CONSULAR CONVENTION WITH THE SOVIET UNION

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 16
• Document Creation Date: December 19, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 28, 2005
• Sequence Number: 10
• Publication Date: March 13, 1967
• Content Type: OPEN

Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9
March 13, 1967
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE
S 3645
TABLE 14.-Farm food products: Farm-retail spread and farmer's share of the retail cost, October-December 1966, July-September 1966,
October-December 1965, and 1957-59 average--Continued
Farm-retail spread
Farmer's share
Percent change,
Product 1
Retail unit
October-
July-
October-
October-December
1966 from-
October-
July-
October-
Decem-
Septem-
Decent-
1957-50
Decem-
Septem-
Decem
1957-59
ber 1906
ber 1900 2
her 1965 2
average
1066
her 1966
her 1965
average
July-
October-
Septem-
Decem-
ber 1966
her 1965
Beef, Choice grade .........................
Pound..----...--.--..
Cents
36.7
Cents
35.3
Cents
36.0
Cents
29.8
4
2
56
58
57
62
Lamb, Choice grade .......................
..... do---------------__
40.7
- 41.8
34.7
20.8
-3
17
53
52
57
57
Pork--------------------------------------
Butter
-----do-----------------
d
34,8
30.6
27.0
29.5
14
29
50
58
62
51
-------------------------------------
Cheese, American process------------------
-----
o........... ------
'A Pound ------ --------
25.1
25.3
19.7
23.2
20.3
21.8
20.6
18
1
27
9
24
16
71
44
77
46
73
42
72
44
lee cream----------------------------------
Milk, evaporated ...........................
% gallon ..............
14%-ounce can--------
57.2
8.9
55.2
8
2
55.2
5
8
.
60.8
3
8
4
9
4
5
31
47
33
2
229
28
Milk, fresh:
.
.
.
49
44
43
Home delivered-----------------------
% gallon ........
31.8
31.9
30.5
28.9
(4)
4
45
43
43
43
Sold in stores--------------------------
Chickens, frying ready-to-cook .............
----- do.................
Pound ............ ____
26.2
20.9
26.2
20.9
25.0
18.7
24.7
19
1
0
0
5
12
50
46
48
50
47
251
47
56
Eggs, Grade A large-----------------------
Dozen ......... ----__._
21.0
20.1
20.6
.
20.1
4
2
67
66
66
64
Bread, white:
All indredients.... -....................
Pound--_-------_--_-_
10.2
18.5
17.5
15.5
4
10
16
18
16
16
Wheat---------- ----------------------
Bread, whole or cracked wheat-------------
-----do-----------------
..... do-__-__---_--__---
---------
20.2
---------
25.5
----------
24.1.
----------
_
----------
--.......-
9
13
12
14
13
13
11
13
Cookies,sandwich -------------------------
----- do -----------------
47.7
46.4
46.2
-----------
3
3
9
10
8
Cornflakes--------------------------------
12 ounces -------------
- 27.7
27.3
26.4
22.1
1
5
9
10
8
___--_-
10
Flour,white -------------------------------
5pounds -----------___
38.2
34,3
36.4
34.5
11
5
38
42
37
35
A.pples-------------------------------------
Pound ----------------
11.5
17..1
9.7
11.4
-33
19
33
27
237
Ii)
Grapefruit---------------------------------
Each ------------------
12.8
12.3
10.9
8.0
4
17
15
30
19
25
Lemons------------------------------------
Pound ----------------
18.2
17.0
17.0
14.2
7
7
27
29
26
23
Oranges------------------------------------
Dozen -----------------
67.4
62.0
62.4
42.8
9
8
23
26
23
:35
Cabbage___________________________________
Carrots
Pound ................
d
7.8
10
7.7
6.4
6.3
1
22
36
36
27
28
------------------------------------
Celery-------------------------------------
-----
o_-----__--.......
----- do-----------------
.3
10.7
11.6
11.5
10.3
10.6
10.8
10.0
-11
-7
0
1
32
30
33
38
31
32
26
29
Cucumbers ----------- _--------------- _----
----- do___-__--__--_____
12.6
13.0
13.0
----------
-3
-3
37
35
32
Lettuce---------------- --------------------
Head--__________-_---_
18.5
17.8
17.9
16.6
4
3
31
237
33
27
Onions___________________________________
P
Pound- ---------------
8.3
9.4
8.1
6.7
-12
2
37
37
22
34
eppers, green-----------------------------
-----do_.----------- --__
21.7
21.3
17.9
________-
2
21
34
36
41
o a oes___________________________
10 pounds --------
51.9
55.7
47.2
40,5
-7
10
29
28
230
ii
pinach____________________________________
10 ounces. -------------
23.1
22.2
23.1
__ ----
4
0
21
27
21
tomatoes----------------------------------
Pound-__---__----__-
21.1
20.6
22.4
19.5
2
-0
38
36
237
-_.-_-----
35
Peaches, canned --------------------------
No. 2% can. ----------
26.9
20.3
26.1
28.2
-8
3
17
216
17
18
ears, canned------------------------------
----- do--------------- -.-
38.0
38.1
38.3
--
-1
16
20
24
eets, canned
No, 303 can__-_------_
10.2
10.3
15.6
1
4
7
7
7
Corn, canned
do----------_-_---_
19.8
19.7
17.6
154
1
12
12
12
13
13
eas, canned
do___----_____---__
21.0
20.5
20.6
17.9
2
2
15
215
14
15
Tomatoes, canned
do_-__----------_-_
14.9
14.5
13.1
13.3
3
14
18
219
21
15
Orange juice, concentrate, frozen--____--___
6-ounce can-_----_----
14.6
14.5
11.9
15.2
1
23
37
37
45
35
rench fried potatoes, frozen ...............
9 ounces--.-.-.-.--.-.
13.3
13.3
12.5
0
0
15
16
23
eas,frozen-------------------------------
b ounces-...__------_
17.0
16.5
16.4
16.7
3
4
17
18
18
16
eans, navy
Pound-------_----_-__
13.1
13.1
10.0
9.4
0
31
32
34
46
4+2
fargarine_______________________________
canutbutter
do_----------------
12-ounce jar----------_
21.1
30.0
18.9
30.1
20.1
29
7
19.6
27
3
12
4)
5
1
28
33
34
33
28
4
28
alad and cooking oil ......................
Pint---- .__------__--_
31.0
28.5
.
27.1
,
_.-_-_--_-
9
14
23
27
3
24
34
egetab1eshortening -------
3pounds ------------ ._
62.6
65.0
59.8
62.2
14
5
32
39
231
------_---
31
ugar---------- --------------
5pounds ----------- .._
30.1
38.7
37.7
34.3
1
4
36
36
36
37
paghetti with sauce, caml.ed--------------
15%-ounce can--------
14.0
13.6
13.2
...........
3
6
13
14
13
P
P
F
P
B
P
------------
I Product groups include more items than those listed in this table. For example,
in addition to the products listed--Choice beef, lamb, and pork (major products ex-
cept lard)-the meat products group includes lower grades of beef, the minor edible
pork products, and veal.
2 Most farm-retail spread figures for July-Septenl.ber 1060 and October-December
1965 have been revised; figures in other columns revised as indicated.
INDIANA LAW STUDENTS AID
CONSUMER LEGISLATION
Mr. HARTKE. Mr. President, a won-
derful experiment in education is taking
place which is exciting, imaginative, and
significant. The participants are the In-
diana University Law School and the
President's Committee on Consumer In-
terests. The beneficiaries may well be
all Americans.
Prof. F. Reed Dickerson has arranged
with the President's Committee on Con-
sumer Interests to have his seminar in
legislation at the law school develop a
position paper for the President's Com-
mittee on Consumer Interests to submit
to any National Commission on Product
Safety that may be established by the
Congress.
This project cannot help but be of
benefit to all concerned. For the stu-
dents, it will be an opportunity to do
legal research on a live and current
problem. For the Commission that may
3 For the bakery products group and the individualwheat products the farmers
share is based on the market price of wheat received by farmers plus the cost of the.
marketing certificate to processors, This cost equals the value of the domestic n1 arln l-
ing certificate received by farmers complying fully with tho wheat program,
4 Less than 0.5 percent.
be established, it will be a sorely needed
piece of research in a field that has been
relatively neglected. For the President's
Committee on Consumer Interests, it will
be at the very least a background paper
for use in developing their own recom-
mendations.
The 15 students involved and Profes-
sor Dickerson are to be congratulated for
this public service they are rendering. If
this project is successful, it will encour-
age students and professors in a wide
variety of professional schools to work
with Government agencies on current
problems.
I ask unanimous consent that the
names of the students, a letter from Mrs.
Esther Peterson, the President's former
Special Assistant for Consumer Affairs,
and a statement of mission describing
the project be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the items
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:'
FEBRUARY 21, 1967,
Prof. F. REED DICKERSON,
School of Law, Indiana University, Bloom-
ington,Ind.
DEAR PROFESsoR DIcizER90N: I can't begin
to tell you how pleased I am that you are
willing to allow your seminar in legislation
at the Indiana University Law School to as-
sist the President's Committee on Consumer
Interests in a very important and timely
project.
As you know, President Johnson has
called on the Congress to enact legislation
establisihng a National Commission on Prod-
uct Safety. We have every expectation that
such a Commission will be established, and
that we will be called upon to make recom-
mendations. The work of your seminar
could be invaluable to us in preparing our
recommendations. In any event, I would
plan to turn over to the Safety Commission
the document being prepared by your stu-
dents.
I am thoroughly convinced that the rela-
tionship between our Committee and the
Indiana School of Law cannot but be of mu-
tual benefit, and I eagerly await your final
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 13), 1967
S 3646
product. My thanks to you and your stu-
dents for participating in this worthwhile
innovation.
Sincerely,
apect to which the consumer is highly vul-
ner,ible. Each study should cover the kinds
of hazards Involved, their seriousness, and
their incidence; application of the criteria
for legislative Intervention; and application
of the criteria for selecting the most appro-
priate approaches and sanctions In prefer-
ence to their reasonable alternatives. Where
specific legislative action seems called for,
the paper should Include drafts of recom-
mended legislation.
The position paper should Include a back-
ground statement. Its conclusions and rec-
ommendations should be supported by ade-
quate facts and rational explanation. This
will require Inventorying and evaluating ex-
isting consumer protections.
MAscs 1, 1967.
,,*peeial Assistant to the President for
Consumer Aff airs.
B777 SEMINAR in LEGISLATION
Mr. Dickerson.
Al, man, Jerry Dean, 809 E. Hunter Ave.,
Apt. 2, Bloomington, Indiana.
Andrews, Kenneth Lee, 706 E. University
Ave.. Bloomington, Indiana.
Baken, Alan, 3315 Longview Ave., Apt. 35,
Bloomington. Indiana.
Bloom. Lewis Elliott, Campus View Hse.,
Apt. 828, Bloomington, Indiana.
Bnsseli, Donald Dee, 423 E. 4th St., Bloom-
ington, Indiana.
Eskridge, James Hubbard, 323 S. Grant Bt.,
Apt. 1, Bloomington, Indiana.
Fehr, Michael, Walnut Grove Trailer Ct.,
No. 150, Bloomington, Indiana.
G wdy, Robert, Hepburn Apt., Rm. C-113,
Bloomington, Indiana.
Htwk, Robert, 2110 N. Walnut St., Bloom-
ington, Indiana.
Kixmiller. Robert, Hepburn Apt., Rm.
C 111, Bloomington, Indiana.
Lewis, Donald, 305 E. Vermilya, Tennells
Trailer Ct., Lot 11, Bloomington, Indiana.
Meredith. Roger Lynn, 11031,,2 S. Lincoln
St., Bloomington, Indiana.
Murphy, Edward, 414 S. Henderson St.,
Apt. 7, Bloomington, Indiana.
S,anley, Kelly, 508 S. Fess Ave., Apt. 9,
Bloomington. Indiana.
Wilks, John, 510 E. Smith Ave., Apt. 1,
Bloomington. Indiana.
STATEMENT OF MISSION
The mission of the Seminar in Legislation
is to develop a position paper for the Pres-
ident's Committee on Consumer Interests to
submit to any National Commission on Prod-
uct Safety, which may be established by
Senate Joint Resolution 33.
The focus of the paper will be "house-
hold products" other than those excepted by
section 6 of the Resolution. These are de-
fined very broadly as "products customarily
produced or distributed for sale through re-
tail sales agencies or instrumentalities for
use by a consumer or any member of his
family." This Includes all consumer prod-
ucts except those regulated under the Na-
tional Traffic and Motor Vehicle Safety Act,
the Federal Food Drug and Cosmetic Act,
the Federal Hazardous Substances Act, or
the Federal Cigarette Labeling and Adver-
tising Act. However, products regulated tin-
der the Flammable Fabrics Act are included,
even though that Act is listed In the current
text of section 6.
The first objective Is to discover and de-
fine the areas within which household prod-
ucts carry unreasonable hazards of physical
harm, and to develop criteria for determin-
ing whether such a product or group of prod-
uc:s Is sufficiently hazardous to warrant leg-
islative intervention, '['his involves consid-
ering not only the seriousness of the threat-
ened injury and Its Incidence, but also the
degree of consumer vulnerability. Hazards
that affect only property or convenience need
not be considered.
The second objective is to develop criteria
for selecting the most feasible approaches
and sanctions In those instances in which
legislative intervention appears to be called
for. Feasibility Includes such factors as cost
and Inconvenience to the industry con-
cerned, the need to make the product avail-
,!ble, and the source of the hazard, that Is,
whether it results from faulty design or
faulty construction.
i'he third objective Is to study in detail
the more important household products or
:;r)ups of household products, Presumably,
these will be products involving serious phys-
ical hazards of high Incidence and with re-
CONCLUSION OF MORNING
BUSINESS
The PRESIDING OFFICER.
further morning business?
morning busines$ is concluded.
we had had a convention of this sort,
since article 19 states that-
Consular officers shall not be subject to
the jurisdiction of the receiving state in
matters relating to their official activity.
The same applies to employees of the
consular establishment, if they are na-
tionals of the sending state.
When it comes to great numbers of
traveling Americans, too, who want help
and protection, we obviously should not
fail them.
There is the argument against rati-
fication that this convention might in-
crem..e espionage on the part of the
Soviet Union In the United States. I
do not believe this argument valid. In
the first place, the United States is an
open society and the Soviet Union is a
closed one. Accordingly, a Soviet Union
tourist in the United States can photo-
If not, graph, see, and report on a great num-
CONSULAR CONVENTION WITH THE
SOVIET UNION
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Chair lays before the Senate the pend-
ing business, which the clerk will state.
The LEGISLATIVE CLERK. A consular
convention between the United States of
America and the Union of Soviet So-
cialist Republics, together with a proto-
col relating thereto, signed at Moscow on
June 1, 1964 (Ex, D, 88th Cong., 2d sess.).
The Senate proceeded to consider the
convention.
Mr. PELL. Mr. President, as a Mem-
ber of this body and one who, as a vice
consul for six years, has probably had
the most personal experience as to why
the Consular Convention should be rati-
fled, I strongly urge that the Senate take
favorable action.
I can well remember being stationed
behind the Iron Curtain in Bratislava
and establishing the consulate general
there, I recall the frustration I felt
when an American citizen was arrested,
held in jail, and brutally maltreated
u bile I was denied admittance to see
him. And here I must add the import-
ance to a prisoner of some friendly out-
side contact in order to provide at least
s)me source of inner strength to a man
who has been beaten and maltreated to
make him implicate himself and others
to the effect-In this case utterly false-
that he was engaging in espionage for
iris own Government.
