31ST ANNUAL AWARDS DINNER BEST EVER

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP88T00528R000100010036-2
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 7
• Document Creation Date: December 20, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 27, 2008
• Sequence Number: 36
• Publication Date: January 31, 1984
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

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4P 0.
THE DIRECTOR OF
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE
National Intelligence Council
31 January 1984
This speech is superb, as you promised.
Thanks very much for lunch today. As always,
I enjoyed myself.
Herbert E. Meyer
Vice Chairman
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E LOS ANGE1. E -
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31ST ANNUAL AWARDS DINNER BEST EVER
Six Hundred Los Angeles
Philanthropic Members and
Guests Assembled at the
Beverly Hilton on October 11 to
Honor Bruce Herschensobn as
the Outstanding American
Commentator of 1983 and to
Hear his Address on "Foreign
Affairs".
President's Message
Bruce Herschensohn receives "Outstanding American Commentator Award"
from President William Nassour
"FOREIGN AFFAIRS"
Address given by Bruce Herschensohn
At the International Ballroom
Beverly Hilton Hotel
Beverly Hills, California
at the Thirty First Annual Awards Dinner
of The Los Angeles Philanthropic Foundation
If a speaker, standing before any group assembled together tonight,
anywhere in this nation, was to say to that assembly that the best and
the most beautiful word in the world is the word "peace" there would, I
believe, be no argument. Liberals, Conservatives, Republicans,
Democrats would offer no challenge to that statement. But it should be
challenged. It should be challenged every time the word is used on a
banner or in a demonstration or as a device to bring about applause. It
should be challenged every time it is used undefined because through
all we have witnessed in our own lifetimes and all we have learned from
records of times that have preceded our births, there are many ways to
achieve peace.
President Lincoln could have had peace and spared the States the
agony of war. He could have done that by removing the Union's troops
from Fort Sumter and by allowing the secession of South Carolina and
then the other states that sought confederation independent of the
Union. And there would have been peace. (Continued on Page 2)
Nwoe. eeIie4
Dear Members:
Thank you again for attending our "An-
nual Award Dinner" October 11th, honoring
Bruce Herschensohn with the "Outstanding
American -Commentator Award." No pro-
gram ever given has met such an attentive
reception or produced so much en-
thusiastic comment by our members and
guests. He gave us a thorough understan-
ding of a timely subject. His address is,
with his permission, included in this
newsletter. Additonal copies are available
on request.
Soon you will ve mailed a new Los
Angeles Philanthropic Foundation descrip-
tive "Brochure" with questions and
answers regarding: (1) What is the Founda-
tion investment policy? (2) What are the
Aims of the Foundation? (3) What is. a
"Perpetual Scholarship Grant?" (4) How is a
"Donor" recognized?
You will find this to be of great interest
and it will familiarize you with our Scholar-
ship Program, of which we are very proud,
and invite your participation. Fully tax-
deductible contributions regardless of
amount are used only for Scholarship
Grants for deserving students. All contribu-
tions are most gratefully and appreciatively
accepted.
I close with a special message:
Thanksgiving and Christmas are days
that are celebrated mainly in the
heart."It is a time when families seem
closer and friendships dearer. A time
when troubles are forgotten and
blessings are remembered. To be
thankful for many things is that time
of year...
And I add my deep appreciation to our
membership and to our Board Members
who have contributed to the Foundation's
many achievements and to the growth of
(Continued on Page 6)
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vv1Ni's ENvv1Ni's - r-w.c at ally vvva:
In the second decade of this cen-
tury, France and Great Britain and the
United States could have avoided the
war we call World War I by refusing to
pick up arms. And there would have
been peace.
President Roosevelt could have
brought about peace for the United
States by standing before that Joint
Session of the Congress on Monday,
December the 8th of 1941 to request of
the Congress, not a declaration of war
to return fire for fire but, instead, a
declaration of surrender. And there
would have been peace.
