LATIN AMERICA REGIONAL AND POLITICAL ANAYLSIS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP79T00912A000700010010-1
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 32
• Document Creation Date: December 20, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 1, 2006
• Sequence Number: 10
• Publication Date: June 9, 1977
• Content Type: REPORT

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Secret
Latin America
EG IONAL AND
TICAL ANALYSIS
State Dept. review completed
Secret 127
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LATIN AMERICA
9 June 1977
CONTENTS
OAS General Assembly VII Convenes
in Grenada Next Week . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Jamaica: Deteriorating Economic Situation . . . . . 3
Argentina: Political Revival? . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Brazil: Political Maneuverings? . . . . . . . . . . 10
Uruguay: No New Political Ground Broken . . . . . . 12
Colombia: Discovery of Large
Marijuana Fields . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Peru: Inter-Service Rivalry in
Narcotics Control . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Mexico: Accelerated Communist
Economic Activity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
Cuban Chronology for May 1977 . . . . . . . . . . . 26
This publication is prepared for regional specialists in the Washington community by
the Latin America Division, Office of Regional and Political Analysis, with oc-
casional contributions from other offices within the Directorate of Intelligence.
Comments and queries are welcome. They should be directed to the authors of the
individual articles.
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OAS General Assembly VII Convenes in Grenada Next Week
The huamn rights issue is bound to be the major topic
of discussion at next week's OAS General Assembly meeting
.n Grenada, even though there are other important matters
Lo be considered. Many of the delegates still have res-
orvations about holding the meeting in Grenada because of
continued reports of poor facilities, water shortages,
and typhoid fever outbreaks. None has decided to back
out, however, and the participants seem resigned to
C;rinn.inq and bearing some inconveniences.
Most delegates are anxious to meet Secret..-lry of State
Vance and get some insight into the Latin American poli-
c:ies of the new US administration and its idea: for r.e-
tructurinq the OAS. The majority of Latin Amorican
countries have had little contact with high US admi.nistra-
tion officials and, in general, have been confused by con-
Llict.inq signals they have been receiving from Washing-
:cn.
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The human rights issue has been the core of the
problem. There have been reports that the southern cone
countries have been attempting to form a common front in
opposition to the US on this issue. The foreign ministers
of Argentina, Chile, Paraguay, Uruguay, and possibly Bra-
zil, in fact, may meet before the conference convenes to
talk over tactics and the possibility of raising inter-
national terrorism as a counter-debate to human rights..
None of the countries is anxious to offend the US, how-
ever, and protestations against Washington's human rights
policy will probably be perfuctory, but emotional.
Other topics on the General Assembly agenda include:
restructuring the OAS, charter reform, cooperation on
development and collective economic security, and edu-
cational/cultural exchange programs. Bolivia's desire
for an outlet to the sea and the Guatemala-Belize terri-
torial dispute may be raised, but probably will be tabled
with simple statements for the record. Panama may bring
up the progress of the canal treaty negotiations, but a
joint US-Panama report on the status of the negotiations
probably will be agreed upon before the meeting.
As it shapes up now, the General Assembly could bog
down on human rights discussions. None of the partici-
pants, however, wants a rankling debate. Most delegates
want to get the Grenada meeting over with as quickly as
possible and carry on the rest: of their business in Wash-
ington or elsewhere.
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Jamaica: Deteriorating Economic Situation
The recent visit of Rosalynn Carter to Jamaica,
coming as it did in the wake of a visit by a US techni-
cal team to study the island's economic needs, will be
interpreted by Prime Minister Manley's government as
presaging substantial financial assistance from Washing-
ton.
Although Manley is currently following the advice
of political moderates in seeking assistance from the
International Monetary Fund and the industrial nations,
sufficient financing is proving difficult, if not impos-
sible, to obtain. If Manley's moderate stance fails to
produce results in the coming months, we believe he will
probably again turn to his radical advisers. The re-
sult would likely have significant negative repercus-
sions for US interests. Pressures for a bauxite tax in-
crease would mount, and other nationalistic demands
against US investments could follow.