I also well remember, too, when we
provided sanctuary for a Jewish em-
ployee during a minor pogrom. Since a
consulate does not enjoy any kind of
immunity, we sought to secure this im-
munity and give sanctuary by putting up
the sign "Consular Archives" on our door.
We adopted the same device another time
when an employee of our consulate gen-
eral, who had been cruelly beaten In an
effort to implicate me and others, was
released to us a sour, spiritless, listless
physical wreck. When, after a few days,
It looked as if he was going to be picked
tip and abused again, we invited him to
stay within our building. And. again we
had to use the device of putting up the
"Consular Archives" sign on our door.
This would not have been necessary if
ber of things; for similar activity in the
Soviet Union an American citizen would
be arrested. I have myself undergone
this experience, having been arrested
three times by Communist officials be-
hind, the curtain for actions that would
not have raised an eyebrow in our own
country. Actually, what is sauce for the
goose is sauce for the gander and the
argument that this convention increases
the opportunity for Soviet espionage in
the United States can also be taken the
other way in that it increases such op-
portunities for the United States in the
Soviet Union. And, as I have said, it is
much harder to secure information in a
closed society like the Soviet Union than
it is in an open one like ours. I am sure
we would all agree that our consulates
provide information to our Government
just as do those of the Soviet Union to
their Government.
In this regard I would imagine that
the emotions of Gen. Vladimir Yefimo-
vich Semichastny, Mr. J. Edgar Hoover's
opposite number in the Soviet Union,
must be similar to those of Mr. Hoover
in connection with the ratification of this
convention.
From the viewpoint of espionage then
it is a "wash" transaction, but with the
edge to the United States, and from the
general national interest viewpoint-the
protection of our citizens, and from a
viewpoint of eroding the Communist
monolithic structure, the ratification of
thi,i convention can serve our country
very well.
THE PRESIDENT'S STATEMENTS ON FOREIGN AND
DOMESTIC AFFAIRS
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have printed in the RECORD at
thi i point a transcript of President John-
sor's news conference on foreign and
domestic matters, excerpts from Presi-
dent Johnson's state of the Union mes-
sage relative to this matter, and a por-
tion of his speech to editorial writers in
New York City relevant to this matter.
There being no objection, the material
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the New York Times, Feb. 3, 19671
TR,INSCRIPT OF THE PRESIDENT'S NEWS CON-
FF.IENCE ON FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC MATTERS
OPENING STATEMENT
Good afternoon ladies and gentlemen.
I have been asked to give a statement
about the consular convention that's pend-
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 ,N arch 13, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE S 3647
ing before the United States Senate and r
should like to say very briefly that I hope
the Senate will give its advice and consent to
the proposed convention with the U.S.S.R.
I feel very strongly that the ratification of
this treaty is very much in our national in-
terest. I feel this way for two principle
reasons:
First we need this treaty to protect the
18,000 American citizens who each year travel
from this country to the Soviet Union.
The convention requires immediate notifi-
cation to us whenever an American citizen is
arrested in the Soviet Union and it insures
our right to visit that citizen within four
days and as soon thereafter as is desirable.
We think that we need these rights to help
protect American citizens. These are, rights
which the Soviet citizens already have who',
travel in this country because they are guar-
anteed by our Constitution,
Second, the convention does not require
the opening of consulates in this country or
in the Soviet Union, It does provide that
should any such consulates be opened, the
officials would have diplomatic immunity.
The Secretary of State informs me that
no negotiations for consulates are under way,
and that the most that he can envision in
the foreseeable future is the opening of one
consulate in each country to be manned by
from 10 to 15 people. .
There are presently 452 Soviet officials in
the United States that have diplomatic im-
munity. So if an additional consulate were
opened, and if another 10 were added to the
452, M. Hoover has assured me that this
small increment would raise no problems
which the F, B, I, cannot effectively and effi-
ciently deal with.
In short, I think we very much need this
convention to protect American interests, to
protect American citizens abroad. And in
my judgment, it raises no problems with
respect to our national security.
Therefore, I hope very much that the Sen-
ate in its wisdom, after full debate, will see
fit to ratify it.
[From the Washington Post, Jan, 11, 19671
STATE OF THE UNION MESSAGE EXCERPTS,
JANUARY 10, 1967
Our relations with the Soviet Union and
Eastern Europe are also in transition. We
have avoided both the acts and the rhetoric
of the cold war. When we have differed with
the Soviet Union, we have tried to differ
quietly and with courtesy. Our objective is
not to continue the cold war, but to end it.
We have:
Signed an agreement at the United Nations
on the peaceful uses of outer space;
Agreed to open direct air flights with the
Soviet Union;
Removed more than four-hundred non-
stragetic items from export control;
Determined that the Export-Import Bank
can allow commercial credits to Poland, Hun-
gary, Bulgaria, and Czechoslovakia, as well
as Rumania and Yugoslavia;
Entered into a cultural agreement with the
Soviet Union for another two years;
Agreed with Bulgaria and Hungary to up-
grade our legations to embassies; and
Started'- discussions with international
agencies on ways of increasing contacts with
Eastern European countries.
EXCERPT FROM SPEECH OF PRESIDENT JOHNSON
TO THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF EDITORIAL
WRITERS IN NEW YORK CITY ON FRIDAY,
OCTOBER 7, 1966
HEALING THE WOUND
IIII, One great goal of a united West is to
heal the wound in Europe which now cuts
East from West and brother from brother.
That division must be healed peacefully.
It must be healed with the consent of East-
ern European countries and the Soviet Union.
This will happen only as- East and West suc-
ceed in building a surer foundation of mu-
tual trust.
Nothing is more important for peace. We
must improve the East-West environment in
order to achieve the unification of Germany
in the context of a larger, peaceful and pros-
perous Europe.
Our task is to achieve a reconciliation with
the East-a shift from the narrow concept of
coexistence to the broader vision of peaceful
engagement.
Americans are prepared to- do their part.
Under the last four Presidents our policy
toward the Soviet Union has been the same.
Where necessary, we shall defend freedom;
where possible we shall work with the East
to build a lasting peace.
MUST INTENSIFY EFFORTS
We do not intend to let our differences on
Viet Nam or elsewhere prevent us from ex-
ploring all opportunities. We want the So-
viet Union and the nations of Eastern Eu-
rope to know. that we had our allies shall go
step by step with them as far as they are
willing to advance.
Let us-both Americans and Europeans-
intensify our efforts.
We seek healthy economic and cultural re-
lations with the Communist states.
I am asking for early congressional ac-
tion on the U.S,-Soviet Union Consular
Agreement.
We intend to press for legislative authority
to negotiate trade agreements which could
extend most-favored-nation tariff treatment
to European Communist states,
NEW STEPS
And I am today announcing these new
steps:
-We will reduce export controls on East-
West trade with respect to hundreds of non-
strategic items;
-I have today signed a determination
that will allow .the Export-Import Bank to
guarantee commercial credits to four addi-
tional Eastern European countries-Poland,
Hungary, Bulgaria and Czechoslovakia, This
is good business. And it will help us build
bridges to Eastern Europe.
-The secretary of state is reviewing the
possibility of easing the burden of Polish
debts to the United States through expendi-
tures of our Polish currency holdings which
would be mutually beneficial to both
countries,
-The Export-Import Bank is prepared to
finance American exports for the Soviet.
Italian Flat auto plant.
-We are negotiating a civil air agreement
with the Soviet Union. This will facilitate
tourism in both directions,
-This summer the American government
took additional steps to liberalize travel to
Communist countries in Europe and Asia,
We intend to liberalize these rules still
Agreement on a broad policy to this end
should be sought in existing Atlantic,
organs.
The principles which should govern East-
West relations are now being discussed in
the North Atlantic Council.
The OECD can also play an important part
in trade and contacts with the East. The
Western nations can there explore ways of
inviting the Soviet Union and the Eastern
European countries to cooperate in tasks of
common interest and common benefit.
Hand-in-hand with these steps to increase
East-West ties must go measures to remove
territorial and border disputes as a source
of friction in Europe. The Atlantic nations
oppose the use of force to change existing
frontiers,
The maintenance of old enmities is not in
anyone's interest. Our aim is a true Euro-
pean reconciliation, We must make this
clear to the East.
Further, it is our policy to avoid the
spread of national nuclear programs-in Eu-
rope and elsewhere.
SOVIET TROOP CUTBACKS
That is why we shall persevere in efforts
to reach an agreement banning the prolifera-
tion of nuclear weapons.
We seek a stable military situation in
Europe-one in which tensions can be low-
ered.
To this end, the United States will con-
tinue to play its part in effective Western
deterrence. To weaken that deterrence might
create temptations and endanger peace.
The Atlantic allies will continue together
to study what strength NATO needs, in light
of changing technology and the current
threat.
Reduction of Soviet forces in Central
Europe would, of course, affect the extent of
the threat.
If changing circumstances should lead to a
gradual and balanced revision in force levels
on both sides, the revision could-together
with the other steps that I have mentioned-
help gradually to shape a new political en-
vironment.
A LONG PROCESS
The building of true peace and reconcilia-
tion in Europe will be a long process.
? The bonds between the United States and
its Atlantic partners provide the strength
on which the world's security depends. Our
interdependence is complete.
Our goal, in Europe and elsewhere, is a
just and secure peace. It can most surely
be achieved by common action. To this end,
I pledge America's best efforts:
-to achieve new thrust for the Alliance;
-to support movement toward Western
European unity;
-and to bring about a far-reaching im-
provement in relations between East and
West.
Our object is to end the bitter legacy of
World War II,
Success will bring the day closer when we
have fully secured the peace in Europe, and
in the world,
This Administration has taken these steps J U1 4AG1.
even as duty compelled us to fulfill and ex- -In these past weeks the Soviet Union
ecute our treaty obligations throughout the and the United States have begun to ex.
world. change cloud photographs taken from
I ask and urge the Congress to help our weather satellites.
foreign and commercial trade policies by REMOVING BORDER DISPUTES
passing an East-West Trade Bill and ap- In these and many other ways, ties with
proving our consular convention with the the East will be strengthened-by the United
Soviet Union. States and by other Atlantic nations,
RECESS UNTIL 2:30 O'CLOCK P.M.
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr.
President, I move that the Senate stand
in recess until 2:30 o'clock p.m. today.
The motion was agreed to; and (at 1
o'clock and 28 minutes p.m.) the Senate
took a recess until 2:30 o'clock p.m., the
same day.
At 2 o'clock and 30 minutes p.m., the
Senate -reassembled, and was called to
order by the Presiding Officer (Mr.
BAKER In the chair).
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Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr,
President, I suggest the absence of a
quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
clerk will call the roll,
The legislative clerk proceeded to call
the roll.
Mr. HRUSKA. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that the order for the
quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
CONSULAR CONVENTION WITH THE
SOVIET UNION
The Senate resumed the consideration
of the Consular Convention between the
United States of America and the Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics, together
with a protocol relating thereto, signed
at Moscow on June 1, 1964 (Ex. D, 88th
Cong., 2d sess.).
Mr. HRUSKA. Mr. President, the
Senate is engaged in a discussion over
whether to give Its "advice and consent"
that the President enter into a consular
convention or treaty with the Soviet
Union, That is the technical subject
before us.
In reality, however, we are debating
and considering a larger series of related
proposals going far beyond a document
which seeks to establish ground rules for
such consulates as may be established
in the respective countries by authority
which resides in sources other than this
treaty.
This series of proposals includes many
aspects of our foreign and commercial
trade policies with the Soviet Union.
Among them are an East-West trade bill:
a civil air agreement for direct air flights
between the Soviet Union and the United
States; virtual abolition of export con-
trols on East-West trade on several hun-
dreds of so-called nonstrategic itemsf
extending and guaranteeing credits to
several East European Communist coun-
tries; financing American exports for the
Soviet-Italian Flat auto plant to be con-
structed in Russia.
Further treaties are also contemplated
between the Soviet Union and the United
States, such as peaceful uses of space
activities and space mechanisms, the
nonproliferation of nuclear weapons,
and disarmament.
This wider scope of major, radical
changes in our foreign policy and Inter-
national relations has been spelled out in
detail by the President a number of
times.
First, perhaps, in this package form,
where it received its widest publicity,
was the New York meeting of the Inter-
rational Conference of Editorial Writers
in October 1966.
Then there was reference to It in the
state of the Union message of the Presi-
dent.
The third source was a number of oc-
casions in news conferences in less
formal ways when the President referred
to the process of building bridges be-
i ween the United States and the U.S.S.R.
Another source for detailing and out-
lining the package, as It is sometimes
called, has been the hearings before the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 13, 1967
No one has asserted to the contrary,
on the floor of this Chamber or else-
where, that we are engaged in a series
of related subjects which deal with
fundamental relations between the
United States and the Soviet Union.
It is the position of this Senator that
the Congress, and especially the Senate,
should not act on this program in a
fragmentary way. A piecemeal treat-
ment does not befit a subject of this
importance.
This debate, in its overall aspects, is
nog between proponents and opponents
of the consular treaty. It is, and should
be. rather, a debate between those who
favor building bridges between East and
West and between the United States and
the Soviet Union and those who oppose
building bridges at this time.
Advocates of the Consular Treaty are
heard to say and to repeat frequently
that the reason for their desire to ratify
it is that they want to end the cold war,
and no progress can be made toward this
goal if we persist in a hostile, suspicious,
adverse posture toward the Soviet Union.
Hence, It is argued by the proponents
that if this treaty will result In even a
small gain in advancing the cause of
peace, it should be ratified.
Mr. President, there is no one who
more fervently or more earnestly wishes
an end of the cold war than this speaker.
But to base action on hopes and prayers
for peace or for termination of the cold
war without further inquiry Is a case of
hopeless and harmful wishful thinking,
It takes action by two great nations to
bring about an end to the cold war. No
one knows this better than the President,
because of his Inability to get the enemy
in our Vietnam war even to agree to
sit down and talk about peace, Good-
ness knows he has tried for a long time,
and persistently, to bring about that re-
sult.
Approval by the Senate of the Con-
sular Treaty would endow the Soviet
Union with a new prestige and added
respectability In the eyes of the world.
it would cause dismay In the hearts and
minds of many nations and of many mil-
lions of people, Including millions of
Americans.
Before taking this step, It would be
most advisable to determine the likeli-
hood of the Soviet Union's making some
small effort which could be considered
effective to bring the cold war to an end,
or even slow It down a little, or ameli-
orate it to some degree,
The record, however, plainly shows
that the Soviet Union has rejected any
promise to seek such a goal.
Mr. President, the President of the
United States addressed the National
Conference of Editorial Writers in New
York City on October 7 of last year.
There were three principal sections to his
speech. The third part bore upon the
subject of strengthening ties with the
East, "to quicken progress in East-West
relations."
It was there that President Johnson
first set out, in comprehensive fashion,
his program of bridge-building from the
United States to Eastern Europe.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that there be printed in the RecoRD
at this point an excerpt from the Weekly
Compilation of Presidential Documents
for October 10, 1966, as found on page
1426 :hereof.
There being no objection, the excerpt
was crdered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
Let us-both Americans and Eurcpeans-
intensity our efforts.
We seek healthy economic and cultural
relations with the Communist states.
I ain asking for early Congressional action
on the U.S.-Soviet consular agreement.
We Intend to press for legislative authority
to negotiate trade agreements which could
extend most-favored-nation tariff treatment
to European Communist states.
