VISIONS DIFFER AIDES PROPOUND SCENARIOS FOR CENTRAL AMERICA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP91-00901R000400070003-7
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 52
• Document Creation Date: December 19, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 14, 2005
• Sequence Number: 3
• Publication Date: July 31, 1983
• Content Type: NSPR

A.RAT304
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VISIONS DIFFER
000400070003-7
Aides Propound Scenarios for Central Atrui erica
By Lou Cannon
Washington Post Staff Writer
As the Reagan administration
struggles to defend its Central
American policies to the country
and the Congress, it finds itself far
more united on supporting the
government of El Salvador than
on what to do about the leftist re-
gime in Nicaragua.
Some officials lean toward de-
stabilizing the Nicaraguan govern-
ment and say that l)3., the end of
the year U.S.-backed guerrillas will
develop the military capability to
challenge and eventually over-
throw the Sandinista regime. But
others . suggest that the United
States could accept a Yugoslav-
style communist government in
Nicaragua if that country stopped
supporting Salvadoran guerrillas
and did not serve as a Soviet or
Cuban military base.
One . high-ranking official said
that it is 'a shot in the rain barrel"
to predict what the situation in
Central America will be in six
months.
But, he said, "there's a softening
and a great nervousness in Nica-
ragua" and the "contras,' the ,
counter-revolutionaries, were ral-
lying more troops to their side
than they could arm or feed.
An army of 25,000 insurgents,,
_
about double the number now con-
templated, could take over Nica-
ragua, he said. A force of that size
could be organized, equipped and
sustained over time, he added, be-
cause the Sandinistas "have a de-
teriorating economy and lack the
support of the people.
Such a scenario presumes that
Congress will not cut off funds for
the CIA-supported covert opera-
tion in Nicaragua. Though the
Senate is not expected to support
Thursday's House vote for a cutoff
of covert funds, House leaders be-
lieve that they may be able to
block funds for fiscal 1984.
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?
The expectatation of an eventual victory
for the rebels in Nicaragua is one of several
conflicting outcomes visualized for Central
America by high-ranking administration of-
ficials. most Of-whom talked on the condition
that they not'be quoted by name.
Several officials expressed the view that
the United States would settle for a situation
in which the Nicaraguans were frightened or
pressured into withdrawing their support for
leftist guerrillas in El Salvador.
"I would hope six months from now that
El Salvador would no longer be facing an
enemy that is trying to shoot its way into
power," said Secretary of Defense Caspar W.
Weinberger. "I hope that Nicaragua will have
stopped trying to resupply a guerrilla force
and export their distorted brand of revolu-
tion. Then Nicaragua can do what it likes."
Some offiCials conceded that the insurgent
forces in Nicaragua will try to take advan-
tage of the "military shield" created by U.S.
forces during, their six Months of training
exercises in neighboring Honduras and off
the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of Central
America. But they said the contras and the
Reagan administration do not have identical
aims.
"We have minimal and maximal goals in
Nicaragua. And I truly believe that they are
not identical with the contras'," said U.N.
Ambassador Jeane J. Kirkpatrick.
Reagan administration officials appear to
be united on "minimal goals," primarily stop-
ping Nicaragua from serving as a base or
supply center for the leftist guerrillas in El
Salvador. But the "maximal goals" provoke
disagreement.
The stated goal of the Reagan adminis-
tration, proclaimed many times by the pres-
ident, is that Nicaragua return to the prom-
ises of the Sandinista revolution, grant es-
sential freedoms to its citizens and carry out
its pledge to hold free elections.
But some officials have said that the Unit-
ed States would settle for much less, such as
a regime that followed the principles of "na-
tional
communism" similar to that
of Yugo-
slavia or the People's Republic of China and
was not a Soviet or Cuban military base.
A source confirmed that a high-level U.S.
official had explored this possibility with a
high-level Cuban official at two meetings.
The Cuban reportedly did not respond. But
last week Fidel Castro proposed an agree-
ment in which all parties involved in Central
America would agree to end supplies of
weapons and military advisers to the rival
forces in El Salvador and Nicaragua.
Reagan said Friday that he is willing to
give Castro the "benefit of the doubt in any
negotiations."
The seriousness with which the president
took the offer of a communist leader whom
he has frequently denounced raised specu-
lation that the United States and Cuba may
be seeking to reduce tension in Central
America on the eve of the U.S. military ma-
neuvers in the region.
Reinforcing this, view, high-ranking offi-
cials said that they see no sign that Cuba is
prepared to invest combat troops in Nicara-
gua, which Reagan has publicly described as
the base of a Soviet-Cuban "a war machine."
Officials who agreed to discuss the activ-
ities of the U.S.-backed forces in Nicaragua
only in the most general terms said that they
, do not anticipate that Cubans would enter
the-conflict in response to stepped-up activ-
ities by the contras.
On Thursday, CBS News reported that a
number of senior CIA officers have objected
to the plan of CIA Director William 3. Casey
to expand contra activities against the Ni-
caraguan government.
The report was officially denied. But
sources Friday confirmed part of it, which
said that some CIA officials felt that the ex-
panded covert operation was likely to pro-
voke "a dangerous military response" and
that Casey had no contingency plan to deal
with Cuban intervention.
CONTINUED
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rl-ri 0.9 r:
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sha ow over Latin
This story was reported by Storer
American pone
WASHINGTON?Moving a fleet of war-
ships to Central American waters can be
easier, President Reagan is discovering,
than moving the American people away
from their memories of Vietnam.
The President's policy on Central Ameri-
ca is in trouble, and he knows it.
One clear sign of how deep that trouble
is can be seen in the resurrection of
former Sec. of State Henry Kissinger, not
?so long ago a symbol for Reagan of all that
was wrong with American foreign policy
but now returned to grace as the head of a
presidential commission on Central Ameri-
ca.
Despite an urgent and personal lobbying
effort involving not only Reagan himself
but Secretary of State ..Tecirge Shultz and
National Security Adviser William Clark,
the House on Thursday voted to cut off CIA
operations in support of anti-government
guerrillas in Nicaragua.
And only two days earlier Reagan
himself acknowledged in a nationally
televised press conference that the Ameri-
can people, so far at least, remain unper-
suaded and sharply skeptical about his
policy and his intentions.
Even some of the commander-in-chief's
own military leaders have serious doubts?
and, extraordinarily, have expressed
them?about whether Reagan might be
nudging the country toward a war the
people will not support.
For now at least, only the White House
top echelon and Reagan himself seem
convinced that the administration is on the
right course.
IN ORDERING A U.S. navy flotilla of
about 20 ships to maneuvers in Central
American seas and announcing plans for
exercises by some 4,000 American troops
in Honduras, Reagan and the White House -
were trying to show they mean business .in .
resisting what they see as the spread of .
communist revolution in Central America. -
The muscle-flexing was aimed at Nicara-
gua whose Sandinista revolutionary re-
gime. in Reagan's view, is exporting revo-
lution?and arms? to leftist guerrilas in
El Salvador.
Rowley, John Maclean and Raymond--
Coffey of the. Chicago Tribune's
_Washington bureau. It was written by
Coffey. -
It was aimed, too, at Cuba and the Soviet
.Union which Reagan also sees as inspiring
and supporting revolution in the region.
Administration officials insisted last
week that they ? see signs already that
Reagan's tough stance is producing re-
sults.
"I think we see some signs of change,"
one administration official said. He cited
"some lessening" in the volume of mili-
tary materiel flowing from Nicaragua to
the rebels in El Salvador and "some indi-
cations" that Salvadoran government
forces are currently "doing better in their
war against" the rebels as a result of U.S.
military training assistance.
The official also said "we have seen
Nicaragua and Cuba make motions to
move toward regional negotiations" with
their neighbors instead of the one-on-one
bargaining with individual countries, in-
cluding the United States, that Nicaragua
has heretofore insisted on.
THE OFFICIAL, who declined to be
named, also mentioned that a Soviet cargo
ship carrying helicopters and other mili-
tary hardware had speeded up on its way
to Nicaragua after Reagan identified it by
name in his Tuesday night press confer-
ence.
The official was suggesting that this was
somehow in response to Reagan's re-
mark?that the President has gotten the
attention of the Soviets.
Beyond the Reagan inner circle, howev-
er, all that sort of evidence is regarded by
most informed observers here to be flimsy
and dubious.
The arms flow to El Salvador has
diminished, they say, not because of U.S.
threats but because the leftist guerrillas
have /enough weapons, can capture more
from the El Salvadoran army, and now
need only ammunition and medical sup-
plies from outside.
What does appear to be true, and to be
said for the Reagan policy, is that it is
indeed working in the sense that he has
gotten Nicaragua and Cuba nervous if not
nownright scared.
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ARTICIA AMAIM WASHINGTON POST
31 July 1983
'CONTRAS' LAG
Nicaraguan Rebels Opting for Direct U.S. Role
?
00400070003-7
By Christopher Dickey
Vrainington Post Foreign Service
TEGUCIGALPA, Honduras,
July 30?The U.S.-backed Ni-
caraguan "counterrevolutionaries"
have fallen behind in their time-
table for rapid victory over. the .
leftist. Sandinista government in
Managua and increasingly talk of
the need for radical changes in the
war if they are to win.
Rebel leaders interviewed here
speak of hopes for the start of a
genuine popular insurrection
against the Sandinistas, similar to
the one that overthrew dictator
Anastasio Somoza four years ago.'
But U.S. diplomats asked about
that possibility said they consider
it highly unlikely.
Failing that, some leaders of the
contras, as the insurgents are
called, say they hope for direct
U.S. intervention.
"It's the less cruel way, with less
NEWS ANALYSIS
suffering,' said Edgar Chamorro,
one of the eight directors of the
Nicaraguan Democratic Force.
Even without a direct invasion
by U.S. troops, the anti-Sandinis-
tas have shown increasing depen-
dence on Washington, not only for
covert funding but for diplomatic
_
and political support vital to their
cause.
With obvious hostility to their
movement .in Congress?as the
House vote of 228-to-195 Thurs-
day for a cutoff of covert assist-
ance made clear?and facing the
more powerful and disciplined mil: ,
itary-political responses from Nic-
aragua, the insurgents say that
time may be running out on them:
"This is not a heroic, prolonged,
national liberation movement,"
said Chamorro, contrasting the
war waged by his forces with the
classic, long-term development of
leftist insurgencies in th@oprioxted For
We work with timetables." Last as
the Democratic Force launched its first
large-scale offensive in northern Nicaragua,
there was talk of victory before the end of
the year and of major strides by mid-
summer.
? But there have been no such .gains. The
.forces have retreated to camps along the
Honduran border, one of the largest of which
.is inside this country near the village of Las
Trojes.
. A second offensive, aimed at taking the
town of Jalapa in the same region in June, is
TOW .described by contra leaders here as an
aberration, the action of a single powerful
-commander known as "Suicide," acting on
his own initiative.
"It was like a border war. Not good for us.
Not good for Honduras. Not good for any-
one," said Chamorro.
Meanwhile, efforts to 'establish active
"task forces" of several hundre.d men deep
inside Nicaragua have also failed, although
leaders here say that many of their soldiers
remain in place in regions such as Ma-
tagalpa.
Where it was once believed that the entry
of former Sandinista commander Eden Pas- I
tore into the fray?operating independently '
in the south near Costa Rica?would be a
significant factor, his forces have yet to prove
themselves capable of operating outside a
remote jungle. The support that Pastore ex-
pected from within the ranks of the Sandi-
nista military does not appear to have ma-
terialized.
The Nicaraguan government says it has
lost more than 600 people fighting the con-
tras. The anti-Sandinistas place their own
casualties at about 400, including both dead
and. wounded.
But the Sandinista forces arrayed-against
the insurgents outnumber them by at least 5
to 1 and have proved to be effective.
At the same time, the socialist indoctri-
nation, militarization and regimentation that
draws heated opposition from Washington
and other countries in the region gives the
Sandinistas a pervasive political presence
and intelligence network throughout Nica-
ragua.
"The Sandinista infrastructure is not
going to be penetrated," said a diplomat in
Managua who is personally hostile to the
rule there. "They're too capable. They've got
everything and everyone infiltrated." -
The diplomat repeated a common evalu-
ation, that if the Sandinistas are able to fin-
ish out this year they will have so consoli-
dated their strength that nothing short of
full-scale war could pry them out of power.
"We need 500 noncommissioned officers'
we don't have. We need very good logistics
and we don't have them. We need urban
organizations we don't have," Chamorro said:
? Many of these problems are blamed by
the .contras and their most enthusiastic
backers in Washington on insufficient fund-.
ing. The Reagan administration ? has put
more than $90 million into their activities
this year and CM Director William Casey
reportedly has asked Congress for $30 mil-
lion more to fund them in fiscal 1984, which
begins Oct. 1.
