CASEY: CIA AIDED SALVADOR VOTE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP91-00901R000400100006-0
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 46
• Document Creation Date: December 19, 2016
• Document Release Date: November 14, 2005
• Sequence Number: 6
• Publication Date: July 31, 1982
• Content Type: NSPR

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THE BCST(.N GLOBE
ARTICLE APPEARED 31 JULY 1982
ON PAGE A -3
Casey: CIA aided Salvador vote
WASHINGTON - William Casey, the director
of central intelligence, said yesterday that the
CIA supplied invisible ink to mark the wrists of
voters in El Salvador, but did not "meddle"in
the March 28 elections.
In a letter to the New York Times, Casey re-
futed an allegation by Robert White, former US
ambassador to El Salvador, that the agency
"bragged that the Central Intelligence Agency
has meddled.in the election."
White made the assertion in an article Tues-
day on the Times opinion page. A specialist in
Latin American affairs, he resigned from the
Foreign Service in 1981 after the Reagan Ad-
ministration recalled him from El Salvador.
Casey said White "placed a false interpreta-
tion on a piece in the Wall Street Journal of July
16 which reported me as saying, 'For instance,
we helped in the 8l Salvador election. In Hondu-
ras, we put people through school and gave
them instruments that can detect how much
metal a truck is carrying. Some countries we
help with photographic Information or sensors,
or training for antiterrorist forces."
White quoted only the first sentence, "thus
stripping the quotation of detail. This frees him
to convert `help in the election' to 'meddle in the
election,'" Casey said.
Casey said that the agency did give "assis-
tance in meeting a genuine concern on the part
of both the United States and the Salvadoran
governments that the election be held, and that
people not be intimidated from voting."
"In addition," Casey said, "we provided elec-
tion authorities invisible ink, which would. be
placed'on the wrist of each voter and be detected
again only under ultraviolet light.. This was
needed to assure an honest vote and to protect
voters from retaliation, with which the guerril-
las had publicly threatened anybody who vot-
ed."
The Times said Casey also said in an inter-
view that the CIA had supplied the ultraviolet
light devices that detected the otherwise invisi-
ble wrist markings.
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 31 JULY 1982
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CIA head.d~niEs'
meddling I il
From Alex'Brummer Salvadorean ruithorities with
in Washington " information and capabilities "
A row has erupted about the that helped to block the how
role of the Central Intelligence of arms to guerrilla forces
Agency in the March election from Cuba and Nicaragua.
in El Salvador. After charges This Mr, Casey says, included
that the CIA meddled in the sensing devices; metal deter-
election, the director . of the tors, and intelligence equip-
CIA, Mr William Casey,' has ment to track the clandestine!
taken the unusual step of writ-
ing to the New York Times to
deny the allegations.
In the letter, 'Mr Casey says
that the only, help the CIA
gave durlgg the election was in
.the form of invisible ink used
to stamp the wrists of voters
to prevent them from gping to
the .polls,twice. His letter came
after 'the former US ambassa-
dor 'to El'Salvador, Mr Robert
White, had, eonpIained that the
CIA . " publicly bragged that
the CIA- had meddled in-the
election,"
Mr Whi'te's comment fol-
lowed an interview in the Wall.
Street Journal last week in
which the 'CIA director . was
quoted as saying: "The CIA
was now again active in clan-
destine activities albeit in post-
Watergate sty I e. . For
instance, we helped out in the
El Salvador election."
Mr Casey, in' his letter, had
no comment on reports that
the CIA, had also provided
secret campaign funds for the
former president of the Salva-
dorean Junta, Mr -Jose Napo-
leap Duarte, and to his
Christian Democratic Party.
But the director acknow-
ledges'that, before the election,
the US Government' provided
movement of arms and people.
In congressional evidence)
this week, the Assistant Secre-
tary of State Mr Thomas
Enders, juetifled Amerka's cer-
tification of El Salvador for
foreign aid on the grounds of
its "creation of democratic ?..in-
stitutions," where he described
the gains as " substantia ' He
also noted ' that progress on
'human rights anti land reform
was " marred?.'
El Salvador is receivl
about :681 million .(about #47
million) in military, assistance
from the US, as well as sub-
stantial economic help.,. Under
the Caribbean Basin'
asin plan
before Congress it would get
an additional' X76 million
But the plan; which is at the
heart of American .policy
towards the developing world,'
has been having a tough)
journey through Congress. Late
on Thursday night 'a! compro
mise resolution drafted with
the help of the White iHouse
and aimed at sending An im-
mediate $350 million; to the)
region was defeated, 'It now
appears likely that the much
vaunted effort to export Presi-{{
dent Reagan's economic philo-I
sophy to the Caribbean region j
will never get off the around. ,
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LOS ANGLES TIMES
PA 31 JULY 1982
ON
0.1 A. C A_x Help to Curb El Salvador Voting Fraud Told
th
d
vave,~ made
e
isclosures after went on whether such discussions
,,rilCriiliam J. Casey says his agency a published allegation that the CIA took place.
tried to help prevent election fraud "meddled" in the Central American
in El Salvador earlier this year by country's affairs, acco ding to the Deane R. Hinton, U.S. arnbasaa-'
supplying invisible ink to stamp the newspaper. dor to El Salvador, reportedly op*
wrists of voters to prevent them it quoted an Intelligence source POW any CIA involvement in the
from voting more than once, the familiar with the CIA's Salvadoran election, feeling that any role, if die- .
New York Times reported F`riday. Operations as saying the Reagan covered, would heighten anti-
The newspaper also quoted Casey Administration considered sending American feeling.
as saying the CIA shared intel- funds covertly to Jose Napoleon Casey said an article printed July.
ligence information with the Salva- Duarte, the former junta president, 16 in the Wall Street Journal and
dorans about planned arms ship- and to the Christian Democratic later referred to by Robert E.;
meats and guerrilla military tactics, . Party to underwrite their campaign . White, former U.S. ambassador to
including specific plans by incur- expenses.. El Salvador, in Tuesday's New York
gent forces to attack Salvadoran It could not be determined Times, prompted him to disclose the
towns on the eve of the March 28 whether such aid actually was ap- CIA's role in the Salvadoran elec.'
election. proved and Casey refused to com- tions.
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 ARTICLE AFFA 1 ved For Release 2005/ 4r" %1-00901R00
30 JULY 1982
C.I.A. Chief Tells of Attemp
to Aid Sa1vadorVote
By PHILIP TAURMAN
Specal to The New Yak Tim"
WASHINGTON, July 29 - The Cen-
tral Intelligence Agency tried to sup-
port the election process in El Salvador
earlier this year by supplying invisible
ink used to stamp the wrists of voters to
,prevent them from voting more than
once, William J. Casey, the Director of
i Central Intelligence, said today.