Jamaica faces a sharply tightened foreign exchange
bind this year. Although the current-account deficit is
declining sharply with the increase in bauxite and alumina
sales and continuing import constraints, the capital ac-
count will worsen. Higher debt servicing obligations, a
further reduction in capital receipts, and continuing
capital flight are the causes. Despite severe austerity
measures and the probable receipt of an IMF loan, Jamaica
still faces a foreign payments gap of about $90 million
in 1977, mainly during the third quarter of the fiscal
year.
The battle among Manley's advisers over the govern-
ment's approach to the economic crisis has so far passed
through two distinct stages. The first stage culminated
in January--about a month into Manley's second term--and
represented a high-water mark for the influence of ruling
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party radicals. Beholden to his young Marxist-oriented
advisers for their help in his party's sweeping election
victory in December, Manley named several of them to key
ministries responsible for implementing social change.
Then in a speech on January 19 Manley:
--Announced a confiscatory tax policy aimed par-
ticularly at the middle and upper classes.
--Assigned the radical wing of his party, to-
gether with some leftist university economists,
the task of designing an emergency production
program.
--Said he was making overtures to the Soviet-
dominated Council for Economic and Mutual As-
sistance (CEMA) and would also look to the USSR
for economic assistance.
--Vilified the IMF and stated that his govern-
ment would not sacrifice its social projects to
meet IMF conditions.
By late April, however, Manley had significantly
altered course, and in the second round of the battle to
determine government policy party moderates emerged the
clear winners. Disappointed by the response from CEMA
and by the failure of the radicals to devise a program
that would get the economy moving, Manley rejected the
radical's economic scheme. Turning once again to his
more orthodox economic advisers, he submitted a plan in-
tended to meet the stipulations of the IMF--expected to
include devaluing the currency and slashing government
spending. At the same time, party moderates--led es-
pecially by Foreign Minister Patterson--began strenuously
to oppose the radicals' efforts to expand their power
base in the government and party.
The radicals have been regrouping and waiting for
an opportunity to prove to Manley that they are correct
in contending that there has been no basic change in US
policy toward Jamaica. They have taken pains to disso-
ciate themselves from attempts to obtain assistance from
the West. Although two leading radicals were named to
the Jamaican team that consulted with the US economic
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mission, both absented themselves from every session.
Moreover, the radicals have tried to undermine relations
with the US by apparently planting a story in the press
designed to raise false expectations concerning the
amount of future US assistance.
If the economic crisis worsens, the result will be
heightened political instability. As Jamaicans ex-
perience mounting unemployment, spiraling inflation, and
unavailability of basic goods, Manley is likely to suffer
a significant loss in popular support. As intra-party
tensions increase, Manley will find it increasingly dif-
ficult to hold his party together.
Unless Jamaica can find more foreign financial help
than is now in sight, Manley will have essentially two
options in closing the remaining gap: to tough it out,
or to again boost bauxite taxes. If he chooses the first
option, Jamaica faces the prospect of having to slash
imports from last year's depressed level by as much as
20 percent to $735 million in 1977. Severe payments
problems would persist over the next few years, requiring
continued stiff austerity measures--which would likely
cause more political problems for the Manley government.
We believe the odds are strongly against another
bauxite tax increase as long as Manley believes further
foreign financial assistance will be forthcoming. If
this fails, he probably will turn to his radical advisers.
A bauxite tax increase and other nationalistic pressures
against US investments on the island could well follow.
In these circumstances, relations with the US would de-
teriorate rapidly.
At the same time, Manley probably would seek closer
relations with Cuba. Although. he apparently has been
disappointed by the inadequacy of Soviet aid offers thus
far, his attempt to lessen dependence on the US could also
lead to increased overtures to the USSR. Moscow is un-
likely to provide cash aid, although the Soviets have in-
dicated some trade arrangement. could be worked out, prob-
ably involving small purchases of bauxite and alumina.
Even if Jamaica nails down sufficient foreign loans
to cover its payments gap this year, it is important not
to exaggerate the benefits for the US. Manley's domestic
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goal of creating a "democratic socialist" society is ir-
reversible.. The best Washington can hope for is to
strengthen the moderates so that the process will take
place within a framework that assures as little human
dislocation as possible.
Manley's commitment to aligning Jamaica with the
third world is also unshakable. By persuading him that
the US has an abiding interest in pursuing a relation-
ship of mutual respect, we may well be able to deal with
our differences in an atmosphere free from last year's
undertones of fundamental hostility and avoid pushing
him toward an identification with the more radical mem-
bers of the! third world.