"I think some- people up around Reagan
actually believe with enough pressures the
contras can get the Sandinistas out," said the
diplomat in Managua.
Emilio Echaverry, military chief of staff of
the Nicaraguan Democratic Force, conceded
that his troops?who are estimated to num-
ber from 4,500 to his own high figure of
about 10,000?"find themselves at. the Mo-
ment in a certain static situation."
.But the ex-major in the Nicaraguan Na-
tional Guard argued that pressure from the
United States and other countries is "closing
the ring" on the Sandinistas, "tightening the
political, diplomatic and economic circle."
"We conceived that by the end of the year
we would either be on top of our objectives
Ithe ouster of the Sandinista leadership) or
at a distance where it is in sight," said
Echaverry. "We believe that as things are
developing, that time period will be complied
with."
But Echaverry added, "We have to enter
into a new phase"?something beyond what
he called the "hybrid" mix of guerrilla and
conventional tactics currently used for hit-
and-run attacks.
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70003-7
otthe'sitinds alarm
on Nicaragua
?
From Christopher Thomas
After one of the most intense,
emotional debates in Congress
since the Vietnam war, the
House of Representatives has
sent a clear message of alarm to
President Reagan over deepen-
ing United States involvement
in Central America.
By 228 votes to 195 the
House on Thursday night
approved a 30-day cut-off of
covert US aid to guerillas
fighting?the 1eftist....5a.ndinista,
regime in Nicaragua, "after
which it would be for both
houses of Congress to decide
whether to resume support.
It was a symbolic vote. The
Republican-controlled Senate
can safely be expected to
overturn the decision, and even
if it did not President Reagan
would use his veto.
Voting was largely along
partisan lines and puts the
Democratic majority firmly in
opposition to Mr Reagan's
strategy of intimidation of
leftist regimes by shows of
military might, and of support
of their armed opponent.
The compulsion of many of
the legislators, particularly on
the Republican side, was appar-
ent throughout ; the debate.
While there was worry about
the supposed build-up of Soviet
and Cuban activity in Central
America, there was equal
concern about further entrench-
ment of US involvement.
The ghost of Vietnam haun-
ted the chamber during the
three days of exceptionally
serious sombre and often angry
. debate.
Mr Casey: Plan -opposed
within CIA
The winning majority was
made up of 210 Democrats and
18 Republicans. Mr Reagan's
policy had the support of 145
Republicans and 50 Democrats.
Tha Administration insisted;
after the vote that its? policy;
would continue, but the out-i
come will leave the President in;
no doubt that the nation is I
deeply divided
Even in the upper echelons of
the Central Inteligni.L.e Agnecy,
which has been involved in
secret anti-sandinista oper-
ations in Nicaragua for 19
months, there is supposedly
intense conflict.
Some officers, according to
CBS News, are hotly opposed to
a plan by Mr William Casey,
the CIA director to expand
significantly the covert oper-
ations in Nicaragua.
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-ON FACIA
House Votes
To Cut Off
Covert Aid
228-to7195 laIlyis
Setback to Reagan -
Nicaragua 'Policy -?.
,
By Don Oberdortir
WashingtoriPost-Staff Writer
The 1-louse,-..in a partisan rebuke
to President -Reagan's -policies in
Central America, voted last night to -
cut off further-covert U.S. aid to reb---
els fighting the leftist Sandinista
government in Nicaragua.
The 2284.o-195 vote, which fol-
lowed one of the most intense, emo-
tional foreign policy debates in Con-
gress since the end of the Vietnam
war, was a political blow to the 'Rea-
gan administration's 19-month-old
"secret war" against the Sandinistas.
Split largely along party lines, the
vote put the Democratic majority in
the House?and, to a large extent,
the Democratic Party?on the
record in firm opposition to the pres-
ident.
But it: was highly uncertain
whether the-House action would lead
to_ a cutoff -of CIA support for the
guerrillas challenging the Sandinis-
tas. ,
The 'Republican-controlled Senate
is considered unlikely to accept the
House action. And if it were some-
how approved by the Senate, Repub-
lican leaders predicted that it would
be vetoed by Reagan.
Soon_ after the House. vote late
last night, Reagan administration
officials said the government _ re:
'mains committed to-continuing ..the' I
divert operation fri-Nicaraitess
it is clearly forbidden to do so by I
? Congress. They expressed confidence
that the House action would be over-
turned in the Senate.
WASHINGTON POST
Z9 Tuly 19 83
One official also confirmed that
some CIA officiAls had objected to a
plan by CIA Director William J.
Casey to significantly expand th
covert operation in Nicaragua n
support as many as 15,000 anti-San-
dinista guerrillas.
The. official said these CIA offi-
cers had 'gone-along" with Casey on
the formal recommendation while
secretlY warning some congressmen
of opposition to the plan by those in
the CIA who said they feared' it
could .draw Cuban troops into the
fighting in Nicaragua. - . ??
? House .members were told just
before .their final series of votes on
the coVert? operation last night that
CBS News had reported these "deep
divisions within the CIA's clancles-?
tine operations directorate over
plans to expand covert paramilitary
operations-against Nicaragua." A Whitei-lOuse of-
ficial immediately called Casey to ask whether it
was true, according to sources. Casey -reportedly
said that all the senior officials in the agency had
signed off on the proposal to expand covert aid.
The legislation approved by the House last
night would replace the covert support for the
anti-Sandinista -rebels with $80 million of "overt"
or open aid to friendly nations in Central America
to help stop shipments of arms to leftist insur-
gents.
In order to protect U.S.-supported guerrillas al-
ready in the field, the cutoff of covert aid would
take not effect until a secret date between now
and Oct. 1, the end of this fiscal year. A ban on
such aid is also contained in a secret intelligence
authorizatiOn bill for the 1984 fiscal Year pending
before the House.
Reagan and senior administration officials were
on the -telephone last night in an unsuccessful at-
tempt to swing the vote their way. Democratic
leaders of the House, led by Speaker Thomas P.
O'Neill Jr. (D-Mass.), made their own face-to-face
appeals on the floor. O'Neill said shortly after the
-vote that it "responds to the will of the American
I'people."
'His winning majority was made up of 210 Dem-
'.Ocrats and 18 Republicans, while 145 Republicans,
?nd 50 Democrats voted with Reagan.
O'Neill and other Democrats had been saying
;for several days that a series of revelations about
-administration actions in Central America, includ-
ing news of plans for exercises of U.S. naval, air
arid ground forces of unprecedented??size'rieer
Nic-
? aragua, had dramatically increased congressional
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C.:: PACE22/.._ .28 July 1963
CIA seeks more covert al
House weighs cut-off
By ALFONSO CHARDY
Herald Washington Bureau
WASHINGTON ? The Reagan Admin-
istration is seeking to increase covert CIA
aid to rebels fighting Nicaragua's leftist
government, even as the House debates a
bill intended to cut off all funding for that
purpose, congressional sources said Wed-
nesday. ?
The sources said President Reagan will
soon submit a report to the Senate Intelli-
gence Committee seeking to justify the ex-
pansion of U.S. help for the anti-Sandinista
rebels. -
._ The same sources said CIA director Wil-
liam Casey told the Senate Appropriations
Committee's defense subcommittee in a
classified briefing Wednesday that the CIA
will _need more money ? S30 million in
fiscal 1984 compared to this year's ?19.5
million? to finance the larger program.
The House failed to reach a vote Wed-
nesday after 51/2 hours of debate on
amendments to a Democratic-sponsored
bill that would end covert aid to the Nicar-
aguan rebels. and authorize $80 million in
above-board funds to help friendly Central
American governments halt arms smug-
gling to leftist insurgents.
Voting was scheduled today on rival
amendments to weaken or preserve the
bill, as well as -on the main legislation
known as the Boland-Zablocki bill..
"This CIA-sponsored not-so-secret war
against the government of Nicaragua is
bad United States policy, it is illegal and it
doesn't work and is counter-productive to
United States interests," charged Rep. Ed-
ward Boland (D., Mass.), chairman of the
House Intelligence Committee and co-au-
thor of the legislation with Rep. Clement
Zablocki (D., Wis.), chairman of the House
Foreign Affairs Committee.
Boland is also the author of the Boland
Amendment, passed by the full House
411-0 last December, which prohibits the
use of federal funds to overthrow the San-
dinista government in Nicaragua.
Under the original guidelines governing
the Nicaragua covert operation, the CIA
was authorized to finance the anti-Sandi-
nista guerrillas simply to intercept arms
shipments from Nicaragua to the leftist
guerrillas in El Salvador.
Rep. C.W.'(Bill) Young (R., Fla.), anoth-
er member of the intelligence panel,
offered an amendment that would allow
the covert aid to continue until the United
States and its allies in Central America ob-
tain agreement from the Nicaraguan gov-
ernment that it will stop aiding the leftist
guerrillas in El Salvador.
"This covert operation is working," said
Young. "Because of it, the Sandinistas now
appear more willing to negotiate with the
United States, and the leftist insurgency in
El Salvador seems to be winding down
considerably.
Rep. Michael Barnes (D., Md.) chairman
of the House Western Hemisphere Affairs
Subcommittee and a leading critic of Rea-
gan's policies in Central America, offered a
substitute amendment under which the end
of aid would not be conditioned by any
agreement with Nicaragua.
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CIA/NICARAGUA RATHER: Congress is not the only group in Washing on a S
split over covert action against Nicaragua's Sandinista
government so, apparently is the Central Intelligence Agency,
the group that is in charge of this covert activity. Robert
Schakne explains.
SCHAKNE: There are deep divisions within the CIA's clandestine
operations directorate over plans to expand covert paramilitary
operations against Nicaragua. Senior career officers are
warning that the plans pose a major danger of escalating.the
conflict. According to very reliable sources, CIA director
William Casey proposed expanding.the covert operation over the
objections of a number of his senior advisers. These CIA
officials say that rather than pressuring the Santinistas into
making concessions, Casey's expanded covert operation is just as
likely to provoke a dangerous military response, including
deployment of Cuban combat troops into Nicaragua. The
protesting CIA officers complain that Casey has drawn up no
contingency plans for such an eventuality. The CIA dissidents
say that intelligence professionals are being asked to run an
operation that is not working very effectively now and has a
high probability of failure in the future. Robert Schakne, CBS
News, Washington.
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Lars-Erik
Nelson
;
WASHING'rON They'll tell
you at the White.House that
Secretary of State Shultz is
still in charge of American foreign
policy, but he doesn't have a lot to
show for it. - - -
On issue after issue, Shultz has -
been stripped of visible authority?to
the point where today, in the words
of a former assistant secretary of
state, "He stands naked in his boots."
President Reagan's California
team likes George Shultz because he
isn't constantly struggling for turf
like Alexander Haig, the man he
replaced. Shultz_is more relaxed, -a
solid, level-headed team player. But
power in Washington belongs to
those who are perceived to have it,
and Reagan is letting the public's
perception of Shultzgrow exceeding-
ly clim.
On arms control with the Soviet
Union?the most critical foreign
policy issue because it involves the
physical survival of the country?
Shultz has naively let his pockets be
picked by right-wing hawks.
At the behest of the White House,
he fired Walt Rostow as director of
the Arms Control and Disarmament.
Agency. The explanation at the time
was that Shultz himself would play a-
The shunning of Shultz
strategy. He hasn't. Real bureaucra-
tic power has remained with the
Pentagon ? and when it couldn't
come up with a clear vision of what it
wanted, President Reagan had to
appoint a bipartisan commission
headed by former National Security
Adviser Brent Scowcroft Shultz was
- a spectator.
r In the Middle East, Shultz.made
two'.manful but abortive efforts. The
-first was to' persuade President
Reagan to make a speech last Sept. l
-outlining a new, realistic strategy for
negotiations between Israel and its
Arab neighbors. The initiative went
nowhere, and Shultz let It die The
second effort was the -troop with-
drawal agreement Shultz negotiated
between lsraeY and Lebanon -last
_ May. That, too, went nowhere.
Now Shultz' man on the scene,
special envoy Philip Habib, has been
replaced by the White House's
Robert McFarlane Theoretically,
McFarlane reports to Shultz?but
don't bet on it. McFarlane is the
deputy to White House National
Security Adviser William Clark, and
-when you have a direct line to the
White House, you don't fool around
with the State Department
. In Central America, Shultz has
simply abdicated responsibility.