In addition, according to Mr. Casey,
the C.I.A. shared intelligence informa-
tion with the Salvadorans about planned
arms shipments and guerrilla military
tactics, including specific plans by in-
surgent forces to attack Salvadoran
towns on the eve of the election March
28.
Mr. Casey, in an unusual step, lifted
some of the secrecy surrounding
American intelligence operations in
Central America in an effort to refute a
published charge that the C.I.A. "med-
dled" in the Salvadoran elections.
The charge was made by Robert E.
White, a former American Ambassador
to El Salvador, in an article published
on the Op-Ed page of The New York
g
The Reagan Administration also con-
sidered sending funds covertly to Jose
Napoleon Duane, the former Salvado
';ran junta President, who toured the.
country to get out the vote, and to they
Christian Democratic-Party, to under-
write their campaign expenses, accord-
ing to an intelligence source familiar
with the discussions.
It could not be determined whether
such aid was actually approved. Mr.
Casey said he would not comment on
whether such discussions took place.
Other Moves Reported Wei
hed
Deane It. Hinton, the present Amerl-
can Ambassador in El Salvador, report
edly opposed any Involvement by the
C.I.A. in the election, fearing even a
limited role, if it were revealed, might
heighten anti-American feeling. Mr.
Hinton did not return a call to the em-
bassy in San Salvador today.
In an interview and a letter to the edi-!
for of The Times, which is being pub-
lished Friday, Mr. Casey reported that
He added that the intelligence opera-
tions in El Salvador were part of a
larger package of C.LA. covert opera.
Lions in Central America approved by
President Reagan last November.
The sequence of events that led to Mr.
'
Casey
s comments today began with a
column published in The Wall Street
Journal on July 16. The article, by Su-
.zanne Garment; quoted Mr. Casey as
.having said that,the C-L& was activein
the C.I.A. provided the Salvadoran Gov-1 clandestine operations, of a benign na.
ernment with information and caps-{ tune, including the:.furnnhiag of tom.
bilities" that hel
ed block th
fl
f
p
e
V" V
arms to guerrilla forces from Cuba and
Nicaragua. .
This aid, he said, included sensing de-
vices, metal detectors and other intelli.
gence equipment used to track the clan-
destine movement of arms and people.
. For the election itself, Mr. Casey
said, the C.I.A. provided the invisible
ink that election authorities stamped on
the wrist of each voter to prevent people
Intellig ce than ~. He sd the
agency also ul ultra-f
murucauans equipment to - countries
facing pressure from Soviet-bathd
forces. "For instance, -re helped in the
El Salvador election,..-tie was quoted as
In his Op-Ed.pagarticleonTuesday,
Mr. White picked up the comment, writ-
ing that Mr. . Casey had "bragged.that
the Central Intelligence,.Age cy .had
meddled in the election.". .
Mr. Casey said today .that. Mr.
;White?s comments had prompted him
violet light devices that Illuminated tb~ 'tons to prove that the agency had not
1 Mr. Casey said the C.I:A. provided)
the ink and ultraviolet detection lights
because "the authorities in El Salvador
had a problem they didn't know bow to'
cope with.,' r
In the letter to the editor, he wrote
that the assistance was given to meet
a genuine concern on the part of both
the United States and El Salvador Gov-
ernments that the election be held, and
that people not be intimidated from vot-
! Salvadorans Sought Aid... _.:
the ink and ultraviolet lights of the type'
sent to El Salvador are commercially
manufactured and could have been sup-
plied openly by the American Govern-
ment. Mr.. Casey said he was not famil-
iar with the details of the operation, b
contended that the C.I.A. supplied the
equipment because it was asked to do so
I by the Salvadorans.
tation" on The Wall Street Journal irti-
de.
Mr. Casey said that despite the sensi-
tive and secret nature of -covert opera-
tions, he had originally mentioned the
El Salvador activities to The Wall
Street Journal "to describe the purpose
of the kind of special activities that go
on these days as opposed to the kind of
things people conjure up when they
think of the-Bay of Pigs."
He was referring to the failed 1961 it-
1 vasion of Cuba organized and run by the
C.I.A. in an effort to overthrow Fidel
Castro, the Cuban leader.
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INC.
4701 WILLARD AVENUE, CHEW CHASE, MARYLAND 20815 656-4068
PROGRAM Good Morning America STATION WJLA-TV
ABC Network
DATE July 30, 1982 7:00 A.M. CITY Washington, D.C.
CIA and the El Salvadoran Elections
STEVE BELL: CIA Director William Casey has denied
reports that the CIA interfered in the recent elections in El
Salvador. But Casey has told the New York Times the CIA did
provide warning to the Salvadoran government of guerrilla plans
to disrupt the elections. Also, it provided invisible ink to
stamp voters so they couldn't vote twice.
OFFICES IN: WASIA .d. For ea sfbK2DO51LNB/4dG~OA-R G@BO4R@ O1q0OO,Q"THER PRINCIPAL CITIES
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ARTICLE APPEAR NEW YORK TIMES
ON PAG--30 JULY 1982
Letters
How the C.I.A. Helped
In Salvador's Election
To the Editor:
In his Op-Ed article of July 27, for.
mer United States Ambassador to El
Salvador Robert White placed a false
interpretation on a piece in The Wall
Street Journal of July 16, which re.
ported me as saying, "For instance, we
helped in the El Salvador election. In
Honduras, we put people through
school and gave them instruments that
can detect how much metal a truck is
carrying. Some countries we help with
photographic information, or sensors,
or training for antiterrorist forces."
Mr. White takes only the first sen-
tence, thus stripping the quotation of
detail. This frees him to convert "help
in the election" to "meddle in the elect
tion."
I was referring to the C.I.A.'s assist.
ance in meeting a genuine concern on
the part of both the United States and
the Salvadoran Governments that the
election be held, and that people not be
intimidated from voting.
The whole American television audi..
ence on the evening of the national
election saw with their own eyes how
guerrilla forces succeeded in aborting
the election in the provincial capital of
Usulutan by terrorizing its citizens. We
provided the Salvadoran Government
with information and capabilities
which helped it to reduce the supply of
weapons from Cuba and Nicaragua
and to break up guerrilla formations
intended to destroy the election by
creating disruptive violence in other
communities throughout El Salvador.
In addition, we.provided election au-
thorities invisible ink, which could be
placed on the wrist of each voter and
be detected again only under ultravio.
let light. This was needed to assure an
honest vote and to protect voters from
retaliation, with which the guerrillas
had publicly threatened anybody who
voted. WILLIAM J. CASEY
Director of Central Intelligence
Washington, July 29,1982
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ARTICI3 APPEAREn WALL STREET JOURNAL
ON PAGE Z30 JULY 1982
Washington Wire
MORALE SLUMPS among U.S. diplo-
mats dismayed by Reagan Policies.