PEACE AT THE COST
OF SURRENDER
Surrender of a free States does br-
ing about peace - the peace of the
slave for the many, the peace of the
master for the few, and the peace of
the grave for what is left - but there is
peace. There is peace today in most of
Southeast Asia. But the casualties of
that peace have long ago outnumbered
the casualties of the war that came
before it. Eight years of Vietnamese
Boat People are today submerged
beneath the South China Sea: Boat
People who sought not refuge from a
war but refuge from the peace they
were given after the White Flags of
April of 1975. And those same eight
years have brought millions of Land
People to burial beneath the quickly
overtur'i u earth of Cambodia and
Laos. Therefore, all should be
suspicious of those who shout the
word "peace" without defining it.
And my suspicion is that the word
has been used and is being used and
will be used to coat the nation with an
amnesia - an amnesia that makes us
all forget that there is one word to be
held even higher than the word
"Peace." There is only one word to be
held higher and that is the word that
has no rival - and that word is
"LIBERTY."
But liberty is fast becoming a lost
pursuit. There are no "Liberty
Demonstrations" marching down Pen-
nsylvania Avenue, no "Liberty Move-
ment" heralded by those who gather in
the Boston Common, no "Liberty
Days" prescribed by organizations
who mass students outside Royce
Hall. There is no challenge to the word
"peace" for fear the person making
such a challenge will be branded as a
person of violence. It is a horrible risk
to be so branded but the risk of such an
unjustified stigma must be taken
because the imminent threat to the
world today is appeasement - and the
consequence of appeasement is the
end of the United States as we know it.
The consequence is surrender to avoid
the thought of arms. And there will be
no buildings in ruins and the victor
won't inherit the spoils of war but will
inherit, instead, the rewards of ap-
peasement. And those in the United
States will become the taxpayers of a
foreign nation.
But I would guess that there are
some in this nation - even most in
this who believe that we are exempt
from such a fate - exempt because
there seems to be a structure of per-
manence to our daily habits. We have
our schedules. Our jobs, the place in
which we work ... our homes or apart-
ments, the place in which we live ... we
have our families and our friends, and
then there are routines of habit ... get-
Philip E. Svec M.D., Master of Ceremonies and Robert Philibosian, District Attorney
Page 2
****************
Peace - if we want it we have
but one choice states interna-
tionally famous Commentator
Bruce Herschensohn magnifi-
cently in his address. We are
omitting some of the regular
features of the "NEWS" to give
our members his most compre-
hensive remarks in their entirity.. .
Arnold Eddy, Editor
4K
41
41
41
41
41
41
ting in the car and driving where we
want, shopping on a particular day at a
particular place, watching a particular
television show on a particular night,
phoning someone regularly, getting up
early some mornings and sleeping late
on others. American normality is such
habit that that habit appears to have
an inborn permanence to it - a
manufacturer's card of guarantee that
comes with citizenship.
There is no manufacturer's card of
guarantee. It is an illusion of per-
manence and there was such an illu-
sion of permanence that was also felt
in the habits of those who, less than a
decade ago, walked the streets of
Saigon and Vietenne and Phnom Penh.
and Luanda and Teheren and Addis
Ababa and Kabul and Managua. No.
Our way of life has no card of
guarantee provided by the manufac-
turer because we are the manufac-
turers and somehow, too many within
this nation have lost the will to do
maintenance work. It's the dusting and
the cleaning and the re-building and
the restoration that are too tedious.
Maintaining what we have has become
a burden. Worse than that, we are be-
ing led to believe that maintenance is
wrong because it requires the strength
to defend ourselves - and defending
ourselves requires weaponry. The
maintenance of liberty, unfortunately
in today's world does require weaponry
and under today's threat, it requires
strength - such immense strength
that none will dare inflict the threat of'
war upon us.
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FOREIGN AFFAIRS - Continued....
But those who shudder from such
maintenance of liberty say, "There is a
third way to peace: A third way that
calls for neither surrender or strength,
and the third way is for peace alone.