Again at the behest of the White
House, he fired another expert,
Thomas Enders, as assistant secre-
tary of state for inter-American
affairs. Enders was too. willing to
contemplate a negotiated solution
with leftists whom Reagan 'would
prefer to squash. Now Henry Kissin-
ger has been named to head a com-
mission to work out a long-term US.
strategy for Central America.
Meanwhile US. naval battle
more central role, in nuclear_ groups are gathering off the coast of
Nicaragua, CIA Director William
Casey is running the world's most /
publicized covert operation along the -4
Honduran-Nicaraguan border and
United Nations Ambassador Jeane
Kirkpatrick is justifying ever-in-
creasing aid to. right-wing Nicara-
guan guerrillas. -
"What hits Shultz got left?" asks a
former aide -to Secretary of State
Cyrus Vance "He -hasn't got the
Soviet Union, he hasn't got China, he
hasn't got the Middle East, he hasn't
got Central ,America and be. hasn't
got arms control:" -
"On issue after issue, he has
himself be cut out of the -action:"
says a Republican-Senate-staffer.
"I'm not even sure_he'slawareoaf
FORMER undersecretary of -
state says that what is happen-
ing to Shultzisan inescapable
fact of political and bureaucratic life
"When a President becomes person-
-ally involved and committed to a
major foreign-"policy problem under
fire, he feels he has-got to have the
people immediately around him run-
ning the show," the ex-official said.
"That cuts out the of
state?unless he has an unusually
close relationship like Dulles-- and
-Eisenhower or 'Ford and Kissinger."
Reagan., according-to an aide, was
infuriated last week at a TV report-
er's suggestion that Shultz has be-
come a nonentity. "It's unfair to
judge Shultz on his public person-
ality," the aide said. "He doesn't like
to be a high-profile guy. He's got the
President's ear. He has helped us on-
e lot of issues relating to defense and
the economy and, as far as we're
concerned, he's going to stay
around."
But will he matter?
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-
Cruiti.V
Approv Jr Release 20S148AiTCtlIDP91-00
27 July 1983
\%1
'
'
- - - ?
/cO*11)
wC7 rr
To SERE?
.*Now think---daes the name 'Casey mean .anything? Doey 'CIA' mean anything?
Does El Salvador'? 'Nicaragua'? 'Carter Briefing Book'? .You Recall Nothing?'
? ? iei;..1.-????.. ?
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Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R0004000
k'TTCLI VMS= CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR
26 July 1983
Many voices on
Reagan's Central
America policy
. .
Minimum aim is to end Sandinista
support for El Salvador guerrillas_
By .Diniel Southerlaucl -.
? Staff correspondentof The Christian ScienCeMonitor
? - : ? - Washington
Anyone who is confused about the Reagan .adrairtistra-
tion's Central America policy probably haa.ki Figh- t be.
So are some administration officials ,
One senior official remarked last weekthit ybirneed a
score card to keep tra&--of the -players. ile?was referring
to the recent additions ,to the administration - team -of
Henry A. Kissinger as Central America commission lead-
er, Richard Stone as roving envoy, and Lan,gborne A.
Motley as the new assistant secretary_ of state for inter-
American affairs.
With the so-called -secret war against Nicaragua con-
tinuing and possibly intensifying,- CIA Director William -3 -
Casey is apparently playing a more aCtive role. Sd is
liam P. Clark, President Reagan'S nationakecurity ad-
viser. It's widely acknowledged that throughlier trip to
the region and her recommendations that more resources
.-be devoted to the probleni,?United NatiOns Ambassador
Jeane J. Kirkpatrick has had a major impact..
But ever since Thomas 0. Enders was busted nearly
two months ago as assistant secretary of state for inter-
American affairs, it's been more difficult to tell who's
calling the shots in Central America policymaking. In ad-
didnn, administration pronouncements seem to lack any
clear sense of coordination. State Department officials
are dismayed by statements coming from Defense De-
partment officials who speak openly about trying to "in-
timidate" Nicaragua.
Leaks to the press from officials who are worried
about the direction policymakers seem to be taking make
it sound as though Reagan is a warmonger bent on
crushing the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua at all costs.
In the midst of the babel of voices, few people seem toy
much attention to what Reagan himself actually says.
Is the policy to overthrow the Sandinista regime?
Probably not, at least at this stage. But it-certainly could
become that. As one official explains it, different officials
have different agendas, or "end games." Some officials
at the CIA, Defense Department, and the White House are
said to harbor the hope, if not the explicit aim, of
overthrowing the Sandinistas.
What one can safely
the President's policy is designed to increase
the pressure on the Sandinistas, in the hcpe
that they will cut their support for guerrillas
fighting the United States-backed regime in
El Salvador. Attempting to put it in the
simplest terms, one official says, "the policy
Is to push them to the negotiating table, to
make them change." Another official says,
"The strategy is to prevent the overthrow by
Marxist guerrillas of another government in
- Central America."
If these explanations are correct, then the
administration's decision to organize-larger-
-than-usual military exercises off the coast of
_ and in Central America can be explained as
part "business as usual" and part psychologi-
cal warfare. But some observers think that
the policy goes further than this. They say the
policy is belligerencetoward the Sandinistas,
and they base their view on a staizment froin
? the President himself. - -
When he was asked on July-7/ if he thought
? there could be a satiSfactory settlement if the
-Sandinistas remained in power in Nicaragua.
Reagan said: "I think it would be extremely
difficult, because I think they're being sub-
verted, or they're being directed by outside
forces."
Any policymaker reading that message
?from the boss might assume that a little
esca-
lation of pressure aimed at 44dectaniii7ing"
the Sandinistas would be in order_ But some
officials caution that not too mich should be
read into the President's-statement about the
difficulty of reaching agreement with the
Sandinistas. They say that a naval blockade,
or quarantine, is a remote possibility indeed.
At the same time, they say, a signal niiist be
sent indicating that the US will not simply
stand aside should the Soviets and Cubans in-
crease their support for Nicaragua and the
Salvadorean guerrillas.
State Department ()Metals are concerned
that officials in some other agencies want to
precipitate a crisis, bringing a showdown
with Nicaragua.
"Some of the macho types really want to
rattle the cage, and see whatbirds fall out,"
said one official. _
Langhorne Motley, the new assistant sec-
retary of state, is described by his subordi-
nates as highly intelligent But no one, no
matter how intelligent, is likely to come in at
this stage and suddenly assert the kind of con-
trol that Thomas Enders had over the policy
and its implementation. Meanwhile, though it
may appear that the administration knows
exactly where it is going in Central America,
It may be working things out on more of a day-
to-day basis than most people realize.
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ON ?AU BOSTON GLOBE"
26 Tuly 1983
00070003-7
CIA's Latin buil u
plan assailed
By David Rogers ?
Globe Staff -
WASHINGTON - In their strongest lan-,
guage to date, House Democratic and Repub-
lican leaders sharply criticized plans within
the Administration yesterday to escalate co-
vert activity in Nicaragua. with minority -
leader Robert Michel saying be could not
"conceive" of President Ronald Reagan ap-
proving the levels being . proposed by the
. "I ca.n't conceive' of us going'to the
lengths that have been reported." said the
, Illinois Republican. He-Said lie told Reagan
directly of his "dismay" .at the .reportsat a..
--Small 'private 'Whiteliouse txcheort
"Whatever cause -there is for some of:
these stories may well have been picked up -
from some -weking papers,", said Michel.
- but The-GOP-a-leader insisted -that -Reagan?,
had neither made a clexAsion -nor even seen
. the new proposals
"I just expounded my complete dismay at
what I was reading. Judas Priest, we have
not been talking about that kind of thing.
I just can't imagine this is the route we're
going.
-it's really gutting us and undercutting
us," he said in reference to the impact on
his own efforts to find Some compromise to
blunt a Democratic-sponsored resolution
this week to terminate all aid. "The Presi-
dent assured me that I was not going to be
left hanging out there ... It's one thing to
write a story based on option papers. It's an-
other to be based on a decision.
More than a week ago, -sources reported '
.that the size of the ,anti-Sandinista frisur-
gency was expected to grow to between'
' 12,000 and
15.000. ,and the CIA' is 'known to .
have dikussed thmefigures' with
Intelligence Committee members..
Whether a final decision has been
made is disputed. but 'The -New
York Times published a report yes-
terday saying the White House had
already given general approval to
plans including stepped up aid to.
the guerrillas and a campaign of
sabotage against Cuban installa-
tions in Nicaragua.
_ -
Michels comments came as
Olouse 'Intelligence '.chairman Ed-
Ca.rd Boland (I.Mass.)'..-said he
Apuld ',.'absolutely-7.1.press for a final
tbte-?thisomeele4ondbe -resolution ?to
pker"ThomP,O'Ne1ii Jr.
ec9.0-#.1rieCt-ti***itePs
Ot:01,:lr914:14ratiori-*1;seir1at.e
irvPEE*Siire-iiiiWearagUa.
think it ii-aiful.4,70idic 1t36abSo-4'
ely said :ithe. liberal.
ocrat:::,4.1.1,..tpiriklpgirtghtening
'their rin,NVaitagualit's.an"..172
rineeded howtrength and ari'..1
pnueetited 'show:7,0s? trength can'
cause - ?
Both- 'Boland have
'een. consistently -cautious about
tredicting pa.ssage4Of the resolu-
kieri.-But among -Democrats, there
appears to be increased unity
be-
wd.tb?nitiative ivhich may gain
Inzengtb'Pf rorn ',the 'concern
now-
the Options Icing teviewed
-
'the President.
Rel.), Dave McCurdy
one of the most conservative Demo-
crats on the House committee, said
yesterday that he would riow sup-
port Boland after talking with the
Administration about a possible
compromise. majority leader Jim
'Wright (D-Texas) last. week dis-
niissed any prospect for a last min-
ute agreement as remote.
< President is a politician
and be has political types working
`ifor .saida Republican source.
`.close to the Senate Intelligence.
Committee, which has been watch-
ing the' House tight from the side-;
lines. ?I think the .House may send-,
him a message this. week:"
Though the_CIA has 'yet to sub-
STAT
mit any new finding to support a
major increase in the covert aid,,
the operation and its costs have
grown steadily in recent months,
and, accordingtocritics, IsmirtUal-
lybeyond the agency's -control.
A Senate Intelligence Committee
source said yesterday-that ,before
he end of this fiscal year 'Sept 30.--11
rthe annuat--cost,orithi:operation
as;.ex-pected to be 'pear .i540. mil-,
ben, and -by the sarnezcalculations
-the cost. for 1984 -could be -closer to
' -
The Senate committee,. while
not directly challenging the Admin-
istration. has -set aside less than
half this total in a -reserve fund in
-the 1984 authorization act. Release
ofithese monies will be subject to
?aPproval :of a newzlinding to be
submitted by the Administration.
-This arrangement. has received
enifich less attention than the -
? House bill, but It gives the commit-
teean -unprecedented veto over fur-
ther covert activity.
? Sen. Malcolm Wallop (R-Wyo.),
chairman of the budget subcom-
mittee, said he expected the autho-
rizing bill to come to the floor
Thursday. Sources said that CIA
. director William Casey met with
Sen. Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D-
N.Y.), the ranking Democrat on the
committee, yesterday to discuss the
Nicaragua issue:
Moynihan refused any com-
ment later on the reported buildup.
_While-a recent intelligence analysis
has downplayed the 'threat of the
insurgents to the Nicaraguan gov-_
eminent, the size of the-operation -
is _still a major concern in 'Con-
gress, and whatever the outcome in
the House. a strong vote against
the President could strengthen the
Senate committee's resolve to ctfrb
further, aid.
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Approved Forflease 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R00
"MI! APPEAREO ' WA SHING? ON POST
ON PAGE. /3 ?3 20 July 1983
By Chuck Conconi
AROUND TOWN:
Maybe it was significant. Just before
noon Saturday the motorist saw the
obvious police or Secret Service vehicle _
followed by a limousine in the Foxhall
Road area. Pulling alongside at an in-
' tersection;the motorist peered into the
back of the car to-see?if he could 'rec-
ognize the passenger. It was CIA Di-
rector William J. Casey deeply into
The New York? Times' stock market
listings .
Casey; by AP
0070003-7
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ot ?????????.Pk
. .
Approved For Releas412605/11M8LICIA-RDP91-00901R0
19 July 1983
Around the Americas
STA
400070003-7
ouse closes its doors for fight
on CIA
By ALFONSO CHARDY
Herald Washington Bureau -
WASHINGTON The ' House
will meet today in an unusual secret
session to debate a controversial bill
that would end CIA aid to anti-San-
dinista :rebels
fighting the Ni-
caraguan .gov-
ernment.
House Speak-
er ThomPs :
O'Neill (D.,
Mass.) has pre-
dicted a close
vote, despite
support from
powerful con-
gressional fig-
ures like him-- ?
self and Majori-
ty Leader James Wright (D., Tex.).