And I am today announcing these new
steps:
We will reduce export controls on East-
West trade with respect tb',iundreds of non-
strategic items;
I have today signed a determination that
will allow the Export-Import Bank to guar-
antc~: commercial credits to four additional
Eastern European countries-Poland, Hun-
gary Bulgaria, and Czechoslovakia. This is
good business. And it w.il help us build
bridges to Eastern Europe.
The Secretary of State is reviewing the
possibility of easing the burden of Polish
debts to the U.S. through expenditures of our
Polish currency holdings which would be
mutually beneficial to both countries.
The Export-Import Bark is prepared to
finaice American exports for the Soviet-
Itaitan FIAT auto plant.
We are negotiating a civil air agreement
with the Soviet Union. This will facilitate
tourism in both directions,
This summer the American Government
tool; additional steps to liberalize travel to
Communist countries In Europe and Asia.
We Intend to liberalize these rules still
further,
In these past weeks the Soviet Union and
the United States have begun to exchange
cloud photographs taken from weather sat-
ellites.
In these and many other ways, ties with
the East will be strengthened-by the U.S.
and by other Atlantic nations,
Mr, HRUSKA. The passage referred
to, Mr. President, includes those related
subjects which I believe to be a part of
the entire package of proposals which
deal with a major and radical change in
our foreign policy, particularly toward
the Soviet Union. This speech was the
President's bid to help end the cold war.
The gesture is a good one. How was it
received by the one other nation whose
cooperation and acceptance of such a
bid, or even consideration of such a bid,
is necessary?
There was quick response: not from
the Soviet Union government channels,
Mr. President, but from a higher author-
ity, the Communist Party which is the
real ruler of the Soviet Union. The
formal government channels are only a
part of the organization through which
the party rules the nation.
The New York Times of October 16,
1966, reported the remarks of Leonid I.
Brezhnev, the Soviet Communist Party
leader, as made in a Moscow speech at a
Soviet-Polish friendship meeting. I
shall quote pertinent parts of that news
story. The article begins:
Moscow, Oct. 15.-Leonid I. Brezhnev, the
Soviet Communist pa:?ty leader, rebuffed
today as "a strange and persistent delusion"
Vie hope expressed by President Johnson
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that closer Soviet-United States cooperation
was possible despite tensions over the war in
Vietnam.
The United States must stop bombing
North Vietnam and end its "aggression" be-
fore relations can be improved, the Soviet
leader declared.
So, in response to President Johnson's
list of proposals to improve relations
with the Soviet Union in connection with
the cold war, which has existed now for
some 20 years, there was an outright
rejection of any possibility of progress in
that direction without accepting what
the Soviet Union lays down as a prior
necessity-the stopping of bombing of
North Vietnam and the ending of
aggression by the U.S. forces in that
land.
Another portion of the news story
reads as follows:
In his rejection of Mr. Johnson's appeal
for steps to improve relations, Mr. Brezhnev
said:
"We have declared many times that if the
United States wants to develop mutually
beneficial relations with the Soviet Union-
in principle, we also would like this-then
it is necessary to clear major obstacles from
the path. The piratical bombing attacks
against a socialist country, the Democratic
Republic of Vietnam, must be halted and the
aggression against the Vietnamese people
stopped."
Mr. Brezhnev added as a further condi-
tion:
"The sovereignty and territorial inviolabil-
ity of other countries must be respected, not
just in words but in deeds."
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have printed at this point in the
RECORD the text of the article to which I
have referred, entitled "Soviet Calls
United States `Deluded' in Hope for New
Ties Now," written by Raymond H. An-
derson and published in the New York
Times of October 16, 1966.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the New York Times, Oct. 16, 1966]
SOVIET CALLS U.S. DELUDED IN HOPE FOR
NEW TIES NOW-BREZHNEV REBUFFS JOHN-
SON'S BID FOR COOPERATION WHILE VIETNAM
WAR GOES ON-BLOC PARLEY EXPEcTED-
EAST EUROPE'S LEADERS SAID To PLAN A CO-
ORDINATION OF HARDER LINE ON CHINA
(By Raymond H. Anderson)
Moscow, Oct. 15.-Leonid 1. Brezhnev, the
Soviet Communist party leader, rebuffed to-
day as "a strange and persistent delusion"
the hope expressed by President Johnson
that closer Soviet-United States cooperation
was possible despite tensions over the war in
Vietnam.
The United States must stop bombing
North Vietnam and end its "aggression" be-
fore relations can be improved, the Soviet
leader declared.
Mr. Brezhnev's rejection was the first pub-
lic statement by the Kremlin leadership in
response to Mr. Johnson's appeal, made in a
speech in New York eight days ago. Pravda,
the Communist party newspaper, indicated
last Sunday that the ending of the bombing
raids was Moscow's major preliminary condi-
tion for any favorable responses to the Presi-
dent's overture.
The rebuff to President Johnson, made in
a speech at a Soviet-Polish friendship meet-
ing, came amid indication of an impending
gathering of Soviet-bloc leaders here. Ac-
cording to East European sources, the meet-
ing would discuss steps to coordinate harder
policy against China, which is being de-
nounced for obstructing Soviet-bloc assist.
OTHERS DUE IN FEW DAYS
The two visiting Polish leaders, Vladyslaw
Gomulka, the party chief, and Premier Josef
Cyrankiewicz, are delaying their return to
Warsaw. Tass, the Soviet press agency, re-
ported that Janos Kadar, the Hungarian
party chief, was enroute to Moscow with
Premier Gyula Kal,lai and other Hungarian
officials.
The leaders of East Germany, Rumania,
Czechoslovakia and Bulgaria are said to be
planning to come to Moscow within a :Pew
days.
Besides discussing the problems confront-
ing the Soviet bloc as a result of China's
attitudes, the leaders are expected to deal
with President Johnson's overtures for an
East-West reconciliation.
In his rejection of Mr. Johnson's appeal
for steps to improve relations, Mr. Brezhnev
said:
"We have declared many times that if the
United States wants to develop mutually
beneficial relations with the Soviet Union-
in principle, we also would like this-then it
is necessary to clear major obstacles from
the path. The piratical bombing attacks
against a socialist country, the Democratic
Republic of Vietnam, must be halted and
the aggression against the Vietnamese people
stopped."
Mr. Brezhnev added as a further condition:
"The sovereignty and territorial inviolabil-
ity.of other countries must be respected, not
just in words, but in deeds."
Mr. Gomulka also spoke at. the meeting,
which was held in the Kremlin's Palace of
Congresses.
He assailed the United States intervention
in the Vietnamese war and echoed :Mr.
Brezhnev's declaration that improved United
States relations with Eastern Europe were
impossible while the war continued.
"An unconditional end of the bombing of
the Democratic Republic of Vietnam by
American aircraft must be the primary pre-
liminary condition for embarking on the
path of seeking a political solution of the
Vietnam problem," the Polish leader con-
tinued.
Commenting Thursday on the demand for
an end of the bombing raids, President John-
son said: "If the aggressor will pause, we will
pause."
CHINESE POLICY ASSAILED
S 3649
confuse them," Mr. Brezhnev said, "The pol-
icies clearly are helpful to the imperialists.
It is not without reason that their propa-
ganda seizes upon the events taking place in
China."
Mr. HRUSKA. Mr. President, I sub-
mit that in view of this emphatic and
almost instantaneous response to the
"building bridges" speech of the Presi-
dent in October of 1966, the outlook is
not very bright for the ratification of
this treaty in any way to lessen tensions
between these two nations. In fact, it
is nonexistent. The idea is rejected.
I wonder sometimes if those who say
"We want to end the cold war, and there-
fore we will do anything'the enemy asks,
virtually, to gain that end," would in-
clude the cessation of bombing in North
Vietnam and the ending of aggression, as
it is viewed by the Russians and by the
Vietnamese forces in Vietnam. I wonder
if there is a parallel there to the ideas
and wishes of those who say, "We want
to end the hostilities in Vietnam," and
who would be willing to do so at the price
of complying with and abiding by the
conditions which either the Soviet Union
or the North Vietnamese would dictate.
More recent affirmations in this gen-
eral area are to be found in declarations
of the Soviet leaders in connection with
celebrating the 50th anniversary of the
great October Revolution of 1917.
What I have said so far has to do with
the groundwork for any lessening of ten-
sions and the minimum chance-in fact,
the nonexisting probability-of such les-
sening of tensions on the basis of what
the Soviet Union has declared and what
it has said.
However, there is another class of
arguments and reasons and sources to
which we can repair if we want to ex-
amine the matter of deeds on their part.
They have been mentioned here in the
Senate Chamber during the course of the
current debate.
Among those is the fact that with in-
Both Mr. Brezhnev and Mr. Gormulka creasing degree and quantity the Soviet
criticized China's refusal to join in united Union has been furnishing war material
Communist action to support North Viet- and supplies to the North Vietnamese
nam. and the Vietcong.
Peking's obstructionism on Vietnam, the The Senator from South Dakota, who
Soviet leader declared, evokes "bitter regrets
and stern condemnation" from Communist is present in the Chamber, made a splen-
nations, especially because China, "is the only did statement and a detailed documen-
socialist nation having a common border tation of that a few days ago. This
with Vietnam." includes virtually all of the sophisti-
China, competing with the Soviet Union cated weapons going there in more recent
for leadership of the Communist movement, days, including the military helicopters,
is said to hamper rail deliveries of Soviet- which are perhaps as good as our best
bloc aid to North Vietnam, The Chinese helicopters. It includes the surface-to-
have termed Moscow's assistance as insig-
nificant and asserted that it was mainly in- air missiles and a lot of other material,
tended to mask a Moscow-Washington "plot" armament as well as ammunition, petro-
to settle the Vietnamese war through nego- leum, and a host of other things.
tiations. Mr. President, recently this Senator
The denunciation of Peking's policies to- urged the Senate to insist that consider-
day followed a warning Thursday by Premier ation of the Consular Treaty with the
Aleksei N. Kosygin that "a decisive rebuff" Soviet Union be deferred until all of
must be given to the Chinese leadership by
the world's Communists. measures affecting our relations
.
The coming meeting of Soviet-bloc leaders with the Communist bloc nations have
is expected to discuss the form that such received careful consideration in an ap-
a rebuff should take, propriate manner; that is, consideration
In his attack on the Chinese leadership, of all of the parts of this major policy
Mr. Brezhnev declared that Communists change as one complete package. This
would be hypocrites if they failed to de- course is urged as a necessary alternative
pounce Peking's "splitting" policies, its ob- to the administration's present piece-
structive tactics on the Vietnamese war and meal, pig-in-a-poke approach.
the so-called "cultural revolution," which is
seeking to oust all foreign influence in China That the Consular Treaty is one of
and glorify Mao Tse-tung, the party leader. the major bricks in the design of the
"These policies, these actions can only dis- East-West bridge builders cannot be de-
ante to North Vietnam, Approved For Reiea'?e 2D 0 *R 61
3i6ft%6 ' Yis body, then
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
we will be given another piece, the Open
Space Treaty. If we approve this treaty,
then in the administration's logic, we
surely could not reject the East-West
trade legislation.
[i we accede to this course, we will
have worked a major change in our for-
eign policy posture without ever having
the opportunity to assess the effects of
the parts in relation to the whole. Com-
monsense dictates that this is not a
prudent course to follow in a matter of
this importance.
What I am urging is not blind obstruc-
tionism. All that is asked is that if we
are to consider a detente with the Com-
munists. Let us carefully examine all
facets of the question in a proper per-
spective.
The first premise in this dialog. and
the one on which all others must stand
or fall, is the belief in some quarters that
we are dealing with a "new" Communist.
The administration has asked us to con-
cede this point as though it were a tru-
ism.
Mr. President, the facts argue that this
point can be legitimately contested.
[1 is a midwestern belief that if you are
going to buy a horse, you must look at
the animal. In seeking information re-
garding the transaction you "get it from
the horse's mouth." In dealing with the
Communists, we might profitably look to
both their internal writings and their
actions based on these words.
This consideration of the changing
nature of communism Is crucial in deter-
mining our relations with the whole
Communist-controlled world. Is it cor-
rect that we should, as one Kremlinolo-
gist, former Ambassador George Ken-
non, asserted recently :
fiilnk about Russia as simply another
great power, with its own Interests and con-
cerns, often necessarily In conflict with our
own, but not tragically so-a power different
in many respects, but perhaps no longer In
essential ones from what Russia would have
been, had there been no Communist Revolu-
tion in that country 50 years ago.
Or is this opinion a product of wishful
thinking, a widespread weakness of the
free, open society, often adroitly ex-
ploited by the Communists themselves?
Is it. in other words, a false assumption,
which, ultimately, will lead to a disas-
trous failure of our foreign policy?
A glance through the leading United
States and foreign newspapers over the
last. 50 years will establish first of all the
fact that this "evolution of communism"
theory is nothing new. Every important
change within the Soviet ruling appara-
tus was, curiously enough, always accom-
partied by speculations In the West about
significant changes in the Communist
ideological outlook.
After the disaster of the civil war and
of the so-called War Communism in 1921,
Lenin announced the new economic pol-
icy-NEP-a temporary concession to
private enterprise of small industry and
farming, reported in the New York Times
under a headline: "Lenin Has Thrown
Communism Overboard." After Lenin's
death the belief that communism had
been abandoned had been further con-
firmed by events resulting from the
struggle for power between Lenin's suc-
cessors, Stalin and Trotsky. The NEP
was continued and even expanded, and
Stalin called for moderation and collec-
tive leadership. He even rejected pro-
posals for Trotsky's expulsion from the
Party.
The free world reaction to these events
was again mirrored in the press. The
New York Times described the promised
reforms as the "greatest step away from
Marxism since the creation of the Bol-
shevik regime." Great importance was
at, 'ached to promises as coming from
Stalin, who is the Communist Party chief
and successor to the power formerly held
by Lenin. The London Daily Express
called these steps the greatest-
On the road away from militant Commu-
isni. By 1927 Stalin adopted Trotsky's agrar-
ian policy of collectivization, which resulted
in the loss of 10 million lives by murder and
famine and "liquidation of well-to-do peas-
ants (kulaksi as a class.
After this irreversible trend toward
liberalization was completed by forcing
the peasant to accept the collective-farm
system. new concessions were made in
the field of civil rights. In 1936 a new
Constitution was promulgated, described
by Stalin as "the only thoroughly demo-
cratic Constitution In the world," which
guaranteed all immaginable rights of So-
viet citizens. There was so much talk
abroad about the new departure from
Bolshevism that even Stalin complained:
The fourth group of critics attacking the
Draft of the new constitution describes It
as a "swing to the right," as "renunciation
of the dictatorship of the proletariat," as
"liquidation of the Bolshevik regime."
After scornfully mentioning some Pol-
ish and American newspapers which dis-
played a particular zeal in this respect,
Stalin frankly stated:
I must admit that the Constitutional Draft
really does leave in force the regime of the
dictatorship of the working class and also
leaves unchanged the present position of
the Communist Party.
As for the international aspects of
communism. Stalin, though himself an
internationalist, has been credited with
restoring national interest as a primary
motivation of Soviet policy. The post-
World War II spread of communism in
Eastern Europe and Asia shows the
doubtful value of this illusion of change.
The greatest wave as yet of specula-
tions about change, softening of the
Communists hit the free world after Stal-
in's death in 1953. A succession of Soviet
leaders, Malenkov, Khrushchev, and now
Brezhnev. representing the new collec-
tive leadership, have been blaming Sta-
lin's cult of personality for the brutal ex-
cesses of that period and promising
internal liberalization and peaceful co-
existence with the outside world.