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Argentina: Political Revival?
Some Argentine politicians and prominent citizens
are emerging from more than a year of near public silence
with a variety of statements and proposals, all aimed at
restoring political activity, which has been officially
suspended since the March 1976 coup.
Leaders of the Peronist movement, still the nation's
largest political grouping, have become more vocal than
at any time since the military takeover--although they
have been carefully stressing that their aims are not
political. Peronists belonging to a group whose purposes
are ostensibly "cultural," as opposed to "political,"
have chosen an executive council which will oversee the
writing of a statement evaluating the country's current
overall situation. Among those undertaking the project
are Italo Luder, Federico Angel Robledo, and Nicasio San-
chez Toranzo, all of whom gained prominence during the
presidency of the ousted Isabel Peron. Their evaluation,
to be issued shortly, is expected to amount to a criticism
of the present regime, particularly on the human rights
score.
Argentina's second largest party, the Radicals, mak-
ing its first major statement since the military took
over last year, has issued a call for the restoration of
"all freedoms." Specifically, the party declared that
the junta should lift its ban on the functioning of polit-
ical parties.
An influential journalist. recently proposed the es-
tablishment of an organization to be called the "National
Reorganization Movement." According to the proposal, the
movement would form the basis of a government-sponsored
single-party system. The proposal, however, plays down--
and perhaps would rule out--meaningful political partici-
pation by the principal existing parties, the Radicals
and Peronists. A variety of journalists have for some
time put forth any number of political ideas and criti-
cisms, but this latest one is the most pointed to date.
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The junta's ban on all blatantly political activity
never really achieved total success. Adherents of a
variety of views have regularly maneuvered to gain in-
fluence with the military in the hope that their respec-
tive positions would take hold once the political r,!les
are relaxed. Indeed, the officers themselves fully ex-
pect such contacts and use them to advance their own
political interests. The recent flurry of political
verbiage, however, is the most concentrated effort as
yet.
For the current round of proselytizing to get as far
as it has, two factors appear to have been essential.
One is that a great deal of discussion and opinion-taking
have been going on for some time within a number of in-
terested political sectors? The other is that each of
the ideas expressed, whether a criticism or a proposal,
had at least the tacit support of some influential cur-
rent of opinion within the armed forces.
The political expression that has surfaced was not
necessarily orchestrated byy the junta, but it does seem
to have had beneficial results for the regime. Since
it is firmly in control, the government can easily with-
stand such criticism, particularly that emanating from
the vanquished Peronists. But on another level, the out-
pouring of opinions seems to have diverted attention
from problem areas, such as subversion and the effects
of the so-called Graiver case. Moreover,, the activity
may give greater credibility to President Videla's stated
desire for "dialogue" with representative civilian groups.
He can point to the latest increase of political criti-
cism and suggestions as proof of his government's willing-
ness to listen.
No one in or out of government seriously suggests
that the latest developments presage an early return to
any semblance of unfettered civilian politics. Indeed,
the major parties probably do not want a rapid normaliza-
tion, since they are simply not prepared? Nonetheless,
it is clear that a new stage of political evolution,
characterized by increasing public debate, has been reached
and that a great outpouring of ideas is yet to come. It
would be difficult for the military to reverse this proc-
ess without arousing deep,, widespread resentment among
the populace.
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President Videla hopes to keep this process under
control. If it proceeds too fast, hard-line critics may
become fearful that the military's authority is being un-
dermined and consequently step up their pressure on him.
If the process is gradual, however, Videla will have de-
prived his military critics of at least one excuse for
opposing his tactics.
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Brazil: Political Maneuverings?
Brazilian Army Minister Sylvio Frot:a's recent high
praise for army intelligence and security officers ap-
pears calculated both to bolster the esprit de corps
of the security service, at a time when student protests
are provoking widespread concern, and to improve his
own standing within the military. His remarks are es-
pecially noteworthy for their political overtones be-
cause Frota, as a four-star general, is eligible to be-
come president under the current political guidelines
and has been frequently mentioned as a possible succes-
sor to President Geisel.