The secret session is the third in
four years, all dealing with Nicara-
gua. Today's coincides with the
fourth anniversary of the Sandinis-
ta revolutionary triumph.
The first secret meeting was held
in 1979 on a request by conserva-
tive Republicans to discuss informa-
tion purportedly proving that the
Sandinistas ? then rebels fighting
Nicaraguan President Anastasio So-
moza ? were receiving weapons
from Cuba.
In 1980, conservatives again
called a secret session in an unsuc-
cessful bid to kill a $75-million Car-
ter Administration aid proposal for
the Sandinista government.
Those secret meetings, however.
were the first since 1830, when the
House convened to hear a secret
communication from President An-
drew Jackson on a trade agreerr Int
with Great Britain. Secret rneeti'ngs
of the House had been more fre-
quent until then.
Today's turnabout finds Demo-
crats asking for a secret session as a
means to persuade the House to halt
ALS. covert aid .to the estimated
8,000 guerrillas fighting along the
Honduran-Nicaraguan border.
The authors of the anti-covert aid
-'bill ? House Intelligence Commit-
tee Chairman 7-Awful:I Boland
Mass.) and Foreign Affairs Commit-
tee Chairman Clement Zablocki
? will brief their colleagues
during the secret session. President
'Reagan and CIA Director William
Casey oppose the bill. .
The House also is expected to re-
ceive classified information on the
1 status of the not-so-secret CIA pro-
gram that began ,21 months ago as
an arms interdiction operation.
Critics say that its-goals gradually
widened and that now the CIA may
be seeking the military overthrow
--of the Sandinistas.
Liberal Democrats say they do
not oppose arms interdiction but be-
lieve the CIA violates U.S. law in
seeking to oust a foreign govern-
ment.
The bill, while it would end aid to
the anti-Sandinista guerrillas of the
Nicaraguan Democratic Force,
-would 'create an $80-million
"overt" fund to help "friendly
countries" in the region interdict
Sandinista weapons shipments to El
Salvador.
Reagan, Casey, Republican allies
in Congress and some moderate
Democrats, who fear that the Presi-
dent's policies in Central America
will be undermined, have fashioned
a complicated compromise.
The compromise forces, led in
part by Florida Democrats Dante
Fascill and Dan Mica, had attempt-
ed to modify the Boland-Zablocki
bill. Now they are expected to bring
up their compromise as an amend-
ment.
The compromise would allow
continued CIA funding for the reb-
els unless Nicaragua agrees to cease
aiding the Salvadoran guerrillas.
The 2,000-word amendment con-
tains many trigger Mechanisms and
caveats. Critics say it would allow
the Reagan Administration.to par-,
sue the covert -program indefinitely.
...Under the plan, CIA _funding for
anti-Sandinista rebels x.ould con-
tinue until Oct. 1, the beginning of
the 1984 fiscal year. By then, Rea-
gan would be required 'to submit -to
Congress a -new plan to _interdict
arms moving from Nicaragua to El
Salvador.
The Mica-Fascell_ plan also au-
thorizes Reagan to open negotia-
tions with Nicaragua: ? either di-
rectly or through other cionnt.ries or
international organizations ? to
reach an agreement that terminates_ ,
Sandinista aid to -the Salvadoran I
rebels.
Its crucial portion says ihe com-
promise will not take effect unless
Nicaragua agrees to "cease--alL its
activities involving the furnishing
of arms, personnel, training, com-
mand and control facilities, or logis-
tical support for military or para-
military operations in" or 'against
any country in Central America or
the Caribbean."
?
? Even if the Nicaraguan govern-
ment agreed, covert -action _could
still continue until the Sandinistas
"reaffirmed the conunitments made
to the Organization of American.
States in July 1979." The stipula-
tion refers to promises made by
revolutionary leaders to call Nicara-
guan elections -at the earliest possi-
ble date."
The compromise also states that
covert activity need not end until
the United States, the OAS and four
key nations in the region ? Colom-
bia, Mexico, Panama and Venezuela
? verify that Nicaragua is no long-
er aiding the Salvadoran rebels.
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Approved For 1/Aj'91 -0090
LItT ICU AF-ys.A.R0)
0.1( 19 July 1983
House to discuss fact A has
uncovered no illicit arms
Washington (AP) ? The CIA's 18-
month-old covert action to prevent
arms from reaching leftist Salvado-
ran guerrillas has failed to capture a
single weapons shipment, -officials
say. But its supporters contend the ef-
fort has succeeded anyway , by .dis-
rupting supply lines.
The degree of success achieved by
the Central Intelligence Agency's sup-
port -for Nicaraguan counterrevolu-
tionaries operating from Honduras is
likely to be a central issue in a closed-
door House debate today. The de-
bate's focus will be a bill to end co-
vert aid and to replace it with an $80
million open fund to help govern-
ments friendly to the United States
stop alleged leftist gun-running in the
region.
In interviews with officials famil-
iar with the covert action, opinions on
its worth varied sharply.
"When we used to have our inter-
diction outside of Nicaragua, they
'[CIA officials) could show us what we
were interdicting ? and it made
.sense," said Senator David F. Duren-
berger (R, Minn.) a Cilific on the Sen-
ate Intelligence Committee. "They'd
show you how they'd captured these
trucks.
"Now that they're inside the place,
they can't show you what they're in-
terdicting because I don't think
they're interdicting anything ?
maybe because they [the Nicara-
guans) aren't shipping anything."
Several other officials said the
CIA has been unable to present to
congressional oversight committees
evidence of any weapons shipment
captured since the Nicaraguan covert
action was authorized by President
Reagan in December, 1981.
One official said that CIA director
William J. Casey once told the House
Intelligence Committee that the Co-
-vert action had cut the weapons ship-
ments by 60 percent, but Mr. Casey
was quickly challenged on the claim.
Supporters of the covert action
contend that deterring shipments ?
not capturing weapons ? is the pur-
pose of interdiction. They say the pro-
gram has put pressure on the Sandin-
Approved For
ista government to halt its allegedaid
to Salvadoran guerrillas.
"It has given the Sandinistas some
? pause in what they're doing," said
Representative G. William White-
burst (R, Va.) a House Intelligence ,
Committee member. "They're feeling
heat.... Nicaragua should not ? be a
privileged Marxist sanctuary."
? "Those who try to quantify inter- ,
.diction based on counting captured
-arms supply do not understand the
term," wrote Representative C. W.
Bill Young -(R, Fla.). "What they are
savina is_like asking a man who_takes
.his vitamins every day how many
-colds he prevented last year." .
An administration official said co-
vert action has forced Nicaraguans
and Salvadoran rebels to abandon
mountain routes through Honduras
and shift instead to light airplanes,
boats and more difficult land zdutes
along the Honduran Pacific Coast.
. "I don't think it entered anybody's
,- mind when we embarked on our ef-
fort 18 months ago that we would
...-capture weapons," he said. "The main
point is that it brings pressure on the
? .Sandinistas_lo..cut it out_
He also said that weapons which
had been destined for Salvadoran
guerrillas now were needed by the
Nicaraguan army to fight the grow-
ing army of CIA-backed "contras," or
counterrevolutionaries.
In addition, he said new U.S. radar
equipment, including AWACS radar-
warning planes, has cut the use of
light planes. According to the official,
the Soviet Union has been notifying
Nicaragua when U.S. radar is not in
use in order to permit some flights.
He said that a team of Salvadoran
guerrillas was intercepted this year
in the Honduran lowlands near the
Pacific Ocean, and according to the
administration official, documents
captured from them showed that in-
filtration routes had shifted away
from the mountains where the con-
tras are most active.
Despite the listing of arms inter-
diction as the initial purpose of the
covert action, critics have suspected
that another goal was to oust the San-
dinista government, which came to
longtime dictator and US. ally, Gen.'
Anastasia Somoza Debayle.
That concern led-Congress to pass
the Boland Amendment, named for
Representative Edward P. Boland (D, _
Mass.), House Intelligence Committee
chairman, in December, 1982. It bars
U.S. aid "for the purpose" of over-,
throwing the Sandinistas or provoking
_ war between Nicaragua and Hoe-.
duras.
President Reagan repeatedly has
denied that the United States is trying
-to -oust the Saniiinistas, although he
has referred to contras as "freedom
fighters." Administration officials re-
neatly talked about pressuring the
Sandinistas into holding elections and
reducing what the U.S. administra-
tion called internal repression. -
Some critics cite the dramatic
? growth of the contra army ? from
500 to an estimated 10,000-men in 18
months ? and public declarations by
some of its leaders that they intend to
overthrow the Sandinistgs as evi-
dence that the administration is vio-
lating the Boland Amendment
ReinggrAgisi fit% MiPtuREOPSih00901R000400070003-7
Approved For Release 29%/j0t,iFIMET91-00
19 July 1983
WASHINGTON
BY ROBERT PARRY
I H I
901R000400070003-7
STAT
WEAPOiTS ELUDE CIA, BUT BACS CLAIM SUCCESSFUL COVERT ACTIONI
Bankers of CIA covert activity in Nicaragua say the effort has successfully
disrupted weapons shipments to Salvadoran guerrillas, but other officials say
the 18-month mission has failed because no weapons have been seized.
The covert action, authorized by President Reagan in December 1981, initially
involved supporting a 500-man force of Nicaraguan exiles to "interdrct" arms
shipments from the leftist Nicaraguan government to the Salvadoran guerrillas.
Noting that the force has grown to an.estimated 101000 men, critics contend
the CIA operation has gone way beyond its orginal goal and now appears aimed
at ousting the Sandinista government in Managua. The critics also question the
effort's success at halting the arms flow.
"When we used to have our interdiction outside of Nicaragua, they ( CIA
officials) could show us what we were interdicting-and it made sense," said
Sen. David Durenberger, R-Minn., a critic on the Senate Intelligence Committee.
"They'd show you how they'd captured these trucks.
"Now that they're inside the place, they can't show you what they're
interdicting because I don't think they're interdicting anything _ maybe because
they (the Nicaraguans) aren't shipping anything."
Several other officials, who spoke on condition they not be identified, said
the CIA has been unable to present to congressional oversight committees
evidence that the covert action has captured any weapon shipments.
One said that CIA director William J. Casey once told the House
Intelligence Committee that the covert action had cut the weapons shipments by
60 percent, but he was immediately challenged to prove that claim and was unable
to present hard evidence.
The House is considering a bill to cut off covert aid to the Nicaraguan
exiles and replace it with an $80 million open fund to help friendly governments
stop leftist gun-running in the region.
EQ20-72\77ECr,
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Approved For Release 2004410.8j1W11A9W- 6-13RAF4136Ral
y I
??=7
??? '7, "'"'"" " "721
10
Washington MI Foig.7,
Reagan 's every move in the case is
being scrutinized to see which White
House faction he favors. One big
question: Why did the President per-
sonally approve CIA Chief William
Casey's public denial of James
Baker's statement that Casey had giv-
en the White House chief of staff the
Carter campaign documents?
* * *
CIA Director Casey may be drawing
flak for his role in the briefing-papers
case, but old hands at the intelligence
agency say his stock there is high?
particularly for allaying fears he
might "politicize" the CIA and for
assigning respected professionals to
key jobs.
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ASSOCIATED PRESS
18 July 1983
WASHINGTON
NICARAGUAN CIVILIAN DEATHS WORRY CONGRESS
BY ROBERT PARRY .
Amid reports of mounting Nicaraguan civilian casualities, congressional
intelligence committee members are pressing the CIA to stop U.S.-backed
counter-revolutionaries from firing on non-combatants. -
The warnings came from members of both the House and Senate intelligence
committPes largely in response to news reports about attacks on Nicaraguan farm
cooperatives and other economic targets that have led to civilian deaths,
according to several members.
"We don't want ( CIA -supported rebels) down there burning cotton fields and
killing civilians," Rep. Dave McCurdy, D-Okla., a HOUSE Intelligence Committee
member, said in a recent interview. "That's not something we want to be involved
with."
Officials knowledgeable about the committee protests said the CIA has
denied that U.S.-supported "contras" _ or counter-revolutionaries _ are
responsible for the attacks despite reports from eyewitnesses to the contrary.
Congressional sources, who spoke only on condition they not be identified,
said the CIA claims to keep firm control over and maintain close communication
with the contras operating out of Honduras.
CIA spokesman Chuck Wilson refused comment.
Sources said House Intelligence Committee members expressed concern about
attacks on civilians to CIA director William J. Casey in secret meetings in
the weeks before the Democratic-dominated House committee voted on May 3 to cut
off the covert aid going to the Nicaraguan counter-revolutionaries.