Just the absence of modern weapons
will bring that about." Such an argu-
ment has little to do with the cause of
war but only with the method of war
because long before modern weapons,
history has been a succession of wars.
People will kill with sticks if nothing
more potent than sticks are at hand.
People will kill with hands alone if
sticks are too far away.
To arrange a permanent peace,
one not of.slave, master and grave, to
arrange a permanent peace worthy of
its name is to first ask and answer the
question, "Why do wars come about at
all? Why does man pick up a weapon,
be it a fist or a stone or a brick or a
bomb?" Why does he do that? Other
than self-defense or the defense of
friends, what brings man to that
device? Where is the seed to be dug
but before it grows into a poisonous
forest?
There is no mystery. The answer
has been lived through too often to
have to guess at its answer. The forest
of war begins with a seed that craves
expansion into places where expan-
sion is possible because nothing
guards against it. The seed is always
one man or one government or one
system attempting to expand power
over other territories and peoples.
What war was not fought because in
the beginning some power wanted
more power? More land to possess,
more people to have as possessions?
If those who shout the word "peace"
would close their mouths and open
their eyes they could find the seed of
Our Honoree poses with William and Frances Vaughan
Leo and Ruth Epstein with Bruce Herschensohn
war and dig it out. Without digging it
out, that seed will always mature into
that posionous forest of tragedy.
But in knowing the composition of
the seed of war, there is a way to bring
about a permanent peace. It is for
those who want to be unpossessed, for
those who want life-long liberty
without war - it Is up to those to say
to the expansionist, "The loss of our
liberty will not be the trade we make for
the attainment of your victory. Nor will
there be war, because we are not only
free but we are strong. So strong, first
among all, that there is no earthly way
for you to achieve your goals. Settle
then within your own borders and over-
power not one among us."
(Continued on Page 4)
The Los Angeles
Philanthropic Foundation
A Charitable California Corporation
5901 Green Valley Circle
Culver City, Calif. 90230
OFFICERS
WILLIAM E. NASSOUR, President
EDDY D. FIELD, First Vice President
ROBERT A. HOUGHTON, Second Vice President
JOHN W. YOUNG, Secretary
MERLE F. MORRIS, C.P.A., Treasurer
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FOREIGN AFFAIRS - WhWdoes a war begin and end. .101
THE THIRD QUARTER OF
THE CENTURY.
is what I'm saying a dream? Some,
I'm sure would say that It's a misguid-
ed dream that can bring about war. But
It's not a dream. It's a memory. It's a
memory of those years in the third
quarter of this century in which we held
superiority and we held it with respon-
sibility. And It's a regretful memory of
those years that started in the fourth
quarter of this century in which that
superiority faded away and with our
neglect, brought about a shift in the
Walker and Anita Kisselburgh and Merle and Dorothy Morris greet Honoree
Juanita Forelich and John and Edith Stewart' With Bruce. (Right) Argyle and Edith Gudie
balance of influence around the world
and we found ourselves facing a power
of expansion that knew no past or pre-
sent competition in totalatarian vic-
tories. And their victories still go on.
What kind of conflict is this? What kind
of dilemma does the United States
face year-to-year, administration-to-
administration? Is there an end to all
this? A h"arizon?_ Is there some
historical parallel with which we can
compare this? In a way.
There was a time - forty years
ago - 1943, when this nation did not
know whether we were nearer to the
beginning than we were to the end of
World War 11. There was no way to
know. Without its end in sight, we were
unable to judge the distance from its
beginning to its end, and to measure
where we were in that time-frame. All
we knew was that we were in it.
And now in 1983, as in 1943, this
nation doesn't'know whether we are
nearer the beginning than we are to the
end of World War Ill. There is no way to
know. But there the parallel ends and
the greater tragedy begins. Because in
1983 we don't even know that we are in
It. We're in it.