This did not prevent Khrushchev from
unconstitutionally violating the collective
farm statute in order to consolidate the
existing 252,000 collective farms into
97,000 giant ones, thus strengthening the
Communist Party control over the peas-
antry. This "liberal" reform affected
millions of peasants by depriving them
of or reducing their minute private plots,
until that time their main source of sub-
sistence. Neither did his incessant
preaching of peaceful coexistence stop
t1Iai 'h 1,J), 1967
him from crushing the Hungarian revolt,
provoking the Cuban crisis, and openly
supporting aggression-wars of national
liberation-from Vietnam to Angola.
The religious persecution during the
collective leadership became even more
oppressive, according to all available in-
formation, than under Stalin, although
it may now be carried out by administra-
tive coercion and persuasion rather than
by o;)en burning of churches and killing
of priests.
This sketchy survey of the changes
and evolution of communism clearly
demonstrates that during the 50 years
of existence of the Communist system
every period of tactical relaxation has
been followed by a new period of repres-
sion.
If this were not sufficiently evident
from the statements of the Communists
themselves, it has been proven by ex-
perience. Ever since their first seizure of
power, the use of intermittent soft poli-
cies and concessions has been as much a
deliberate part of the Communists' in-
ternal policy as the usc of terror and
repression, and together with the inher-
ent weakness of their system, has been
evoking perennial prophesies of their
gradual evolution or even early demise.
Just as they have always been voicing
their intention of abandoning their aims
of world revolution and renouncing the
use of violence against the free nations,
so have they also allegedly been termi-
nating every form of domestic oppres-
sion, democratizing their dictatorial re-
gim(? and even discarding the harsh and
impractical economic tleories of strict
Marxist communism. However, each
Soviet retreat was only introduced to
insure the ultimate victory of socialism.
Let us go back to the Consular Treaty.
Despite the official line of the admini-
stracion that the main :reason for con-
cluding the Convention is our concern
for ;he safety of U.S. citizens travelling
in the U.S.S.R., some columnists grasped
better the motives behind the maneuvres
to induce the Senate to ratify the Con-
vention.
R.chard Wilson of the Cowles Publica-
tion., obviously impressed by certain wit-
nesses before the Senate Foreign Rela-
tions Committee, ardent advocates of the
changed communism theory, grasped the
real meaning of the convention in his
column of February 1961, entitled "Con-
sular Pact Contains Symbolic Import-
ance." Its ratification by the U.S. Sen-
ate will amount to sanctioning the ad-
ministration's assumption of a, basic
change in the Soviet world outlook, their
presumed abandonment of world revolu-
tionary aims and the possibility of West-
ern accommodation with the Commu-
nist-controlled States. In Mr. Wilson's
words:
The U.S. relationship 0 this change is
what Is at issue in Senate -atiflcation of the
Comular Treaty. The issue divides those
who wish to build bridges to the Soviet
Union and those who do n)t. If the Senate
gets across this particular bridge, it will un-
doubtedly build additional ones in the form
of expansion of East-West trade relations,
and ratification of the outer-space treaty.
A great many Senators are bothered that
these bridges should be built while in other
matters we continue to collide head-on with
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
S 3651
the Soviet Union, particularly over Vietnam. ple but the toilers everywhere will cele- arrest the mighty revolutionary movement
This ail-or-nothing approach to our rela- brate this epoch-making event "the towards liberation. American imperialism,
tions with the Soviet Union contains more triumph of Marxism-Leninism, the having assumed the function of world police-
emotion than logic. If both nations are men, is intensifying provocation in various
willing to place Vietnam in a separate cate- ideals of the working class movement, areas of the world. U.S. Imperialists have
gory and proceed with a step-by-step build- the ideas of proletarian internationalism unleashed a gangster war against the Viet-
ing of other relations in other respects, some- and friendship among nations." namese people and are trying to strangle
thing is said about the confidence on both Further on In the text, we find an the freedom and independence of the peoples
sides in an eventual settlement of their explicit reaffirmation of doctrinal Marx- and establish their domination.
major differences. ism-Leninism as a world outlook:
The forces of stem, the is, -
I pointed out earlier that the Soviet The October Revolution showed a way of world socialist system, the Communist-
Union not only has not agreed to place solving the vital problems brought to the controlled states, and the remaining
Vietnam in a separate category and pro- fore by preceding world history: the future Communist Parties-are bound by the
teed with the step-by-step building of of society, the nature of social progress, wwar
and peace, the destinies of world civiliza- principle of socialist or proletarian inter-
other relations in other respects; they tion. nationalism to mutual support. We can
have rejected that proposition. The global validity of Marxism-Leninism easily agree with the Central Commit-
They said with respect to the package has been vigorously reasserted: "The victory tee's key assertion that-
of related subjects to which the President of the October Revolution confirmed the The Soviet Union is in the forefront of the
referred at the Editorial Writers Confer- Leninist theory of socialist revolution. struggle against imperialism. Faithfully
ence in October, and in his state of the Marxist-Leninist teaching had been proved fulfilling its internationalist duty, the CPSU
Union message: correct on the inevitability of the collapse applies every effort to strengthen the co-
We will have none of it until the United of capitalism and its replacement by so- hesion and might of the socialist system, to
Noted cialism, on the vanguard role of the working rally closer the international. Communist
StWes permanently stops bombing the
class, led by the Communist Party, in the and working class movement on principles of
Vietnam and until it ceases its acts of ag- Revolution and in building a new society; Marxism-Leninism and proletarian intern.a-
gression in South Vietnam. on the dictatorship of the proletariat and iits
role in the struggle for the triumph of so- struggle ug it supports the revolutionary
Since the Consular Treaty with the cialism; on the Soviets as a form of the stle o of the proletariat against nst capitalist
U.S.S.R. belongs to the realm of interna- iali rship of the Soviets as a and organs slavery; the struggle of peoples against co-
proletariat -m;
tional relations and foreign trade, let us of gentile popular rule
in a socialist democ- consistently p rs ues and policy onstreng and
io now
now investigate the Communist policies racy; on the alliance of the working class ing the alliance with eicy s of national
their motivations in that crucial field with the peasantry and other strata of the liance witthe forces of nanof our mutual contacts. libthe alberation.
'working people, under the leadership of the
Have they, as it is being claimed by de- working class as the decisive force in the This certainly does not sound like a
tente apologists, abandoned their world struggle for social liberation; on the in. statement by a conventional government
revolutionary aims and are they ready to dustrialization of the country and the so- announcing a national anniversary cele-
live in a pluralistic community of na- w ayays st of solving transformation of agr on the bration. It is also rather absurd to sug-
tional states in peace as the free world wvng the nationil culture; a question; on
raising the living standard of the working gest, as we so often hear, that the Com-
understands it? Or are they still com- people and carrying out a cultural revolutiomunist leadership is paying lip service to
mitted to the Marxist-Leninist doctrine, revolutionary terminology, which they
with its totally different world outlook, While the following text contains pat- continue to use by inertia or as a face-
based not on national but International ently exaggerated boasts concerning So- saving device, while they are irrevocably
class interest? Are the Communist-con- viet achievements within the country turning into pragmatic politicians devoid
trolled states and especially the Soviet during the last 50 years, the passages of revolutionary fervor, embourgeoise,
Union institutions primarily serving the claiming that "the Great October So- and ready to strike all kinds of deals with
limited, national interests of their In- cialist Revolution is of enormous inter- ,their Western counterparts.
habitants or are they revolutionary in- national significance," merit a careful The passages quoted above will be re-
struments, used by the respective Com- reading. peated throughout the anniversary year
munist Parties in order to, in Lenin's Without accepting the Communist by every Important personality of the
words, "stir up, promote and support" the claim of beneficial consequences, it Is Soviet Communist hierarchy, in one form
Marxist-Leninist revolutionary program true that "the revolution hastened the or other, mostly quoting whole passages
all over the world? march of historical events," that "the word for word, of the Central Commit-
I find it difficult to understand where ideas of Marxism-Leninism, the ideas of tee statement. It is therefore superflu-
the advocates of rapproachement find the the October Revolution have spread all ous further to buttress the argument that
confirmation of their claim that the over the world" and that "its gains be- the directives quoted above represent the
Communists have abandoned their world came a mighty base for revolutionary official party line in its strategic and tac-
revolutionary aspirations. Even the transformation in all parts of the world." tical aspects.
reading of the daily press, despite the The most important gains of the Oc- One familiar with Communist doc-
often misleading interpretations of Com- tober Revolution was, of course, the con- trinal material will immediately realize
munist operations, should convince us quest by the Communist Party of the old as he studies the central committee's
about the present far-flung revolutionary Russian State and its replacement by a anniversary statement that he has before
activities carried on by the U.S.S.R. and proletarian or socialist state, the Soviet him a rehash of several sections of a pro-
other Communist-controlled countries Union. This new type of state became grammatic statement issued in Novem-.
all over the globe. Moreover, we can find not only a world revolutionary base but ber 1960 by the 81-Party Conference held
clear admissions of their commitment to also the cradle of the contemporary in Moscow.
support and accelerate the world revolu- world Communist movement which has The United States was also singled out
tionary process, in innumerable official now developed into a most influential in this statement as "chief imperialist
Communist statements, which are usual- political force in the struggle for the country of today, chief bulwark of world
ly available in most of the world's lan. revolutionary transformation of the reaction" and "its international gen-
guages. world'along socialist principles. darme, an enemy of the people of the
One of the most recent documents An individual Communist, looking whole world."
worth reading is the Resolution of the through the Marxist-Leninist class
Central Committee of the Communist prism, sees the world not as composed of There are still those unduly impressed
Party of the Soviet Union of January 4, political formations, the states, but by the so-called Sint-Soviet rift, inter-
1967, printed in Pravda on January 8 rather as composed of classes, whose in.- preted in most quarters erroneously as
under the title "On Preparations for the terest and loyalty transcend and ignore slash of national rivalries and not as an
50th Anniversary of the Great October national state boundaries. Again quot?. intramovement struggle for leadership
Socialist Revolution," ing the January 4,1967 Communist Party aggravated by an apparent mental de-
This very lengthy statement contains Central Committee Resolution: Tse-tung. in Stalin's case-of Mao
8,500 words and surveys the 50 years of Socialism and capitalism, i.e., the forces; se-Cong. They claim that at least the
8500ewo s
of sion, are engaged in the first thei5st State f progress and those of imperialist aggres.. U.S.S.R, and the other Communist-con-
which was born on November 7, 1917. It The imperialists will not stoplat anyrcrime thelnonviolentemetin now prefr
h dsrto achieve their
is claimed that not only the Soviet pee- in their attempt to hold back History and aims. The constant Soviet advocacy of
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5 3652
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 13, 1967
peace coexistence between states with
different social systems, misunderstood
as to its class struggle implications, also
has helped In creating the general con-
fusion.
A reading of some of the documents
mentioned, all available in English, will
easily reveal that whether transition to
socialism will be violent or nonviolent
depends on the conditions in each coun-
try.
l>perience confirms that the ruling
classes never relinquish power voluntarily.
In tills case the degree of bitterness and the
forms of class struggle will depend not so
much on the proletariat as on the resistance
put up by the reactionary circles to the will
of the overwhelming majority of the people.
Since in the eyes of the Communists
the will of the people in every capitalist
country is represented by its vanguard,
the local Communist Party, every resist-
ance of the ruling classes-the capitalist
or reactionary circles-to the demands
of Communists will lead inevitably to
revolutionary violence and ultimately to
the most acute form of class struggle,
the civil war. It is also well to remember
that the old local civil war is largely a
thing of the past. In the future every
civil war unleashed by Communists and
their sympathizers will become inevi-
tably an international civil war, in which
the foreign Communists are bound by
the principle of proletarian interna-
tionalism to support the local ones.
With regard to the split, it has not pre-
vented both the Soviet and Chinese
Communists from attending and par-
ticipating actively in the so-called Tri-
continental Conference in Havana in
January 1966, despite clashes between
the two delegations.
More than 500 representatives of 79
Communist Parties and national libera-
tion movements met to map out a
coordinated strategy for the under-
developed world. The meeting issued a
series of declarations and resolutions
pledging an intensification of revolu-
tionary warfare, and established a mill-
tary directorate to coordinate the
various offensives.
Mr. President, it is difficult to conceive
uhy this very important and significant
tricontinental conference in Havana
has received so little attention in the
free world. It certainly was a highly
significant conference. It made con-
crete recommendations. These recom-
mendations are being carried out as rap-
idly and as effectively as possible; yet,
we must resort to an analysis of that
conference such as that which was given
to the subject by J. Edgar Hoover in
testifying In the other body not too long
ago, and also the work done by the In-
ternal Security Subcommittee of the
Judiciary Committee of the Senate, of
which I am a member.
and Cuba and their satellites to extend their
power and Influence in the free world, to
exploit legitimate needs, to create discord and
sow discontent and strtfe-ln order to seek
the violent overthrow of governments in this
hemisphere and to supplant them with Com-
munist dictatorial regimes, subservient to
Soviet and Chinese Communist Imperialism.
It was reported In the press-New
York Times, February 17, 1965-that at
least one South American Government
launched a formal protest against the
dual position of the Soviet Government:
calling for armed revolution and yet
seeking to gain influence with the gov-
eriuments that are to be overthrown.
The Uruguayan Government summoned
the Soviet ambassador In Montevideo to
the Foreign Ministry to explain the
statement made by the Soviet delegate,
Rashidov who said in his lengthy speech
that,-
Throughout the course of its history, the
Soviet Union, following the behest of the
great Lenin, has been sacredly fulfilling Its
international duty. giving full-scale support
to the peoples struggling against colonialism
and Imperialism for their national and so-
cial liberation. The peoples rising In the
heroic struggle against imperialism, no mat-
ter what corner of the earth this may take
place, may be certain that the Soviet people
will always be on their side.
From our point of view it is Interest-
ing to note that he also expressed soli-
darity with the struggle of the people of
Puerto Rico.
The Soviet ambassador's answer is
available in summary in the two-volume
Report on the Trccontinental Confer-
ence prepared by the OAS.
The Soviet disclaimer, couched in very
arrogant language, denied the Soviet
Government's participation In the Con-
ference and based its denial on the fact
that the Soviet delegation was composed
of representatives of Soviet "social-or
better, public-organizations and not of
the Soviet Government." This is an old
game played by the Communists, which
unfortunately has often not been prop-
erly understood and countered by the
non-Communists States.
We often speak, as did Secretary Rusk
Mien testifying about the Consular Con-
vention with the U.S.S.R., about "differ-
ent systems of law, even of dissimilar
systems of government." However, it
may well be that It is our lack of under-
standing of the true nature of the Soviet
state itself, or of any Communist-con-
trolled state, for that matter, which
makes it possible for the Soviet Govern-
ment to use that kind of primitive, trans-
parent disclaimer, as it did in the case
of the Uruguayan protest, and many
times before, as for instance, in counter-
ing our protests against the Comintern
activities in the 1930's.
This lack of understanding of the na-
ture of the Communist-controlled state
is caused, first of all, by the fact that
The Soviet delegate, Sharaf R. Rashi- most political scientists in studying it
dov, fully supported the declaration of are using a purely formalistic, Positivis-
the Conference, which constitute a vir- tic approach, one based on study of ex-
tual declaration of war against non- ternal characteristics of that State, and
Communist governments throughout the are Ignoring the philosophy which cre-
developing areas of the world. ated it and Is motivating its operations
As an official of the Organization of namely, Marxism-Leninism.
American States put it: Even a superficial investigation of the
'rhis conference was a most blatant and Soviet Constitution of 1936 will discover
open effort by the USSR, Communist China some formal resemblance between the
Soviet state machinery and that of a
Western-type democratic state. There is
a bicameral parliament the Supreme
Soviet, directly elected by the constitu-
ency There is the Council of Ministers,
the highest executive and administrative
organ of the U.S.S.R. state power-ar-
ticle 64.
There is a separate Judiciary, with
"independent judges, subject only to
Law"-article 12. Chapter X contains
what; could superficially be defined as a
bill of rights: "Basic rights and duties of
citizens." There, however, the formal
resemblance ends.
In order truly to grasp the nature of a
Communist-controlled state, we must re-
sort to its analysis from the point of
view of a theory of staba and law, ours
as well as the Marxist-Leninist. We be-
lieve that, to use Burl':e's well-known
definition:
A state Is a necessary, natural Institu-
tion, founded In the social nature of man.
Marx, Engels, and e specially Lenin,
proceeding from the class viewpoint, saw
in every state an organization serving
the ruling class. Logica;ly, then, the so-
cialist proletarian state is "only a weap-
on of the proletariat in the class strug-
gle. A special cudgel, vier, de plus-" As the
bourgeois state is believed by the Com-
murdsts to be a dictatorship of the bour-
geoi.vie, the proletarian--socialist-state
must exercise the dictatorship of its rul-
ing class, that is, the proletariat or work-
ing class.
Tne doctrine of the dictatorship of the
worting class has since been the corner-
store of Marxist-Leninist state theory
and practice. Soviet university text-
books on the theory of state and law,
elaborating on this doctrine, explain
tha';-
The dictatorship of the proletariat con-
sidered as mechanism appaars as a complex
syste=m consisting of a sum total of "levers"
and "transmission belts" tend "the directive
fora:," which is the [Communist] Party.
It, is further explained that-
The Soviets with their executive machinery
represent such levers and transmission belts;
also, labor unions, cooperatives of all
kinds, including collective farms, the Com-
munist youth organization (Komsomol)
numerous voluntary associations (for sport,
defense, learning, etc.), which as a whole
form the mechanism of tae dictatorship of
the proletariat.
Thus, the state organs, the govern-
ment in the broad sense of the word,
are only transmission belts, or levers,
used by the Communist Party to exercise
its guidance, to direct, rule the so-called
Socialist state. This has been reaffirmed
as a constitutional principle in article
126, which states:
The most active and politically conscious
in the ranks of the worki.ig class and other
strata of toilers shall unite in the Com-
munist Party, which Is the vanguard of the
toilers In their struggle i.o strengthen and
dev:lop the socialist system, and the direc-
tire body of all organizations and societies
of i:oilers, both public and governmental.
This gives the Communist Party an
indisputable monopoly of power and
control in every Communist-controlled
stave, together with the monopoly of
nomination of candidates in an election.
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In the light of this analysis, one must
reach the conclusion that the Soviet
Communist leadership has a very low
opinion of our intelligence and our un-
derstanding of the workings of their so-
called state, if they seriously disclaim
any Soviet Government participation in
the Tricontinental Conference in Ha-
vana by asserting that the head of the
Soviet delegation, Sharif R. Rashidov,
candidate-member of the politburo of
the central committee of the Commu-
nist Party of the Soviet Union, which
places him among the 19 most important
apparatchiks in the U.S.S.R., repre-
sented only public-social-organiza-
tions and not the government.
The Communist Party itself is not an
ordinary political party. It is a party
of a new type, as the Communists them-
selves have correctly defined it. - Its
novelty consists in the unique features
of its historical mission as a substitute
for the state and state apparatus and
in the originality of its internal struc-
ture. On one hand, it is a close hier-
archial organization with a regular ap-
paratus; on the other, it is an open mass
party with a membership of many mil-
lions. Therefore, the party elite, the
apparatchiks, virtually represent a party
within a party.
The Communist Party is not simply
the sole ruling state party; it is not even
a state within a state. It. is the state,
but a new type of state, according to the
Communist doctrine. Its novelty lies
in the fact that the hierarchy of official
state legislative organs is. only the
executive-administrative machinery for
carrying out the decisions and instruc-
tions of a parallel hierarchy of formal
executive party organs. A modern Com-
munist state can exist without its official
state apparatus, but it cannot exist with-
out its party apparatus. Relationships
between the party apparatus and the
state apparatus are riot those of coordi-
nation but of subordination; this in itself
eliminates dualism in rule. Lenin des-
troyed Russia's old state organization in
order to replace it with his new party
machine. This machine was the system
of partocracy, as it has been very aptly
defined in a recent monograph, "The
Communist Party Apparatus."
A Communist Party is a party of a
new type also because of its international
class character. The new Program of the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union of
1961 describes it as-
An inseparable part of the International
Communist and Working-Class Movement.
The tried and tested Marxist-Leninist
principles of the proletarian internationalism
will continue to be inviolable principles that
the Party will follow undeviatingly. The
Communist Party of the Soviet Union will
continue to strengthen the unity of the in-
ternational Communist movement, to de-
velop fraternal ties with all the Communist
and Workers' Parties and to coordinate its
actions with all the detachments of the
World Communist Movement for the joint
struggle against the danger of a new world
war, for the interests of the working people
for peace, democracy and socialism,
There is a school of thought which
denies, at present, any possibility of re-
storing the former cohesion of the Inter-
national Communist Movement. As
evidence they list the Sino-Soviet rift,
the rifts between the U.S.S.R. and the
European Communist-controlled states,
frictions due to supposedly increasing
nationalism in those states, and so forth.
I am afraid we may be ordering the
funeral before the patient is dead. It is
for this reason that this Senator again
urges the Members of the Senate to insist
that we be given the opportunity to con-
sider the entire package, both treaties
and trade legislation, intact rather than
on a piecemeal basis.
Mr. President, by way of summary, I
should like to suggest again that as
much as anyone would want to see the
end of the cold war, as much as anyone
would want to lessen the thrust and the
brutality of the cold war, and the hot
war in which we are engaged in Vietnam,
ratification of this treay simply cannot
be based upon the hypothesis or the
proposition that there is a "new commu-
nism," or that there is a new partner-
ship in the process of formation between
the United States of America and the
U.S.S.R.
There is simply nothing to indicate
that the Iron Curtain is being formed
into an open door. If anything, there
is reason after reason to conclude, from
overt acts as well as from well defined
and definite statements, and declara-
tions by Communist leaders, that they
do not mean to let up for one moment
in that position and posture which has
made it necessary for this country to
have entered into the cold war in the
first place, and to have continued it since
that time-about 20 years ago,
Certainly, there is nothing to indicate
that they are going to abate one iota in
their participation in the hot war in Viet-
nam. And, we are engaged in a hot war
with the Soviet Union there because they
are supplying the. armaments, the muni-
tions, the supplies, and the war materiel
without which the war would come to
an early and definite end if delivery of
those articles of war were suspended or
ceased by the Soviet Union.
Mr. President, it is for these reasons
that I urge two things: One, that the
Senate not, at this time, advise and con-
sent to the Consular Treaty before it.
Two, that the Senate should, as a matter
of fact, insist upon a discussion of all the
related subjects in this proposed major
and radical change in our foreign policy
before disposing of any of the component
parts thereof.
It is only from that overall perspective
that we will be able to render a decision
which will be wise, and judicious.
It is my hope that we will be able to
sustain the position of a complete, over-
all discussion when the matter before us
comes up for final disposition.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. HRUSKA. I yield,
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, what
the Senator says is very significant in
the whole discussion that we are having
about the desirability and undesirability
of ratifying the consular treaty with
Russia at this time of war. Admittedly
she has become the arsenal of Hanoi and
the sole source of military weaponry of
S 3653
modern. design which is being used to
continue the war there and is making it
more difficult to obtain peace. It cer-
tainly is escalating our American
casualties.
It is certainly true also that deeds
speak louder than words.
The Senator alluded to the fact that
in the RECORD of Friday, March 10, I
placed in the RECORD for public scrutiny
for the first time a list of the supplies
now available for shipment to Russia
in unlimited numbers and without
license.
I had this list printed in the RECORD
because we have heard them described
as nonstrategic and as peaceful goods.
The facts are now before the public that
the weapons are going from Russia to
Hanoi.
I thought it would be illuminating to
note just what kind of American ship-
ments have been made eligible to the
Russians by President Johnson's ill-
advised and unprecedented Executive
order of October 12, 1966.
That astonishing but revealing list
will be found beginning on page S3543 of
the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD for March 10,
and extending to page 53547.
I think it is illuminating reading for
the country, and I think it should be
must reading for every Senator before he
votes on the treaty.
The Senator is aware that it was on
October 12, 1966, that by Executive order
President Johnson opened up these ex-
ports in trade to Russia and other Com-
munist countries without license and
without limitation.
The Senator pointed out that this act of
appeasement and conciliation apparent-
ly did not serve very well the purposes
of amity between the two countries,
that this had no impact whatso-
ever on lessening the amount of war
weapons which are being shipped by Rus-
sia to Hanoi, and that it has been only
recently that these tremendously sig-
nificant helicopters have been supplied
by Russia to Hanoi.
The Senator would agree, I am sure,
with the Senator from South Dakota that
the helicopter activities of our American
forces and our South Vietnamese allies
have been one of the bright spots and
one of the productive operations of our
war effort.
Mr. HRUSKA, Those activities have
been among the most efficient and effec-
tive forces in the waging of that war.
They put us far ahead of the enemy.
Yet, that "advantage" is being rapidly
dissipated by the appearance on the
scene of the Russian-supplied helicop-
ters.
Mr. MUNDT. Precisely, and it was
for that reason that the North Vietnam-
ese Communists sent out that great
Macedonian call to their comrades in
Moscow, "We'must have helicopters."
They got helicopters, and they got heli-
copters of the best possible design. They
got a substantial number of these heli-
copters and, of course, they got them
from Russia.
Mr. HRUSKA. And, very likely, with
training by Russian helicopter pilots.
Mr. MUNDT. There is no question
about that. That would follow the for-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 13, 1967
mula pursuant to which some 200 Mlgs tional agencies on ways of increasing con- ten by every American citizen. We all
have been supplied by the Russians to tarts with Eastern European countries. have the ugly expectancy of having to
the Communists of North Vietnam in Then he continues: pay more taxes or, In lieu of that, to go
order to attack and destroy our Amer- y ask and urge the Congress to help our deeper into a national debt which has
ican Air Force. Those planes were also foreign and trade policies by passing an East- already lit the fires of inflation so that
escorted and accompanied by well- West trade bill, the budget of every householder has suf-
trained Russian Mig pilots who trained There are other items, also, frred. In any event, if the Communists
the North Vietnamese on how to use he point I wish to make Is that con- do not repay the $50 million, the money
them with the maximum of effective- cosign after concession and act of ap- will have to be paid by the taxpayers or
ness by the credit of the United States. And
Talking about deeds, I point out fur- peasement after act of appeasement have for what? To build an automobile fac-
ther that by his Executive order on Oc- been extended In favor of the Soviet toy, And why do they want that?
toter 12, 1966, openly and directly de- Ur1on and the other Communist coun- Every schoolchild knows that when this
fled the expressed desire of Congress- tries of Eastern Europe, with never a re- country Is at war-and the wars get big
incorporated in rollcall votes in both the turn Item, except to bite the hand of and tough and consume a great deal of
Senate and the House over the past few those who seek to make a little progress our armaments and much of our time
years-that these wartime exports to toward ameliorating or concluding the and labor-the industry we turn to first
cold war. is the automotive industry of the United
Russia he ended or curtailed, President Of course, the matter of 400 so-called ,
Johnson opened the Pandora's box for States, in order to shift from making
war-profiteering Americans to send any- nonstrategic items Is a leader among automobiles to making tanks, to making
thing listed on these pages of the REC- those lists, In time of a hot war, such as guns, to making planes.
ORD of March 10, 1967, to which I have that In which we are engaged, I should In this regard, we are actually lending
just referred and which I have identified like to know what item contained in that $50 million to the Russians to enable
starting on page 53543, list of 400 is nonstrategic. them to manufacture, by 1969, when the
After President Johnson had done Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, will the plant is scheduled to be completed, addi-
that, just exactly one fortnight later, on Senator yield further? tionill armaments to kill additional boys
October 26, 1966, there was an Associ- Mr. HRUSKA. I yield, in a war which very likely will still be
ated Press story out of Moscow, corrob- Mr. MUNDT. In this day of modern continuing in 1969, if we continue the in-
orated by an Associated Press story out warfare, it is almost impossible, it seems sane policy of shipping to the fellow who
of Warsaw, in which those countries an- to me, to single out any conceivable item is providing the weapons to continue the
nor. nced that the Communists were send- we might export to Russia, In order to war the things he needs to keep his coun-
ing an additional $1 billion worth of help her overcome a deficiency, which try viable enough so that he can con-
military aid to Hanoi. Scarcely a device, could not be definitely and accurately tinu! the shipments.
I might add for ushering In a detente be- termed a war item. Even if It were Mr. HRUSKA. I am grateful to the
tween the United States and the U.S.S.R. something strictly for consumer utiliza- Senator from South Dakota for the con-
It seemed to follow as the night fol- tion, when a country needs to Import an tribution he has made to this discussion.
lows the day that, since the Russians had item of that kind, It does so because a In addition to furnishing warstuffs to
an additional source of material coming desperate shortage of it exists at home. Vietnam, however, the Soviet Union has
from the United States to shore up some Once Russia gets this consumer item beer, taking other actions which clearly
of their consumer shortages and some from a country such as the United States, show that the ratification of this treaty
of their consumer needs and some of you automatically relieve a certain num- will not have any effect at all on the
their industrial deficiencies, they felt bfr of the labor force, you relieve the shortening of the cold war or even a free to make available an extra $f billion pressures on certain amounts of raw ma- terlal you relieve the utilization of cer-
tain slight letup in the war.
of aid to help defeat us in Vietnam and amounts of the mechanical and in- There is the matter of the Soviet Union
to destroy or decimate our American dustrial complex of Russia. You free all continuing to subsidize in a substantial
forces there. those elements to start producing addi- way the only Communist nation in the
Certainly here is a deed not in the di- tional war supplies. And the Russians Western Hemisphere-Castro's Cuba.
rection of amity, not in the direction of need the additional war supplies because The Soviet Union has been subsidizing
a detente, and not in the direction of they are shipping so many of them, first, Cuba consistently for a number of years,
trying to work out some conciliatory ar- not only to Hanoi, where we are at war without any signs of a letup. Perhaps it
rangements with the United States. with their armaments and at war with is a fine, friendly action to a fellow Com-
There instead is a deed designed for the their guns, but also to other trouble spots munist nation, but it does not indicate
destruction of our war effort in Vietnam. of the world where they are tending to any desire on the part of the Soviet
It seems to me that kind of a deed arm other nations and groups so as to Union to get to a point where it will
speaks much more effectively than the make mischief for the United States. less?n the cold war it which we are
words we hear on occasion emanating Mr. HRUSKA. Another item was the engaged.
from Moscow. extending of credits for American ex- Another overt act on the part of the
Mr. HRUSKA. Mr. President, when ports to help in the construction of the Soviet Union is Its recent enlargement of
the Senator from South Dakota referred Soviet-Italian Flat automobile factory to the military budget for the coming year.
to this list of more than 400 nonstrategic be constructed in Russia. The military budget of ,he Soviet Union
items freed from export control between This is an extension of credits, Mr. has been constantly stepped up in the
this country and the Soviet Union, I am President, at a time when the citizens last 2 or 3 years because of the drain on
reminded of the list of other things of the great Midwest, engaged In farm- their war reserves to furnish munitions
which have been done In the way of ben- ing and ranching, find It difficult to ob- and armament to the North Vietnamese
etits and concessions and movements to taln credit: and when they do obtain it, ant. the Vietcong.