That bill, which would replace the covert aid with an $80 million open fund
to help friendly nations stop leftist gun-running, is scheduled for House debate
Tuesday.
Although the strongest objections have come from the House panel, some
individual Senate Intelligence Committee members also have voiced concerns about
civilian casualties blamed on the contras, sources said.
But one well-placed Senate source said most members of the
Republican-controlled committee believed that, despite SOME civilian deaths, the
CIA .has maintained "remarkable control over this sort of thing" and held such
violence to a minimum.
Other congressonal officials are skeptical of CIA denials.
"Are they suggesting that there's some other force that we don't know about
operating down there?" remarked one official.
.CONTINLTED
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Approved For Ftel.f:ae:,f200,811,41)28g.I.A713pI381-00904R00q4
Ju1 y 12;3
CIA plan revealed:
Mine 3 Nicaragua
harbors to halt
the flow, of arms
By John P. Wallach
? Examiner Washington Bureau
WASHINGTON The CIA reportedly asked for de-
tailed maps of three Nicaraguan ports as part of a covert
plan to mine the harbors and intercept Soviet and Cuban
weapons and supplies.
The agency may have planned to give the mines to anti-
Sandinista rebels who intended to sabotage one of the
ports in May when four Soviet ships were docked there.
A senior administration. official said the maps, which
included detailed information on "depths and channels,"
were urgently requested from the Defense Mapping Agen-
cy in early .March.
Several sources said the rebels had planned the sabcs
tage operation for mid-May but at the last minute the
United States refused to provide the mines.
Intelligence sources ?and Pentagon, .State Department
and White. House officials corapborated the account.
The sources disagreed.over how far the planning had
.gorte:
But, ;hey laid ? there Isis little doubt that the CIA,
protu.lited,:by law from doing anything directly to over-
thrisaatbi-taztdinista regime, is broadly interpreting the
hese 'The law. permits covert acts aimed at interdicting
item shipped from Nicaragua to leftist rebels in El
Salvador "
. ? _ .
There also is strong evidence that the CIA, possibly with
the help of the Army's ultra-sret Intelligence Support
Activity (ISA I. has far more plans than previously disclosed
to support the rapidly growing "secret army" of 12.COD to
I arfal anti-Sandinista rebels in Nicaragua and neighboring
Honduras.
A Pentagon source said that in late February and again
in March, a C1A-Defense Deparunent team asked for
urgent delivery of the maps for Bluefields, Puerto Cabezas
and Corinto, the three ports where Soviet ships regularly
unloaded military supplies.
"I didn't know whether they needed them for =tire
sency plans to land (rebel troops or whether they intend-
ed to mine the harbors to keep Soviet and Cuban ships
out," the official said.
The Soviets, according to US. offi-
cials, have stepped up delivery of
armored perSonnel carriers, multiple
rocket launchers, anti-tank guns, East
German trucks and field kitchens.
The officials said the arms supplies
are coming in at about 20,000 tons a
year, or double the rate of 1981 and
I 9K... Approved For Release 2005/11/28
00070003-7
A State Department officiarlaid
the CIA had been approached by one
arm of the "Contras," or Nicaraguan
counterrevolutionaries based in Hon-
duns and Costa Rica, to obtain under-
water explosives to mine one of the
harbors.
According to this official, the CIA
operation was called off when a Pen-
tagon employee tipped Rep. Clarence
Long, D-Md., of the plan. Long is a
strong- opponent of administration
policy in Central America.
Long reportedly conferred with
CIA Director William.Citsey, warning
that such a plan would violate the law
and jeopardize the CIA's hopes to
avoid 4 abowdown with Congress'
over cutting off all money for covert
activities in this hemisphere
Long, chairman of the foreign op"'
erations subcommittee of the House
Appropriations Committee,.ref used
direct 'comment. .
A Honduran who told the New
York Times in April that he was
involved in planning covert US. activ-
ities that the United States
was providing underwater equip.
rnent and explosives to Argentine-
trained sabotage teams that had infil-
trated Nicaragua early this year.
The teams reportedly have had
limited success in blowing up facili-
ties in Puerto Cabezas. As a prelude to
seizing the port, the Honduran defec-
tor reported, a team of MiSkitti. Indi-
ans trained as frogmen had sabotaged
some harbor installations in January.
The Honduran also disclosed that
the Misidtos, who have turned strong.
ly anti-Sandinista and claim that the
Nicaraguan government has tried to
exterminate them, were trained in
underwater demolition at Vivorillo
Island off the east coast of Honduras.
He said the Miskitos had been
trained by the Argentines and the
equipment and explosives used for
the sabotage operation were supplied
by the United-States. The CIA and the
Pentagon refused comment on the
alleged operation.
U.S. officials disclosed in recent
interviews that contrary to reports at
the time, Argentina, after it invaded
the Falkland Islands, did not with?
draw many of its military advisers
from Honduras, where it was training
insurgents in guerrilla warfare.
The House Intelligence Committee
said in May:
'There has been a hidden pro-
: CIA-RDP91-00901R000400070003-7
2
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ECONUIIST
16 July 1983
Front-line on the
defensive
South Africa's policy towards its northern
neiehbours seems governed not by con-
sistency but by some arcane Afrikaner
intuition. From time to time, an incipient
black nation needs to be taught a lesson
to emphasise who is regional boss. Like
Barend van der Merwe's slaves in Andre
Brink's "Chain of Voices": "if they are
new, all the more reason to break them in
harshly so they would be sure who has the
last word on the 'farm." They must be
flogged, even if they have done nothing
wrong. It is best in the long run.
Brink's slaves found peace of mind
only in contemplating their past and in
collaborating with their masters. When
they sought help from the British it led to
delusion, rebellion and death. The black
states of southern Africa have struggled
for the past two decades to free them-
selves of white supremacy. They have.
lone assumed?and been assured by
western liberalism?that the steamroller
of black rule would continue south,
powered by the fuel of historical necessi-
ty. When the steamroller appeared to
break down at the Limpopo, they
thought they had only to wait. The west-
ern block, or the east, or the ANC, or
someone, would soon repair it. To their
horror, in the past two years it has begun
to move backwards.
Ti-ie front-line states' defence against
this South African threat is meagre. In
the early 1970s they formed a compara-
tively stable regional group. This was
largely due to the dominance of the post-
colonial leaders of Zambia arid Tanzania,
Mr Kenneth Kaunda and Mr Julius Nyer-
ere, and a sense of brotherhood against
the common enemy, Mr Smith. Mr Mu-
eabe's assumption of power, his antago-
nism towards President Kaunda and his
alliance with President Machel, have en-
dangered that stability, though drought,
world recession and structural economic
collapse in Zambia and Tanzania have
also played their part.
In 1980, the nine black states of the
\egion formed a new economic associ-
ation under the Southern African Devel-
opment Co-ordination Conference
(SADCC). Its ambition was to seek
greater independence from South Africa
and collaborate over major aid projects,
notably in the areas of energy and com-
munications. SADCC set itself a modest
target of some S800m in project aid.
Western agencies have been impressed
by the caution?and .lack of bureaucra-
cy?with which it has gone about its
business. Yet it is severely hampered by
its members' reputation for squandering
aid resources, by the natural protection-
ism of its national economies and by the
way so many of its commercial channels
lead to or through South Africa.
South Africa's regional dominance is as
complete economically as it is militarily.
It produces 77% of the total grip of the
subcontinent (south of Zaire-Tanzania),
with at least three quarters of the output
of coal, iron, wheat, maize, electrical
power and rail transport. About 90% of
the region's energy consumption is within
the SAO; area (South Africa plus BLS).
South Africa's national product per head,
$2,200, is three times the regional aver-
age. Even South Africa's_blacks have a
?
per head income two and a half times that
of Zimbabwe's.
The trade of all the SADCC states
depends heavily on South Africa (25%.
for Zimbabwe, 37% for Mozambique).
Yet South Africa has no such reciprocal
dependence. its trade profile is widely
diversified, exporting less to the whole of
Africa than it .does to Switzerland or
Britain (see chart) and importing from
Africa an insignificant amount. (Unoffi-
cial trade through middlemen may alter
this somewhat.) Some SADCC donors
have tried to make aid conditional on
there being no South African involve-
ment in subcontracts. The result is merely
to distort the end value.
Everything from project management
to heavy equipment naturally comes
cheapest and, above all, quickest from
South Africa. Contractors operating un-
der embargoes must pay up to 150% in
commissions to middlemen in non-em-
bargo nations (such as Swaziland) to
obtain necessary materials. With rising
world freight rates, such politically re-
stricted aid is ever more burdensome.
The dream of an anti-South African re-
gional economic community is utterly
IL). Tne prosperity of t e wnoie su C. n-
nent is indivisible..
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ANOICUI &Antall)
OX
TAM
WASHINGTON POST
15 July 1983
0400070003-7
"FOR NOW, WE BEEF UP THE SECRET ARMY IN
NICARAGUA - BUT LATER WE MOVEN
TO THIS GREATSECRET LANPING PLACE,' '
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APPEf-3ED
A,pproved For
CIA Expanding
Rebel Support
in Nicaragua
By ELLEN FIUME,
Times Staff Writer
,
WASHING TON --1The Reagan
Administration is significantly ex-
panding its covert supportderrebel
forces in Nicaragua as the -,-House
prepares for a secret session mit]
-week On a proposal *to.-clitAily
'such U.S. aid, governmentesou:rces
said Thursday. .
One well'-placed? officialAwhO
asked not to be identified,,said tri-an
interview Thursday thatlhe *Ad-
ministration effort involves
"open-ended" plans to train and
finance 15,000 or more counterrev-
olutionary guerrillas.
Another official, Rep. Bill Alex-
ander (D - Ark. ) , fourth ,ranking
Democrat in the House,toldTeport-
ers that he believes the Administra-
tion is "currently implementing a
plan to escalate military aelivities in
Nicaragua, and to increase paramil-
itary activities throughout Central
America." _
, Alexander, a member:2o! the
House Appropriations COmmittee
who has conferred with CIA Direc-
tor William J. Casey on the 'covert.
program, said reports published in
the Washington Post on Thursday
are "substantially accurate, based
on information I have." The reports
said that the United States is step-
? ping up its covert aid with the aim of
supporting 12,000 to 15,000 guerril-
las opposed to the leftist Sandinista
government in Nicaragua. Alexan-
der said that the United.,.States
already is supporting "an army, of
. over 10,000" and the numbers are
"escalating and escalatingraPidly."
'About Half,' Michel Says ?
Rouse Minority Leader Robert H.
Michel (R-Ill.) said after a _White
House meeting Thursday, however,-
that the figures .are "about half"
what the Post article estimated. The
White House and State Department
? refused to comment. . .
Release 6a/44/21A-T:t13091-00901R
15 July 1983
Reagan Administration officials
have not disputed previous reports
that-the 'U.S. covert aid is financing
5,000 to 7,000 rebels and have said
that the aid is aimed at stopping the
export of arms from the Sandinistas
to -antigovernment rebels in other
Central American nations, The Nic-
ara,giian rebels, however, have stat-
ed publicly that their aim is over-
throwing the Sandinista
gPvernmen_L::, : _ , ? ?
House Speaker Thomas P. (Tip)
O'Neill Jr. ( D - Mass. ) predicted
Thursday that the vote on the
proposal to cut off covert aid to the
rebels, expected in about two
? weeks,' would be "very close."
Maiority Leader Jim Wright (3-
Tex.) said he is continuing to work
with the White House on a compro-
mise that would be short ?of a
complete cutoff of aid to the rebels. ,
He told reporters, however, that he
would not offer any proposal that;
was "anathema" to House
gence Committee Chairman Edward
P. Boland (D-Mass.) or to Foreign
'Affairs committee Chairman Clem-
ent J. Zablocki (D-Wis.), chief
sponsors of the cutoff bill.
The Boland-Zablocki bill, which
has been approved by the House
Intelligence and Foreign Affairs
committees, would end the covert
program and instead provide $80
million in open aid to Central Amer-
ican nations seeking to stop arms
shipments from Nicaragua.
The House agreed Thursday by
voice vote to schedule a secret
four-hour session next Tuesday so
Boland can brief all House members
on classified information about Cen-
tral America.
After that session, supporters of
the amendment will take a prelirni-
0400070003-7
nary head count to see whether
they want to bring the measure to
the floor the next week, House
leadership sources said.