Page 4
Its battles have been found in
Europe and Africa and the Mideast and
Asia and in Latin America. There is not
the opening of a Second Front as was
true in World War II. In World War III,
we have seen a Second Front and a
Third Front and a Fourth and a Fifth.
The territory covered is of greater
breadth and distance than in any war
before it - more of a "World" War
than any of the two numbered wars
before it, but we mask the war in the
word "peace."
It is, in fact, "The Great War of
Peace" authored by the Soviet Union.
To call this period "peace" comforts us
and we can ignore the cause of it, the
root of it, the seed of it. And when fac-
ed with its battles, we can excuse them
one by one as being separate, apart,
and unconnected to any whole. No
World War.
Just ask: "El Salvador?" They say:
"Its root is poverty." "Vietnam?" "That
was a civil war." Afghanistan?" "The
Soviety Union was invited in by the
government." "Nicaragua?" "Rebellion
against a dictator." "Angola?" "A
remenant of colonialism." "Yemen?"
"It's tribal. Old, ancient conflict."
"Ethiopia?" "A popular revolution
against oppression." "Cambodia?"
"Our incursion- did that." "Grenada?"
"Revolt against a madman." A hundred
excuses. But always the same victor.
None of the excuses are accurate.
None of them. And World War III con-
tinues undefined, as more and more
nations fall to what so many call
"separate circumstances." No. No
separate circumstances. The cir-
cumstances is not plural, and it has a'
name and the name is World War III
and the agressor is obvious. Why do so
many nations shrink from condemning
the Soviet Union? Are they blind to all
this contemporary history? 20-20 vi-
sion. The reason they reach out for the
friendship of the Soviet Union is fear.
FEAR...
Soviet Secret Weapon
Absolute unrestrained fear. And when
we recognize that fear is the secret
weapon of the Soviet Union, then
everything else falls in place - even
our mislabeling of the war as a form of
peace.
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FEAR -a sect V1 vv apvII A
4 -
When we recognize that fear is the
secret weapon of the Soviet Union then
it even becomes easy to'see that the
downing of the Korean Airliner with the
murder of 269 civilians, was not a
Soviet defeat in world opinion, but a
Soviety victory in world opinion. We
look at world opinion through Western
eyes and so we see it as nations striv-
ing to be liked - to be loved - to be
thought of as moral and honest. The
Soviety Union has no such objectives
in world opinion. The Soviet Union has
only one destination to reach, and lik-
ing the Soviet Union has nothing to do
with reaching that destination. They
want to win. They want to win the
World War in which they are engaged
and so they use the most potent
weapon ever devised to win world opi-
nion - fear.
First, recognize the extent of Third
World fear of the Soviet Union. During
the last quarter of this century they
have witnessed the surrender of many
American allies, while they have never
seen a surrender of an ally of the
Soviet Union. Never. Now, in the case
of the Korean Airline tragedy, it has
been exhibited that they will kill
civilians if they're over their air space.
It's not an attempt to tell the world that
they're moral. And they'll lie if they're
caught and they'll change their story,
but it's not an attempt to influence the
world that they're honest. Small na-
tions that want to be on the side of the
winner do not make their choice based
on the honesty quotients of the con-
testing powers. The Soviet Union has
successfully exhibited its achievement
of victories simultaneously exhibiting
that the United States has come to the
point where we won't do one thing to
inconvenience ourpelves to deter such
Ruth and Carl Rasmussen D.D.S.
primitive behavior - we won't give up
one cent of trade to contest the
Soviet's lack of respect for interna-
tional security. Not one green dollar.
We will get angry - a policy of anger.
But anger over an event is temporary.
Feareminating from an event is perma-
nent.
A partial list:
The invasion of Hungary. A failure
in world opinion? No. A success. Who
is in charge of Hungary today?
The bulding of the Berlin Wall? A
success. It stands.
The invasion of Czechoslavakia?
A success. No further revolt there.
The imprisonment of those
monitoring human rights under the
Helsinki Accords? A success. They're
still imprisoned.
The invasion of Afghanistan? A
success. They're still there.
Vietnam-Cambodia-Laos-Angola-
Ethiopia- Yemen- Nicaragua-Grenada-
Suriname?
The downing of a commercial
airliner? A success. We can tell
already.
Get out the newspapers from
September 1st and October 1st. One
month in between.
The headlines of September 1st
read "Soviets Down Civilian Airliner."
The headlines of October 1st read
"Pilots End Sanctions Against Aeroflot
Early."
A murderer killed 269 people in
cold-blood. Penalty: Driver's license
suspended for two weeks.
The question "why did they do it"
is so easily answered if we understand
their long-range thinking and their
weapon to bring it about. They want
the world to be afraid.
HAS THE SECRET WEAPON
OF FEAR SPREAD WITHIN
OUR BORDERS
Has the secret weapon of fear
spread within our own borders? More
than we realize. Not just on the level of
governmental decisions. Children are
being taught fear in our schools.
Although the nuclear bomb has existed
for 38.years, it is only now that children
speak of nightmares of an impending
war - and who is the enemy? Us.
That's what they learn in school
through the National Education
Association. We should stop the arms
race. Are they being taught that liberty
is at risk if we allow the balance of
Betty and Henry Kveen
power to be held by an expanding
foreign state? Liberty? No. They fear
not the loss of liberty. That prospect
hasn't entered their curriculum. And
look at us - adults. With the constant
chipping away of the abilities of our
law enforcement officials, we live in
fear. Since law enforcement has had
its hands tied and manacled, there are
streets we won't walk upon in the night
and streets we won't walk upon in the
day and we have bolts on our doors,
one on top of the other, and alarm
systems and neighborhood watches,
and those who choose law enforce-
ment as their work find more and more
shackles and blindfolds and restric-
tions on their ability to carry out their
public service and there is more and
more risks to their own lives - and to
ours - and to the lives of people we
love. Fear has become our way of life.
We fear the night. We fear the day. We
fear the outside. We fear our own
homes. We fear the bomb. What a
weapon is the weapon of fear. And so
today the domestic war rages around
us while the international war rages on
almost every continent:
Current battles involved Europe
where fear is the motto of those who
demonstrate against the deployment
of NATO's Pershings and Cruises
meant for their defense - defense
from the over one thousand Soviet
warheads aimed at the cities of
Western Europe.
In Africa, Castro's fighters aid the
wars of Namibia and Somalia and
Chad from their base in Angola.
In Asia, darkness is falling on the
Philippines.
In Lebannon, Syria's Hafez Assad
holds out his hand for weaponry and
finds his hands and even his arms fill-
ed with missiles and tanks and bullets
as a gift from the Soviet Union.
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HERSCHENSOHN - Foohings to do ....
in El Salvador, war rages. War
rages in less distance from this city
than the distance from here to
Washington, D.C. War is that close.
Yet there are those in the United
States who say that the Soviet sup-
ported guerrillas there in El Salvador
should not have to participate in a free
election. That they should not have to
enter the electoral process - that they
should be given power within the
government without entering an elec-
tion. Incredibly, that is what they say.
Even many members of our Congress
- that is what they say. They say a
gun rather than a ballot is valid
evidence of the people's desire for
change. And if that war goes beyond
the border of El Salvador to
Guatemala, and beyond the border of
Guatemala to Mexico - and if there is
then terrorism on our southern border,
can't you hear the same voices - don't
you know who they will be who will say,
"Those guerrillas in San Diego and El
Paso have legitimate grievances -
and they're not Marxists. Our exploita-
tion of their lands have brought themto
this." And in time, our daily habits -
our families and work and fun and
shopping and getting up early and get-
ting up late - our daily habits that we
think are so permanent - will be
nothing more than a memory as we sit
dazed - wondering how it all happen-
ed.
HOW DO WE WIN
THIS WAR?
First of all, it's necessary -
unbelievably so - but it's necessary to
ask if we want to win it. Let me explain
?it -in this way: When the Chief Cor-
respondent for the hew PBS Series on
Vietnam was asked to assess that
series on the war and its aftermath, he
described the series on Vietnam in this
way - he said, "We're not taking
sides." That sentences accurately
describes an American attitude that
assumes in international issues that
involve United States' interests and in-
volves friends of the United States fac-
ed with a takeover - that our policy
should be one of neutrality. Many
Americans are, in fact, neutral. And
even at home - there is that neutrality
between criminal and victim. Neutrali-
ty in affairs both domestic and interna-
tional is seen as a membership card to
the pseudo-intellectual club of open-
mindedness - open to every possibli-
ty except to the loss of liberty.
Page 6
But it doesn't need to be that way.
Because we are the makers of the
future, if we want to be. We are the
creators of future history unless we
choose by sheer laziness to be only its
witnesses.
We can end the war against fear
and be its victor. At home, we can do it
by choosing a side between the victim
and the criminal and by allowing those
who engage in enforcing the law to en-
force it. And in our foreign policy, we
can win the war against fear in the
same way. We can win it by choosing a
side between victim and criminal -
and then go on to the following plan,
internationally, in foreign policy: Never
again rescue. communism or other
forces of expansion with the rewards
of capitalism. No more rescues. In-
stead, enact a total U.S. economic
isolation of the Soviet Union and its
proxys.
Second, after the United States
sets that example - call for a sustain-
ing conference with our allies to pur-
sue joint economic sanctions against
the Soviet Union - rather than what
we have now - a sustaining con=
ference with the Soviet Union regar-
ding weapons. Whereas none of the
arms agreements that we're pursuing
today with the Soviet Union will be
verifiable - an economic agreement
with our allies will be instantly
verifiable. And better to attempt to
negotiate with friends who keep
agreements than with a hostile force
that has a tradition of broken
agreements. Pursue that agreement -
that economic "treaty" with our allies.
Third, a motion, not to condemn,
but to expel the Soviet Union from the
United Nations Organization for
violating the U.N. Charter. Expel it as
the League of Nations expelled the
Soviet Union in 1939 for the Soviets' in-
vasion of Finland. And if those States
who violate the Charter are not expell-
ed, then the United States should get
out of the United Nations and the
United Nations exit from the United
States, leaving us free to form a new in-
ternational organization, a third try -
this time composed of those nations
as well as governments-in-exile who
share our common values.
Fourth, to bring about those
measures and not be looked upon as a
paper tiger, but as a leader - have a
defense of deterrence that is not
second-to-none - that means parity -
not second to none - but superior to
all. In summary, lead the way and set
the example against fear, set the ex-
ample for liberty rather than following
those who are frightened, and losing
liberty.
If we enacted those measures, at
great economic cost - but no cost of
lives - the result would be the
maintenance of the United States and
our way of life and the invitation to all
states to follow our lead.
As Americans, we inherited a
magnificent estate. Previous genera-
tions of Americans, through their
strength and courage, made us the
beneficiaries of gifts never before
given from one generation to the next.,
Let us not be known, in the future, as
the generation that sold those gifts.
That wasn't their intent for us. Their in-
tent was that we maintain the gifts -
not surrender to the frightened who
carry placards.
We are the makers of history if we
want to be - not just its idle witnesses
- and our destiny should be to leave
to the next generation both peace and
liberty - so strongly constructed and
maintained and re-enforced that those
future Americans, yet unborn, who in-
herit our estate will be challenged by
none and joined by all.
President's Message
(Continued from Page 1)
our great organization and their continued
interest and loyal support of our Aims -
"To help young Americans who believe in
our American Heritage and Free Enter-
prises to become our future great citizens
and leaders."
May this happy season bring special
joys to each of you, and may blessing in
abundance be yours the whole year
through.
God bless you all!
William E. Nassour, President
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