In the past, Frota has been criticized by military
conservatives for his steadfast loyalty to Geisel, es-
pecially when he was charged with carrying out presi-?
dential directives aimed at restraining the security
services. Last year, when Geisel fired two senior army
officials for their failure to prevent the deaths of
civilians under military detention, it appeared that
Frota had lost considerable standing within the high
command for his failure to intercede.
Frota's speech doubtless goes a long way toward
erasing whatever ill-feeling toward him has lingered
within the security services. It may also be viewed as
an adroit maneuver at a time when Geisel has forbidden
overt campaigning on the part of any generals.
If Frota's comments were made with Geisel's ap-
proval, however, they could be a signal that the govern-
ment, angered by the continuing public opposition to its
policies, believes that it. must invoke stronger secu-,
rity measures. For the past two months, student agita-
tion has spread nationwide in violation of official bans
on protest demonstrations. So far, the police and mili-
tary, clearly under government orders, have been remark-
ably restrained in their response--confining their ac-
tions to dispersing crowds, with tear gas and water jets
and arresting demonstrators for only short periods.
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Nevertheless, there are growing reports that unem-
ployed workers have joined the students and that they
are receiving support from various Communist and left-
wing groups, fueling fears of a subversive conspiracy.
Frota's speech could well be the prelude to a more vio-
lent crackdown in the near future.
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Uru2u a: No New Political Ground Broken
It is clear from the gist of a recent speech by
President. Mendez that the Uruguayan government is un-
likely to restore traditional democratic processes soon.
Many Uruguayans had hoped that the President would dis-
cuss the return of elections and political parties in a
recent highly touted press conference. Despite advance
billing by the government that it would be significant,
the President's message mainly consisted of a long re-
view of Uruguayan political history and philosophy. The
speech resulted in harsh criticism of Uruguayan politi-
cal policy by the media.
Among the points Mendez made, however, the most note-
worthy was a clear statement of the government's intention
to give high priority to maintaining domestic security
to the exclusion, for the time being, of political ac-
tivities. The President's statement reiterated earlier
declarations by military and other government officials
that the survival of the nation takes precedence over
the promotion of human rights.
Mendez spoke in general terms on a number of polit-
ical developments including constitutional reform, elec-
tions, and political parties. He mentioned no timetable
and it was obvious that no major political activities
would be permitted in the near future. Instead, he talked
of drafting a new political charter in lieu of reworking
the present constitution. According to the President,
the new document--to be developed by the government and
subsequently submitted to the people for ratification--
will be based on several institutional acts put into effect
following former president Bordaberry's ouster last June.
Mendez said the government would facilitate the re-
turn of "traditional" political parties--again, giving no
date--but added that the activities of the parties would
be regulated. "International parties" such as the Com-
munists will be banned. According to the President, no
elections will be held prior to 1981, the end of Mendez'
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mandate, and a thorough review of the efficiency of the
electoral process will precede any move toward the res-
toration of elections.
Mendez broke no new ground in his speech, but reem-
phasized points that have been made tiiiie and again by
various government officials. The relative political
inactivity of the government is more than a cooling-off
period after the "soft coup" last June; it is a sign of
a serious lack of leadership in Montevideo. Mendez, who
is unpopular with many Uruguayans, is a figurehead execu-
tive for the more than 20-member junta of generals. The
Mendez administration amounts to a revival of Uruguay's
old collegial system of government. Power is diffused
among a large number of generals who, like the country,
have no dominant leader. Consequently, the junta is un-
able to move decisively or initiate new policy.
An exception to Uruguay's current lack of leader-
ship is the Fourth Army Division commander, General
Gregorio Alvarez, who may emerge in some type of leader-
ship position, especially if senior officers continue to
retire on schedule over the next several months. Earlier
rumors that the law would be manipulated to allow some
more conservative senior officers to remain on active duty
for political reasons appear to be unfounded.
The ambitious Alvarez is popular among the people
and the army. He has been labeled a political moderate
and conceivably might work more rapidly toward political
liberalization, especially if it appeared he could attain
a top-ranking position. Alvarez is highly critical of
the US, however, and a strong advocate of Latin solidarity
against the US on the human rights issue.
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CANAL
ZONE.
Barrpngqll
Buenaventua
NETHERLANDS
ANTILLES
VENEZUELA
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Colombia: Discovery of Large Marijuana Fields
Reports of the "world's largest" marijuana field in
the Guajira region of northeast Colombia have focused
official and public attention on the extent and sophisti-
cation of cannabis prodiXcti.on in the country. Originally
reported as 1,500 hectares, the marijuana fields, which
are interspersed among other agricultural crops, are now
estimated by officials at 200-250 hectares.
Even with the lower estimate, the sector under
cultivation is still extensive. Moreover, the report
that some 300 farm workers were recruited from neighbor-
ing areas to tend the fields, coupled with the discovery
of irrigation facilities and modern agricultural imple-
ments, is an indication of the commercial and highly pro-
fessional aspect of the marijuana business in Colombia.
Colombia has long been a, principal source of mari-
juana supply for the US,market. Most of it is grown
in the rugged Sierra Pleada Mountains in the departments
of Magdalena and Cesar.; The Guajira, perhaps more in-
famous as a center for contraband smuggling, also has a
reputation for marijuan~ cultivation.
There are no estimates on the amount of marijuana
qrown in Colombia, but US Drug Enforcement Administration
officials believe that 50- to 80-ton shipments of the drug
are routine and that smaller 1- to 2-ton shipments may
leave the country several times a day. Most of the mari-
juana is stored clandestinely on commercial or private
vessels which depart from Riohacha, Santa Marta, Barran-
quilla, Cartagena, or other Caribbean seaport cities.
In addition, innumerable secret runways facilitate air
smuggling. Virtually all of the Colombian marijuana is
destined for the US market, entering through the east
coast, Florida, and the Gulf of Mexico.
The latest discovery in the Guajira generated a
spate of news articles in Colombia calling for tighter
narcotics controls. According to the executive secretary
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of the National Council on Dangerous Drugs (NCDD), herbi-
cides which had been considered for eradication of the
marijuana field will not be used because of legal and
political constraints and because the marijuana is inter-
spersed with legitimate crops. Reportedly, some Colombian
government agencies are looking into the possibilities
of crop substitution and the development of industry in
the Guajira as approaches to future marijuana control.
In the interim, the military is apparently becoming
involved in anti-marijuana operations in the area. Sim-
ilar in design to the Mexican military's "Operation Con-
dor," the Colombian armed forces now are reportedly con-
ducting patrols to locate additional marijuana fields and
manning road blocks and patrolling the coast to prevent
the shipment of harvested plants.
Considering the state of near anarchy in the volatile
Guajira region, the military's participation will be es-
sential for even a modestly successful operation against
the marijuana growers and traffickers. Colombia's mili-
tary establishment, however, dislikes police roles and
may not be a willing participant in any government ef-
fort directed against marijuana producers. Furthermore,
given the feeling of futility in Colombia regarding the
overall narcotics trafficking problem, it is unlikely
that enforcement officials will be inclined to do much
about the innocuously regarded marijuana. issue.
The narcotics situation in Colombia. could become
a minor campaign issue in next year's presidential elec-
tions, but the state of the economy and unemployment will
predominate. Even if government and enforcement officials
were to respond positively to US initiatives regarding
marijuana control in Colombia, problems and misunder-
standings no doubt would develop over what Bogota doubt-
lessly sees as an inconsistency between the US domestic
policy of decriminalization for marijuana, and US efforts
to convince foreign producers that marijuana is a dangerous
drug.
Regardless of its political ramifications, marijuana
production remains a profitable endeavor for Colombians.
Faced with increasing economic hardships, more and more
campesinos are likely to sow the lucrative marijuana seed.
There have already been reports that small-scale Sierra
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Nevada coffee growers, who claim the National Federation
of Colombian Coffee Growers (FNC) is not passing on the
unprecedented profits from the current high prices, are
switching to marijuana cultivation.
According to a news interview with a Colombian
farmer, the cultivation of marijuana does not require
the costly chemical agents needed to prevent coffee
plant diseases. Furthermore, marijuana matures in six
months while coffee takes three years to reach maturity.
In the Sierra Nevada, marijuana brings 30,000 pesos
($820) per quintal or 100 kilograms. On the other hand,
125 kilograms of coffee, which constitutes a "load," is
worth only 7,300 pesos ($200) in the Sierra, and there
are innumerable difficulties involved in transporting
it to the regional centers where the FNC is located.
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Principal Areas of Coca Cultivation
.7 1
LIMA
0 E:AN
*Quito
ECUADOR
BR A Z I L
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Peru: Inter-Service Rivalry in Narcotics Control
Peru's Civil Guard is challenging the competence
of the Peruvian Investigations Police (PIP) to act as
the senior agency in enforcing drug regulations. The
Civil Guard's attempt to gain a larger role in narcotics
matters could further reduce current mediocre drug en-
forcement activities and possibly affect recently pro-
posed reorganizational plans designed to halt illicit
coca production and to gradually eliminate all coca cul-
tivation in Peru.
The Civil Guard's maneuvering is partly due to the
fact that the specific duties of each service are not
clearly defined in the reorganizational proposals. Civil
Guard officials insist that they have a role in large
cities, where Peruvian Investigations Police offices are
located, in addition to their usual duties in towns and
rural areas. In mid-April the minister of interior, who
has jurisdiction over both organizations, disapproved
the Civil Guard's expansion attempts and ruled that the
Civil Guard is to restrict its activities to its current
jurisdiction. The issue, however, was not settled and
the Civil Guard continues to press its claim.
The most serious charges against the PIP's anti-
narcotics activities are corruption and failure to
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prosecute major traffickers. While the Civil Guard
takes the lead in making these accusations, similar
charges were made in a series of narcotics-related arti-
cles that recently appeared in Lima newspapers. In addi-
tion, the National Coca Enterprise (ENACO), which is
charged with controlling licit coca production, was ac-
cused of malfeasance. The writers stated that ENACO's
role in the key coca-growing regions of Huanuco and Ca-
jamarca is largely decorative and that the organization
devotes little effort to its primary duty of enforcing
acreage and production allotments. The articles con-
cluded that the repression of drug smuggling could not
be allowed to remain solely in the hands of the Peruvian
Investigations Police. Rather, they urged that this
function be decentralized and expanded to include the
Civil Guard.
The commander of the Peruvian Investigations Police
is aware that some of his personnel take bribes and that
this provides a convincing argument for the Civil Guard
in its expansion campaign.
Nevertheless, the
Civil Guard is making its own study of narcotics activi-
ties and documenting cases of drug-related corruption
involving PIP officers. This could aggravate the inter-
service rivalry and further degrade Peru's narcotics
control capabilities.
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Mexico: Accelerated Communist Economic Activity
An East German - Mexican agreement signed in May for
joint production of precision instruments highlighted a
continuing expansion of Mexico's economic relations with
Communist countries. The accord reportedly marks the first
such East German investment in a less-developed country
and its first contract with Mexico.
The East German ambassador to Mexico also announced
that East Germany had provided a $20-million line of
credit for Mexican equipment and machinery purchases. Al-
though the terms of the credit were not made known, they
probably will call for a 15 percent down payment, a 10-
year repayment period, and up to two years grace at 6
percent interest. East Germany has extended $100 million
of credits (over one half of that in the last 3 years)
for machinery and equipment purchases to five Latin Amer-
ican countries--Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Guyana, and
Uruguay.
Both the joint venture and the $20-million line of
credit were probably steps taken to implement the eco-
nomic cooperation agreement signed by Mexico and East
Germany in February 1976. At that time, the East German
vice minister of foreign trade called for several joint
industrial projects in the steel and metal machinery in-
dustries. The $20-million credit reportedly will be ap-
plied to the expansion of Mexico's Altos Hornos steel
plant and the Ciudad Sahagun industrial complex.
Mexico also continued to assert its nonaligned po-
sition elsewhere. It was announced in late May that
Mexico and Yugoslavia will jointly invest in a furniture
factory. Yugoslavia will provide technical assistance
and possibly small amounts of aid for machinery purchases
as well. Mexico also is considering a Romanian offer to
provide technical assistance for the state of Aguascalien-
tes' grape industry and is in the final stages of negoti-
ations with Bucharest for a broad program in petroleum
cooperation. In May, Czechoslovakia purchased Mexican
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tobacco, marking the first: known Mexican sale to Prague
this year,,and China signed for its first: direct shipment
of Mexican cotton for processing-in China. Although less
than 1 percent of Mexico's trade is with Communist coun-
tries, the volume: is expected to increase.
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CUBAN CHRONOLOGY FOR MAY 1.977
May 1 May Day in Havana. Speech by Rober=
Viega, member of PCC Central Committee,
secretary general of CTC.
3
4
Representatives of Caribbean Communist
parties meet in Havana to discuss area
situation. Had attended May Day cere-
monies in Cuba.
Two American diplomats return from inter-
viewing Americans in prison in Cuba.
Twenty-four Americans in jail in Cuba,
seven of them on political charges.
Fidel Castro attends CTC reception in
honor of foreign labor delegations at-
tending May Day activities.
Fidel Castro meets with Caribbean Com-
munist delegations in Cuba for May Day
ceremonies.
:Havana Domestic Service carries item
critical of Ambassador Young's speech at
ECLA meeting in Guatemala.
Cuban Foreign Trade Minister Marcelo
Fernandez Font meets with Algerian
President Boumediene in Algiers.
Carlos Rafael Rodriguez meets with Prime
Minister Manley in Kingston. He briefs
Manley on Castro's trip to Africa.
6 Fidel Castro interviewed by Afrique-Asie.
Big blast at China. Angola a non-negoti-
able issue with US. "Partial lifting of
embargo not enough".
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May 19 Carlos Rafae:L Rodriguez--in Moscow for
the 81st meeting of the CEMA Executive
Committee--meets with Chairman Kosygin.
In an interview with Barbara Walters,
Fidel Castro says Cuba stopped withdraw-
ing troops from Angola in April because
of French and Moroccan intervention in
Zaire's Shaba Province.
20 Dominic Urbang, Chairman of Luxembourg
Communist Party arrives in Cuba with
delegation. Meets with Fidel Castro
during visit.
Carlos Rafael Rodriguez in Belgrade en
route to Libya. Meets with Yugoslav
Communist Party leaders at airport.
Education Ministry inaugurates Cuban
branch of the Russian Language Institute.
Carlos Rafae:L Rodriguez arrives in
Tripoli, Libya.
21 Manuel Pineiro, member of Central Com-
mittee and head of America Department,
meets with delegation from Colombian
Communist Party visiting Cuba.
21 - 28 Cuba-Jamaica Intergovernmental Commission
meets in Havana. Program of cooperation
for the coming year is signed.
24 Carlos Rafael Rodriguez arrives in Algeria.
Meets with President Boumediene. Brings
message from Castro. Gives Boumediene
Castro's evaluation of situation in the
area.
Cuba and Ethiopia sign public health
cooperation agreement.
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May 9 - 13 CEMA meeting on petroleum and gas indus-
try held in Havana.
9 - 15 Week of solidarity with Palestinian peo-
ple observed in Cuba.
.11 Havana Domestic Service reports US Senate
Foreign Relations Committee approved
amendment partially revoking trade em-
bargo.
Cuba and Canada sign fishing agreement.
Permits Cuban fishing within Canada's
200 mile zone.
Delegation from Venezuelan Communist
Party meet with PCC group headed by
Carlos Rafael Rodriguez to discuss the
international situation.
14 - 17
1.5
16
Fifth congress of National Association
of Small Farmers (ANAP) held in Havana.
Congolese Workers Party delegation arrives
in Cuba.
Interview with Castro appears in Afrique-
4sie. Every attack against Angola is an
attack against Cuba. "Consolidation of
Ethiopian revolution important for
Africa."
1.8 Representatives of Ethiopian and Cuban
public health ministries open bilateral
cooperation talks in Addis Ababa.
Fidel Castro speaks to closing session
of ANAP congress. "Growth is no longer
romantic." "Party must have a policy on
population."
],uz de las Nieves Ayres Moreno, a Chilean
revolutionary, arrives in Havana.
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May 26 International Day of Solidarity with
African people held in Cuba.
Council of Ministers Vice President
Belarmino Castilla Mas meets with Jamaican
Minister of Mines Dudley Thompson in
Havana.
27 Cuban Foreign Minister Isidoro Malmierca
receives new Libyan ambassador, Mr. Ali
Sunni Al-Muntasir.
Carlos Rafael Rodriguez returns from his
visits to the USSR, Libya, and Algeria.
28 Cuban Communist Party delegation, headed
by Central Committee member Facundo
Martinez Vaillant received by Guinean
President Sekou Toure.
31 Juan Mari Bras, Secretary General of the
Puerto Rican Socialist Party, arrives
in Cuba.
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