EX-CIA HEAD CALLS FOR POLYGRAPH TESTS FOR EMBASSY GUARDS

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CIA-RDP91-00901R000600390005-8
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December 2, 2005
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March 30, 1987
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ASSOCIATED PRESS Approved For Release 200532/2 xCAJ P91-00901ROd EX-CIA HEAD CALLS FOR POLYGRAPH TESTS FOR EMBASSY GUARDS WASHINGTON Former CIA Director Stansf} T,rar_.said today there had not been enough security checks run on Marines guarding the U.S. Embassy in MOSCOW, and suggested the use of polygraph tests, remote-control cameras and rotation of guards'partners to ensure embassy security. Turner, who headed the CIA during the Carter administration, criticized embassy security procedures in the wake of the arrests of two Marine guards on espionage allegations. "There were not enough checks on these two Marines in the organization of the embassy in Moscow," Turner said on ABC-TV's "Good Morning America" program. "For instance, they should have been rotating the partners they worked with so the two of them ... could not, apparently, have teamed up and on a regular basis done this kind of thing," he said. "For Instance, they should have put more reliance on technical equipment like remote-control video cameras in the embassy that would recorded what happened all night and could be reviewed in the morning," Turner said. Sources have said investigators suspect that Sgt. Clayton J. Lonetree, 25, and Cpl. Arnold Bracy, 21, allowed Soviet agents access to sensitive areas of the Moscow embassy after work hours. The sources also said both men became involved sexually with Soviet women employed at the embassy, which allegedly led to their recuritment by Soviet agents. '"It's a very good thing that since last September and the Daniloff affair in Moscow, we have removed all Russians from the embassy," Turner said. "These two Marines were lured by the oldest trick in,spying, sex. But sex from Russians who were put inside our embassy by the KGB. They were American employees, but they were chosen by the KGB and the result was they enticed these two Marines. We've got those Russians out; we ought to keep them out of that embassy from now on."Turner said the Defense and State departments have resisted the use of polygraph tests for embassy personnel. But, he said, "now that in Moscow we are going to fill more positions that are sort of routine positions ... with Americans rather than Russians as we have in the past, we're going to have to do more in terms of giving them a polygraph."Lonetree's father, Spencer Lonetree, said an the ABC show that he believed his son's "uniqueness as an American Indian ... was the reason why they were attracted to him."The younger Lonetree told investigators he spied for the Soviet Union because of "what the white man did to the Indian,"according to a report published today in the New York Times. Lonetree gave that and conflicting explanations for his alleged actions at the embassy in three interviews late last year with military investigators, said the Times, quoting declassified memos. The newspaper obtained the memos from Lonetree's attorney, William Kuntsler, who mainained his client is innocent. Kuntsler said the bizarre nature of Lonetree's accounts of how he became involved with a Soviet agent show they were a "fantasy" or the result of coercion by investigators. Cotrti-tAd Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000600390005-8 Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000600390005-8 According to Kuntsler, one investigator admitted at a preliminary proceeding that he had urged Lonetree "to just tell us something _ tell us a lie," the Times said. Meanwhile, Time and Newsweek reported that the arrests of Lonetree and Bracy have forced the State Department to cut off important communciations channels with its diplomats there. All 28 Marine guards at the embassy will soon be replaced, said this week's editions of the magazines. Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger said Saturday that the entire system of providing security at U.S. embassies would be studied in the wake of the two arrests. "We're going to look at the whole thing, the way (the guards are) chosen, the training and the way the Soviets will continually try to subvert them," he said in a Cable News Network interview. Weinberger termed the spying allegations "a very great loss and a very unhappy situation." Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000600390005-8 aKRCLE ON PAGE A.~i!~ pproved For Release 20050/12/ lA RD P91- P Crawling with Bugs The embassy spy scandal widens, affecting Marines and diplomats Where would it end? The Marine spy scandal that had started with a lonely U.S. embassy guard con- fessing he had succumbed to the charms of a beautiful Soviet receptionist in Mos- cow had escalated into what appeared to be one of the most serious sex-for-secrets exchanges in U.S. history. Not only had the Marine's partner been charged with helping him let Soviet agents prowl the embassy's most sensitive areas but last week a third Marine sentinel was accused of similar offenses. A fourth Marine, sta- tioned at the Brasilia embassy, was taken to Quantico, Va., for grilling about espio- nage. Several others were recalled from Vienna. More accusations of spying were expected to be filed this week in the still unfolding saga. The latest jailing, of Sergeant John Weirick, 26, spread the contamination to the U.S. consulate in Leningrad, where Weirick, too, allegedly permitted KGB agents to enter at the urging of a Soviet woman. That prompted the State Depart- ment to cut off all electronic communica- tions with the consulate and order the re- call of the six-man Marine contingent in Leningrad, as it had earlier recalled the 28- man detail at the Moscow embassy. Omi- nously, Weirick's alleged collaboration with the KGB occurred in 1982, four years earlier than the Moscow treachery, indi- cating a long-standing security breach. Weirick, who was arrested at the Ma- rine Corps Air Station in Tustin, Calif., lat- er served at the U.S. embassy in Rome, where other members of the Marine guard must now be questioned. As more than 70 gumshoes from the Naval Investigative Service set about the numbing task of lo- cating, grilling and polygraphing every one of the more than 200 Marines who have served at the Moscow and East Euro- pean embassies in the past decade, they discovered that all but a few of the first 50 they quizzed flunked questions about frat- ernizing with local women. The proud U.S. Marine Corps, whose often heroic Leathernecks had long boast- ed of being nothing short of the best, was confounded. "We've now got to operate on the thesis that this is possibly an en- demic problem in the Marines," said a se- nior officer at the Corps's Washington headquarters. Declared another officer: "I'm stupefied, flabbergasted. We just never thought something like this could happen." So battered was the Corps that Marine Major General Carl Mundy re- sorted to an otherworldly defense when grilled by a House committee. He para- phrased the optimistic-and now iron- ic-Marine hymn: "If you look on heav- en's scenes, you'll find the streets are guarded by United States Marines." As members of Congress expressed bipartisan outrage, President Reagan or- dered Secretary of State George Shultz to protest the Soviet penetration of the U.S. embassy directly to Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze when the two be- gin talks this week on a treaty to eliminate intermediate-range missiles in Europe. The President also set in motion half a dozen seemingly redundant investigations into embassy security. But Reagan and Shultz would not ac- cede to a Senate resolution calling for the Secretary to postpone his Moscow trip un- til security problems were resolved. Shultz conceded that the espionage throws a "heavy shadow" over U.S.-Soviet rela- tions. But Reagan declared, "I just don't think it's good for us to be run out of town." The Administration's priority, he told the Los Angeles World Affairs Coun- cil, is the "pursuit of verifiable and stabi- lizing arms reduction." The President even repeated his invitation to Soviet Leader Mikhail Gorbachev to come to the U.S. for a summit: "The welcome mat is still out." Nevertheless Shultz, who last week accepted ultimate chain-of-command re- sponsibility for the embassy problems, was in the difficult position of flying into Moscow accompanied by a special com- munications van to help replace the com- promised facilities at the U.S. embassy. Even the "Winnebago," as it became known, may not protect him. When checking the supposedly secure trailer in Washington for emissions at frequencies believed used by the sophisticated Soviet bugs planted in the U.S. embassy, techni- cians found, according to one, that the Winnebago "radiated like a microwave." Similar vans have long accompanied U.S. Presidents abroad, raising the possibility that their communications back to Wash- ington may have been overheard. The pervasive spy scandal was an em- barrassment for an Administration that has proclaimed its security consciousness tests among federal employees to protect secrets at home. Administration officials, STAT and the State Department in particular, displayed a curiously casual attitude to- ward the vulnerability of its embassies to Communist snooping. Washington was aware of the prob- lem: White House sources say the issue has been raised repeatedly in recent years. Before the Geneva summit in November 1985, the senior White House staff re- ceived a National Security Council brief- ing on the Soviet Union's techniques for electronic surveillance and, for what is a prudish culture, its blatant use of sexual entrapment. The President's Foreign In- telligence Advisory Board has issued at least three reports on the subject and per- sonally briefed Reagan last spring on the vulnerability of the Moscow embassy. But all these initiatives died, White House aides contend, amid bureaucratic slug- gishness and even outright resistance on the part of the State Department. Indeed, the high-tech proliferation of miniaturized, and in some cases virtually undetectable, eavesdropping devices seems to have promoted a defeatist we'll- have-to-live-with-bugs attitude. "Our se- curity people have always looked upon our buildings as loaded with bugs," ex- plained a former foreign service officer, who dismissed sexual entrapment as just another professional hazard. Such com- placency may have contributed to what a high State Department official described as this "first-class mess." It will take months to assess the pre- cise damage inflicted by the spying, but a senior White House official has already declared, "These cases taken together are likely as significant as the worst hits of the past." They were at least as serious, he claimed, as the Navy's Walker-family spy ring, the sale of secrets by the National Security Agency's Ronald Pelton and the defection of former CIA Employee Ed- ward Howard. The damage could extend far beyond matters related to the Soviets. The Moscow embassy is on the distribution list for a wide range of foreign policy mate- rial, including details of U.S. negotiating positions in the Geneva arms talks, back- ground on Nicaragua policy, Middle East affairs and relations between the U.S. and its allies. The CIA has its own communica- tions facilities in Moscow, and the agency is assuming that these too were compromised. As the scandal spread, U.S. diplomats were rendered almost mute in their en- claves in Eastern Europe, reduced to writ- ing sensitive messages in longhand. Even in non-Communist countries, the uncer- tainty of who might be listening turned U.S. envoys into near paranoids. On a trip Continued Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000600390005-8 12- Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-0090.1 R000600390005-8 in Southern Africa, Assistant Secretary of State Chester Crocker refused to send any reports to Washington until he could do so personally. "It's incredible the impact of this on all of us," said a State Department official. In an age of wondrous globe- spanning communications, the superpow- er that pioneered the technology found its creations turned against it. The treasonous acts attributed to the Marine guards were bad enough. But most of Washington was also belat- edly aroused by the long- known and festering problem of the new U.S. embassy com- pound in Moscow, which was nearing completion when work was halted in 1985. Built from prefabricated sections pro- duced off the site-and out of sight of any U.S. inspectors- the chancery, not surprisingly, was found riddled with embed- ded snooping gear, Charged Texas Republican Congress- man Dick Armey: "It's nothing but an eight-story microphone plugged into the Politburo." Reagan vowed last week that the Soviets will not be permitted to occupy their new embassy on Mount Alto in Washington until security can be assured for the U.S. in its new Moscow quarters. He conceded that the red-brick U.S. chancery, whose walls are already water-stained because of its unfinished roof, may be so bug-ridden that it will have to be demolished. The en- tire complex, which includes 114. occu- pied residential units and recreational fa- cilities, had been budgeted at $89 million. The cost when it is finished, apart from the electronic cleansing, is now projected at $192 million. Former Secretary of Defense James Schle st' ' due to report in June on what s oulli d be done with the porous white ele- phant. Reagan has appointed a commis- sion headed by Melvin Laird, another for- mer Defense Secretary, to suggest ways out of both the new embassy dilemma and the penetration of the current chancery. The high-powered panel will include former CIA Director Richard Helms and former Joint Chiefs Chairman General John Ves- sey. Four other groups, including the Z" eign Intelligence Board, are investigating aspects of e scandal. Former CIA Official Bobby l m last week offered a novel so- utiol n for the bugged building: Americans should "very carefully" construct three se- cure floors on top of it. On Capitol Hill, Republican Senators Robert Dole and William Roth introduced a tough package of anti-espionage mea- sures that would require the President to negotiate a new site for the U.S. embassy in Moscow by Oct. 31. If the Soviets did not provide such a site, including security guar- antees, they would be required to vacate their entire new Mount Alto compound in Washington. As Republicans took the lead in berat- ing the Administration for the security fi- asco, Indiana's Senator Richard Lugar re- leased a report compiled by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee last year while he was chairman. It charged the State Department with "poor management and coordination" in protecting embassies against Soviet penetration. Lugar called on the White House to suspend the construc- tion of new embassies in Bulgaria. Czecho- slovakia, East Germany, Hungary and China until the embassy security investiga- tions are completed. Congressional anger was dramatized by a showboating but nonetheless reveal- ing jaunt to Moscow by Democratic Con- gressman Dan Mica of Florida, chairman of the House Subcommittee on Interna- tional Operations, and its ranking Republi- can, Maine's Olympia Snowe. Accompa- nied by a TV crew and four aides, they barged into the old embassy around mid- night and approached the Marine guard in his glass cubicle. "May I see some ID, please?" the sentry asked politely. He ex- amined passports, logged names, made a phone call, then issued visitors' ID cards. "Is this the place where Lonetree worked?" Snowe asked an embassy official. She re- ferred to Sergeant Clayton Lonetree, the first Marine to be arrested. The official hes- itated, then offered a shrewd answer. "Er, in principle, yes." After a two-hour tour of the build- ing and two days of interviewing, the legislators proclaimed the em- bassy not only "grossly inadequate for security purposes" but a "firetrap." Back in the U.S., Mica was blunter. "It's an absolute security disaster," he told TIME. Ever since Lonetree was arrested, he said, embassy personnel have been communicating secret infor- mation in writing, often on children's erasable slates. Even then they shield their messages from suspected hidden cam- eras. Any notes on paper are promptly shredded. The embassy's security "bubble" and its massive vault have been declared off limits to U.S. officials for classified con- versations since these areas were broken into by Soviet agents. Two new secure rooms have been hastily erected for Shultz's use, one of them de- scribed by Mica as similar to a "walk-in cooler, 8 ft. by 10 ft., each with a folding table and a Continued Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000600390005-8 Dplea dozen chairs." Surprrssi~igiy, wuuep Writs' tor these new rooms had been posted openly on an embassy wall. Mica estimated the cost of clearing bugs and replacing com- promised gear at more than $25 million. After talking to a third of the 28 Ma- rine guards, whose replacements have been held up by Soviet delays in issuing new vi- sas, Snowe found them "depressed, humili- ated, surprised, angry." Many, she said, re- alize that there had been a "total breakdown in discipline." Security was lax and "everybody at the embassy knew it," charged Snowe. If true, part of the blame had to fall on Arthur Hartman, the Am- bassador who left the post in February. While admitting some of their own failures, the guards claimed they were be- ing used as scapegoats for the lackadaisical attitude toward security shown by diplo- matic personnel. Snowe said the Marines had reported finding 137 violations last year, including open safes and classified papers left exposed. Conceded a Washing- ton source: "One unfortunate result of this mess will be further alienation of the Ma- rines and the State Department types." Some guards insisted that the embassy civilians were also guilty of fraternizing with Soviets. The rules against fraterniza- tion in Soviet bloc nations require all em- bassy employees, from the Ambassador to the Marine guards, to report any "contact" with a national of the host country in an "uncontrolled" situation. The rule break- ing allegedly made it easy for Violetta Seina, a former receptionist at the U.S. Ambassador's residence, to seduce Lone- tree into letting the KGB enter the embassy. He claimed to have met her on a Moscow subway, although she attended the annual Marine ball at the embassy. Galina (her last name was not revealed), the cheerful Soviet cook at Marine House, had easy ac- cess to Corporal Arnold Bracy, the guard she allegedly befriended. Amid widespread rules violations, so far only Staff Sergeant Robert Stufflebeam, 24, has been charged solely with fraternization. I r Facing charges: Lonetree and Bracy, top Stufflebeam and Weirick According to Navy investigators, Lone- tree's pride in his love affair with Seina led indirectly to his arrest. In this account, he and an unidentified corporal visited Stock- holm together last year and went on a drinking binge in the Marine quarters at the U.S. embassy there. The booze loos- ened Lonetree enough for him not only to describe his passion for Seina but also to re- veal hints of a KGB connection. Later, when the two drinking buddies met in Vi- enna, where Lonetree was posted after Moscow, they enjoyed another blast. This time Lonetree allegedly mentioned Bracy's involvement as well. Weirick also was alleged to have been led to the KGB by several women he en- countered while stationed at the Leningrad consulate. He left Leningrad in 1982 and was transferred to Rome, where investiga- tors contend that he bragged to a colleague of having earned some $350,000 from the Soviets. ROOQ600390005-8 amily members and associates of the accused embassy guards insist that military investigators have vastly exaggerated the espionage charges. "They are convinced they've got a major Russian spy on their hands," said one kinsman. "What they've got is a horny Marine." In Santa Ana, Calif., Lawyer Michael Sheldon, who had earlier represented Weirick on a drunk- driving charge, said the accused spy "cer- tainly didn't seem to be a man of great means. He paid his fees on the slow-fee plan. Sometimes he missed a payment." In New York City, Bracy's parents claimed their son had reported improper advances by the Soviet cook Galina. "He turned that woman over to his superiors three times, but nothing happened." said Theodore Bracy. "They're throwing my son to the dogs." Bracy's mother Frieda agreed, claiming, "They're making him a scapegoat." William Kunstler, the radical New York lawyer who has defended Native American activists, has volunteered to rep- resent Lonetree, whose mother is a Navajo and father a Winnebago. Kunstler claims Bracy was offered immunity in the Navy's attempt to build its case against Lonetree but that Bracy had refused to accept it. Navy investigators concede that their cases have been built largely with lie detectors and must be strengthened. Kunstler goes further: "The case is a consummate hype and fraud," he charged. "They're trying to make Clayton and, I suspect, Bracy too scapegoats for their lax supervision." He said he wants the case taken away from the military and handled in federal courts, where, unlike a court-martial, there is no death penalty for peacetime espionage. "They want to hang Clayton," Kunstler declared. "There's no question about it." The Soviets denounced the espionage allegations as "unfounded, clearly far- fetched allegations." Displaying their new fondness for press-agentry, Soviets in Mos- cow responded with a press conference at which snooping gadgets, including micro- OLD E MBASSY SECURE AREA/ AMBASSADOR'S ELECTRONIC OFFICE EQUIPMENT ..' VENICLE CULTURAL AND MARINES' PRESS OFFICES/ FORMER LIBRARY QUARTERS Continued Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000600390005-8 phones, optical devices and transmitters were dis- played. All, claimed Soviet Foreign Ministry spokes- men, had been retrieved from Soviet missions in New York, Washington and San Francisco, some- times even from bedrooms. Quipped Deputy Spokes- man Boris Pyadyshev: -The desire to know Soviet citizens better is under- standable-but not in the bedroom." At week's end the Sovi- et diplomats in Washington trumped their Moscow col- leagues by offering an un- precedented tour of the Mount Alto facility to dis- " I don 't know, Boswick, maybe Moscow's just getting to me ... but have you ever wondered about this ashtray?' play what they said were American bug- ging devices. As some 100 reporters and cameramen crowded into an unfinished embassy reception room, Embassy Securi- ty Officer Vyacheslav Borovikov clam- bered up a scaffold and pointed to a small cavity in the marble facing where, he said, a microphone had been planted. Similar hiding places were exposed in two other rooms: outside, the Soviets produced an embassy car with a locator device hidden in the dashboard. Not amused by the Soviet show, Presi- dent Reagan first responded to questions about the U.S. bugging with a curt com- ment: "If you want to believe them, go ahead." Headed for a vaca- tion in California. he add- ed, "I cannot and will not comment on United States intelligence activities." Turning angry, Reagan in- sisted, "What the Soviets did to our embassy in Mos- cow is Outrageous." Indeed it was. Yet spy- ing is an old and nasty game among rival nations. The key issue in the sad and still developing Marine es- pionage scandal was not whether the Soviets had broken some unwritten rile what American agents had done to them, A more rele- vant question was just why American Marines and State Depart- ment officials had permitted the Soviets to compromise U.S. security so thorough- ly-and so easily. On that point the many investigations were very much in order. -By Ed Magnuson. Reported bylames O. Jackson/Moscow andBruce van Voorst/Washhrgto% with other btreaus Getting "Snookered" Contrary to popular belief, the site of the new U.S. embassy in Moscow is not a swamp. But that is one of the few favor- able comments the State Department can make about the con- troversial facility. According to a department report written last year, the swamp legend resulted from "some drainage problems during excavation" of the site. Still, the new chancery is 30 ft. lower than the bid one, and evidence of eaves- dropping devices has been found in its walls and structural columns. By most accounts, the project has been jinxed from the time the U.S. and the Soviet Union began discussing a joint agreement to construct new embassies 24 years ago. Throughout the decades of haggling over the plan, the U.S. consis- tently got the short end of the deal. Says Lawrence Eagleburger, an assistant to the Secretary of State under Richard Nixon: "Every Administration since Johnson got snookered on this." First came the squabbling over re- ciprocal sites: The Soviets initially balked when the U.S. offered a location. on Washington's Mount Alto, complain- ing it was too far from the center of town- The U.S. had a similar gripe about the Soviets' suggested American embassy site high atop the Lenin Hills. By the end of the decade, however, the Soviets had accepted Mount Alto; the high ground may have been far from the action, but it did offer an ideal location for eavesdrop- ping equipment. Meanwhile, the. U.S. agreed to build in that soggy spot near, the Moscow River, primarily because it was close to the old embassy and only smile from the Kremlin, "It's a classic case of one part of the Government not tallang to, the other," says former CIA Deputy Director Bobby Iuman?"Isn the intelligence community, we certai y aware oft be terk rifle advantage of the Mount Alto location. But the State De- partment wouldn't listen" Then commenced the extended bargaining over construes tion. By 1972 a compromise had taken shape. The interiorde o- Now Mnbasuleer AmedcaR tap, and So", , ration and finishing of each compound would be overseen by the country's own teams, but the major construction would - be the responsibility of the host country. The intelligence community balked at allowing the Soviets to build the embas. sy's walls. But President Nixon, who was pursuing a policy of detente with Mos- cow, instructed the State Department to cut the deal. Bickering continued over con- struction details until a final protocol was signed in 1977. Jimmy Carter's CIA director, Stansfield Turner, want- ed the Moscow embassy to be ount a only by U.S. citizens who would be subject to lie-detector tests upon their = return home. Carter approved the idea, says Turner, but the departments of State and Defense blocked the plan. "I gave them money out of the CIA budget for security checks and poly- graphs," says he, "and they never properly used it." Turner believes the U.S. has a "cultural problem' with Soviet espionage. "Americans. just can't get it through their heads that.' the Soviets will do anything. to spy on us," he contends. "Few people in Washington are prepared to pay the price for security." Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000600390005-8 ARTICLE NEW YORK TIMES ONAp ro elease 2005/28/ r AIgpf 91-00901 R00060039000 Marines Say Two Guards Allowed Russians to Roam U.S. Embassy WASHINGTON, March 27 - The Marine Corps charged today that two Marine guards at the American Em- bassy in Moscow allowed Soviet agents to spend hours roaming through some of the most sensitive sections of the embassy on "numerous occasions" last year. In its most detailed public statement about the case, in which one of the ma- rines is charged with espionage and the other is being held on suspicion of spying, the Marine Corps said the two guards worked as a team. One acted as a lookout while the other turned oft the alarms being activated by the Soviet agents, who entered such areas as the defense attache's office, the communi= cations processing unit and "sensitive intelligence spaces," according to the Marine Corps. Five Charges Added The Marine Corps also charged that one of the guards, Sgt. Clayton J? Loft e- tree, had given SOv et agents blue- prints to the American Embassies in Moscow and Vienna, classified docu- ments from a bag of sensitive material supposed to be destroyed, and the iden- tities, telephone numbers and ad- dresses of "covert U.S. intelligence agents," The dist:losure of the charges came: as the Marine Corps filed five addi- tional charges against Sergeant Lone- tree, bringing the total to 24, including espionage. They added new details to a case that Administration officials have termed one of the most potentially seri- ous security breaches in a recent period that has already had a series of damaging spy cases. Michael V. Stuhi, the lead defense attorney for Sergeant Lonetree, said his client would "abso- lutely deny these allegations." Administration officials said they were particularly concerned about the reported. breach because the Moscow embassy was used as the command post for some of the Central Intelli- gence Agency's most closely guarded intelligence gathering operations. The Marine Corps charges that Ser- geant Lonetree collaborated with the second marine, C1.~~Arrnolldd Bracvy.. ~n escorting Soviet agents through the compound in early 1986. The two men later lied to their superiors about what had set off alarms in the communica- tion processing unit, which handles the coded transmission of the embassy's most sensitive messages, according to By STEPHEN ENGELBERG bassy spaces." i s ectslsoTheNewYork77mee The charges said that the two con; said the allegations about the Soviet spired to allow Soviet agents to enter agents in the United States Embassy the embassy from January to March - - were based on detailed admissions by Corporal Bracy. The two said he had since recanted his confession, saying investigators had given him an elabo- rate false story to tell so they could build a case against Sergeant Lonetree. Sergeant Lonetree's family has con- sistently denied that he engaged in es- pionage. A Marine Corps spokesman would not comment on whether Corporal Bracy had withdrawn his confession, but Administration officials said they were skeptical about his suggestion that the story about Soviet agents en- tering the embassy had been fabricat- ed. Soviet Agents Named The Marine Corps said that Sergeant Lonetree conspired with Violetta Seina, a Soviet employee of the embassy who Administration officials said seduced him and recruited him as a spy. Ac- cording to the charges, Sergeant Lone- tree then worked with two Soviet agents, identified in the Marine charges as Aleksiy G. Yefimov, or Uncle Sasha, and Yurly V. Lysov, or George. According to the Marine Corps, Cor- poral Bracy, was paid $1,000 by Ser- geant Lonetree.. It was the first official. report that money had played a part in the case. Administration officials have said previously that Corporal Bracy, like his colleague, had been seduced by a Soviet national who worked in the embassy. Sergeant Lonetree and Corporal Bracy are being held in military cus- tody in Quantico, Va. Sergeant Lone- tree was arrested last December and brought back to the United States, where he was charged with espionage and related counts. Corporal Bracy was arrested this week at the Marine base in Twentynine Palms, Calif., where he had been transferred. They are awaiting decisions about' whether their commanding officer will convene court-martial proceedings. Espionage charges, if prosecuted in the Federal court system, carry a maxi- mum sentence of life in prison. Be-: cause the cases are being handled in the military justice system, the charge of espionage carries a death penalty. The charges against Sergeant Lone- tree said he escorted "unauthorized i personnel from the U.S.S.R." into the embassy, "allowing them to peruse said areas and equipment contained therein for periods of one to four hours at a time; during which time Sergeant Bracy acted as a lookout, while moni-' toring, silencing'and securing variousalarms which were set off in the em-1 charges did not specifiy whether the two guards helped the Soviet agents gain access to such items as the Cen, tral Intelligence Agency's files, or key cards, used to encode and decode com- munications. In the espionage case involving John A. Walker Jr., the former Navy war- rant officer, an associate, Jerry A. Whitworth, gave Soviet agents exten- sive access to key cards used by the Navy. This allowed Soviet intelligence to read hugh quantities of secret mes- sages. The charges against Sergeant Lone- tree assert that the guards allowed the Soviet agents access to "instruments, appliances, documents, and writings" within the embassy. According to the charges, the com- munications processing unit contains "cryptographic information." Adm. Stansfield Turner, President Ca or entral Intelli- gence, said the charges suggested sig- nificant damage had been done to American intelligence. "Anytime you have the enemy mucking around in your crypto, you've got a potentially serious problem," he said. Admiral Turner said the problem of embassy security was of long standing. He recalled that while he was director of central intelligence, he recom- mended that everyone involved in building the new American embassy in Moscow be given a polygraph, or lie-de- tector, test. The Pentagon, he said, refused to allow the Marine guards to be subjected to the test, which is rou- tine for C.I.A. officers. Secretary of Defense Caspar W. Weinberger, on the Cable News Net- work program "Newsmaker," to be aired Saturday, said the Administra- tion would be re-examining all of its procedures for security at the embas- sy. "We are, indeed, going to investigate just as thoroughly as we can," he said. "And not just these two, but the whole system. We're going to look at -the whole thing, the way they're chosen, the training and the way the soviets will continually try to subvert them, and try to block that." the Marine Cos proved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000600390005-8 Two people familiar with the case ARTICLE APP[A PHILADELPHIA INQUIRER dN PAGE Approved For Re leasel205i112V239$ZIA-RDP91-00901 A new contra culprit Some see Congress lax on oversight / By Charles Green and R.A. Zaldivar Inquirer Washington Bureau WASHINGTON - When Congress begins hearings on the Iran-contra affair next month, the failings of the Reagan administration will be on display. But another aspect of the controversy will receive scant atten- tion: the shortcomings of Congress itself. While no one contends that anyone but President Reagan and his admin- istration are to blame for selling arms to Iran, some question whether Congress doesn't bear some responsi- bility for what happened with regard to the Nicaraguan contra rebels. "All through this issue there hasn't been any clear-cut congressional po- sition, other than the fact they wished it would go away," said a former government official who sup- ported the contras and asked not to be named. "A lawyer for the defense can accurately portray a situation of 'Will the real Congress please stand up?'" The criticisms boil down to these: ? Congress was inconsistent and ambiguous in deciding how far the U.S. government could go in aiding the Nicaraguan rebels. Laws some- times were so murky that even the legislators who wrote them could not agree on what they meant. ? Congress failed to oversee the administration's dealings with the contras adequately despite suspi- cions about the activities of Lt. Col. Oliver L. North, the National Secu- rity Council aide who ran a.secret supply network that funneled mil- lions of dollars in weapons, materiel and cash to the contras at a time when Congress banned direct gov- ernment assistance. Lawmakers who subscribe to the criticisms - and there are many who do not say one reason con- gressional scrutiny fell short was that Democrats were ,leery of con- fronting a popular president and of being portrayed as soft on commu- nism. . "Congress didn't seem to care that the law was being violated," said Rep. Jim Leach (R., Iowa). "I think the Democrats basically let the coun- try down when it became clear the President was extremely popular. They were afraid to take him on." Some even suggest it served the purpose of skittish lawmakers to look the other way when reports of the NSC's involvement with the con- tras began surfacing in 1985. To the extent the NSC could keep the rebels funded through outside sources, Congress could avoid another wrenching vote on contra aid, per- haps the most contentious foreign policy issue since the Vietnam War. "As long as that [the secret supply! was going on, clearly there was some life-support system for the contras," said a former congressional aide in- volved in the contra legislation who asked not to be identified. "It filled in the cracks a little bit so that Con- gress would not have to vote on the issue and take the heat on it." ? Such criticisms, not surprisingly, largely have been dismissed on Capi- tol Hill. "Balderdash!" said Rep. Dan- te B. Fascell (D., Fla.), chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Commit- tee. "The administration didn't get what it wanted, so they went ahead and did it another way." He and others said the intent of Congress was always clear, even if laws were sometimes imprecise. Moreover, they said, congressional oversight of the contra program was a victim of administration deception, not a partner to it. The question of NSC involvement with the contras will be first on the agenda when congressional hearings into the Iran-contra affair begin May 5. The sessions will examine a net- work run by North and his allies that raised tens of millions of dollars - some allegedly diverted from Ira- nian payments for U.S. arms - to pay for guns, aircraft, equipment and liv- ing expenses for the contras. The aid clearly violated the spirit of the law; whether it violated the letter of the law remains to be proved. For four years, that law kept changing. In 1983, military aid to the contras was legal; in 1984, it was forbidden. In 1985, only humanitar- ian aid was allowed; by 1986, it was all right to send guns again. Throughout, there were no penalties for violating the statutes. "What emerged," said the Tower Commis. sion, "was a highly ambiguous legal environment. promises tailored to win the votes of several dozen House and Senate STAT members who held the balance of power in a divided Congress. "There was no particular rationale to the various restrictions and limi- tations on contra aid," said Jeffrey Bergner, who was staff director of the Senate Foreign Relations Com- mittee when Sen. Richard G. Lugar (R., Ind.), a contra supporter, headed the panel. "It would be a mistake to look for coherence or strategy. It didn't reflect conscious planning. It reflected legislative compromise." ? Much of the ambiguity centered on the various incarnations of the Bo- land amendment, named after its sponsor, Rep. Edward P. Boland (D., Mass.). Passed in 1982 after Reagan authorized covert aid for the con- tras, the first Boland amendment prohibited the CIA and the Defense Department from spending funds to- ward "overthrowing the govern- ment of Nicaragua or provoking a military exchange between Nicara- gua and Honduras." But the covert CIA aid continued - after Reagan said the rebels were not seeking to topple the Nicaraguan government but rather to prevent it from sending arms to other Central American revolutionaries. "It became clear the administra. tion was going to cynically ignore the Boland amendment," said Leach, a staunch opponent of contra aid. "But Congress passed the funds to allow the executive to ignore the law." Congressional discontent grew in 1983 and 1984, after reports that the CIA helped direct the mining of Nica- raguan harbors and authored a con- tra-training manual that sanctioned assassination as a tactic in guerrilla warfare. In October 1984, a new Bo- land amendment was passed barring any agency of government "involved in intelligence activities" from spending money to support military operations in Nicaragua However, North stepped up his in- volvement with the contra-supply op. eration after the NSC received legal advice that it was not covered by the law. The Tower Commission said the opinion apparently came from the President's Intelligence Oversight Board, an unusual source of legal advice for the NSC, which has its own counsel. In any event, the ban did not re- main firm. In 1985, under intense pressure from Reagan, Congress agreed to provide $37 million in "hu- manitarian" aid to the contras. Approved For Release 2005/12/23: CIA-RDP91-00901 ROWA&3A6ff--% ' it agreed to ApprovMr~aF taed&Mgo~iO?R4WA?at'? CIA 'tFh2 Pi~je9t4AAot~ gRA6 r3%0005-8 ian aid to include radios, trucks and other gear useful in combat. Then, in December 1985, Congress relaxed restrictions on the CIA, al- lowing it to offer "advice" to the contras as long as it did not involve individual military operations. Even the legislators who wrote the law couldn't agree where to draw the line. Within days of the law's pas- sage, House Intelligence Committee Chairman Lee H. Hamilton (D., Ind.) told the CIA it could not advise the contras on logistical matters, while Senate Intelligence Committee Chairman David ger (R., Minn.) told t he CIA it could. Finally, last year, a sharply divided Congress agreed to provide $100 mil? lion to the contras, including $70 million in military aid. All restric. tions on CIA involvement were lift- ed. Administration officials said that they were frustrated by the shifting rules and acknowledged that they wanted to stretch the limits of the law to aid the contras. "Almost every- one in the administration wanted to go right up to the line," said a former administration official involved in the contra-aid issue, who spoke on the condition he not be identified by name or former position. "And ev- erybody thought Ollie was dancing on the line." Adm. Stansfield Turner. CIA direc- tor du fng the Carter administra- tion, recalls newspaper reports in 1985 that North was aiding the con- tras despite congressional restric- tions and said he was upset that Congress wasn't cracking down on the gung-ho Marine: He said Demo- crats told him "they just weren't willing to take on a popular Presi- dent." gun didn't get far. The House Intelli- gence Committee questioned former national security adviser Robert C. McFarlane about North's activities in 1985 and was assured in writing that "at no time did I or any member of the National Security Council staff violate the letter or spirit of the law." In 1986, the committee ques- tioned North directly and was simi- larly assured that the law was being followed, panel members said. "We learned from bitter experi- ence that we were lied to," said com- mittee member Rep. Matthew F. Mc- Hugh (D., N.Y.). "You could make the argument that we didn't go far enough in push- ing it," said Rep. David E. Bonior (D., Mich.), a leading opponent of contra aid. "But this is a place that gives the benefit of the doubt to the adminis- tration, usually. We don't like to ad- mit that people come before us and just lie to us." But even some contra sympathiz- ers believe Congress could have done a better job of oversight on the contra issue by exhibiting the some kind of investigative ardor in evi- dence now. "Congress Is like Dalmatian dogs in the fire station," said the former administration official involved in the contra issue. "The bell goes off and they jump on the machine whether it's a false alarm or not. Those guys are jumping on investiga-' tions all the time. And 80 percent of them, they just root around and come up with nothing. "Maybe the problem is that they're trying to root out too many rabbit holes instead of concentrating on the serious ones. And maybe this was a serious one." Approved For Release 2005/12/23 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000600390005-8