Icy to mollify and appease the Soviet they pay a high price for it. In face of A further factor is the installation of
Urdon with never a return or reciprocal our dwindling gold supply and in face the antiballistic missile system in various
item advanced by the Soviet Union. of the indirect but very effective assist- parts of the Soviet Union, posing for our
In addition to the 400 nonstrategic once to the North Vietnamese which re- country the necessity of meeting that
items, for example, the President lists sults therefrom, the administration is go- situation by a comparable step If we do
these other things in the state of the ing forward to help the economic and the not wish the Soviet Union to be in a mili.-
Union message: industrial productivity and to strengthen tary posture superior to ours.
We have agreed to open direct air flights the position of the Soviet Union and the Mr. President, this is not the time to
wi,h the Soviet Union. other Communist countries. Such action enter into a consular treaty of this kind.
We are determined that the Export-Im- simply does not make sense. The Soviet Union should do something
po't Bank can allow commercial credits to Mr. MUNDT. The Senator Is correct. to indicate that such a step by the United
Poland, Hungry, Bulgaria, and Czechslo- The $50 million credit which we are ex- States will be entertained as good faith
va:tia, as well as to Rumania and Yugoslavia.
We have entered into a cultural agreement tending to the Communists for the pur- for ending the cold war, or even a slight
with the Soviet Union for another two years. 1.0se of helping them build that automo- letup In It. We should consider the en-
We have started discussions with interne- tive plant Is a credit which Is underwrit- tirety of the package and not consider in
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March 13, 1967
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
attempted isolation, the ratification of
the consular treaty.
Instead of having some concrete, overt
action by the Soviet Union along the
lines I indicate, we have had an outright
rejection of the treaty as a part of the
big package, and, in fact, an apparent
rejection of the entire package. We also
have a stepping up of the hot war which
Russia is waging against the United
States in Vietnam.
The argument in favor of ratifying the
consular treaty is, "We want to end the
cold war, and therefore we ought to
ratify this treaty." This plea is not ap-
plicable. There is no indication that a
letup by the Soviets will take place in the
cold war because of the ratification of the
treaty, if the treaty should, unhappily, be
ratified.
The principal basis of the proponents'
arguments-those who favor ratification
of the treaty-seems to be along this line,
and it is to this line that I should like
to devote the greater part of my remarks:
First, it is said that we are dealing with
a new communism.
Second, it is said, as appears in the
state of the Union message by our Presi-
dent:
We are shaping a new future of enlarged
partnership in nuclear affairs and in eco-
nomic and technical cooperation in trade
negotiations, in political consultation and
in working together with the governments
and the peoples of eastern Europe and the
Soivet Union.
There is a little intervening language
and, then, continuing-
Our relations with the Soviet Union and
Eastern Europe are also in transition.
We have language such as that re-
ferred to and language such as that used
a week ago today in the city of Fulton,
Mo., at Westminster College by the Vice
President, who said:
It is my belief that we stand today upon
the threshold of a new era in our relations
with the peoples of Europe-a period of New
Engagement.
And I believe that this new period, if we do
not lose our wits or our nerve, or our pa-
tience, can see the replacement of the Iron
Curtain by the Open. Door.
Here we have these statements and a
new commitment, a new further part-
nership with the governments and peo-
ples of Eastern Europe and the Soviet
Union; and the statement "Replacement
of the Iron Curtain by the open door."
They are all statements to the effect
that there has occurred a change in the
attitude, activities, and relationships be-
tween this country and the Soviet Union.
Yet, nowhere have we had any assign-
ment of reasons, any proof, nor any in-
dication that any of these things have
occurred. Hopefully they will occur. No
one will engage in more earnest or fer-
vent hope that they do occur in due time
than I and I know that that hope is
shared by everybody, but we have to be
realists.
There is not only a lack of proof, but
also there is much evidence to the
contrary.
Whatever changes they might show,
their adamant and vigorous attitude
points toward increasing an escalation
of the cold and hot wars in which the
Soviet Union is engaged against us,
rather than the reverse.
Mr. COTTON. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. HRUSKA. I yield.
Mr. COTTON. The Senator from New
Hampshire is very deeply impressed with
all that the distinguished Senator from
Nebraska has been saying. I think it is
a masterful, thorough, and analytical
presentation of things the Senate should
be thinking about before we vote on this
momentous question. I wish to ask the
Senator from Nebraska in regard to the
statement just made, if he agrees, that
so far as we have been able to discern,
there has not been one single overture
or any act of softening, indicating that
there is a new attitude toward us on the
part of the Soviets. Am I correct in that
statement?
Mr. HRUSKA. The Senator is cor-
rect, as far as the study, the reading', and
the observations of this Senator are con-
cerned. I have searched in vain for some
act that could be construed in the light
in which the Senator referred, and I have
been unable to find it.
Mr. COTTON. Knowing the thor-
oughness with which the Senator from
Nebraska undertakes all of his research
before engaging in as important an ut-
terance on the floor of the Senate as he
has made, I am satisfied, that there has
not been any significant change.
I wish to ask the following question:
If there had been any change in the
attitude of the Soviet Union, or if there
had been made to our Government di-
rectly or indirectly secretly or otherwise,
any promise or offer, or any suggestion
that there might be a change, and that
that change of attitude might be effected
if we ratified this treaty, does not the
Senator from Nebraska think that every
Senator, who has the solemn duty to
vote on this ratification should be in-
formed of that fact, and not have it
merely hinted at?
Mr. HRUSKA. I agree with the Sena-
tor. If there are any secret communica-
tions or unpublicized communications
every member of the Senate should be
informed of them.
There have been rumors from time to
time that they do exist but for high rea-
sons of state they cannot be disclosed. I
have never been able to track them down.
I know that one of our colleagues-I
shall not undertake to identify him; he
can speak for himself if he wishes-came
across rumors that two different kinds
of some classified reason that has been
advanced by those in the executive de-
partment; each was different from the
other and did not include reference to
the other.
If there are such things they should
be disclosed, and they could be disclosed
in a discreet manner. We could con-
sider them as classified, and for reasons
of national security not disclose them.
That would be one thing, but to deny that
information, if any does exist, I think
we should assume that there are no such
reasons, and vote accordingly.
Mr. COTTON. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield further?
Mr. HRUSKA, I am happy to yield to
the Senator from New Hampshire.
S 3655
Mr. COTTON. I am sure the Senator
from Nebraska is just as reluctant as
the Senator from New Hampshire, and
others in the Senate who have misgivings
about this treaty, to stand in the way
of any real step that might make our re-
lations with the Communist world better
in the future, and avert even in some
small degree the possibility of nuclear
war. I am sure he is just as reluctant
as any of us are in that respect. Is that
correct?
. Mr. HRUSKA. Yes. I have declared
that to be so in my statement and I re-
peat it now.
Mr. COTTON. If I interpret correct-
ly what the Senator has just said, if he
were informed in the strictest confidence
by the responsible heads of the Govern-
ment of the United States of any real
facts that would indicate that ratifica-
tion of this treaty would hasten peace in
the future, I know that he, as is true of
many of the rest of us, would take that
fully into consideration without divulg-
ing the facts, if they should not be
divulged.
Mr.HRUSKA. There is no question
about that, as far as my thinking and
belief are concerned.
Mr. COTTON. It is my understand-
ing, as far as the Senator from Nebraska
is concerned, and as is the case with the
Senator from New Hampshire, that at
no time has any responsible person given
us any information, any real evidence
that this treaty that we are urging upon
the Soviet Union, that we are in a sense
supplicating them to accept, will have
any more significance than our action in
paying tribute to the pirates of Tripoli-
before we rebelled and decided that we
would not continue to pay tribute-while
hoping that they would be kinder to us?
Mr. HRUSKA, 'No such information
has come to me from any source in the
executive departments. Other Senators
will have to make their own disclosures
as to what may or may not have hap-
pened to them in this regard.
Getting back to the oft-repeated as-
sertions that we are dealing with a new
communism or are entering into a new
partnership with the government and
people of the Soviet Union, and the
statement that the replacement of the
Iron Curtain by the open door is immi-
nent, and that all we have to have is
patience and the other things that go
with it, such as forbearance, I do not
know how much more by way of appease-
ment, perhaps, or modification we must
display. On that subject, I wish to ad-
dress myself to the proposition that there
has been no change in the stance or in
the program of the Communist Party.
Mr. MURPHY. Mr. President, will the
Senator from Nebraska yield for a ques-
tion?
Mr. HRUSKA. I am happy to yield.
Mr. MURPHY. As the Senator said,
there has been no change. Am I correct
in believing that in spite of the fact that,
from time to time, we read in some of the
press that there has been a thawing of
the cold war, the Senator means that
actually, as to basic principles or a
change of objectives, there has been no
noticeable change in, let us say, the last
15 years?
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S 3656 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 111, 1967
Mr. HRUSKA. In that respect, I contribute to their -warmaking capabil- . country and those behind the Iron Cur-
should like to expand my statement and ity, are precisely true. tain.
correct any impression I may have cre- If we send food or anything else over But, this is not the time to take steps
ated. There have been no changes for to Russia, it will make them better able to try to bring about a better detente with
the better in the stance or in the pro- to help destroy this country, as they are the Soviet Union, to try to bring about a
gram of the Soviet Union, so far as presently trying to do in Vietnam. better understanding with the other Iron
America is concerned. There have been I wrote to the Secretary of State Curtain countries, or to introduce an
some changes which have been to the a few days ago, expressing great mis- agreement which will weaken, not
harm, the detriment, and the expense of giving because this country proposes to strengthen, America's position in south-
the United States, both In the program authorize a $50-million loan to an Ital- east Asia. Because of that I hope the
of the Soviet Union and in its activities. ian automobile manufacturer to set up Senate of the United States will consider
Mr. MURPHY. Is It not true that be- shop in Soviet Russia. well the very important observations the
cause of the so-called or alleged changes, As has been pointed out by the able Senator is making at this t::me.
it now seems, or has seemed in the last Senator from New Hampshire [Mr. Mr. HRUSKA. The Senator is very
year or so, that the activities of the So- COTTorr], it is true that it is one and the genercus in his comments, and I appre-
viet Union and around the world have same thing, so far as war-making capa- citee -,hem very much. The contribu-
been expanded? Is there not evidence bility is concerned, when we talk about tions he is making in regard to the sub-
that the Soviets were concerned in the the manufacture of cars and the manu- ject at hand are very constructive.
Congo, in Cuba, and in many other areas, facture of war armaments. How better Mr. MURPHY. Mr. President, will the
whereas 5 years ago they were not spread could be assure the advancement of Senator yield?
out in those areas? -Russian capability to make helicopters, Mr. HRUSKA. I yield to the Senator
Mr. HRUSKA. There is no question airplanes, tanks, and missiles than to from California.
about that. That subject was thoroughly contribute sophisticated machine tools Mr. MURPHY. I was called from the
canvassed in the tri-continental confer- and related technology to their auto- Senate Chamber, and have had an op-
ence of the Communist nations in Ha- making capabilities? porturiity to speak with a group of
vana, Cuba, in January 1966. Thus, this subject concerned me and mayors of towns and cities in California.
Mr. MURPHY. Is it not true, as I have was the basis on which I wrote to the They asked me what the current busi-
put it in oversimplification, that for the Secretary of Defense, denouncing the ac- ness in the Senate was. I recommended
past 30 years we have been the "main tion and expressing my great concern that they go to the galleries and hear the
door" prize and still remain so, except over what it could do to our posture and discussion which the able Senator from
that the conditions of our health are not our position In Vietnam. Nebraska is propounding.
so good now as they were 5, 10, 15, or 25 I know that all of us share the com- I asked them what they thought would
years ago? mon hope that we can soon resolve the be the wishes and reactions of the people
Mr. HRUSKA. The Senator puts it conflict in Vietnam, I think the best in their cities. They unanimously said
well, indeed. I certainly accept that way to resolve it is to achieve a position that there was no question that the
characterization. of strength, to demonstrate our superior- people of their cities would be against
Mr. HANSEN. Mr. President, will the ity on the battlefield, and to weaken the the ratification of this treaty.
Senator from Nebraska yield? enemy. If he is weakened and sees that I have noticed something else on which
Mr. HRUSKA. I am happy to yield to he cannot hope to prevail, then I sug- I should like the Senator to comment.
the Senator from Wyoming, gest that he will be more inclined to sue Usual:y, as we get into discussions of
Mr. HANSEN. The Senator from for peace and want to sit down at the this kind, we are overwhelmed with a
Wyoming is most impressed with the able conference table and, resolve the conflict flood of polls in newspapers and periodi-
and learned presentation being made by there. cals. I have seen no polls as to the
the Senator from Nebraska. I repeat: the way to guarantee this wishes of the people with respect to the
All the mail which has come to my result, in my mind, is to negotiate from subject before the Senate at this time.
office since I became a Member of the a position of strength. It is in that con- I wonder if there is any particular sig-
Senate, taken together, excluding the text. that we must review the consular nificaice to that fact. I wonder if the
consular treaty, has not approximated treaty. Senator has noted the lacl: of such polls.
the interest evoked by the debate on the It, seems to me that anything we do Mr. HRUSKA. We will continue to
consular treaty. which enables the Soviets better to sup- look for polls, to see whit information
As the Senator from Wyoming under- ply the forces of the Vietcong, better may result.
stands it, the primary concern of the to assist the North Vietnamese people. Mr. MURPHY. Does the Senator from
State Department in trying to secure the will make more difficult the early resolu- Nebraska agree with the Senator from
ratification of the consular treaty seems tion of the conflict in southeast Asia. California that possibly the polls-and
to be for the 18,000 Americans who visit Therefore, I am convinced that the I am just old fashioned enough to be-
Soviet Russia annually-at least, that is ratification of the Consular Treaty now lieve this is a representative form of gov-
the number who visited Russia it year will encourage more of our businessmen ernment and that I am here to repre-
ago. to go to Soviet Russia. They will know sent the best wishes of the people of my
By way of contrast, it might be ob- that they will have the protection of our State--might well show that a great pro-
served that in 1966, 900 Russians visited consulates. They will know that if they portion of the people in the States would
this country. The number of Russians do Happen to get into trouble, the strong be against this treaty, and that there-
who come here seems not to fluctuate, hand of Uncle Sam will be near by to fore same of its proponent,, had decided it
but the number of Americans going to held bail them out of that trouble. would be better not to publish those
Russia has increased steadily. I think Mr. President, I appreciate, as we all polls' Does the Senator think that is
that we would be naive, indeed. to as- do, the importance of better understand- a possibility?
some that ratification of this treaty ing among the nations of the world. I Mr HRUSKA. There Tray be the pos-
would do anything but encourage fur- think that were it not for the fact that sibility that that is the reason the polls
Cher visitations to Soviet Russia, by we are today involved in this conflict, are not being published.
American businessmen and tourists. there is every argument and every rea- Mr. COTTON. Mr. President, will the
To say that we cannot draw the line son, and there should be every desire on Senator yield?
of demarcation between what are non- our part, to enter into this sort of ar- Mr. HRUSKA. I yield to the Senator
strategic materials and strategic mate- rangement; but this is not the time. The from New Hampshire.
rials belies the fact. I do not know how priorities are set by the situation in Mr. COTTON. Has the Senator
much of the Russian labor force last year southeast Asia. noticed, as this Senator has, sometimes
was involved in the production of agri- Because of that, I compliment the Sen- with a little amusement, although we do
cultural commodities, but I do know ator from Nebraska for calling to our not like to think lightly of such grave
that not many years ago 47 percent of attention, as he has. the impact and the matters-I have noticed this for a num.-
the Russian labor force was involved in importance of this treaty. ber cf years-that whenever there is a
trying to produce enough food for the I believe that the President of the strong sentiment on the part of people
Russian people. So the remarks of the 'United States has mentioned in his state for proposals and programs that are
Senator from Nebraska. In saying that of the Union message the different espoused by those in power, the senti-
whatever? we export to Russia helps to bridges we hope to build between our ments of the people as expressed in polls
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March 13, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
are thrown in our faces day after day as
the spontaneous outbursts of the indi-
vidual beliefs of the great American
people; But now, when there is a flood-
and if the Senator has had the same ex-
perience this Senator has had, perfectly
overwhelming flood-of personal letters
from the folks back home, protesting the
ratification of this treaty, and begging
us to resist it, we are told that these let-
ters were all inspired. Now we are told
that these letters were all the result of
propaganda by organizations; that they
do not represent the individual thoughts
and deep feelings of individuals; and
that we should disregard them?
Has the Senator noticed that strange
contrast of opinion as between when the
people's feelings are really their own
feelings-as in this case-and when their
feelings are not their own, but what
someone else says they are.
Mr. HRUSKA. The Senator puts the
matter in good perspective.
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. HRUSKA. I yield to the Senator
from South Dakota.
Mr. MUNDT. I think the comments
on polls introduced by the Senator from
California and commented upon by sev-
eral of my colleagues are quite pertinent.
I might raise the question, Where is
George Gallup? Where is Louis Harris?
This subject has been debated and dis-
cussed for well over a month, perhaps
2 months. It is one of the most vital
issues before the country. It is one of
significant departure from all previous
American history. The decision, one
way or the other, will have an impact on
the war in Vietnam. What more vital
subject than this for the poll of the
people's thinking, Dr. Gallup or Mr.
Harris? Is this a time for silence?
I wonder if it is not pertinent to the
fact that over the weekend the Senator
from South Dakota had conversations
with at least two important editors. I
think it may have been three, but I will
be conservative and say it was two. They
very vividly told me they had been im-
portuned by the State Department to
write strong editorials in support of the
treaty, and the editorials were forth-
coming.
I wonder what kind of pressures and
propaganda are behind the desire to
downgrade and ignore the wishes of the
people, and not even to reflect them in
polls such as those operated by Dr. Gal-
lup and Mr. Harris on a host of other
issues and then to go further and decry
those who have opposed the treaty as
simple automations, being inspired by
someone else. One of our colleagues has
even called them crackpots or extrem-
ists.
I believe. this is still a representative
government, with the concept that on
matters such as this we must get infor-
S 3657
I was interested in the very eloquent
and persuasive remarks by the Senator
from Wyoming [Mr. HANSEN], who has
made some exellent points.in his dis-
course. The question that the Senator
from Nebraska is presently discussing-
about what element of change, if any,
has crept into this whole matter called
communism, and if there has been
change, has it been change which we
should welcome and embrace and en-
courage, or is it a change which indi-
cates a greater degree of belligerency
and greater degree of antipathy by the
Communists against the best interests
of the United States-is most pertinent.
In the matter of East-West wartime
trade, I think we have a ease in point.
I recall that Lenin said, back in 1921:
All it is necessary to do is to bribe capi-
talism with extra profit, so as to get the
machines with which to defeat it economi-
cally.
That was Lenin's Communist doctrine
then, and of course it was he who wrote
the bible of communism. He was the
master and the architect of the Com-
munist creed,
It seems to me the students of com-
munism overseas have today become the
masters. Now they have taken that
Lenin recipe seriously. They have car-
ried it to the logical degree that all it
is necessary to do now in time of war
is to bribe capitalism with extra profits
to get it to supply the tools to kill its
own sons fighting for freedom in Hanoi.
That is a pretty serious extension of this
Lenin doctrine but it fits it like the hand
fits the glove.
If it can be argued, as it probably will,
that those who come from pastoral rural
States do not have any great industrial
machines, do not have any international
banking houses, and thus perhaps are
not qualified to talk about the intricies
of international trade and the rich prof-
its it is supposed to provide for certain
people in this country, perhaps they
will permit me to quote from a maga-
zine which is seldom read out in the
grassroots areas of our country, Let me
present the testimony of a magazine
published in one of the great financial
centers of our land-Barron's Business
and Financial Weekly.
On January 16, 1967, its front-page
story was headed, "Dangerous Bridges,"
with the subheading "Proposals for
Expanded East-West Trade Rest on
Shaky Ground." I recommend that
article to the reading of all of my fellow
Senators. It is true that we do not have
much chance to read this magazine out
in the country areas of South Dakota;
but I am happy to note that here one of
the great metropolitan financial journals
of this country looks with a skeptical eye
on this "national desire" to develop ex-
panded trade, to increase profits for
p
.
cation and views of the people, who can There is nothing complicated here; noth- some and to provide earlier death for
expect some kind of response when the ing confusing; nothing technical. It is, others-all under the persuasive heading
people make their wishes known by cor- merely a question of whether or not, of "Building Bridges.
respondence, telephone calls, and tele- in this time of war, we wish to do some- After arguing eloquently, through
grams. thing which inevitably must lead in the several pages, against the unwisdom of
After all, who are the people writing direction of encouraging those gun- running the risk of prolonging a war
us? How can a Senator assume the ar- makers in Moscow to ship more sup- which we in the Senate ought to be
rogant position that the only time the plies to North Vietnam. On this issue, spending our time trying to shorten, in-
people are right is once every 6 years we have no technical or secret informa- stead of expanding; In its concluding
when they vote himp~pi?~xltSrtl~elge~vlY101D$fzt t~titfetdQ~033~Q1~Q~ys;
rest of the time the people are wrong;
that we should ignore their opinion,, ex-
cept on that on precious day, election
day, when we get elected?
It is these same people who pay taxes.
It is the people who elect the Repre-
sentatives and Senators that they send
to Congress. These same people are
supplying over 500,000 boys in uniform
today, and they may have to do double
that composite figure if the war goes on
too much longer. I do not think it is
right to downgrade them.
I invite any Senator who will sit clown
and read his mail on this issue-not take
the secondhand reports of his secretary
or some staff member for it, but sit clown
and read the letter himself-to then ex-
press his conviction on the floor that
these letters are from crackpots and
extremists. One Senator expressed the
opinion that such letters were from
"nuts." Mr. President, these letters are
not from "nuts." These are not in the
main letters from inspired sources. It
is easy to spot inspired letters. We can
easily recognize the same monotonous
phrases. The letters we are getting are
written by individuals who express their
individual, serious views, as can be noted
by the handwriting and viewpoints ex-
pressed. Many come from serious stu-
dents of American history. I think the
people have some right to have from
Senators some expression as to 'their
overwhelming judgment and desires, and
that they are not to be kicked aside ar-
rogantly by Members who say those let-
ters are coming from crackpots and
extremists and should be ignored. We
should not hear, "Oh, I get letters 100 to
1 in favor of opposing the treaty, but I
am going to vote for the viewpoint of
that one because I know his sentiments
are sincere and genuine, and the rest
are opinions reflecting some inspired
viewpoint of other sources or from some
extremist group."
I resent that view because to me it
brushes aside the views of the people,
which, in our representative form of gov-
ernment, we should reflect and carefully
consider. I resent the idea that we
should swagger around and say that the
people do not know what they are talk-
ing about on the simple question of do
we or do we not want to ratify a con-
sular treaty with Russia in this time of
bitter war? There are no top secrets
involved. If the question involved were
one about the wisdom of building or not
building an antiballistic missile system,
then we might be able to say that we
must rely on the expert opinions of tech-
nicians and scientists and specialists in
nuclear warfare, and say that, wise or
unwise, our decisions were going to have
to be determined by the opinions of those
experts.
On this issue, however, Mr. President,
the people are the experts, because they
are the ones who will lose or rofit
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S 3658 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
T'.icre remains the final supreme con-
sider,;tion for any American businessman
who may still hanker after elusive profit from
%e11ing, to the Communists: He must decide,
in his own private conscience, whether the
profit is worth the personal risk that some
day. sooner or later, on some near or distant
Uatth,fleld, his neighbor's son or his own may
he struck down by a weapon which his zeal
for trade put into the enemy's hands.
Only those with very short memories
can forget, Mr. President, that we learned
this lesson-or should have learned it-
back in 1940 and 1941, when proponents
of the same line of thinking which urges
us now to move in the direction of ex-
panded trade with Russia were prac-
ticing the fine art of selling scrap iron to
the Japanese, to help them build their
war machine, while some of us, the
present speaker included, were moving
around the country whenever oppor-
tunity presented itself, and declaring our
opposition in the Senate of the United
States and the House of Representatives.
I served in the House of Representatives
at that time.
What happened? On Pearl Harbor
Day, we found that our Pacific Navy was
virtually destroyed, and more than 3,000
American casualties had occurred, in an
infamous surprise attack by the people
to whom we were selling, for a profit, war
supplies less significant by far than the
war supplies we are selling to Russia to-
day.
At least it could be said by those ad-
vocating such policy then, "We are not
at war with Japan yet. They have not
killed any American boys yet. You pessi-
mists who believe there might be a war
with Japan could be wrong. In the
meantime, we are making extra plush,
war-fed profits in America."
This administration cannot even use
that defense today, Mr. President, be-
cause 3 years after the heavy casual-
ties began coming in, 3 years after
the big war had begun in Vietnam, the
present Commander in Chief, Mr. John-
son, by a scratch of his pen, on October
12, 1966, opened up the shipment of iron
ore and scrap metal again, plus 399 other
commodities. to the country then and
now busy at the job of supplying the guns
to kill American boys.
It is no wonder, it seems to me, that
Americans write in, in such vast num-
bers-Americans who, we hope, will con-
tinue to support this war effort until we
are successfully out of it, but Americans
who form part of the great body politic
which is becoming growingly discon-
tented with this whole curious war, which
goes on and on, is now in Its fifth year,
and now we hear the same people who
say, "We would like to do something to
shorten it," support this pagan formula
to increase the traffic in blood, which is
certain to prolong it.
I thank the Senator for yielding.
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, will
the Senator from Nebraska yield, so that
I may ask the Senator from South Da-
kota a question?
Mfr. HRUSKA. I am happy to yield.
Mr. THURMOND. I should like to as-
sociate myself with a remark just made
by the Senator from South Dakota on the
point that the people who are writing In,
opposed to this treaty, are not "extrem-
fists" or "crackpots," or whatever term
some of those who espouse this treaty so
ardently would apply to them. I can say
that my mall-and I know my people-
reflects a sentiment very strongly against
this treaty, and it is coming from some of
the ablest, finest people in South Caro-
lina. I believe that is typical of the kind
of people who are writing about this
treaty throughout the Nation. I believe
it is typical of the members of the Re-
publican Party.
Last Saturday evening, I had the
pleasure of speaking to the Young Repub-
licans of four States-Virginia, West
Virginia, Kentucky, and Maryland-
and the District of Columbia. When I
spoke to them for a few minutes on this
consular treaty, together with other sub-
jects upon which I spoke, I know that
the terrific response I received shows
that the Young Republicans represent-
ing this area of our country are strongly
opposed to ratifying this treaty.
Air. MUNDT. And why not? They
leave to go to war along with other young
Americans, to be shot at by the products
which we help to fabricate by sending
additional industrial supplies to the ar-
senal of Hanoi.
Air. THURMOND. The Senator from
South Dakota is exactly right.
I believe that the more people study
this treaty, the more they will become
convinced that it is not in the best in-
terests of this country.
I have not heard one sound argument
yet in favor of the treaty. I have given
nine specific arguments against it. I
have not heard one sound argument yet
to cause me to support the treaty.
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, one of
the distressing developments to the
Senator from South Dakota is that he
does not believe in the growing centrall-
zat.ion of power in the Nation's Capital.
After it has been concentrated in the
hands of a few dozen people, those peo-
ple are presumed to personify the au-
thority of the people, and they are em-
powwered to exercise authority over all
of us.
One of my reasons for opposing this
so-called new liberalism is because it
moves in the direction of placing fewer
and fewer and fewer top-level officials
in control of the lives of the remainder
of us in the country.
My quarrel is with the new liberals
who believe in this concentration of
power.
The traditional liberals abominated
both economic monopoly and political
monopoly in the same breath. How-
ever, our new liberals embrace politi-
cal monopoly. They abhor economic
monopoly, as we all do, but they embrace
political monopoly which is infinitely
worse.
The new liberal would tip the pyra-
mid of American government upside
down, with the people at the bottom and
the power structure of government at
the top.
In this connection, some of the com-
ments which I have recently heard made
on the floor have disturbed me greatly.
The comments have downgraded and at-
tacked and ridiculed the statements
contained In the mail received from con-
Marc! 1.3, 1967
scientious people who write in opposi-
tion to this treaty,
This reflects the growing sentiment
among some public official: in this coun-
try. It frightens me more greatly al-
most than the consequences of the rati-
flcatic'n of this treaty. That involves
the tendency for some people in high
positions-some of them elected. but
most of them appointed- to develop an
arrogant contempt for tte people who
base their whole philosophy for the solu-
tion of an economic or social problem on
the ecncept: "You can't trust the people.
You can rely only upon the politicians.
only upon the Government, only upon
the bureaucrats, only upon the snoopers,
only upon the administrators, and only
upon the politicians." I deny that lib-
eral concept emphatically.
I think politicians are wonderful peo-
ple. [ am proud to call myself a poli-
tician, but we do not have halos around
our leads. We do not know the an-
swers to all of the problems.
We come from among the people who
write letters and who vcte to keep us
here. However, when we develop the
attitude, as an elected or appointed pub-
lic offcial, that people cannot be trusted,
that people are always wrong, that peo-
ple hive not any ethics, good judgment or
sound sense, and cannot run a good bus-
iness or a good school, that kind of
"liberalism," concentrate(( in the hands
of a few people with the right to shove
everyoody else around, is totally and
demonstrably wrong.
It is nevertheless contained in the an-
swers some people get back home to the
letters they are writing on the Consular
Treaty. I know, because, for one reason
or another, my name has been listed as
one of those leading the opposition to
the treaty. I get copies of a lot of let-
ters received by my colleagues in the
Senate; and also copies of the Senators'
replies when they disappoint or provide
disenchantment to the recipients.
I know some of the things that have
been written by Senators to their con-
stitu(nts. The names of the Senators
who wrote them could not be dragged
out of my mouth with a 20-mule team.
But, I can say this: If any Senator
from South Dakota ever wrote his con-
stituents in that manner and manifested
his contempt for the judgment and
knowledge of individual citizens, those
citizens would find some way to get rid
of him before he served out his term, and
I think properly so.
I read the letters and I know what is
being written.
I am a little ashamed of the whole ap-
proach that would try to condemn as an
ignoramus, a crackpot, or a nut the
mother of a son in Viet lam who takes
her pen in hand and says: "I don't think
it is wise at this time of war to support
and ratify this Consular Treaty.-
I think the Senator from South Caro-
lina s treating with one of the problems
of our times, the whole question of
whether we the elite, we the officials, or
we the officeholders have this right to
assume such lack of good faith or good
judgment on the part of the people who
write- us in such great numbers in op-
position to this treaty.
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,. - - '4
March 13, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
I think the concept is wrong, and that
the voice of the people in America still
has a right to be heard, and should on
occasion be reflected in our public policy.
Mr. THURMOND. Is it not a fact
that this war would not be going on now
if it were not for Russia providing North
Vietnam with weapons with which to
fight the war?
Mr. MUNDT. I think that can be
factually demonstrated. I have heard
many military people allude to the fact
that the war in Vietnam would have been
over at least 12 months ago if the Rus-
sians had not supplied the sophisticated
weapons with which to fight the war,
and over 95 percent of the petroleum re-
quired by the Vietnamese Communists to
continue it.
I have yet to find a military man who
will tell me how a country can fight a
modern war without gasoline, oil, and
petroleum.
Those products go to Hanoi almost
exclusively from Russia.
If we want to find out how to end the
war, we must figure out a way to get the
Russians to quit supplying the materials.
We cannot do that by kissing them on
the cheeks and saying: "Go out and kill
more men."
Mr. THURMOND. I visited Vietnam
in December. I made a report after my
visit in Vietnam where I spent a week,
another week in that area of the world,
Thailand, Burma, Japan, and other
countries.
I read one brief paragraph from my
report:
RUSSIA'S ROLE IN VIETNAM WAR
The Soviet Union is furnishing North Viet-
nam anti-aircraft weapons, surface to air
missiles, jet fighter planes, heavy artillery,
artillery rockets, machine, guns, rifles, am-
munition, advanced radar system, ships,
helicopters, trucks, heavy, construction
equipment, bridge building materials, oil
mines, and other supplies with which to fight
the war. Without the aid the Soviets are
providing, North Vietnam and the Viet Cong
would be unable to wage the war very long.
Soviet Russia has it within her power to
stop the war and bring the combatants to
the negotiating table without delay.
Mr. MUNDT. We can also add to
that list the MM ground-to-ground rock-
et which has proven so effective in kill-
ing not only our American troops, but
also our allies there.
That weapon is now being employed
by our enemies in the South Vietnamese
part of the conflict.
Mr. THURMOND. I am convinced
that if we ratify this treaty with Soviet
Russia now, it will do at least two things,
aside from other harmful effects.
It will raise the prestige of the Soviet
Union throughout the world by mislead-
ing nations into believing that now the
great United States, the most powerful
nation in the world, has tremendous re-
spect for the Soviet Union and is will-
ing to enter into agreements with the
Soviet Union signifying that the United
States is willing and able to trust the
Soviets.
Mr. MUNDT. There is no question
.bout that.
Mr. THURMOND. I am convinced
that if we ratify the treaty, the treaty
will cause other nations to wonder where
the United States stands. The countries
tions, will give up hope. They will feel
that the last solid country, a country
which could help to save them some
day, has gone over to the Soviet side.
They will wonder whether we have
gotten together with the Soviets and are
just going to forget them and leave them
where they are and do nothing to help
them in any way, shape, form, or fash-
ion, to emerge from behind the Iron Cur-
tain.
It seems to me that if we ratify the
treaty, it will have a severe and serious
psychological effect all across the free
world.
Mr. MUNDT. The Senator brings up
an interesting point.
Let us consider the case of an Ameri-
can businessman who is traveling in Rus-
sia in the Baltic area, visiting some of the
cities of the Baltic States.
Let us assume that he gets into trouble
in Latvia. He decides to make use of this
consular arrangement. It seems to me
that by that very act we will be giving,
ipso facto, recognition to the fact that
Latvia and Estonia and Lithuania, those
three great little brave Baltic Republics,
have now ceased to exist. And they will
officially be recognized by us as forever
part of the Soviet Union, because we will
have been forced into the position of
working through our consular officers
with the Russian Government in that
connection.
The contrary side of the coin could also
be true. Let us say they set up this con-
sular office in Chicago, and a Latvian in
this country gets into trouble in the
United States and we put him in jail.
Under the Consular Treaty, the Russian
consular officer would have a right to talk
to this Latvian citizen in jail, because
we would have the consular treaty with
Russia, and Russia claims control over
Latvia, Estonia, and Lithuania. By rec-
ognition of that fact, also, it seems to me,
ipso facto, we have recognized a status
of affairs which officially and directly our
Government has refused to recognize.
Many of the evolvements in this mat-
ter, when we think them through, as to
what will happen at the end of the road,
give this innocent-sounding treaty much
more significance than the fact that per-
haps it can be beneficial on the average
to nine Americans per year traveling for
pleasure or profit in Russia.
Mr. THURMOND. Does it not amount
to de facto recognition by forcible inclu-
sion of these nations-Estonia, Latvia,
and Lithuania-into the Soviet empire?
Mr. MUNDT. The State Department
denies that automatically it is de facto
recognition, and I acquiesce in and ac-
cept their position. But the operation
of the treaty will be such that, sooner
or later, over there or in this country,
we will have an American in trouble in
Latvia or Lithuania, or a Lithuanian or
an Estonian in trouble in this country,
and the Russians, under the terms of the
treaty-and they have a right to do so-
will immediately insist upon being noti-
fied and insist upon talking to him, as
through consular officer. So, whether he
wishes to see the Russian consular officer
or not, the fact is that we must let the
Russian representative talk to him. This
is a de facto recognition at that point
S 3659
just as well turn out the light of hope
that they, will ever again attain that
status, so far as the United States is
concerned.
The Senate, which piously expresses its
sympathetic attitude toward the captive
nations by agreeing to a Captive Nations
Week resolution every year, sympathiz-
ing with them, can, by this Consular
Treaty action, condemn them to the sta-
tus quo so far as we are concerned, be-
cause it will provide that de facto recog-
nition and it will destroy their rightful
and proper and enduring hope that, come
some happy day, their homelands can
once again be independent.
Once you put them under the domina-
tion of the consular operations, as this
treaty does-on both sides of the water-
as set up in the mechanics of treaty, you
have provided a beautiful device for the
Russians to express themselves, through
actions; that they are in charge of the
Baltic and other captive countries, and
if we wish to have communication be-
tween the nationals of those countries
and this country, Mother Russia and its
consular officers are the ones to pro-
vide it,
If this is not de facto recognition, I
should like someone from the State De-
partment to say what it is.
Mr. THURMOND. We may pass reso-
lutions in the Senate each year extend-
ing our sympathy, to the people of the
captive nations behind the Iron Curtain,
but are we not, in effect, nullifying and
counteracting such action when we take
real action, which counts, by ratifying
the treaty?
Mr. MUNDT. At least, the representa-
tives and the spokesmen in this country
of the captive nations are unanimously in
that belief. It seems to me that all the
rules of logic, all the rules of precedence,
and all the rules of international proce-
dure indicate that these representatives
of the captive nations are demonstrably
correct; that what we are doing is creat-
ing a pathway, and when we walk down
this Consular Treaty pathway and it be-
gins to function, this is the end of their
hope of this country doing anything but
recognizing the status quo and the fact
that they are, indeed, permanently the
captives and the satellites of the Soviet
Union.
Mr. THURMOND. I ask the Senator
from South Dakota this question: If the
Soviet law is so capricious that the U.S.
consular employees need special immu-
nity while in the U.S.S.R., is the time yet
ripe to normalize travel and trade rela-
tions with the Soviets?
Mr. MUNDT. This kind of treacher.
ous line, of argument is encountered in
connection with what is known as Execu-
tive Reservation No. 2, on which the Sen-
ate will vote on Thursday of this week,
which is being opposed by some of the
spokesmen for the treaty who say:
No, this won't help cut down the ship-
ments of arms to Hanoi, and this won't make
it more likely that we can work out an agree-
ment and negotiation by using this diplo-
matic tool to induce them to stop. All you
have to do is to simply go along with them
and say nothing, just go ahead and acquiesce
and all will be well,
that those Baltic countries cease to have pointed out, and as the Senator from New
behind the Iron Curt40i9*&1till PraRekis
iW /BbatUClAUtkDP701903TSOi b'86iffD5 Ori' 9reaffirmed this
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S 3660 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
afternoon, In this instance they have us
on our knees, crawling to Moscow as
supplicants, if we ratify the treaty. The
Russians have not ratified it. They have
no, even presented it to their ratifying
body. They want us to come crawling
to them and say, "Please, would not you
now ratify the treaty which we have rati-
fied"" That is a miserable position In
which to put Uncle Sam. if we are at-
tempting to negotiate or to curtail the
shipment of supplies from Moscow to
Hanoi.
It certainly follows that it is a capri-
cious line of reasoning, which says, on
the one hand, "you can depend upon the
word of the Russians to move in the
direction we want them to move": but,
on the other hand, "they have so many
curious laws that they maliciously are
arresting our citizens and we have to
have a special consular treaty with them
to protect our American travelers in
Russia."
I believe that the welcome news from
Moscow over the weekend that they have
agreed to release an American citizen,
proves the argument that has been made
on the floor of the Senate and before the
Committee on Foreign Relations for
weeks; that if you have a little more
rugged and determined exercise of diplo-
macy with Russia on this side of the
ocean, you can utilize without this
treaty, through the diplomatic under-
standings existing between all civilized
nations, every kind of contact you need
to induce them to release prisoners or to
induce us to release prisoners. You do
not need this unprecedented treaty, with
all the problems attendant upon it, even
in peacetime-but, in time of war, this
treaty can become a signal to the world
that others had not better tie too closely
to Uncle Sam because we are also reach-
ing out with a special arrangement of
our own with their Communist enemy in
Moscow.
Mr. THURMOND. Some people will
take the position that the Soviet Union
is evolving into a peaceful country. Yet,
the treaty that is before the Senate for
ratification has been violated 20 or more
times since it was signed. Does that
sound like the Soviet Union Is evolving?
If so, what does evolving mean? When
are they going to live peacefully In the
world and respect the dignity of a citi-
zen and of all free people?
Mr. MUNDT. When the Senator
from South Carolina and I began dis-
cussing this matter and utilizing the time
generously granted us by the Senator
from Nebraska, the Senator from Ne-
braska was in the process of discussing
whether there was an evolution in the
Communist approach in Moscow. Per-
haps I should bow out now and permit
the Senator from Nebraska to answer
that question and then to resume with
the point he was developing when he
was interrupted by the numerous collo-
quies.
'Mr. THURMOND. I thank the distin-
guished Senator from South Dakota, and
I thank the able Senator from Nebraska
for ais kindness in yielding.
Mr. HRUSKA. I thank the Senator
from South Dakota and the Senator
from South Carolina. They have en-
gaged in splendid colloquy. It has been
constructive, enlightening, and very
pertinent to the subject at hand,
Mr. HANSEN. Mr. President, let me
say once more how very appreciative I
am to the Senator from Nebraska for the
able presentation he has made this after-
noon. The Senator from Nebraska has
placed the consideration of the Consular
Treaty in its proper context. Certainly,
this Nation has demonstrated for all the
world to see that America desires no ex-
tension of its control, or authority, or
jurisdiction over the people of any area
anywhere in the world.
The United States hopes, rather, for
an extension of peace, and for an exten-
sion of the right of peoples everywhere to
self-?-determination through law and or-
der.
I share the hope of most Americans in
anticipating the time when we can, one
nation with another, achieve a better un-
derstanding and a greater accord than
now exists.
We cannot overlook the fact that this
country has made great efforts since the
end of World War II to bring about the
sort of condition which will, we hope,
some day. characterize the world.
We have contributed more than $125
billion toward foreign aid and rebuild-
ing war-torn countries. We have done
everything we possibly could do to lessen
war tensions, to bring about better un-
derstanding, to bring about a better
detente with the nations of the world.
and particularly with those behind the
Iron Curtain. But it seems to me that
there is an analogy which ought to be
considered as we discuss the Consular
Treaty. It is that the Congress of the
United States we are discussing the wis-
dom of providing in a bill the control of
small arms. We recognize, or at least
there are those who believe, that we want
to bring about a diminution of lawless-
ness, murder, and all acts attendant to
crime in this country, and one of the
ways to do that Is to limit the supply or
transshipment of arms. Yet we turn
right around in this Consular Treaty and
seem to think that there is no relation-
ship between the Consular Treaty and
the encouragement of businessmen to
move into Russia, to have new trade with
Russia, to supply Russia with goods, and
that Russia will not have greater oppor-
tunity to devote more effort to the manu-
facture of war-making materiel. We
seem to find no relationship between
that fact and our efforts to supply Rus-
sia with 400-some-odd so-called non-
strategic materials In the context of en-
larging her general economic and hence,
her warmaking capability.
I suggest we ought to take into ac-
count such consideration because, in my
mind, there is a very real relevance be-
tween our supplying Russia with any-
thing today and Russia's being able to
supply Vietnam with warmaking mate-
riel.
Once again I want to record my appre-
ciation to the distinguished Senator
from Nebraska for having called to the
attention of the Senate some very im-
portant considerations that we ought to
mull over seriously before we give our
advise and consent to the implementa-
tion of this Consular Treaty.
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, I ask
March 1.?, 1967
unanimous consent to have printed in
the RECORD a letter dated February 28,
1967, from the Members of Congress for
Peace Through Law, addressed to the
chairman of the Committee on Foreign
Relations, the distinguished Senator
from Arkansas [Mr. PULE RIGHT 1.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD.
as follows:
MEMBERS OF CONGRESS FOR PEACE THROUGH
LAw
WASHIN(TON, D.C..
February 28. 1967.
Senator J. WILLIAM FULBRIGUT,
Chairman, Senate Foreign Relations Com-
mittee, Senate Office 3uilding, Wash-
ington. D.C.
DEAR SENATOR FULBRICHT: As members of
the S:cering Committee of Members of Con-
gress For Peace Through Law, we declare
our support for the propose) Consular Con-
vention with the Soviet Union.
Hai ing studied the terms of the treaty, it
is our conviction that this convention pro-
vides practical benefits and protection for
the thousands of U. S. citizens who visit the
Sovie:. Union annually, as well as those U. S.
officials and employees who serve in that
country.
We recognize the Consular Treaty as a
priority step toward the expressed purposes
of th:s group: "To coordinate congressional
concern into specific action for the develop-
ment of international ccoperation." Ac-
cordingly, we are urging our membership to
join its in the effort to gain widespread sup-
port or its ratification.
tSitrnedl Joseph S. Clark, Chairman: Con-
gressman Jonathan B. Brigham; Senator
John Sherman Cooper; Congressman Donald
M. Friser: Senator Jacob K..Javits; Congress-
man Robert W. Kastenmeler; Senator Robert
F. K(nnedy; Senator Eugene J. McCarthy;
Congressman Patsy T. Mink; Congressman F.
Bradford Morse; Congressman Benjamin S.
Roser that; Congressman Ri.thard S. Schwei-
ker.
ADJOURNMENT UNTIL 11 A.M.
TOMORROW
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr.
President, if there is no further business
to come before the Sent(te, I move, in
accordance with the previous order of
March 9, 1967, that the Senate, in exec-
utive session, stand in adjournment until
I t o'clock tomorrow morning.
The motion was agreed to; and rat 4
o'clock and 47 minutes p.m.) the Senate,
in executive session, adjourned until
Tuesday, March 14, 1967, at 11 o'clock
a.m.
NOMINATIONS
Executive nominations received by the
Senate March 13,1967:
U.S. MARSHAL
Walter N. Lawson. of South Carolina. to
be US. marshal for the district of South
Carolina for the term of 4 years to fill a new
position created by Public Law 89-242, ap-
proved October 7, 1965,
IN THE ARMY
Th+' following-named officer to be placed
on tt.e retired list in grade indicated under
the provisions of title 10, United States Code,
section 3962:
To be general
Gen. Paul Lamar Freeman, Jr., 017704,
Army of the United States (major general,
U.S. Army).
The following-named officer under the pro-
visions of title 10, United States Code, see-
Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9