State Department officials feel undercut
by White House aides, wbo pushed through
the disputed decision on extending pipeline
sanctions to European firms. One official
says the department feels "decapitated"
and "the crazies are In control.,. pjpJomats
complain Reagan listens too much to for
eign-po cy amateurs-- ar , y and in-
TernaIona communication chief Wick:
The professionals feel especially frus-
trated because they see no way out of the
current rift with European allfes.Even offi-
cials Opposed to 'the decision on pipeline
sanctions think Reagan :can't afford -to re-
verse himself The National' Security Council
seeks ways to mend relations with Europe,
but: the consensus saysihe'?U.S. can ? only let
thipgs 'cool down.,
State? *,,Vepartment~~officials hope`
Shultz will take firm control'of:foreign
policy. But they Won't be able -to judge
his uzfiuence. for several ;months.. . _
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ARTICLE
ON PACE-
N!!'W YOPK ''ES
27 JULY 1982
Certifying El Salvador
By Robert E. White
CATAUMET, Mass. -- In 1981, Con-
gress signaled its anger over the
course of the Reagan policy toward El
Salvador by inserting into the Foreign
Assistance Act a twice-yearly certi. fication requirement. Accordingly, all
military aid will stop this month unless
President Reagan warrants that the
Salvadoran Government is making a
concerted and significant effort to
achieve progress on human rights,,
land redistribution, a political solution
to the guerrilla conflict and free elect
tions. As all evidence we have rums di-
rectly counter to these propositions,..
any document providing a rationale for
Presidential certification will neces-'
sarily be long on unsubstantiated as-,
sertion and short on demonstrable fact.
In spite of this, the President is ex-
pected to. sign the certification pro-
vided him by a bureaucracy more com-
fortable with barren continuity than
creative change. .
All independent witnesses, includ-
stated that "the C.I.A. was now a ain
active in clandestine activities albeit
in post-Watergate style." He added,,
"For instance, we helped out in the El
Salvador election." Let us. all, hope
that he operates as effectively against . that all the Congressional ?considera-
our nation's enemies as . he does tions have been met. The, resident
against the policy objectives of the would say that in view of this disturb-
Administration heserves, mg report he has ordered his chief ad-
The military and economic elites of - wiser on foreign affairs to review
El Salvador have developed their own i policy toward El Salvador fully and he
rationale to justify their systematic
extermination of political leaders,
union' members, clergy,. journalists
and .peasants. They. insist that the
Theappointnent of anew Secretary
of State known for candor and prag-
matism gives the Reagan Administra-
tion an opportunity, if it wants-to use
it, to seek an honorable and sensible
way out of this dilemma. One possible
solution might be for the President td
send a special message to Congress.
The communication would state-that
the Secretary _o3 State has thoroughly
examined the record and based on-the
evidence is not completely convinced
would ask Congress to accept. this
message as the equivalent of certi_fication pending the outcome. of the
policy reassessment. State Depart-
Reagan leadership secretly agrees ' meat lawyers could -easily work out
with their terrorist methods and will: the appropriatelegal-language.
continue to send aid because the alter It is vital for the future o1 United
native is to see the revolutionaries via. States relations with Central America
torious. If President Reagan certifies that President Reagan-not continue to
as true that which is known to be false, certify fantasy masquerading as fact,
he will breathe new life into this chill- thereby providing a continuing white=
ing theory and at the same time un= wash of the brutal and corrupt Salva-
dermine his own high-reputation for doran military machine. The execu
ing a highly professional study by the, ter of past administrations that chose in harness if they are to forge.a more:
Americas Watch Committee and the Ito justify unpopular policies by' con- creative and common-sense course In
American Civil Liberties 'Union, con-.. 'wing the facts from the American . Central America. The Reagan Admin-.
firm that the slaughter of unarmed.,., .people? istration should look on the Congres-'
civilians. goes on. How could- it be-' . Defenders of Presidential primacy sional certification requirement on El ,
otherwise? In spite of the many thou-
sands. of cases involving torture and
murder by the Salvadoran armed
forces, no officer or enlisted man has
yet faced trial for any of these crimes..
Nor will they. The refusal of the mili-
tary high command of El Salvador to
permit'justice to take its Course in then
case of the four murdered American
missionaries symbolizes the generals'
determination to continue to use ter
roras a weapon against their own peo-
ple.
It is true that an election was held in
March this year that might have pro-
vided some evidence of progress to.
ward Congressional goals. At least it
had that potential until this month,
when William J. Casey, Director of
Central Intelligence, in obedience to
God-knows-what imperative and with.
his customary exquisite sense of tim-
ing, publicly bragged that the Central.
Intelligence Agency had meddled in
the election. As reported in The Wall
Street Journal of July 16.. Mr. Casey
greys, by intruding so conspicuously tunitytobegin that cooperative .effort:-.
into the domain of the executive
branch, has simply asked to be lied to. Robert E. White, a former careerdip
..They point out, correctly, that Con- lomat, was. the Carter. Administro-
guess is a blunt instrument in the con- tion's last Ambassador to El Salvo-
duct of foreign affairs and that any at. dor. -
tempt by the legislators to play a con-
tinuing role in country-specific policy
formation is likely to end in disaster.
In the case of El Salvador, however, it,
is legitimate to argue that Congress'.
had no ? intention of manacling the . .
President or intruding into his domain
but rather, intended to compel high
Administration officials to assess at
least twice?year]y whether our El Sal-
vador policy' was based on illusion or
reality.
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25 JULY 1982 )
QN PAGE_,
's `genius' recalls
life near the top
come and l alraos`t expected sous: ~J publicity and the congressional at-
one-lo.come up-to me..and say, 'I'm tacks in order to get him (Casey)
'
sorry, none.of.this ever happened out and take his job.
No one who
to you. You were only dreaming,", knew me ever harbored any
.Inman said in a? recent interview thought of that for.any length of
while visiting Dallas time at?all.
''Inman, 51,:becamedeputy direc "'Back in 1980," 1'said-there was
the US Senate approved hispromo? DPI (director. of_the'.'CI4JO1r1 20
'He had? been director of "the -Na-. fair :amount of press speculation
tional Security Agency four years that I would likely have-been the
before that. successor if Casey would have left,
-As deputy director, Inman ran it was my firm conviction,that just
the day-to-day operations of the flat would not be the case."