In December, Congress banned
aid to paramilitary forces whose
purpose is overthrowing the gov-
ernment of Nicaragua. Boland and
others have since asserted that the
Reagan Administration is violating
that law
President Reagan has called the
US.-backed counterrevolutionaries
"freedom fighters" seeking to stop
the Nicaraguan government from
exporting Marxist-style revolution
throughout Central America. Critics
have said, that the counterrevolu-_
'nonaines, co?iTos-at they-are -called
in--Nicaragua, have little popular
support, particularly because their '
leaders include former members of
the, late Nicaraguan dictator Anas-
tasio Somoza's repressive National
Guard.
-
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TRM
plkoved For Release 20135M)/2BANCMV-RDIP910M115t00c LE APPEARElf 15 July 1983
For Secretarya rugged
first-year odyssey
STAT
400070003-7
By Daniel Southedand
Staff correspondent of '
The Christian Science Monitor
Washington
When he stepped off his blue and white Air
Force jet at 2:10 am. last Friday, a weary
George Shultz did not have' much time to re-
flect on the morning's headlines:
Shultz Leaves Mideast
Without Progress on Pullout
Shultz Ends Trip to Mideast
With No Pullout Accord
The secretary of state had just completed
a 15-day, 25,000-mile trip through 10 countries.
He had spent a total of 52 hours in the air.
Before arriving at Andrews Air Force
Base outside Washington, Mr. Shultz had in
one day alone met in Jerusalem with Israel's
Prime Minister Menachem Begin, in Amman
with Jordan's King Hussein, and in Cairo with
Egypt's President Hosni Mubarak.
Shultz reached his brick home in suburban
Maryland at about 2:45 a.m. (customs offi-
dals had delayed all the passengers, includ-
ing the secretary of state), got to bed at 3:30,
rose at 6, and was back at the State Depart-
ment at exactly 7:50 a.m. for a day which
included:
Briefings for Shultz on developments
around the world, a progress report to the sec-
retary on the East-West conference in
Madrid, decisions on personnel matters and
appointments, staff meetings on Central
America and the Middle East, a National Se-
curity Council meeting on Central America,
lunch with CIA director William J. Casey. and
a Shultz briefing on the Middle East for Presi-
dent Reagan.
Unlike his predecessor, Alexander M.
Haig Jr., Shultz doesn't worry too much about
the daily headlines. If he did, he might not
enjoy the few hours of sleep he has been get-
ting these days.
Unfortunately for Secretary Shultz, what
he has achieved after one year in office can-
not be easily summed up in headlines. If one
tried to describe his accomplishments so
cinctly, it would make dull reading indeed:
Shultz Defuses Pipeline Crisis
. Shultz-Helps to Restore
NATO Alliance Unity
Shultz Brings Balance
? to East Asia Policy
Shultz Returns Mideast Policy
to Traditional Mainstream
"He's not a specialist in the spectacular,"
says Shultz's executive assistant, Raymond
G. H. Seitz. "But the Asia Dart of his last trip
was a ier7,--g-oOd example.of solid, traditional '
diplomacy. . . . What Shultz has brought to
the scene ? this almost stolid person ? is a
sense of weight and stability."
When Shultz took office a year ago, in July
of 1982, Reagan administration foreign policy
looked anything but stable. The United States
was fighting with its NATO allies over their
assistance to the Soviet Union for the building
of a gas pipeline to Western Europe. General
Haig's battles with the White House staff over
this and other issues had received wide pub-
licity. Middle East policy was adrift.
In his first months as secretary of state,
Shultz played a key role in shaping a new Mid-
dle East policy, which restored negotiating
momentum and gathered wide support both
. here and abroad. While not alienating the Is-
raelis ? some feared that he would prove to
be anti-Israel ? Shultz showed sensitivity to-
ward the plight of the Palestinians. The policy
which he and his advisers devised brought the
Reagan administration back into line with ba-
sic principles embraced by previous adminis-
trations, both Democratic and Republican..
By gaining agreement from the West Eu-
ropean allies to study restrictions on subsi-
dized credits and technology transfers to the
East-bloc countries, Shultz got President
Reagan to drop his sanctions against Euro-
pean companies. He thus defused a crisis
which was threatening the unity of the West-
ern alliance. Shultz next managed to prevent
what could have turned into a trade war with
the Europeans. I
.XXXXXXX
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;.p.i.?0_43ffoved For Release 20,712,5/1?! :TiCijitIDP91-00901R000
PAfl' 15 July 1983
U.S. Policy Toward Latins.
Lines of Control Are Blurre
By HEDRIC.K SMITH
Sewall Tbe New York Theo
WASHINGTON, July 14 ? For a
?month the State Department has been
struggling to regain control of Adminis-
tration policy toward Central America,
but White House involvement remains
strong and many officials say the lines
of authority are so diffuse and collegial
that it is hard to pinpoint precisely who
runs policy. . ? ?
Earlier this year Thomas 0. Enders,
.former Assistant Secretary of State for
Latin American Affairs, was the most
visible policy-maker. But when the
White House became engaged last
spring in battling Congress for more aid
to El Salvador and fighting to. protect
covert support to Nicaraguan rebels,
policy initiative and operational control
'increasingly passed to the National Se-
curity Council staff, the President's
I political strategists and to the Defense
Department.
' Ultimately William P. Clark, the
, President's national security adviser,
became a preeminet force and pushed
Mr. Enders out in late May, according
to several officials. Secretary of State
George P. Shultz went to President
Reagan seeking authority to have his
department reassert its traditional
management of day-to-day operations.
Lately Mr. Shultz has been more ac-
tive himself, meeting daily for half an
hour with Deputy Secretary Kenneth W.
Dam and Langhorne A. Motley, the for-
mer Ambassador to Brazil who was
sworn in Wednesday as the new Assist-
ant Secretary for Latin American Af-
fairs. And Mr. Dam has taken a lead in
important negotiations with Congress
on Central American policy.
Casey Backs C.I.A. Operations
But William J. Casey; the Director of
Central Intelligence, has strongly advo-
cated pressing ahead with C.I.A. sup-
port of covert operations in Nicaragua
and the Defense Department's role has
expanded with the start early this
month of a new 126-man American mili-
tary training group for Salvadoran
Army units in Honduras.
"This is an action-oriented Adminis-
tration which so far has put a low pre-
mium on diplomacy and that means ac-
tion agencies like the Pentagon and
C.I.A. wind up making a lot of policy,"
said an aide close to the House Demo-
cratic leadership.
Morecever, as Congress worries
about the course of civil war in El Sal-
vador and debates the risks of Ameri-
can covert support to the Nicaraguan
rebels, Congressional committees have
shown an increasing band in shaping
the limits of policy and imposing policy
demandsin areas such at human rights
and new diplomatic missions, much as
Congress imposed restrictions in the
final phases of the Vietnam War.
Symptomatic of rising Congressional
influence is the growing consensus in
Congress-and acquiescence within the
Administration for establishing a na-
tional all-party commission to frame a
broad, long-term economic aid pro-
gram and policy for Central America.
Its principal sponsors, Senator Henry
M: Jackson, a Washington Democrat,
and Senator Charles hicC. Mathias Jr.,
a Maryland Republican, assert it could
help develop the kind of legislative and
popular consensus behind a sustained
American policy that Administration
officials concede President Reagan has
not yet been able to develop.
Senior White House officials agree
with that reasoning, recalling how simi-
lar commissions helped the Adminis-
tration reshape its policy and strike
vital legislative compromises on revis-
ing the Social Secnrity system and link-
ing production of the MX missile to
changes in the Administration's arms
control proposals.
Similarly, James A. Baker 3d, the
White House chief of staff, and the legis-
lative strategy group of which be is
chairman, took the lead in exploring
whether enough influential Democrats
would join in an effort to defeat a move
in the House of Representatives to cut
off covert aid to Nicaraguan rebels.
White House officials assert that Mr.
Casey opposed that effort on the ground
that even if the House imposed a bah, it.;
would be defeated in the Senate. But
Mr. Baker, evidently joined by Mr.
Clark, persuaded President Reagan
that his policies needed more overall
support in Congress and some good
faith efforts were required.,
It is typical of the -current collegial
system, officials said, that responsibil-
ity for negotiations with Congress is
shared by Mr. Dam and Mr. Clark's
deputy on the National Security Council
staff, Robert C. MacFarlane. Some-
times they are joined by Mr. Casey or
Mr. Baker.
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proved For Release 233118/t1123 :731VADP91-00901R0
14 July 19E5
Reagan Aides Se6c Compromise on icaragua
By CHARLES MOHR
Special tone New York TImes
WASHINGTON, july 13 ? Senior
Reagan Acirninistration officials and
leading House experts on foreign policy
and intialligence met today in an effort
to find a compromise on the issue of
United States-sponsored covert mili-
tary operations in Nicaragua, but some
participants said little progress had
been made.
The Administration officials have
been trying for several days to find a
compromise that would avoid a vote,
scheduled for later this month, on a bill
that would cut off $80 million in covert
action funds going to Nicaraguan exile
guerrillas fighting against the Sandin-
ista Government in Nicaragua.
The House Democratic leader, Jim
Wright of Texas, called today's unpubli-
cized meeting in a House bearing room.
Attending were William J. Casey, the
Director of Central Intelligence; Ken-
neth W. Dam, the Deputy Secretary of
State, and Robert C. McFarlane, the
deputy national security adviser.
One participant, who asked not to be
Identified, said Mr. Wright had put for-
ward a draft of a proposal in which cov-
ert activity directed against Nicaragua
would be prohibited with the following
condition: the prohibition would not go
into effect until Nicaragua made a com-
mitment to abide by previous pledges
not to export arms and assistance to
revolutionary movements elsewhere in
Central America and to abide by its
promise to the Organization of Ameri-
can States to protect civil liberties in
Nicaragua and to bold free elections.
Representative Michael D. Barnes,
Democrat of Maryland and chairman of
the Latin American Affairs subcommit-
tee of the House Foreign Affairs Com-
mittee, said during one break in the
meeting that "not much progress" had
been achieved.
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Approved For Release 2000t2TC.W091213
u y
.".? r.":
1R000400070003-7
CIA Planning tohack
O.re :Nicaragua Rebels
By Don Oberdorfer
Washington Post Staff Writer
The CIA is planning to-support a,
rapidly 'growing 'secret army" of
12.000 to 15,000 anti-government
rebels in Nicaragua, roughly double
the number backed by the United
States two months ago, official
sources said yesterday. . .
The sharp increase in planned
U.S. support comes as the House of
Representatives moves toward a leg-
islative showdown, probably next
week, on continuing undercover ac-
tivity in Nicaragua.
The House intelligence and For-
eign Affairs committees have ap-
proved a bill sponsored by their
chairmen, Edward P. Boland (D-
Mass.) and Clement J. Zablocki (D-
Wis.), respectively. It would termi-
nate secret U.S. aid to the insurgents
and authorize an open $80 million
program to stop leftist gun-running
in Central America. .
A secret House session to discuss
the proposed cutoff, opposed by the
Reagan administration and most
House Republicans, is scheduled
Tuesday with an open vote to follow.
House Democrats have scheduled a
closed caucus today to discuss this
and other politically sensitive issues
regarding Central America.
The mushrooming growth of the
U.S.-supported insurgency against
Nicaragua's leftist Sandinista gov-
ernment has generated much of the
controversy and, in some quarters,
consternation on Capitol Hill.
In early May, the CIA told con-
gressional oversight committees that
the U.S.-supported rebel forces had
swelled to 7,000 men. By early June,
the official estimate had climbed i?
8,000, and last week the State .t4-
parlament officially estimated the
force at 8,000 to 10,000.
In recent days, according to the
sources, the CIA has drawn up a
plan to support a force of 12,000 1.,o
15,000 With money and materiel and
is seeking presidential authorization
for such expanded activity. A CIA
spokesman declined to comment on
the matter yesterday.
A U.S.-supported force of 12.000.
anti-leftist guerrillas in Nicaragua:
would be at least twice the reported:
size of the leftist guerrilla force op
posing the government of El Sal-:
vador. The State Department esti-:
mates that 4,000 to 6,000 leftist reb--
els, aided by Cuba and Nicaragua;.
are operating in El Salvador against
the U.S.-supported government.
During most of the early buildup,
the principal U.S. justification for
supporting anti-Nicaraguan insur-
gency was that it could reduce or
end Nicaraguan military assistance
to Salvadoran guerrillas. However,
this justification has been receding
as the U.S.-supported "secret army"
has grown larger than the Salvador-
an insurgency.
According to one account, a new
presidential "finding," or secret in-
telligence authorization, being pre-
pared by the CIA no longer lists in-
terdiction of arms as one purpose of
the undercover war in Nicaragua.
Instead, this account said, the
stated purpose is to force changes in
Nicaraguan government policies, in-
cluding those of aiding leftist guer-
rilla forces elsewhere in Central
America.
Last December Congress passed
an unusual law, known as the
aid to paramilitary forces "for the
= purpose of overthrowing the govern-
ment of Nicaragua or provoking a
military exchange between Nicara-
? gua and Honduras."
The administration has denied its
purpose is to overthrow the Ni-
caraguan government, although lead-
ers of rebel forces supported by the
United States there have said they
are trying to topple the government.
That has prompted some members
, of Congress to charge the Boland
'amendment is being violated.
In initiating the secret effort in
:December, 1981, the CIA told con-
gressional committees it was build-
ing a highly trained commando force.
of' 500 Latins to attack the Cuban
support structure in Nicaragua.
Some lawmakers immediately ex-
pressed concern, and it was revealed
later that Boland addressed a con-
fidential letter to CIA Director Wil-
liam J. Casey about Hill disquiet.
According to official estimates,
most of the U.S.-backed Nicaragu-an
guerrillas are in a group near the
Honduran border. They are com-
posed of separate groups of Miskito
Indians and exile-led insurgents
known as the Nicaraguan Democrat-
ic Force. About 1,200 guerrillas are
reported near the Costa Rican bor-
der and commanded by Nicaraguan 1
'exile leader Eden Pastora. Despite
reports to the contrary, Pastora is
fighting against Nicaraguan forces
and receiving U.S. support, the '
sources said.
Boland_ _arnewitpen,t. Abuoiagn
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,ki)roved For Release -2865M402?1:,64TP91-00901R0004
/ A 14 July 1903
Compromise
on covert aid
By Thomas D. Brandt -
WASHINGTON TSAES STAFf
The White House and - several
House leaders of both Parties are
:near agreement on 'a compromise
'approach to a controversial bill that
;seeks to cut off covert aid to insur-
gents fighting the leftist Nicara-
guan Sandinista government, The
Washington Times has learned.
Under the plan, the United States
would immediately stop covert
military and paramilitary ,aid to
Nicaraguan rebels when the San-
dinista government agrees to stop
similar aid to leftist guerrillas in El
Salvador,_ - _
. The plan calls for the other coun-
. tries in Central America -to simi-
larly agree not to aid insurgencies
,in neighboring nations. The United
States would continue aiding the
government of El Salvador.
There is no indication whether
Nicaragua or the other countries
would accept the plan if passed by
Congress. One source said that spe-
cial envoy Richard Stone, who has
been traveling in Central America
to seek a peaceful solution to the
warfare there, has not been in-
volved in the current plan.
The tentative agreement, based
on a so-called "symmetry concept,"
was hammered out in a serics_gfat
-feast six meetings over the last sev-
eral weeks.
Among those involved in the
meetings, which have been held in
-the White House and the latest, yes-
terday, in the Capitol, are -White
House Chief of Staff James Baker;
CIA Director William Casey; House
Foreign Affairs Committee
Chairman Clement Zablocki,
D-Wis.; House Majority Leader
James Wright, D-'Iexas; plus Rep.
William Broomfield, R-Mich., and
Rep. Dante Fascell, D-Fla., who are
both senior members of the com-
mittee.
Also meeting with the group has
been Rep. Bill Young, R-Fla., of the
Intelligence Committee. Young
offered a similar symmetry, pro-.
. posal in April, but it wastejected...
. Several people who attended or
who have been briefed on the ses-
sions gave differing assessnie,nts
how close the group is:_to a'final
?! agreement, though all --viere
agreement in outlining the pro-
posal. that. is the result-of _their:.
weeks of work. ?
One member of Congress said be
believed that those listed above all
"agree to the concept" .while a
? highly placed staff aidesaid it was
"highly premature" to say a final
agreement had been reached.
Three new members joined the
iroup yesterday, apparently in
effort to build a compromise with ,
House Democrats who have been
most opposed to U.S. policy in Cen-
tral America.
The three were described as hav-
ing made "positive contributions"
to the work, but were not seen as
ready to support the overall plan.
They are .Rep. Michael Barnes,
D-Md., ? chairman of the Western
Hemisphere subcommittee; Rep.
William Alexander, D-Ark., part of
the Democratic leadership; and
Rep. Wyche Fowler, D-Ga., of the
Intelligence Committee.
The planning group's concept is
expected to be offered as an amend-
merdniii week on the House floor
to a bill that would cut off Covert
funds to Nicaragua and replace it
with an open aid program of aid to
Central American governments to
block the cross-border flow of arms
to leftist guerillas.
A less controversial part of the
? package includes support for a
bipartisan commission to study
Central American problems and
make U.S. policy recommenda-
tions.
The Reagan administration used
"bipartisan commissions" to
,achieve a consensus on two earlier
'initiatives that were also extremely
controversial? a legislative plan to
return the Social Security system to
solvency, and funding to continue
development of the MX missile.
The covert action bill that will be'"
the vehicle for the -compromise
passed the House Foreign Rela-
tions Committee last month by a
near partTline 'vote of20-14;?fol-
lowing what several members said
was the most acrimonious debate
they had seen in Congress. The bill
bad started in the Intelligence Com-
mittee under Rep. Edward Boland,
D-Mass.
The bill )vill be considered under
a highly unusual procedure that
calls for four hours of debate in
'secret session, two hours in open
session and 12 'hours for amend--
ments.
_Many of the same negotiators
? tried M.re?gara?ocimpromisebetore
the Foreign Relations Committee
vote on June 7 but failed. One con-
gressman working in the group said
that a compromise can be reached
now because Congress has learned
a great deal more about Central
America since then.
The bill is the result of congres-
sional response to word that the
Reagan administration was co-
vertly aiding a guerrilla army of
roughly 7,000 opposed to the San-
dinistas.
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Approved For Release 200i/118132EMWA-00901
WASHINGTON
N:CARAGUA-CIA
BY ROBERT PARRY
I A I
000400070003-7
The CIA, surprised by the number of Nicaraguans joining the fight against
the leftist Sandinista government, has encountered cost overruns in its
not-so--secret support of the counter-revolutionary forces, intelligence sources
said Wednesday.
The sources, who spoke on condition they not be identified, said the cost to
feed, train and arm the estimated 10,000 Nicaraguans who are now part of the
insurgency has driven the budget above the planned $19 million a year. The
sources declined to give the new figure for the operation.
One source said the CIA has new plans to support and expanded rebel force
of 12,000 and 15,000 men', about twice the size of the estimated leftist
guerrilla force in El Salvador.
The source also said the CIA's explanation for supporting the rebel groups
appeared to emphasize putting pressure on the leftist Sandinista government to
hold elections and accept more pluralism in Nicaraguan society. The CIA
previously had said its purpose was to intercept the flow of arms from Nicargaua
to the Salvadoran rebels.
"When you have twice as many people as you expected, it's going to cost
more," said one source. "You have to feed and arm the ralliers, and since they
are not as well trained, they fire off more ammunition."
Sources said that even though the number of fighters is double the expected
total, the cost for the operation has not increased by that magnitude because
the newer_ fighters who have joined the anti-Sandinista cause are not receiving
as much training as the earlier insurgents did.
Besides the cost, the newcomers also present other problems, the sources
said. The larger numbers enable the Sandinistas to locate the "contra" _ or
counter-revolutionary _ forces more easily and some of the new recruits are
suspected to be Sandinista agents.
"The Sandinistas know where everything is," said one source. "It's easy (for
agents) to penetrate a movement like this. It's amazing that (rebel leader Eden)
Pastore has stayed alive this long."
Asked about the reported higher costs, CIA spokeswoman kathryn Riedel said,
"we do not comment on allegations of covert activities."
Americans who have visited the Nicaraguan war zone along the Honduran border
have brought back conflicting assessments of the popular support for the
d/ contras. Despite U.S. backing, the rebels have waged largely a hit-and-run war
that has failed to spark a general insurrection.
The sources said that despite the rebel success in attracting fighters, the
contras are still too weak to topple the 4-year-old Sandinista government,
backed by 2 25,000-man regular army and a 50,000-man militia force.
Much of the congressional debate about the covert action has focused on
whether it is violating a 1982 law barring the CIA from supporting the rebels
"for the purpose" of overthrowing the Sandinista government.
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Approved For Release 200tpiliii-AEIF4J'I-00901R000
Ju y 9
'vASHII;GTON
CONGRESS-NICARAGUA
BY SUSANNE M. SCHAFER
Central Intelligence Agency chief William Casey and Deputy Secretary of
State kenneth Dam visited Capitol Hill on Wednesday to try "to resolve ...
differences" over Nicaragua and made some progress, according to Rep. Dante
Fascell, D-Fla.
The meeting was arranged by Majority Leader Jim Wright, fl-Texas, and
Republican Leader Robert Michel of Illinois in an attempt to get Democrats and
the administration to "see eye-to-eye" on the Nicaraguan question, Wright said.
"We discussed Nicaragua. In general, we are trying to resolve our
differences," Fascell said as the men left a closed-door meeting in the Capitol.
Fascell told reporters last week that Congress had been working with the
administration on a compromise for continuing U.S. covert financing for rebels
in Nicaragua.
He refused to say Wednesday whether any definite compromise had been reached,
saying only that "progress was made."
Last month, the House Foreign Affairs Committee voted to scrap U.S.
undercover operations in Nicaragua and set up an $80 million fund for democratic
countries in the area to use in stopping arms traffic.
The bill was approved and sent to the full House, where it is awaiting
consideration. But even if it passes, it is given little chance in the
Republican-controlled Senate.
Fascell, the second-ranking Democrat on the committee, broke with his party
colleagues last month to oppose a cutoff.
Democrats in the House have charged that the Reagan administration is
assisting efforts to overthrow the leftist Sandinista government of Nicaragua,
in violation of the congressional ban on the Use of intelligence funds for that
purpose.
But the administration has contended that its objective is to cut off arms
shipments to the guerrillas battling the U.S.-supported government of El
Salvador.
Also attending the session were House Majority Leader James C. Wright of
Texas and Reps. Michael Barnes, fl-Md., Bill Alexander, D-Ark., and Henry Hyde,
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9roved For ReleasiA20351411:28 130A-RDP91-00901R0004
10 July 1983
00070003-7
Dellums Files Suit Seeking Probe
Of U.S. Training for Latin Rebels
SAN FRANCISCO, July 9 (AP)?
Rep. Ronald V. Dellums (D-Calif.)
has filed suit seeking appointment of
a special prosector to investigate
allegations that the Reagan admin-
istration is illegally financing train-
ing for Nicaraguan rebels, his aides
said yesterday.
The suit, filed Friday in federal
court here, accuses President Reagan
and three Cabinet members of vio-
lating the Neutrality Act by training
Nicaraguan rebels in six states, in-
cluding California.
A White House spokesman, Mark
Weinberg; had no comment on the
suit.
Marc Van Der Hout, the attorney
who filed the suit on behalf of Del-
lums, said Reagan, US. Attorney
General William French Smith, De-
fense Secretary Caspar Weinberger
and CIA Director William Casey
were named as defendants.
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ARTICLE A PAGE___CPIARED
d For Release
D13 ve
toiticEra_ER1-00901R00
f
003-7
16 A a ? 1 STT
Shultz huddles with Ron
? Washington .(UPI)?Secretary
of State Shultz briefed President
Reagan yesterday on his failure
to midge Syria and Israel toward
mutual withdrawal ' of 'their
troops from Lebanon,
Shultz, who returned to Washington
at 3:30 a.m. yesterday after a whirlwind
visit to the Mideast, did not speak with
reporters on his way into or out of the
White House. , .
?
On his departure from Cairo, he
said, "I wish I could report that some-
how we see a movement in the direc-
tion of simultaneous withdraw,al. But I
can't give any such report"
At the Oval Office meeting with
Shultz were Defense Secretary Caspar
Weinberger, national security adviser
William Clark, presidential counselor
Edwin Meese, Deputy .Secretary of
State Kenneth Dam and CIA Director
William Casey. -
Reagan also met with the presi-
dential MX missile commission headed
by retired Gen. Brent Scowcroft.
In that meeting, Reagan discussed
'plans for building and deploying the
10-warhead MX missile. He also re-
viewed plans for developing the small-
er "midgetman" missile recommended
by the commission, said presidential
spokesman Larry Speakes.
- - -The President left -for a weekend -
trip to Camp ?David h2 the late
afternoon.
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Approved For Release 2013tAff4git1FFibIRA-WA1R00040
9 July 1983
SAN FRANCISCO
FILES SUIT FOR SPECIAL PROSECUTOR TO INVESTIGATE NICARAGUAN
AID
0070003-7
Rep. Ronald V. Dellums has filed suit seeking appointment of a special
prosecutor to investigate allegations that the Reagan administration is
illegally financing training for Nicaraguan rebels, his aides said Saturday.
The suit, filed Friday in federal court here, accuses President Reagan and
three Cabinet members of violating the Neutrality Act by training Nicaraguan
rebels in six states, including California.
At a news conference Saturday, Dellums' aide Lee Halterman said the suit's
purpose is to "demand that our president obey the law."
White House spokesman .Mark Weinberg, asked about the lawsuit, said late
Saturday, "I have nothing on it for you."
Marc Van Der Hout, the attorney who filed the suit on behalf of Dellums, said
Reagan, U.S. Attorney General William French Smith, Defense Secretary Caspar
Weinberger and CIA Director William Casey were named as defendants.
According to Van Der Hout, somewhere between several hundred and several
thousand rebels trained in private camps in the United States had returned to
Nicaragua to fight the leftist Sandinista government. One of the bases is in San
Bernardino County, he alleged.
The lawsuit charges that alleged training violated not only the 200-year-old
Neutrality Act but also last year's Boland amendment, which prohibits the use of
U.S. funds for military intervention in Nicaragua.
Dellums, a California Democrat, tried unsuccessfully to persuade the U.S.
attorney general to appoint a special prosecutor in the matter.
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A3,21713 Apptheroved For Release EV51y1ARroSTSIBRDP91-0090'
ON PAGE 4-4/ 9 July 1983
REAGAN IS CALLED
ADAMANT ON SYRIA
He Bars 'Reverse Gear' in Spite
of Shultz's Report He Made
No Progress in Mideast
By BERNARD GWERTZ:MAN
Special tolberiewYork Times ?
WASHINGTON, July 8 ? President
Reagan was reported to have said today
that although Secretary of State George
P. Shultz did not make any headway on
the withdrawal of foreign troops from
Lebanon when he visited the Middle
East, "there would be no reverse gear"
by the Arirninitrati011 in pressing Syria
to pull out its forces when Israel does.
A White House official said Mr. Rea-
gan stressed very strongly "his re-
newed commitment to move forward"
atter hearing a., report f ru Mr. Shultz
on his round-the-world trip, which
ended early today after four days of in-
conclusive talks in the Middle East.
t. In a related development, what was
described as the secret version of a
months-old General Accounting Office
report discussing the likelihood of an-
other Arab-Israeli war was released by
a private group that is highly critical of
Israel. The material, made public by
the American-Arab Anti-Discrimina-
tion Committee, described differing
views by Israeli and American intelli-
gence authorities. The report, which
does not address the current crisis with
Syria over Lebanon, said, "Israeli offi-
cials believe that another war with the
Arab countries is likely." It said Israe-
lis believed American military' sales to
Arab states "can contribute to threat-
ening Israeli security."
? The Central Intelligence Agency,
however, "estimated that another com-
bined Arab-Israeli war is unlikely in the
near future," the report said. The re-
port was completed three months ago,
before Syria refused to go along with
the American-sponsored plan for the
withdrawal of all foreign troops from
Lebanon. Israel and Lebanon agreed on
terms for an Israeli withdrawal that is
' conditional on Syria and the Palestine
Liberation Organization also polling
out.
Mr. Shultz, in a meeting with Presi-
dent Hafer al-Assad of Syria on
Wednesday, was unable to persuade
him to withdraw his forces. The White
House official said that atter reporting
to Mr. Reagan on his trip, Mr. Shultz
said American policy would be re-
viewed to see "what new alternatives,
options and ideas that there might be
for working out a resolution of the with-
drawal question."
? The chief concern of those at the
meeting, the White House official said,
was that the Lebanese Government not
, be disheartened by the lack of agree-
ment on withdrawal.
"They discussed their particular con-
sciousness and concern about the diffi-
culties facing Lebanon, and the Presi-
dent asked that a strong reaffirmation
be made to President Amin-Gemayel of
our determination'to follow through on
our commitment to help restore Leba-
nese sovereignty," the official said.
"The President stressed very.
strongly his renewed commitment to
move forward promptly on both Leba-
non and the broader process," the
White House official said. "He again
emphasized that as far as he was con-
cerned, there would be no reverse
gear.f,
R000400070003-7
10-4
The G.A.O., the Congressiena- watch-
dog agency, last month made public a
version of its report on aid to Israel, and
in many places information had been
deleted. The American-Arab Anti-Di.orimination Committee said the docu?
ment it made public today was the "un-
censored version."
The group said it was making the re-
port public because it shows "how the
, United States has abdicated its respon-
sibilities to American taxpayers and al-
lowed Israel to order whatever mix of
economic and military assistance pro-
' grams it chooses at the expense of
America's Unemployed, poor and, eld-
erly."
An Administration official who was
read parts of the American-Arab
group's version said it sounded authen- ?
tic. . ?
In one of the sections that was not in '
?the G.A.O.'s public version, the report
said State Department officials had .
.said reductions in American military -
aid to Israel "could trigger -a crisis in
political relations between Israel and
S.he United States."
C-07V7TIVZTED''
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STAT
IMTICLE API THE NEW REPUBLIC ,..72:sext, 4,44
QN PAGE liAaircw_ed-For ReleaL ibblAi g/ : CIA-RDP91-00901R000,46t
FROM WASHINGTON
SCANDALMANIA
What happened in Washington last
week was the journalistic equivalent of
yelling fire in a crowded theater. First
came the sleazy maunderings of a sanc-
timonious Hollywood lawyer calling on
President Reagan to spare the American
people an onslaught of agony and trau-
ma by taking possession of porno-
graphic videotapes of members of his
Administration. What a shame that the
thanks of a grateful nation couldn't get
equal time on the evening news or
-"Nightline," where this character was
permitted to blather on unchallenged
about his tapes. Before you could say
Larry Flynt, of course, the tapes had
disappeared amid the sweat socks in
the lawyer's racquetball bag. (Aren't
they supposed to be tennis addicts out
There?)
By then the feeding frenzy had be-
gun. Yet another meaningless event
had occurred that had to be connected
to the other disparate meaningless
events of the last few weeks. Anyone
could play, and everyone did. A friend
who works on Wall Street told me that
at his exercise salon he overheard a cou-
ple of prosperous-looking financial ex-
ecutives seriously discussing the possi-
bility that the C.I.A. had bumped off
Vicki Morgan, mistress and onetime
Marquis de Sade therapist to a Presi-
dential confidant.
The White House press corps, that
much maligned beast, had no choice
but to pursue the leads without fear or
favor. This meant, for example, that se-
rious people were obliged to pick up
the telephone and ask their sources if
they had heard the reports that _s ter White
tam n cabinet member ha RYliMe RilikarVA
on one of the tapes. Nothing was
proved, and nothing got into print. It
was nonetheless clear that everybody
had once again underestimated the abil-
ity of a story to take on a life of its own.
At any given time in the nation's cap-
ital, reporters know and certainly sus-
pect more than they use in print or on
the air. A lot of news organizations
knew in 1980, for example, that there
were American hostages hiding in the
Canadian Embassy in Tehran. To spare
their lives, the press didn't go with that
story. And now, reporters who cover
Congress say that it was common
knowledge on Capitol Hill that Repre-
sentative Gerry E. Studds of Massachu-
setts was gay. Last week Mr. -Studds
came out of the closet and raised the
perfectly legitimate question of whether
his sexual orientation was anyone's
business.
So there is precedent for self-
restraint, and one wonders why it all
went out the window, during this
week's bout with Sillygate. The worst
thing that happened was that the real
questions at the center of the episode of
President Carter's briefing papers were
obscured.
Two separate questions seem perti-
nent. The first relates to the ethics of
using the "pilfered" material that found
its way into the hands of the Reagan
campaign. Since James A. Baker III,
David R. Gergen, Francis S.M. Hodsoll,
and David A. Stockman all admit to
having used or condoned the use of the
material, it's a question these talented
and ambitious leaders of the Adminis-
tration's so-called "moderate" wing will
have to live with for the rest of their
lives. Any student of ethics will say that
it ought to make little difference wheth-
er the material they used was valuable.
But let's also remember that if the rec-
ollection of these Reaganites is accurate,
their response to the stolen Carter doc-
_unients was much the same as the col-
lective "ho hum" initially put forward
by every news organizationin the coun-
try when the story broke last month.
Only with the passage of time did it be-
come clear that something might be
amiss here. Fairness demands that even
Republicans are entitled to behave like
human beings.
onno3-7
dermine a sitting President? Or was this
a case of one or more misguided hold-
over office workers passing some stuff
on to friends on the outside who used it
to try to impress their superiors in the
Reagan campaign? Here, let's face it,
we have nothing to go on except infer-
ence piled upon inference.
President Reagan has only himself to
blame for the innuendo surrounding
those inferences. No one forced him to
politicize the Central Intelligence Agen-
cy by installing his campaign manager
there and then letting him nm amok
and become a magnet for every suspi-
cion that could possibly be developed
out of this mess. If they think on Wall
Street that Vicki Morgan was terminat-
ed with extreme prejudice, it's probably
because William j. Casey is a known
commodity down there. '
As for the press, what has given this
story legs is not the compulsion to
"get" anybody, but the desire to solve a
genuine mystery. It's been an entertain-
ing mystery, and if we're lucky it'll get
solved eventually. But don't count on
it. We may never know how the Carter
briefing material found its way onto Mr.
Stockman's kitchen table. We never did
find out who ordered the Watergate
break-in and why, and there were a hell
of a lot more investigators chasing after
that story than there are chasing after
this one.
One final difference between this
scandal and previous ones is that you
don't hear the phrase, "What did the
President know and when did he know
it?" That the question is hardly even be-
ing asked is testimony to Mr. Reagan's
infuriating resilience. This is a man who
forgot the name of the country he was
in last December, who seems unsure of
the names of his own staff members,
and who?as the White House press
corps looked on in 1981?even forgot
the name of his own dog. -
Still, his ability to slither out of this
scandal may not last forever. Picture
this scenario. It's a year from now and
Mr. Reagan, running for reelection,
comes under public pressure to debate
his Democratic opponent. Under no cir-
cumstances can one imagine it to be in
his political interest to do so; yet the po-
litical costs of chickening out may be
The second "Debategate" question prohibitively high. We may never know
relates to the debate material's prov- how "Debategate" occurred, but it will
enance. Was this caper part of a large, certainly be a factor in forcing Mr. Rea-
systematic scheme to infiltrate the Car- gan to rectify the original caper and de-
Ouse? Were th Alairgn TA-Ift
t1P-Aiic9 rte ifffugski50
roYg
I I
?
Iv to the Demo-
and square.
STA
ARTI OLE App:tvA3proved For Release495f11/28 ? CLA-RDP91-00901R0004000
ORK nMES
ON PAGE 7 July 1953
House Compromise Sought an Nicaragua
Senate Resistance Noted
The Administration has been trying !
to persuade House Democrats to corn-
promise and accept a conditional aid ;
cutoff, arguing that the Senate would '
not go along with an absolute ban even
ff the House approves the Boland-Za-
blocki proposal.
Some House Democrats contend that
requiring the Nicaraguan Government
to certify an end of military aid to Sal-
in meetings with top Administration of- vadoran rebels would allow the Reagan
5 ciaLs, said that he felt "we were mak-; Administration to continue aid to Nina-
fag a reasonable amount of movement : raguan rebels indefinitely. in the past,
before the July 4 recess" but that be , . Nicaraguan officials have denied that
knew of no agreement on the plan for an ? their Government has allowed, let alone
aid cutoff conditional on Nicaragua's Assisted, military aid to Salvadoran
actions. - .. guerrillas. ,
"We were certainly taking a very, .farticipatIng in the negotiations for
hard bob at that Particular concept," ? the Administration were James A.
he said by phone from Florida. "I think tBaker 3d, the White House chief of
the idea has merit but I don't latow how staff; Kenneth Dam, Deputy Secretary
far we can get with it." of State;:-William J Casey, Director of
Momentum has developed for a corn- Central Intelligence, and William A.
plete ban on covert aid to Nicaraguan MacFarlane, the deputy national se.
rebels Already the House Intelligence curity ativiser to President Reagan.
Committee, led by its chairman, Ed- The principal members of Congress
ward P. Boland of Massachusetts, and involved, participants said, were Mr.
the Foreign Affairs Committee, led by Michel, C. W. Bill Young of Florida, 1
Its chairman, Clement J. Zablockl of William S. Broomfield of MichiganTiiid
Wisconsin, have voted for a halt to coy- ,T. Kenneth Robinson of Virginia, all Re-
art aid to rebel forces in Nicaragua on publicans; and Mr. Wright, Mr. Fas-
Sept. 30. In addition, Mr. Wright has cell, