1966]
CONTINUING PEACE QUEST
Whatever signals have or have not been re-
ceived from the Communi t leaders in Hanoi,
President Johnson is acting as if he means
business in his search for peace in Vietnam.
The state of the Union message did not,
as many people expected, mark the end of a
peace offensive and a return to intensified
war. It marked, on the contrary, the culmi-
nation of an appeal to shift the conflict from
the battlefield to the conference room.
Since then the Russian mission to Hanoi
headed by party leader, Alexander N.
Shelepin, has wound up its work. Along with
increased aid for North Vietnam, the Rus-
sians also have been urging negotiations, in
the-opinion of some analysts here. In South
Vietnam, observers have marked a slackening
pace of hostilities. In New Delhi where he
attended the funeral of Premier Shastri, Vice
President HUMPHREY conferred for almost 2
hours with Russian Premier Alexei Kosygin,
presumably on ways to end the fighting.
The surprise visit of Secretary of State
Rusk to Saigon adds fuel to the speculation
that something is cooking. The opposition
of the South Vietnamese Government to any
formal negotiations at this stage is a major
obstacle to peace talks that would have to be
overcome if discussions were to be held. The
presence of Mr. Rusk in the troubled capital,
along with the President's chief emissary,
Averell Harriman, suggests that the chances
are brightening.
"I am hopeful," said Mr. Johnson Wednes-
day. "And I will try as best I can with
everything I've got to end this battle and
return our sons to their desires." The sub-
stance of these hopes today remains very
much a mystery. But few can doubt that
the President is doing his best.
DR. MANFRED GEORGE
(Mr. RYAN asked and was given per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and include extra-
neous matter.)
Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, I want to
pay tribute to a man who was not only a
great American, but a great citizen of the
world. The death of Manfred George in
New York on December 30 has saddened
not only those who knew him, but all
those through the world who were fa-
miliar with Aufbau, the German lan-
guage weekly which he edited so bril-
liantly and tirelessly for more than 25
years.
Manfred George came to this country
in 1939. At that time he could already
look back on a distinguished career in
his native Germany as an author, novel-
ist and, above all, a journalist. Forced
to leave Germany because of his implaca-
ble enmity to Nazism, he settled briefly
in Czechoslovakia, then in France and
finally found his way, like so many other
refugees from tyranny, to the United
States.
Shortly after his arrival he was per-
suaded to take over a small monthly
newsletter, called Aufbau, dedicated to
maintaining contact among German
speaking refugees. Under his inspired
leadership this publication, which soon
became a weekly, gained worldwide re-
nown as one of the finest German lan-
guage papers in the world. Today
Aufbau is read in more than 80 coun-
tries and is universally respected as a
thoughtful and outspoken voice for de-
cency and liberalism.
Through the pages of Aufbau Man-
fred George provided an entire genera-
tion of immigrants with their first link
to their new homeland. While inter-
national in its interest, Aufbau was and
remains primarily an American paper,
and through it our many new citizens
who arrived in the late thirties and early
forties as refugees from the evils of Hit-
lerism received their first introduction
to America.
Manfred George communicated a
sense of excitement, dedication, and the
sheer joy of being alive. And he never
once lost sight of his aim and his
supreme ideal: freedom and decency
everywhere. Wherever the fight for hu-
man decency was being waged, he was
at home: whether it was Germany or
Isreal, New York or Mississippi. His pen
was in the forefront of the struggle
against oppression and tyranny. His
life was dedicated to the cause of free-
dom and justice.
Mr. Speaker, all those who shared his
ideals have lost an articulate spokes-
man. Manfred George was not only an
illustrious constituent but a cherished
friend whose sound counsel I valued. He
was fortunate in leaving a monument of
his own creation. Aufbau will endure
because Manfred George succeeded in
imbuing it with his own spirit. Through
his paper he will continue to live.
Mr. Speaker, I include at this point
In the RECORD articles about Dr. Man-
fred George which were published in the
New York Times and the New York
Herald Tribune on January 1, 1966:
[From the New York Times, Jan. 1, 1966]
D. MANFRED GEORGE '72, Dies; EDITOR OF
GERMAN WEEKLY HERE?NOVELIST AND
BIOGRAPHER MADE AUFBAU A VOICE OF HELP
TO REFUGEES OF NAZISM
Dr. Manfred George, editor of Aufbau, a
German weekly here, died Thursday night
in the University Hospital. He was 72 years
old and lived at 785 West End Avenue.
Dr. George, a biographer and novelist, who
was known as a liberal editor in Germany
before the rise of Hitler, became editor of
Aufbau in 1939, after arriving here as a
penniless refugee.
Aufbau was then a small monthly news-
letter published by the German Jewish Club
of New York, which is now the New World
Club, Inc. Dr. George marshaled a distin-
guished advisory board, including Albert
Einstein and Thomas Mann, and built the
publication into an influential weekly with
a circulation of 30,000.
In World War II, the Aufbau helped thou-
sands of refugees adjust to new homes and
aided in the reunion of families and friends.
It offered subscribers English lessons, infor-
mation about naturalization, jobs, and
housing.
Aufbau changed with the times. Its
search column, which assisted refugees in
tracing families after the war, gave way to
a supplement to help Jews establish claims
for restitution from the German Govern-
ment. Today, it carries theater and opera
reviews, columns on the stock market, and
hobbies, as well as articles on world affairs.
EXCLUSIVE FROM HEUSS
"Aufbau," Dr. George once said "never
stressed the concept of collective guilt for
Germany." This resulted in friendly, rela-
tions with the German Government. In
1951, Theodor Beuss, President of West Ger-
many, gave Aufbau an exclusive story about
the decision of his Government to pay Jews
for loss of property under Hitler.
Dr. George toiled as many as 100 hours a
week, aided by a staff of 30, to get Aufbau
to its subscribers throughout the United
States and many foreign countries. His
reward was a loyal readership among up-
rooted people all over the world.
He was born in Berlin, the son of a busi-
nessman, and studied law at the Univer-
sities of Berlin, Greifswald, and Geneva. In
World War I, he served in the German
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850 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
army and was discharged in 1915, after being
severely wounded. In 1917, he received a
doctor of jurisprudence degree from the
University of Berlin.
While a student, he entered journalism.
:Ile served for 2 years as managing editor of
the weekly Deutsche Montagszeitung. In
1917 he joined the ullstein Verlag, newspaper
publishers. He served as local editor of sev-
eral of its Berlin papers and then became
chief editor of the Berliner Abendpost.
.:iCAPED FIRING SQUAD
Later he went to Silesia as a correspondent
and to direct the Ullstein office in Breslau.
While reporting an the Upper Silesian pleb-
iscite during the Kapp Putsch of 1920, he was
arrested by rightwing insurgents and es-
raped a firing squad only after producing a
certificate of military service.
He left UlIstein in 1923 to loin the Masse
Verlag, for whose newspapers he was drama
critic and a correspondent. Ile returned to
Ullstein in 1028 as chief editor of Tempo and
was coeditor of the cultural magazine
Marsyas.
In the 1920's and early thirties, he
wrote political articles for liberal journals,
radio dramas, and a musical revue, "Oh,
'U.S.A." which had 50 performances in Berlin
in 1931.
lie also wrote short stories, novels, includ-
ing "Eine Nacht in Kattowitz," which was
seized and destroyed by the Nazis before its
scheduled publication, and brief biographies,
Including one of Marlene Dietrich.
"The Case of Ivar Kreuger," was the title
at his study of the Swedish financier, which
was translated into English and Italian.
A member of the German Zionist move-
ment, Dr. George wrote an early popular
biography of Theodore Hers!, the Zionist
leader, with introductions by Mann and
Eins bein.
TED ANTIHITLER PARTY
With the growth of nazism, Dr. George
became an active opponent, serving for sev-
eral months as president of the Republican
party of Germany.
After the Nazis took control in 1933, he
went on foot over the mountains into
Czechoslovakia and became editor of a Prague
newspaper. In 1935, helped found the
Judische Revue.
lie spent 6 months in Spain during the
civil war, reporting from the Loyalist side
to Czechoslovak, Swiss, Austrian, Dutch,
and :Rumanian papers.
After the Munich pact of 1938, Dr. George
made his way here through Hungary, Yugo-
slavia, Italy, Switzerland, and France. He
started on the Aufbau at a salary of $15 a
month.
At the celebration of the publication's 30th
anniversary iVIarch 21 at the Hunter College
Assembly Hall, the speakers included Mayor
Wagner; Dr. Heinrich Knappstein who was
the West German Ambassador, and diplo-
matic representatives of ?Israel and Austria.
:L'resident Johnson sent greetings.
INTERVIEWED THE FAMOUS
Dr. George wrote thousands of articles for
leading European and United States publica-
tions and had interviewed, among others the
late Dr. Albert Schweitzer, David Ben-Gurion,
and Mr. Johnson.
He became a citizen in 1945.
En 1963, West Berlin's Mayor Willy Brandt
presented to Dr. George the Berliner Bar
Award.
He was a member of the Overseas Press
Club, the Foreign Press Association, the
Jewish Academy of Sciences, B'nai B'rith, and
the Zionist Organization of America.
Surviving are his widow, the former Jean-
ette Simon; a son, Frank D. George; a daugh-
ter, Mrs. Renee G. O'Sullivan; and three
grandchildren.
There will be a private funeral service,
[From the New York Herald Tribune,
Jan. 1, 1968]
MANFRED GEORGE, EDITED GERMAN ATJFBAU
HERE
(By Jerome Zukosky)
Manfred George had been swept across the
borders of Europe before Nazi oppression, at
times crossing mountains on foot, when he
arrived penniless in New York in 1938.
A lawyer, prolific author of plays and bi-
ographies, a journalist who ranged the world,
and a leader of liberal German la-publican
politics, he was one of the tens of thousands
of German-Jewish professionals who con-
tributed to the flowering of a liberal and
humane German culture before Hitler. It
was his mission, Dr. George wrote later, to
preserve in America what remained of that
tradition.
He succeeded by creating Aufban, or Re-
construction, as a forum for his comitrymen.
He began at a salary of $15 a month with a
decrepit typewriter, a 1-room Manhattan
office and a 4-page monthly newsletter of
a refugee's club and 2,000 subscribers. Work-
ing often 7 days a week and 14 or more hours
a day, writing much of the paper himself,
Dr. George turned Aufbau into one of the
most influential foreign-language newspa-
pers in the United States. Its circulation of
about 38,000 a week includes readers in 38
nations.
Dr. George, editor of Aufbau for the last 27
years, died Thursday evening at University
Hospital of a stroke at 72. He ern ered the
hospital in October after a long illness but
continued to edit the paper from his bed,
telephoning constantly to his shabby clut-
tered office at 2121 Broadway, on whose walls
were pictures of such old friends as Marlene
Dietrich, whose first biography he wrote.
Dr. George rounded up an advisery board
In 1041 for Aufbau that included Al:iert Ein-
stein, Thomas Mann, Franz Werrel, Lion
Feuchtwanger, Emil Ludwig, Freda K.irch-
wey, Roger N. Baldwin, and others of sim-
ilar talent who set the tone of the paper.
He was an intimate friend of Dr. Albert
Schweitzer. who occasionally contributed
and with whom Dr. George had a long and
lengthy correspondence.
Dr. George mixed sophisticated theater re-
views?he was one of the first to pay serious
attention to the off-Broadway thea ter?and
literary news with advice to the immigrants
about finding jobs, apartments, and lan-
gulag, instruction. Special sections were
devoted to tracing missing persons and sur-
vivors of the Nazi holocaust and helping
refugees here make claims for restitution
from the postwar West German Government.
Yet Dr. George "never stressed he con-
cept of collective guilt for Germeny," he
said, and his moderation paved the way for
close ties with the West German Govern-
ment. At a testimonial meeting at Hunter
College last May on Aufbau's 30th anniver-
sary, some 2,000 readers gave an motion to
West German Ambassador Heinrich Knapp-
stein as well as the urn. ii consul general
here.
As Aufbau's readers changed into Amer-
icans, so did Dr. George and his paper.
"When I go to Europe now, I sin going
abroad," he said in 1959. He felt increas-
ingly cut off the postwar German genera-
tion, for which he used the German word
"truenamerkinder"?children of the ruins.
"They are bent, tthey came out of the
shadows, there is a wall between us," he said.
His paper runs an average of 32 pages a
week. Walter Lippmann is translated into
German, but Art Buchwald and Dick Schaap
of the Herald Tribune appear in English.
Dr. George was born in Berlin, the son of
a businessman whose ancestors included
rabbis, merchants, and architects. 11 is study
of law was interrupted by World War I,
during which he was seriously wounded in
January 24, 1966
the German Army. Soon after obtaining
his law degree in 1917 he began writing for
German newspaper. He was editor of the
Berlin Abendpost, drama critic for the
Berliner Volkszeitung, and later Prague cor-
respondent for the Nationalzeitung of Basel,
Switzerland, which he served as American
correspondent after emigrating here.
During the 1950's Dr. George contributed
to the Herald Tribune editorial page and
wrote many articles for other newspapers
and magazines in the United States.
Surviving are his wife, the former Jean-
nette Simon of 785 West End Avenue, a for-
mer social worker he married in Germany in
1920; a son Frank, an architect, of Stamford,
Conn.; a daughter, Mrs. George O'Sullivan,
a book illustrator, and three grandchildren.
A private funeral service will be held today.
A memorial forest in Israel in honor of Dr.
George is being planned.
FEDERAL BUDGET DEFICIENT IN
S SHIP CONSTRUCTION
(Mr. ROGERS of Florida asked and
was given permission to address the
House for 1 minute and to revise and ex-
tend his remarks.)
Mr. ROGERS of Florida. Mr. Speak-
er, the Federal budget released today
contains provision for construction of
only 13 new merchant ships.
As of October 31, 1965, the U.S.S.R. had
464 merchant ships of 1,000 gross tons or
over under construction or on order.
The Soviets have reached the point where
some 24 percent of the total number of
ships being built throughout the world
are being built for them.
Shipyards in some of our closest allied
nations are hard at work trying to fill the
Russians' orders. Britain, Japan, Italy,
Holland?they are all building ships for
the Reds.
By comparison, the United States had
only 39 merchant ships under construc-
tion or on order as of last October. Our
own shipyards are operating at less than
half capacity.
During 1965, the Soviets accepted de-
livery of 100 new ships, while the United
States took delivery of only 16. In terms
of cargo capacity our total delivery of
ships was approximately 24 percent that
of the Russians.
The Soviet Union spent over $600 mil-
lion last year on new ship construction.
The U.S. figure comes to less than 20 per-
cent of that.
The importance of shipping strength in
time of war or national emergency is
seen from the fact that our merchant
marine has been called our "fourth arm
of defense." Yet so pitiful is today's U.S.
shipping strength that it has become nec-
essary for the Defense Department to
charter foreign ships, at least four of
them, for the sealift to Vietnam.
Last week the Chief of Naval Opera-
tions raised serious questions about the
adequacy of this Nation's shipping
strength to handle emergency require-
ments.
Somewhere in the Defense Department
someone has been derelict in assessing
the need for shipping capacity in time of
emergency.
As a member of the House Merchant
Marine and Fisheries Committee I urge
that a full and thorough review of this
matter be initiated immediately. So
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844 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUEE2f?r?' January 24, 1966
ARTHUR PATRICK CANNON
The SPEAKER. The Chair recognizes
the gentleman from Florida [Mr.
FASCELL ].
Mr. FASCELL. Mr. Speaker, it is my
sad duty to advise my colleagues and
friends of the death of a former Member
of this distinguished body, Arthur
Patrick Cannon, who represented the
Florida counties of Dade and Monroe,
and his country extremely well. He died
on Sunday, January 23.
He was born in Powder Springs, Cobb
County, Ga., on May 22, 1904. The
family moved 6 South Carolina where
Pat attended public school and Wofford
College at Spartanburg, S.C. Pat Can-
non came to Florida where he attended
John B. Stetson University at DeLand
and then graduated from the University
of Miami in 1931 with an LL.B.
Arthur Patrick Cannon served in this
distinguished body from January 3, 1939
to January 3, 1947.
"Pat," as he was affectionately called,
by his many friends, was an able, knowl-
edgeable, and humble man of great
heart, who knew and understood?and
was ever willing to assist?his fellow
man.
In 1939, speaking before a committee
of the Congress, he stated:
My walking in marble halls has not caused
me to forget thousands of shacks that house
many of our unfortunate people, where they
merely exist, hungry, ill-clothed, without
medioal care.
Pat never forgot his fellow man. He
was always in the forefront of those
striving to better each individual's way
of life.
He was among the first to propose and
encourage the adoption of Federal old-
age assistance programs. He was among
the first to propose Federal programs to
assist the rehabilitation of veterans?
particularly the wounded veteran. He
urged that more liberal benefits be in-
cluded in the Social Security Act.
Pat was a strong supporter of the Flor-
ida sugar industry and was an early ad-
vocate of the intracoastal waterway,
which is now nearing completion.
Pat was a leader among those who
proposed programs to eliminate poverty
and crime and to increase education and
employment opportunties.
In the late thirties, when crime and
poverty were most prevalent and when
employment was at a low ebb, he told
his colleagues in these halls:
It is true that there has been crime in
the past and unfortunately in all probabil-
ity there always will be crime. But it is
just as true that idle youth is a dangerous
instrumentality. If we turn the crime pages
that have blackened our history we will be
reminded that "Baby Face" Nelson, "Pretty
Boy" Floyd, and John Diflinger all embarked
on their criminal careers during the tender
years of their lives. I am firmly of the be-
lief that criminals are not born, and that
criminals are made, largely by the environ-
ment in which they find themselves. A child
born of normal parents who are equipped to
properly rear the child does not become a
criminal. The activity and the anxiety and
the ambition of unbridled youth cursed with
poverty and denied the association of par-
entage because of economic conditions is the
matter with which we must concern our-
selves. Thousands of boys and girls are
graduated from our high schools and col-
leges mentally fit and equipped in every way
to fill that niche in society, As they walk
out into the world, employment is not
found. They are nonetheless ambitious
and nonetheless able, and as a result of the
deplorable condition of lacking of buying
power and lack of available employment, they
are called upon to use their good resources
toward a criminal end. That is the plight
largely of a greater portion of the inmates
of our houses of correction, penitentiaries,
and reformatories today and likewise our asy-
lums. The youth of America must be em-
ployed and put to work and it must be done
immediately, lest irreparable injury visit our
society.
Pat was a great humanitarian, always
concerned with the welfare of his fellow
human being, possibly because of his
humble beginnings, but whatever the rea-
son, it is certain that Pat was motivated
by a keen desire to help the youth, our
elder citizens, veterans, and the deserv-
ing downtrodden.
After his fruitful and vigorous service
In the Congress of the United States, Pat
returned to Miami.
He went on to become a circuit judge
elected in 1952, 1954, and in 1960 for a
6-year term. He was serving in that of-
fice at the time of his death.
Pat Cannon was an outspoken man.
No one ever had any doubt about where
Pat Cannon stood on anything, because
he was quick to tell you.
Pat Cannon will be missed sorely by his
friends and colleagues. I extend my
deepest sympathy to his family.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent
that all Members may be permitted to
extend their remarks at this point in the
RECORD, and that I may have permission
to revise and extend my own remarks.
The SPEAKER. Without objection, it
is so ordered.
There was no objection.
AUTHORIZATION FOR COMMITTEE
? ON BANKING AND CURRENCY
Mr. PATMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask
unanimous consent that the Committee
on Banking and Currency have until 12
o'clock midnight tonight to file a report
on the bank merger bill, H.R. 12173.
The SPEAKER. Without objection, it
Is so ordered.
There was no objection.
SEVENTY-SEVEN MEMBERS OF THE
HOUSE URGE THE PRESIDENT
NOT TO GIVE UP CURRENT PEACE
OFFENSIVE
(Mr. ADAMS asked and was given per-
mission to address the House for 1 min-
ute, and to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. ADAMS. Mr. Speaker, a number
of the Members of the House, sharing a
growing concern about the war in Viet-
nam, last Thursday drafted a letter to
the President and in the course of only 4
hours on Friday obtained its signature
by 77 Members. Our letter to the Presi-
dent expressed our support of his exten-
sive efforts to move the Vietnamese war
to the conference table and we promised
him our continued support in resisting
aggression against South Vietnam. We
urged the President not to give up on his
current peace offensive at this time and.
we offered a suggestion that the United
Nations be asked to seek an effective
cease-fire in Vietnam.
On Saturday the President replied to
our communication in the form of a let-
ter addressed to me as the first name in
the alphabetical list of signers. Mr.
Speaker, the text of our letter, including
a list of all Members who have signed or
associated themselves with it, along with
the text of the President's reply, is as
follows:
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES,
HOUSE Or REPRESENTATIVES,
Washington, D.C., January 21, 1966.
THE PRESIDENT,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: We strongly support
the vigorous efforts you have undertaken to
bring the war in Vietnam to the conference
table. Specifically, we applaud you for the
moratorium on bombing North Vietnam and
for the extensive personal contacts you have
initiated with the leaders of other nations
to make clear our unrelenting desire for a
just peace. We would like to suggest that
you further consider one additional dimen-
sion to this diplomatic offensive, that we
formally request the United Nations to seek
an effective cease-fire and that we pledge our
support and our resources to such an effort.
While the response from the other side has
not been encouraging, we do not believe we
should yet assume that the door has been
firmly closed. We cannot expect that a con-
flict which has raged so bitterly for so long
will be quickly or easily resolved. Neither
can we ignore the alternative to negotiations,
a prolonged and probably expanded war with
attendant costs in human suffering and
material resources.
We stanchly support the determination of
our Government to resist the terror and ag-
gression which deny the people of South
Vietnam the right freely to determine their
own future. We continue to support you in
that commitment. We recognize that there
are those who urge a resumption of bomb-
ings of North Vietnam and a premature
bandonment of our peace efforts. We are,
however, concerned that unless we can halt
or reverse the escalation of the last months
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United States
of America
111?1?111011111116/11.1151
Congressional Record
Q th
PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE (Iv CONGRESS SECOND SESSION
Vol. 112 WASHINGTON, MONDAY, JANUARY 24, 1966
Rouse of Representatives
The House met at 12 o'clock noon.
The Chaplain, Rev. Bernard Braskamp.
prefaced his prayer with this
Scripture: Mn son, give me thine heart
and let thine eyes observe my ways.
Our Heavenly Father, we humbly turn
to Thee for Thou art the source of the
life that is eternal, of the light that
never fails, and the love that never for-
gets.
As we bow together, the cares of life
become less burdensome and its struggles
less difficult.
Grant that we may always have a
great trust in Thee, and take counsel with
Thy will and purpose as we give our-
selves to each task and responsibility.
Let us not Lye on the low level of our
temptations and yield to those trials and
tribulations, which we daily encounter,
and seek to drag us down.
Lift us to the wider outlook of that
quiet place of vision and service and may
we serve Thy holy will faithfully and
reverently.
In the name of our blessed Lord.
Amen.
`ITIE JOURNAL
The Journal of the proceedings of
Thursday, January 20, 1966, was read
and approved.
MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT
A message in writing from the Presi-
dent of the United States was commu-
nicated to the House by Mr. Geisler, one
of his secretaries, who also informed the
House that on January 21, 1.966, the
President approved and signed a joint
resolution of the House of the following
title:
11.J. Res. 767. Joint resolution authorizing
the President to 'proclaim National Ski Week.
MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE
A. message from the Senate by Mr. Ar-
rington, one of its clerks, announced that
the Senate had passed without amend-
ment bills of the House of the following
titles:
mu. 327. An set to amend section 501(c)
of the Internal Revenue Code of 1954 to ex-
empt from taxation certain nonprofit eorpo-
rations and associations operated to provide
reserve funds for domestic building and loan
associations, and for other purposes;
HR. 8210. An act to amend the Interna-
tional Organizations Immunities Act with
respect to the European Space Researt la Or-
ganization; and
H.R. 8445, An act to amend the Internal
Revenue Code of 1939 and the Internal Rev-
enue Code of 1954 to change the method of
,3omputing the retired pay of judges :if the
Tax Court of tie United States.
The message also announced that the
Senate had passed, with amendments in
which the concurrence of the House is
requested, a bill of the House of th fol-
:lowing title:
H.R. 3126. An act to amend the District of
Columbia minimum wage law to provide
broader coverage, improved standards of min-
imum wage and overtime compensation pro-
tection, and-improved means :if enforcement.
The message also announced that the
Senate insists upon its amendments to
the foregoing bill; requests a conference
with the House on the disagreeing votes
of the two Houses thereon, and appoints
Mr. BUMF, Mr. MORSE, Mr. MCINTYRE,
Mr. KENNEDY of New York, Mr. TYFIENGS,
Mr. PROUTY, and Mr. DOMINICK to be the
conferees on the part of the Senate.
The message also announced thf;1; the
Senate insists upon its amendments to
the bill H.R. 10779) entitled "An act
te authorize the Pharr Municipal Bridge
Corp., to construct, maintain, and oper-
ate a toll bridge across the Rio Grande
near Pharr, Tex.," disagreed to by the
House; agrees to the conference asked by
the House on the disagreeing votes of the
two Houses thereon, and appoints Mr.
RILBRIGHT, Mr. SPARKMAN, Mr. MORSE,
Mr. HICKENLOOPER, and Mr. AIKEN to be
the conferees on the part of the Senate.
The message also announced that the
Vice President, pursuant to section 1,
Public Law 86-420, appointed Mr. MANS-
FIELD, Mr. GRUENING, Mr. METCALF? Mr.
NELSON, Mr. MONTOYA, Mr. KUCHEL, Mr.
FANNIN, and Mr. MURPHY to be members
of the U.S. group of the Mexico-United
States Interparliamentary Group to at-
tend the meetings to be held in Wash-
ington, Philadelphia, and San Francisco,
on February 9 through 16, 1966.
No. 9
BOARD OF VISITORS, AIR FORCE
ACADEMY
The SPEAKER. Pursuant to the pro-
visions of 10 United States Code 9355(a),
the Chair appoints as members of the
Board of Visitors to the U.S. Air Force
Academy the following Members on the
part of the Ilciuse: Mr. ROGERS of Colo-
rado, Mr. FLYNT, Mr. LAIRD, and Mr.
DOLE.
BOARD OF VISITORS, COAST GUARD
ACADEMY
The SPEAKER. Pursuant to the pro-
visions of 14 U.nited States Code 194 (a) ,
the Chair appoints as members of the
Board of Visitors to the U.S. Coast Guard
Academy the following Members on the
part of the House: Mr. ST. ONUS and Mr.
WYATT.
BOARD OF VISITORS, MERCHANT
MARINE ACADEMY
The SPEAKER. Pursuant to the pro-
visions of 46 United States Code 1126c,
the Chair appoints as members of the
Board of Visitors to the U.S. Merchant
Marine Academy the following Members
on the part of the House: Mr. CAREY and
Mr. MAILLIARD.
BOARD OF VISITORS, MILITARY
ACADEMY
The SPEAKER. Pursuant to the pro-
visions of 10 United States Code 4355(a) ,
the Chair appoints as members of the
Board of Visitors to the U.S. Military
Academy the following Members on the
Part of the House: Mr. TEAGUE of Texas,
Mr. NATCHER, Mr. LIPSCOMB, and Mr.
PIRNIE.
BOARD OF VISITORS, NAVAL
ACADEMY
The SPEAKER. Pursuant to the Pro-
visions of 10 United States Code 6968 a) ,
the Chair appoints as members of the
Board of Visitors to the U.S. Naval Acad-
emy the following Members on the part
of the House: Mr. FLOOD, Mr. FRIEDEL,
Mr. MINSHALL, and Mr. KING of New
York.
843
PifiRRIMINPIA1141011
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January 24, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
it will become increasingly difficult to achieve
a further pause, a ceasefire and meaningful
negotiations. We urge you, therefore, to
continue your present determined search for
peace until such time as it becomes clear
that no reasonable hope remains for a just
settlement by peaceful means.
Sincerely yours,
BROCK ADAMS, JOSEPH ADDAB130, THOMAS
ASHLEY, JONATHAN BINGHA1VI, JOHN
BLATNIK, JOHN BRADEMAS, GEORGE E.
BROWN, JR., JAMES BYRNE, RONALD B.
CAMERON, JEFFREY COHELAN.
JAMES CORMAN, WINFIELD DENTON, JOHN
DOW, KEN DYAL, DON EDWARDS, LEON-
ARD FARBSTEIN, DONALD FRASER, SAM-
UEL FRIEDEL, RICHARD FULTON, ROBERT
GIAIMO.
JACOB GILBERT, JOHN GILLIGAN, HENRY
GONZALEZ, BENNARD GRABOWSK/, GEORGE
W. GRIDER, MARTHA GRIFFITHS, HARLAN
HAGAN, WILLIAM HATHAWAY, AUGUSTTJS
HAWKINS, KEN HECHLER.
FLOYD HICKS, CHET HOLIFIELD, ELMER
HOLLAND, HAROLD JOHNSON, JAMES KEE,
PAUL KREBS, ROBERT LEGGETT, CLAR-
ENCE LONG, RODNEY LOVE.
RICHARD MCCARTHY, HARRIS MCDOWELL,
JR., JAMES MACKAY, JOHN MACKIE, RAY
MADDEN, LLOYD MEEDS, GEORGE P. MIL-
LER, WILLIAM MOORHEAD, JOHN MOSS,
LUCIEN NEDZ/.
BARRATT O'HARA, JAMES O'HARA, ALEC
OLSON, JOHN RACE, ROLLAND REDLIN,
THOMAS REES, HENRY REUSS, GEORGE
RHODES, EDWARD ROYBAL, WILLIAM ST.
ONCE.
JAMES SCHEUER, B. F. SISK, HERBERT TEN-
ZER, PAUL TODD, JR., JOHN TUNNEY,
MORRIS UDALL, WESTON V/VIAN, CHARLES
WELTNER, LESTER WOLFF, FRANK
THOMPSON, JR., ANDREW JACOBS, JR.,
BENJAMIN S. ROSENTHAL, EDWARD P.
BOLAND, JOSEPH E. KARTH.
THE WHITE HOUSE,
Washington, January 22, 1966.
Hon. BRocx ADAMS,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR Mn. CONGRESSMAN: I am responding
to you as the first in alphabetical order of
those Members of the House who have writ-
ten to me under date of January 21 on the
search for peace in Vietnam. I hope you will
share this answer with your cosigners.
I am grateful for your strong support of
our effort to move the war in Vietnam to the
conference table. This support is a real en-
couragement, coupled as it is with the equally
strong support of our determination to meet
our commitments in Vietnam.
I share your interest in effective action
through the United Nations, and I want you
to know that there is no part of this whole
problem to which we give closer attention,
I have reviewed this matter many times with
Ambassador Goldberg, and we have repeat-
edly considered the suggestion you offer.
You can be assured that he and I are firmly
determined to make every possible use of
the United Nations in moving toward peace,
and toward an effective cease-fire as part of
that purpose.
Unfortunately, you are correct in your
statement that the response from the other
side has not been encouraging. The evi-
dence available to this Government indicates
only continuing hostility and aggressiveness
in Hanoi and an insistence on the abandon-
ment of South Vietnam to Communist take-
over. We are making no hasty assumptions
of any sort, but it is quite another matter to
close our eyes to the heavy weight of evi-
dence which has accumulated during the last
month.
I can give you categorical assurance that
there will be no abandonment of our peace
efforts. Even though it is increasingly clear
that we have had only a hostile response to
the present pause in bombing North Viet-
nam, you can be sure that our unflagging
pursuit of peace will continue. As I said
this week in a letter to Speaker MCCORMACK,
"Whether the present effort is successful or
not, our purpose of peace will be constant;
we will continue to press on every door."
And at the same time, I am confident that
as elected representatives of the American
people, you will share my determination that
our fighting forces in Vietnam shall be sus-
tained and supported "by every dollar and
every gun and every decision" that they must
have "whatever the cost and whatever the
challenge." For a month we have held our
hand in an important area of military action.
But the infiltration of the aggressor's forces
has continued, and so have his attacks on
our allies and on our own men. I am sure
you will agree that we have a heavy obliga-
tion not to add lightly to the dangers our
troops must face. We must give them the
support they need in fulfillment of the com-
mitment so accurately stated in your letter?
"the determination of our Government to
resist the terror and aggression which deny
the people of South Vietnam the right freely
to determine their own future."
Sincerely,
LYNDON B. JOHNSON.
AMENDMENT TO FOREIGN TAX
CREDIT PROVISION OF THE IN-
TERNAL REVENUE CODE, FOR THE
BENEFIT OF THE U.S. ECONOMY
(Mr. SECREST asked and was given
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD, and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. SECREST. Mr. Speaker, I am in-
troducing a bill to amend section 902(b)
and section 902(c) of the Internal Rev-
enue Code of 1954. These sections pro-
vide that if a U.S. corporation owns 10
Percent or more of the voting stock of a
foreign or first level corporation, and if
such foreign corporation owns 50 per-
cent or more of the voting stock of a
second level or a foreign subsidiary, the
domestic parent corporation may credit
its proportionate share of the subsubsidi-
ary's taxes. No credit is allowed to the
U.S. corporation for foreign taxes paid
by a foreign corporation beyond the sec-
ond level.
As an example, a U.S. corporation has
a wholly owned or majority owned for-
eign subsidiary in country X. This sub-
sidiary wishes to develop a new activity
in which local capital should participate,
but it is in no position to provide 50 per-
cent of the required capital without help
from its American parent. However, it
could provide 25 percent, with local capi-
tal providing the other 75 percent. Un-
der present tax law, the latter cannot be
done without complete loss of foreign tax
credits on the new enterprise.
The foreign tax credit provision of
the Internal Revenue Act, which was en-
acted in 1918 to remove international
double taxation, has been amended sev-
eral times. The present requirements of
10 percent and 50 percent ownership go
back to the 1951 tax law. I understand
that the 1951 requirement of at least a
50-percent stock ownership on the sec-
ond level was predicated entirely on ad-
ministrative convenience to the Internal
Revenue Service. However, section 6046
of the Internal Revenue Code now re-
quires an information return from each
U.S. person who, directly or indirectly,
845
owns 5 percent or more in the value of
the stock of a foreign corporation. In
addition, the 1962 tax law dealing with
"subpart F income" provides the Treas-
ury with detailed information on for-
eign operations of U.S. taxpayers. All
this information in the hands of the
Internal Revenue Service should elimi-
nate the administrative inconvenience
which might arise from reduction of the
ownership test from 50 percent to 25
percent and from inclusion of the third
level foreign corporation in the tax
credit structure.
The proposed amendment would re-
duce the 50 percent requirement to 25
percent between the first and second
levels and would include third level for-
eign corporations in the tax credit struc-
ture if the 25 percent test is met.
This change will have four major ef-
fects, all of which are in our national
interest:
First. It will contribute to the U.S.
balance of payments.
Second. It will enable American busi-
ness to expand and grow abroad with
reduced amounts of American equity
capital.
Third. It will create a more favorable
business climate abroad by furthering
the increased participation of foreign
local nationals in their own foreign
economy.
Fourth. It should encourage a de-
mand, wherever feasible, for raw mate-
rials, products and equipment to be sup-
plied from sources within the United
States rather than elsewhere, thereby
benefiting our economy through in-
creased employment and income.
Income from oversea investments by
U.S. industry is the major factor in the
U.S. balance of payments. Conse-
quently, anything that can be done to
expand the source of this income, with-
out the use of U.S. dollars, would fur-
ther the balance-of-payments' Position.
Such expansion also is affected by for-
eign competition which requires Amer-
ican industry operating abroad to pro-
tect its marketing position by additional
investment from either the United
States or abroad.
The United States has taken certain
steps to reduce the amount of 'U.S. dol-
lars used for foreign investments. One
way to expand and grow without using
U.S. dollars is to encourage foreign na-
tionals to share in the ownership of the
foreign enterprises in which American
industry has interests. The reduction
of the 50-percent test to 25 percent,
and an extension of the credit to third
level foreign corporations, would enable
American industry, without the loss of
foreign tax credits, to tap local sources
of capital in the foreign country in
which modernization and expansion are
required to meet foreign competition
abroad.
In addition, the increased participa-
tion of foreign nationals with American
business in the industrial life of a par- ?
ticular foreign country should create a
healthier attitude toward American ac-
tivities in that country. Section 106(1a)
of the Canadian Income Tax Act, effec-
tive in 1963, is an example of the concern
of foreign governments for increased
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846 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
local participation in non-resident-
owned businesses. This law provided
for a reduction in the Canadian
withholding tax paid by nonresident
corporations having a prescribed degree
of Canadian ownership.
In those countries which have local
national stock exchanges, use of local
equity capital could lead to a wider dis-
tribution of the stock of a second or
third level foreign corporation. This
penetration of the local capital markets
could create additional sources for rais-
ing future frenture capital.
Modernization and expansion of Amer-
ican financed industry abroad are neces-
sary to meet foreign competition abroad.
Under the foreign tax credit structure,
as it now exists, capital required for such
modernization and expansion must come
largely from the United States. This is
so because any reduction of the 50-per-
cent stock interest between the first and
second level foreign corporations, or the
use of third level foreign corporations,
would result in a loss of foreign tax
credits to the U.S. parent corporation.
As this proposed legislation will prove
beneficial to the economy of the United
States as well as participating foreign
countries, I urge my colleagues to actively
support its enactment.
THE 4-YEAR TERM FOR MEMBERS
OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENT-
ATIVES
(Mr. CHEEP asked and was given per-
mission to address the House for 1 min-
ute and to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. CHELF. Mr. Speaker, as you and
my colleagues know, I am for a 4-year
term for Members of the House of Rep-
resentatives.
My bill, House Joint Resolution 394, is
not new?it has been in the hearts and
on the minds of men since the days of
that great American, James Madison,
who favored a longer tenure of office for
Members of the House.
Many others, over the years, have
fought for this worthwhile project. In
my own case?it has taken the constant.
prodding of my people for 20 years to
arouse me to do something about it.
Only when 1 had to fight and finance
four, hard, costly campaigns, all in the
last 2 years, would I launch myself into
the frontline trench of the 4-year term
battle. I refuse to sit idly by and wait
until election costs grow so great and so
frequent that only a wealthy person with
unlimited means can afford to run for
Congress.
The President has one version of this
legislation and I have another. While
our approaches differ somewhat, we both
want a 4-year term. President Johnson
may be on the New York Central and I
on the Pennsylvania but we will arrive
at the same destination. Only the route,
the modus operandi, or legislative me-
chanics are at variance. I shall grate-
fully accept constructive amendments to
my bill. I am happy to introduce today
the President's prepared draft of the
legislation.
I am convinced that the people of the
United States are for this constitutional
change by a ratio of 3 to 1. The Gallup
poll?a 3-to-1 count?which was released
last week, is in keeping with the many
polls that have be?i taken by various
Members of the House in their respec-
tive congressional districts.
For a year now, many of you have
good naturedly needled me for "more
action" on this legislation. At the lunch
counter, at the dining room table, on the
floor, behind the rail, in the cloakroom,
on the train between buildings, you have
"kidded" me to "get with it." Now that
you have action and a powerful friend
and ally, I would admonish you to quit
talking and go to work on our 41 col-
leagues who are against the legislation
and those 67 others who have expressed
some doubt. Surely, the 254 who are
strong for the measure here in the House
do not need any persuasive conversation.
COMMENT ON THE PROPOSF.T) 4-
YEAR TERM FOR MEMBERS OF
THE HOUSE
(Mr. ROUSH asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute, and to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. ROUSH. Mr. Speaker, I am, and
have been, an advocate of the 4-year
term for Members of the Home. The
increasing burdens of the office, the ex-
pense of campaigns, the ability through
modern communication to keep close
contact with his people, the need for
undivided attention to the national prob-
lems are all persuasive.
However, Mr. Speaker, even as I ap-
plaud the support of the administration
for this idea I am critical of the pro-
posal as advocated by the administra-
tion.
First. I feel that there should be an
expression by the electorate on national
issues every 2 years; a staggering of the
terms would accomplish this goal.
Second. I see no reason to insert in the
necessary constitutional amendment a
limitation which would prevent a Mem-
ber of the House from running for the
Senate unless his term had expired or
unless he resigns. Surely such a provi-
sion is not necessary to induce these
statesmen who serve in the other body
to vote for such an amendment.
I am unalterably opposed to clutter-
ing up a constitutional amendment with
such a limitation. I hasten to add I am
not and probably never will be a candi-
date for the Senate.
ERRONEOUS STORY ABOUT SUM-
MER POST OFFICE JOB
(Mr. JACOBS asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute and to revise and extead his re-
marks.)
Mr. JACOBS. Mr. Speaker, I should
like, this morning, to pay my respects
to the Washington Post.
On September 14, 1965, the Washing-
ton Post said I had got a summer post
office job for one of my relatives. Never
doubt that the Washington Post prints
the news. It was news to me, especially
since it was not true.
Well, they were pretty nice about it.
January 24, 1966
They ran a correction containing a
regret.
But I must confess that when, on Jan-
uary 22, 1966, the Washington Post re-
ran the same erroneous story about the
same alleged job for the same alleged
relative, it did get to be a bit of a bore.
Besides, some of my relatives are be-
ginning to find out and complain about
the job discrimination.
INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT PRO-
GRAM OF PUERTO RICO
(Mr. POLANCO-ABREU asked and
was given permission to address the
House for 1 minute and to revise and
extend his remarks.)
Mi. POLANCO-ABREU. Mr. Speaker,
poverty has always been the number one
enemy of Puerto Rico. Twenty years ago,
in order to destroy this foe, Puerto Rico
embarked upon an industrial develop-
ment program with the object of raising
living standards for all its people and
particularly for its working people in
the cities and in the fields. Its interest
was and is in the educational and eco-
nomic opportunities for the poor.
But in industrializing, Puerto Rico's
policy was and is to create new industrial
activity and to build on that base.
Through these years, Puerto Rico's
spokesmen have made it clear--and I
emphasize this again today?that Puerto
Rico neither seeks nor will shelter run-
away industries from any State.
We seek only a small share of the an-
nual expansion of U.S. industrial capital.
Mainland expansion of manufacturing
capital in recent years has been about 4
percent per year, adding 1,200,000 jobs
annually. Puerto Rico has been develop-
ing at the rate of about 29,000 jobs per
year, or about 1 for every 40 in the main-
land.
I make these observations because
there was raised in the record of this
forum the question of minimum wages in
Puerto Rico with the suggestion that
Puerto Rico might be enticing industries
from the mainland. The implication was
that minimum wages in Puerto Rico are
too low and that Puerto Rico is thus
placed in a position of competitive ad-
vantage with the mainland firms.
Mr. Speaker, the implication is false,
and I maintain that it is unnecessarily
damaging to the 2.4 million fellow citi-
zens living and working in the island.
Puerto Rico will not build on the foun-
dation of misery for its people. We be-
long to the family of governments which
advocates and strives for better things
for its people?more jobs, higher wages,
more education, better living, fuller em-
ployment. We have come far in this re-
spect, and in 1964 had advanced to $900
per capita income as compared to $1,749
per capita income in Alabama. Yes, we
have come far by the standards of many
nations in this hemisphere and in
others, but we are still very poor in this
respect as comparc d with any of the sis-
ter States of the Union.
The real key to progress is fullest pos-
sible employment. Such a condition
makes for simultaneous advance on all
fronts. When employment rates fall,
any community begins to disintegrate
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