CIA. With his toothy smile and re- Inman was born in the small
strained, military manner, Inman East Texas town of Rhonesboro in
was a welcome contrast to Director Upshur County. He graduated from
William Casey - the gruff Republi? Mineola High School and, received
can appointee who angered easily, . a _degree,in history and gayeent
Inman became the -peacemaker froth the University. of-Texa3. That hg"
to anxious:; congressmen Irked by grew mad of leachin
hi
1
g
story to
.on.g;;
M-0 "7 i past discrepancies of the CIA. His view teenagers and joined the-Nav
y in
Bobby Ray Inman w s. mandate. .from President Reagan, 1951. = a=:
" guiding genius" of they z he-said, was to rebuild it S. intelli- During the Korean `War, .I man'
gents gathering agencies - a task served .aboard the aircraft carrier Val
By Bill" Deeper he believes he accomplished.. ley ?orge. His incisive:
: mind, :near-pho-'
krstan Wrtrer.oJ 79se New "A Y Because.; of his :popularity with tograpl>is"inri7$td"holiTfL~eilicaw`:
ku" - Con ess,-and President' teaga tion to`his work obviously served him
Bobby= _Ray Inman gangly and 8r n, bespectacled, - looks like one of , many believed; Inman would be- well. His rise to admiral age 60, has
those high school science teachers come the next CIA-director. When bee11 esetibed as meteoric. -
?that students;love to harass...:; fey, (vas being'' pressured to re- Robert Anson, an author and an ex
`Then he , -k',_, sign earlier this year because-of a, pert on U.S. intelligence agencies,
spec , an a th e thin, al controversy over some of his finan- `
,.most frail manhas cast.his rivetin wrote of Inman recently He is..
one
spell.:a
il mean, who once taught c1-4 dealings,. Inman was touted by of the; very, rare non-Annapolis, non-;
The.
histo at a Lon some : congressmen as his replace- blu ,,ter;'full four-star admirals in
ry gview junior high men(. - U.S. naval history,
school, has lived most of his life in" That was one of the most diffi- and undoubtedly the
the shawdowy world of the Central only one anywhere, who Can an. discuss
Intelligence:Agency ' cult times I've ever gone through ' the rhythms of Thackeray and Swin-:
? , spy satellites - in my life," Inman said. "There
and Capitol Hil intrigue. Until his burns as knowledgeably as he can the
nd ment in l intrigue. hs were all kinds of innuendos that Xxact dispositon of the Soviet Baltic
a
retire- April, a -
Live Texan who hasn't decided somehow I was orchestrating the fleet. His brain - is an intimidating
where he will relocate, was consid?torehotise, crpAttned with every imagi.
,nable fact,'
ered the guiding genius of the CIA.
"At my retirement ceremon
I
y.
. C(?117Z VFV
was reflecting on how far I had
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21 JULY 1982
It was explained thusly: "Under the new system, Mr.
cis and Efl cis Casey may still buy and sell stocks at his discretion. But a
screening committee, composed of CIA Deputy Director
A l l o f our administrations, operated b y whatever John McMahon and other senior CIA o f f i c i a l s , is t o be
political persuasion, take on a comic opera quality at furnished regularly with a list of Mr. Casey's stook
times. transactions.
It is rare, however, that we have been treated to as
ludicrous an operation as that now holding forth in the'
executive offices of the C.~IA_
or of the CIAis WiIIiam Tboygtt.,a bw
time em Fapetd'tiieumted mates, car. Casey is gable to
keep himself from -Participating in '.the= wbeeligg and
dealing which has marked his career.. A man of wealth
distinctive even in a cabinet in which that status is ac-
cepted as common, Mr. Casey wants more. There have
been some nasty innuendoes that, as CIA chief, be made
himself a tidy profit by selling oil stock after the agency,
which keeps track of this sort of thing, let him know that
an oil glut would be making its appearances. The natural
consequence would be a drop in value of oil stocks and,
coincidentally or not. Mr. Casey dumped -his.
This looked bad, the administration thought. So they
made a deal with Casey. Most other federal officials put
their holdings in a blind trust, and do not know what the
managers of the trust invest in or sell. This is aimed at
avoiding what is politely called conflicts of interest.
Mr. Casey balked at this procedure.' The Reagan
administration could have handed him his hat and said
they wanted officials more interested in public service
than private gain. It didn't, however. It reached a plan
under which the CIA could continue to wheel and deal, but
with restrictions.
- "If a senior official spots.a potential conflict, be is to
bring the matter to Mr. McMahon, who, in consultation
with CIA General Counsel Stanley Sporkin and his staff,
will decide whether Mr. Casey should be excluded from
making a policy decision: Or Mr. Casey will be told that
one of his holdings will be affected by a forthcoming
decision and be will decide whether to sell or excuse
himself from the matter."
Understand? I'm not too ,sure I do, either.
It is apparent, however, that we should all devoutly
hope that the Soviets or whoever will be good sportsmen
enough not to make trouble. while Mr. Casey, Deputy
Director McMahon; General Counsel .Sportin and "other
senior CIA officials" are deep in conference on Mr.
Casey's proposal that be sell, or buy, 25,004 shares of
AT&T stock or .whatever other deals be may be con-
sidering. First things first, you know.
Of course if someone launches nuclear missiles at us
and all the top CIA people rush into conference it may not
be to make plans for repelling the attacker, but to decide
if it maybe the pamper time to make a killing by unloading
his full portfolio of stocks before Wall Street falls in ruins
rr
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--~'` ARTICLE AFi ,,.;;,;
ON PAGE
GUARDIAN (U.S.)
21 JULY 1982
Left groups sue to
stop CIA, F81 spying
By JOHN TRINKL
President Ronald Reagan's program to
permit increased spying on U.S. citizens
and organizations is being challenged.
Thirty-six religious, educational and
political organizations and individuals
filed a suit in Federal District Court in
Washington, D.C., June 30 against
Reagan's executive order relaxing re-
strictions on domestic spying by the CIA
and FBI.
The executive order, signed by Reagan
in Dec. 1981. allows both the FBI and
CIA to infiltrate and manipulate domestic
organizations and allows, for the first
time, covert operations by the CIA inside
the U.S. The suit charges that the
executive order "provides the ostensible
legal authorization for a massive foreign
intelligence gathering and surveillance
operation." This surveillance operation,
the suit charges, "includes the extensive
use of warrantless searches and surveil-
lance; infiltration and manipulation of
groups and organizations deemed agents
of a foreign power or sources of foreign
intelligence and counterintelligence in-
formation; covert operations by the
Central Intelligence Agency against
organizations and persons associated
with those organizations, and the dis-
semination to government and military
authorities of information files on indivi-
duals who have done no more than
exercise their constitutionally protected
rights of freedom of religion, speech,
press, association, travel and privacy."
A wide range of groups and individuals
are plaintiffs in the suit including: Rep.
Ronald Dellums (D-Calif.); the National
Council of Churches; the United Pres-
byterian Church; the Union for Radical
Political Economics; Mobilization for
Survival; the War Resisters League;
Monthly Review Foundation; U.S. Com-
mittee in Solidarity with the People of El
Salvador; Puerto Rican Socialist Party,
U.S. branch; the All African Peoples
Revolutionary Party, and the Institute for
Independent Social Journalism, which
publishes the Guardian. The Center for
Constitutional Rights initiated the legal
action against the government.
Named in the suit are President
Reagan, Attorney General William
Smith, CIA director William Casey,
Secretary of State-designate George
Shultz, Secretary of Defense Caspar
Weinberger and other government offi-
cials.
Rep. Dellums, one of the plaintiffs,
charges that the executive order consti-
tutes an unauthorized usurpation of the
powers of Congress and constitutes "a
throwback to the fearful days of Mc-
Carthyism." Church groups involved in
the case express concern that their
missionaries could be the subject of
surveillance, infiltrations and use as
intelligence sources. Almost all of the
groups involved as plaintiffs have con-
tacts with a number of foreign organiza-
tions and individuals. The suit charges
that the plaintiffs could be deemed
"agents of a foreign power" by the
attorney general because of their foreign
contacts and become subject to survil-
lance under the terms of the executive
order.
The suit states that Reagan's order "is
also in violation of the First Amendment
in that it chills plaintiffs from exercising
their rights to freedom of speech, press
and association, and deters others from
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REGISTER-GUARD (OR)
21 JULY 1982
An upside-down deal at the CIA
Before Wiljiam' Taker became director' of
the antral Intelligence Agencv. he was wheel
ing and dealing on Wall Street. He's still at It.
Unlike most government officials with big
financial holdings - including his two CIA
predecessors - Casey refuses to put his hold
ings into a blind trust. That's an arrangement in'_
which an official turns over his investments to
independent managers to handle without the of-
ficial's knowledge.
The idea is to avoid conflicts of interest
between official duties and private holdings and
to scotch any possibility of the official using
"insider" information to make a market killing.
Few in government are more likely to have
a conflict or are better positioned to profit from
it than the CIA director. He has access to all
sorts of intelligence information, including the
economic variety. (Although the quality of CIA;
intelligence is sometimes such that using it to
play the market might be a short'road to bank-'
ruptcy.)
The Los Angeles Times reports that Casey,
sold more. than $600,000 in- oil stocks last year,
when the worldwide oil glut was, having a dra-
matic effect-on their value Did. he use insider
info? Nobody knows but Casey and his stock-
broker.
Instead of 'a blind trust, Casey has now an-
nounced an arrangement in which he will keep
senior CIA officials advised of his holdings. If
they see a potential conflict, they will theoreti-
cally keep information from Casey and keep
him out of agency decisions on affected matters.
If it's to be believed, that is an upside-down
system. It reduces the CIA director to a part-
timer. If Casey has a big oil deal cooking, for
example, and things are about to come apart in
.the Middle East oil fields, are his underlings
really going to keep him in the dark about what
could be the start of World War III?
Casey can't have it both ways. If he wants to
be the nation's top spy, he has to let somebody
else play with his money for a while. If he'd.
rather listen to E.F. Hutton than his agents, he
should turn in his secret decoder and head back
to Wall Street. ',?-
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 Approved For Release 2eBR/I1f689k-g 1-p@j91R00040
21 JULY 1982
' i roI b g_ tontlict of interest at C_;IA
T'BIRECTOR OF Central Intelligence
is one of a tiny number of government of-
ficials with virtually unlimited access to
the broad spectrum of international intelligence
information that is gathered by the United
States. That includes economic intelligence,
which is obtained in many cases. well in ad-
vance of the time that it becomes public knowl-
edge.
To insulate themselves from even the ap-
pearance of profiting from such prior informa-
tion, top officials are. required to place stock
holdings that they want to retain in a blind
trust, over which they have no day-to-day con-
trol. The director of Central Intelligence, is,
however, exempted from that rule.
Last year, the current director, William J.
Casey, sold more than $600,000 in oil stocks. As
it happens, 1981 was the year of the great oil
glut, when prices of oil shares fell sharply.
Whether Casey made money, lost money or
broke even on his oil-stock transactions is not
known. In a way, it is not even important.
What is important is that the sale of these
particular stocks by a man in Casey's position
has raised unanswered and perhaps even unan-
swerable questions about whether secret intelli-
gence information affected his decisions.
Casey's immediate predecessors at the CIA,
George Bush and Stansfield Turner, voluntarily
placed their investments in blind trusts to avoid
any suspicions of conflicts of interest. Casey,
does not want to do that.
Instead, be has now agreed to a rather curi-
ous "screening arrangement," under which se-
nior CIA officials will be kept advised of his
stock transactions. If those officials think that
they see a potential conflict between Casey's
official duties and his private financial inter-
ests, they may exclude Casey from making a
decision on an official matter. Casey, mean-
while, would retain full freedom to buy and sell
stocks as he chose.
That is a cumbersome arrangement and a
troubling one. It suggests that the nation's top
intelligence official could, at times, be isolated
from the decision-making process that is part
of his legal responsibility, in order to protect
him from a possible interest conflict.
It would clearly be far better if Casey were
able to perform his job fully without reference
to his personal financial affairs. That could be
done if he would do what his predecessors did,
and what he himself did in two earlier impor-
tant government jobs: place his investments in
a blind trust.
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ANDERSON INDEPENDENT-MAIL (SC)
19 JULY 1982
Why Is Casey.
Above. The Rest?.
CIA Director William' J.
Casey is among the few top
Reagan administration of-
ficials with access . to
worldwide intelligence in-
formation, including secret
estimates of oil supplies.
During his first four mon-
ths as CIA chief Casey, ac-
cording o'hiiss own disclosure
statement, sold about two-
thirds of his oil industry
stock holdings for $600,000.
This was at a time when oil
stock prices started dropping
but before they bottomed out.
Casey remains the only top
Reagan appointee who didn't
set up a blind trust for selling
his holdings before taking a
post which gives him inside
knowledge on status of world
oil supplies..
In answer to those ques-
tioning the ethics of the situa-
tion, the CIA has announced
an arrangement whereby an
in-house CIA committee will
keep on eye on Casey's finan-
cial dealings.. .
? Meanwhile, he will con-
tinue freely to speculate in
stocks at his own discretion.
Under this tidy arrange-
ment Casey's deputy direc-
tor, the CIA general counsel,
and a few other senior CIA
officials' will be furnished
lists of their boss' stock deal-
ings.
If these subordinates feel
certain speculations in
stocks might place Casey in
conflict of interest, he would
exclude himself from taking
part in CIA decisions
possibly affecting his per-
sonal finances.
Said CIA General Counsel
Stanley Sporkin: "I'm not
going to let him get himself
into trouble."
Casey contends that his in-
vestment adviser buys and
sells stock on his behalf
without "direction or con-
sultatibn" on Casey's part.
Two questions arise over
the effectiveness of the
"screening" arrangement:
1) Will it prevent an ethics
problem, and, 2) Will it affect
Casey's ability to do his job?
A CIA director who for any
reason. refrains from taking
part in all decisions within
his agency obviously is hob-
bling himself from fully per-
forming the duties of the of-
fice.
Casey's predecessors
either divested themselves of
large investments or placed
them in blind trusts. He
should do no less.
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THE SAN DIEGO UNION
19 JULY 1982
ARTICLE APPEARED
ON PAGE4
CoPiey i4!4-S Service
WASHINGTON - A year has
passed since the Senate Intelligence.
Committee reported it could find no
basis for concluding that William Jo-
seph Casey Jr. was unfit to serve as
director of"Central Intelligence:
If that wasn't damning with faint
praise it indicated that the commit-
tee had, as the Capitol Hill expres-
sion goes, only "a minimum of high
regard" for him.
But if the committee were to make
a judgment on Casey's job perform-
ance today, it almost certainly would
be phrased in positive, favorable
terms.
Eveli some of his severest, critics,
who personally don't like the' gruff,
sometimes abrasive New Yorker, ac-
knowledge be has strengthened the
CIA in his first 18 months as Lord of
Langley.
"Despite the distrust of Casey, he
is generally credited with doing a
good job in teefing up the agency,"
an -aide-to one of the most critical
senators said.
A strapping six-footer, the 69-year-
old veteran of the Mice of Strategic
Services (OSS) in World War II, is on
a roll. He is exhibiting the calm as-
surance of a man who loves his ..iob
,. Such was. not the case when he was
haled before the Senate committee to
.explain why he appointed the contro-
versial and inexperienced Max C.
Hugel as his deputy for clandestine
operations and failed to provide all
the information required of. him on
committee questionnaires.
Casey eventually conceded it was
"a mistake" for which "I take full
responsibility" to have appointed
Hugel, who had by then resigned.
And the director wound up telling the
senators more about his own past
business and government activities
than they probably wanted to know.
Casey seems to he able to admit a
mistake and learn from it. He agrees
that he failed to devote sufficient at-
tention to congressional relations
after his confirmation sailed through
the Senate 95 to 0 in January 1981.
He came across as a rather reluc-
tant sharer of intelligence informa-
tion with the oversight committees.
Members of the Senate panel were
particularly irked. Eventually,* after
Hugel business erupted,
several committee mem-
berg, Including then Chair-
man Barry Goldwater, R
Ariz., suggested . Casey
should resign.
Iii recent months, bowev-
er, 'Casey has made an ef-
fortto keep in closer touch.
He; now invites . small
.groups of Senate and House
committee members to dis-
cuss matters of mutual in-
terest over breakfast
.Adm. Bobby R. Inman,
who retired as CiA 'deputy
director last month, called
`- CCasey a "good director,"
adding:.
Casey Has Strengthened CIA
giCritics Ackn
By L. EDGAR PRINA and feels he's on top of it.
f ':%"The only critical : note
'that I would make, and I've
made it to Bill, is that he
needs, to work harder on his
congressional relations.
That.process also could be
-helped if some members of
Congress went a little easi
er in their public rhetoric
toward him"
Casey gave himself a i
handicap with the ? news
media when he decided that
the CIA once again would
.be "not a low-profile, but a
no-profile agency."
No longer can a reporter
simply call the agency's
public affairs office and ar,
range a briefing by one of
the hundreds, of specialists
at the CIA complex in near-
by Langley, Va., as was the
case during the Carter ad-
ministration.
Such briefings are now
relatively rare and are of-
fered on -a quid- pro quo
basis: If the 'reporter is
going to travel abroad and
agrees to share his insights
and information upon his
return,.he will probably find
that a specialist is avail-
able.
Unclassified CIA re
search reports on such.,
things as Soviet oil produc-
tion or U.S.S.R. arms trans-
fers to Third World coun-
tries no longer are brought
to the attention of interest-'' ed reporters, nor mailed to
them upon request.
In an address to agency
employees, Casey said he
believes the CIA will be,
more effective and more re-'
spected "if we cut down on'
hawking our wares" and.
concentrate of excellence in
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ON PAGE }_ _
CHICAGO TRIBUNE
18 JULY 1982
Classitived [iidl info:
"To you we say these are times to put your
framing and ability to work where it really
counts: at the CIA."
By Storer Rowley
Chico; Tribune Press Service.
WASHINGTON-The Central Intelligence
Agency is thriving, and it is making nn secret
of the fact it is hiring steadily at a time :when
other federal employee's are being laid off in
droves.
The nation's super-secret espionage agency
is not just looking for a few good career spies.
Also wanted are a variety of computer pro-
grammers and analysts, economists and sci-
entists, nuclear engineers and language ex-
perts, and others ranging "from secretaries
-up to laser beam technicians."
In fact, the CIA has gone public with a
cross-country radio campaign as part of an
overall buildup under way at the agency.
-`If you would like to shape a world to come,
send your resume to the Central Intelligence
Agency," intoned the voice on a 60-second
radio spot played for several days in Washing-
ton and Los Angeles. It followed earlier radio
campaigns in Salt Lake City, Atlanta and
billion for next year, which is about a 13
percent boost over this year's Pentagon
budget.
WHILE IREAGAN is trying to cut back on
social programs and to eliminate the Depart-
ments of Energy and Education, defense-
related and national security agencies are
getting beefed up. For example, plans are
going ahead to construct a 1.1 million square
foot office building, _parking structure and
security reception center at. the CIA's head-
quarters complex in nearby Langley, Va.
Henry Walton, deputy _ chief of -the CIA's
recruitment division, acknowledged in an in-
terview that the agency is growing. But he
cautioned that the CIA isn't making "whole-
sale increases." He called the increase
"modest."
Walton denied there is a "major advertising
effort" under way, but described it as rather_
an "ongoing" recruitment campaign.
"We need to compete for good applicants
just like any other business or concern," Wal-
ton explained. "We've got to make sure that
the public knows that the Central Intelligence
Agency is hiring.
WALTON SAID the agency is trying to gain
a "share of mind" of an individual who may
ill
be happily employed now but
w
remember
sending in resumes, according to CIA officials, the CIA when it comes time for a job change.
and the cloak-and-dagger business is booming. "We also have have' about 800 to 1,000 re-
The radio ads have been very successful. - sumes a week that are essentially unso-
After nearly a decade of internal cuts and licited," Walton said. "There are people who
public criticism, the 35-year-old - agency has are astonished that we get our people by
once again become a growth industry fueled advertising. And some do go on to covert
by hardliners in the Reagan administration, a work. We do get a number of people (through
general improvement in its public image and ads) in our career training program ... those
an ongoing recruitment campaign on college individuals who will ultimately train for serv-
campuses and with radio, newspaper and ice abroad as an intelligence officer."
magazine advertising. Walton attributed the recent upsurge in ap-
The agency never discloses personnel or plicants not only to-the agency's increased-
budget figures, but CIA Director William J. advertising but also to the recession. Nation-
Casey has said that for the last two years the wide unemployment now stands at 9.5 percent,
agency has been undergoing, a buildup that the highest rate since World War II.
began in the closing year of the Carter ad- Congressional sources familiar with the
ministration. House and Senate intelligence oversight com-
Casey has only characterized the buildup as mittees agree with CIA officials that the agen-
generally in line with the country's defense cy's public image has improved, spurring
buildup. If so, that could be a substantial more interest in joining the agency than a
increase in budget and manpower. President decade ago.
Reagan has asked Congress for a record BY SOME ESTIMATES worldwide CIA spy-
peacetime Defense Department budget of $258 ing during the Vietnam war, includipg the
MORE APPLICANTS than ever before are
agency's "secret army" in Laos, swelled the
number of CIA operatives to about 8,500 in the
late 1960s.
In the mid-1970s, congressional investigation
of the agency produced better oversight of
intelligence activities. Then the Carter ad-
ministration further restricted the agency. .
The CIA's budget was cut by about .40 per-
cent and its personnel by half during those
years, according to Casey. In August, 1977,
then-Director Stansfield Turner announced the
elimination of 816 jobs in the operations divi-
sion. The so-called "Halloween massacre"
came the following Oct. 31, when Turner sent
out the first 212 pink slips. - . '
But the tide has turned around again.
THE BUSINESS OF spying, however, is still
a very selective and exclusive affair, and
agency publicity has the dual effect" of pro-
moting the CIA's image by calling on only the
best applicants to apply:
? The radio ad states that graduate and
undergraduate degrees are necessafy and
seeks "men and women with backgrounds in
computer and physical sciences, economics,
engineering, languages or foreign area studies
Qualifications are high, but so are the
rewards and the benefits."
? A CIA newspaper ad asks a series. of
questions as to whether an applicant can tol-
erate pressure, make quick decisions, lead
and motivate others and withstand hardship.
"Many men and women bored with their pre-
sent 9 to 5 jobs merely fantasize that they are
cut out for the demanding work that a career
with the CIA entails," the ad says. "If there is
the slightest doubt in your mind about your-
self, read no further. Save your time and ours.
? An agency recruiting -booklet, "Intelli-
gence: the Acme of Skill," `also cautions that
the work is hard and not for everyone, and it
describes intelligence' as having "less to do
with cloaks and daggers than with the pain-
staking, generally tedious collection of facts,
analysis of acts, exercise of judgment and
quick, clear evaluation."
Starting salaries, for CIA recruits begin at
about $16,000 a year and can go as high as
$25,000 for well qualified applicants, and re-
cruits are needed for more than 100 different
job categories, Walton said.
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THE WASHINGTON POST
18 July 1982
Men nth a Mission, at the Midterm
By David Hoffman and Lou Cannon.
washmgwn Post Staff writers
A senior White House official, reflecting
on the strengths and weaknesses of Pres.
ident Reagan's Cabinet members, was
asked recently who among them has come
to the Oval Office during the past 18:
months bearing bad news the president
might not want to hear.
He paused, then answered, "Sen. Pete .
Domenici."
When asked which of the 16 Cabinet
members would be most valuable in help-
ing Republicans during this fall's congres-
sional campaigns, one of Reagan's senior,
political advisers said, "I'm glad I'm not Ed
Rollins," referring to the White House po.
litical director. "The Cabinet officers have
each committed to two weeks of campaign-
ing, and it's hard to figure out where you'd l
want to use them."
As the Reagan administration nears mid-
term, these frank, typical judgments from
those close to the president of the limita-
tions and deficiences of the Reagan Cab-
inet inet reflect their feelings that, in the words
of one administration official, this is a Cab-
inet "without superstars." The judgments
from outsiders are much harsher.
Instead, it is a Cabinet that rates highest
for loyalty. Now that Alexander M. Haig
Jr. is gone as secretary of state, it contains
few dissenters and no solo fliers.
Cabinet members are quick to point out
that the president is the only elected mem-
ber of the executive branch, other than the
vice president, and that he comes, with
plenty of strong convictions. Rather than I
the. corporate-style "Cabinet government"
promised by Reagan during the 1980 pres-
idential campaign, most important _de-
cisions are made among the small group of
White House advisers.
That is fine with the Cabinet. For ,the
most part its members are a collection of
wealthy, middle-aged males, steeped in the
ways of board rooms and corporate man-
agement, who live by the executive branch
equivalent of Sam Rayburn's famous con-
gressional adage: "To get along, go along."
GAN, Ck&NEL
PART I
Jimmy Carter brought into his Cabinet
men who had won elections and brought
with'. them their own political bases: Ed-
mund S. Muskie, Cecil D. Andrus, Neil
Goldschmidt, Moon Landrieu, . Brock Ad-
ams. But the Reagan . Cabinet has a
markedly lighter political weight. One of
the most frequently heard criticisms is that
the group lacks sufficient political sensitiv-
ity.
One Cabinet member who agrees was
asked recently for an example of bow the
(administration has been hurt. because of
t`Iow many examples do you want?" he
said, ' ticking off such embarrassments of
the first 18 months as the furor caused by
the decision to give tax exemptions to some
private schools that are racially discrimin-
atory.
it is a Cabinet of businessmen,-not pol-
iticians," a top administration official said.
This is precisely what Reagan had intend-
ed. "One of my basic requirements," he said
during the 1980 campaign, "is I want peo-
ple who don't want a job in government. I
want people who will have to step down.to
take a position in government-"
Like those of other Cabinets, Reagan's
appointees have fallen to the temptation of
the perquisites of government ser-
vice. Reagan ordered his Cabinet
members the day after taking office
"not tar-redecorate their offices." In
the first few months, at least six
Cabinet members did so anyway,
some spending thousands of dollars
to improve their private bathrooms
and dining rooms.
Like any other Cabinet of any
other president, it is one in which
some members clearly outshine the
others. There is general agreement,
both inside and outside the admin.
istration that the most skilled, and
effective members of the Reagan
Cabinet are Treasury Secretary Don-
At the other end of the table,
there is nearly unanimous agree-
ment, even from some of those clos-
est and most loyal to the president,
that. ;Labor Secretary Raymond J.
Donovan and Housing and Urban
.Development Secretary 'Samuel R.
Pierce Jr. are conspicuous adminis-
tration liabilities.
Between these two groups is a
collection of Cabinet members who,
nearly everyone agrees, have some
obvious strong points and some se-
rious-flaws. It is widely anticipated
that there will be a reshuffling of the
Cabinet after the Nov. 2 elections.
In a series of interviews recently,
many Cabinet members, White
House aides, other administration
officials, members of Congress, lob-
byists and academics assessed the.
strengths and weaknesses of the in-
dividual members of the Reagan
Cabinet-
* * * *
By the very nature of his position-,.
less is known about bow William J.
Case director of the CIA, has fared.
One senior White House insider said
Casey serves Reagan we v e iv-
erin analyses without adding rec-
ommendations. Another AR i saf
it's difficult to determine how mu
independent ab y brings to
he post because he often just read
from prepared papers.
His former deputy, Adm. Bobby
R Inman, was a favorite in on-
eress, but Casey is not trusted by
some members of the Intelligence
:committees. "Even if Casey was tell-
in- the truth with his hand on a
stack of es, wouldn't ieve
him," one committee Democrat said.
"He'll tell you something and You
really don't knnw."
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retarv Andrew L. (Drew) Lewis Jr.
and -Defense Secretary Caspar W.
 Approved For Release 109 21gN& J-0090
ARTICLE LPPV rD 16 JULY 1982
ON PAGE
_~
Case y 's ,Shadows: ' said, when he arrived. Part of the 4 X HIM, Me uaiiy problem was simply' money: In the seven briefing P ure
or eight years ,prior has been changed. Now high officials don t
prior to the last year of the merely get a package of written materials
A Greater Emphasis Caner administration, the agency . had sent over by the agency. Instead they hear
"lost 50% of its people and 40 ?'o of its fund- r a presentation from a briefing officer. He
On CIA' Ana siS thg'? then reports back to headquarters on what
-r The problem wasn't just money, though. types of questions the officials asked and if
The program "wasn't timely," said Mr. there might be a need for more of certain
In the huge marble entrance hall of the Casey, "and "it 'wasn't relevant. For in,--' kinds of information.
Central Intelligence Agency outside Wash- stance, I asked :for an. estimate on the CuN These changes in the way the CIA han-
ington, one wall bears the words, "And Ye bans and their activities. I got. it after twos dies intelligence are all of a piece. They
Shall Know the Truth and the Truth Shall months-and: ` it neglected to mention , are designed to make disputes in.the Intel-
Make You Free." The wall opposite is in- Cuba's relationship with the Soviet.Union.. I; ligence community more visible, produce.
scribed with stars,' In Honor of Those sent it' back. and it took another while: I Information on the politicians' timetable,
Members of the CIA Who Gave Their Lives asked how long It had been in the works. It reorganize the analysts to make their prod-
in the Service of Their Country." Below the turned out that it was begun in June. of uct conform more closely to decision mak-
stars, a glass display case holds a book in 1980. It, had gone through -seven drafts- -a, needs and tighten the day-today con..
which each star is followed by the name of and the first one was the best." nection between high government officials
the slain CIA member it stands for. Some Moreover, the estimates were too nar and the agency. If they work, they will
make the CIA more relevant. They willof the stars have only blank spaces beside row in scope: "They were doing these esti also make the_ agency; more .political,_.by-,
them, to -mark the names that will-never mates on acountry-by-country basis: They.;; forcing analysts to attune themselves more
be revealled., would do one on Nicaragua, Honduras,:.El . closely to the.schedules and agendas of the ;
This dual commitment; to secrecy and Salvador. But no:one.was looking at there Politicians who are''their-`customerss
to knowledge; -is the hallmark of a govern gional Interplay ",among these coyntries: Mr. Casey's strategy Is
guaranteed toy
ment. intelligence agency.. Most of our at- And. no one was concentrating on the eco- provoke resistance, but its "political". na
tention to the CIA in the past decade has . nomic component ture is precisely what makes it
been concentrated on the secrecy part. But of these situations. 20 p g?.
years,-,we had put only five estimates s ?on ' After all' it is hard to unless y:a; decision
CIA Director William Casey, In a recent in- the Soviet economy... maker a gaol answer `on are will-
terview, wanted mainly to talk about what "We've got the estimating ing to find out what his qus question Is...
he was doing about the less glamorous and', streamlined," Mr..'Casey said. Instead' of more important matter of how the agency { 1. the compmmising and papering-over of dlf-?, J
analyzes and reports Information. ,. C,. ferences, that used to go. on at the; ioaer
He did say that the CIA was now active levels, of the bureaucracy when ans "
again in v clandestipe activities., albeit. -In
mate- was prepared, "we .'now- have the:
post-Watergate style. "There's a lot of talk .' chiefs of all the agencies cOmprlsing the in-
about my being trigger-happy," Mr. Casey jelligence community:' making, the dect=
`defended himself, but lots, of the little The' issues;-as,--one aide to Mr"y
countries of the world are under pressure".: Casey.putIt. are drawn -more clearly under
?,. the :new systerrm: They are made clearer:
till b
M Case
s
t
i
~, - -
y
y
cer
a
nty , UM".i m e
Capital Chro mCle one responsible.-for the estimate, and-for:
by Suzanne Garment
from Soviet-backed forces. "We've gotten
out of the business of security assistance,
but we're doing lots for them In fields like
communications.
"For instance, we helped in the El Sal-
vador election. In Honduras, we put people
through school and gave them instruments
that can detect how much metal a truck Is
carrying. Some countries we help just with
photographic information, or sensors, or
training for anti-terrorist forces. It's all
done with local people and just a handful of
officers."
But just -as important was what was
happening to intelligence analysis. The es-
timates program-the process by which
vng a: 'tote ?refiection ' of alternative
ews.
Mr. Casey has also made some major
changes in The way the agency: does' its
short-term analysis.'He's-taken the people,
in the analytic sections-who used to be di-
vided up Into categories like scientific af-
fairs, societal affairs and strategic if. fairs-and put them into new sections or-
ganized along geographic lines. That way,
he said, they have a better chance of pro-?.
d.ucing. information that is immediately:
useful to policymakers. He has also estab-
iished new analysis centers on two topics
of current interest, technology transfer and
"insurgency and instability."
the intelligence community, within the CIA
and elsewhere, produces its major pieces
of analysis-had bee "way do '
approvedor Release 2005/12/14: CIA-RDP91-00901ROO0400100006-0
 ARTIC'L"r LP
Michael Kilian
CHICAGO TRIBUNE
16 JULY 1982
Stock-watchin for CIA's
boss
CIA Director William Casey has refused to
put his investments in a blind trust, as his
predecessors have done. Instead, he has
assigned aides to alert him whenever CIA
intelligence might help his investments and
present him with a: conflict of interest.
John Le Carre's George Smiley stuck his
hands deep into. the pockets of his-overcoat
as he skulked-along in the dark shadows
near the Berlin Wall. It was July, and rather
hot to be' wearing ' an overcoat, ? but be
couldn't imagine skulking without one.. It
just ? wasn't done. It was the sort. of thing
'that could get one'.rumored abotit- in one's
club. v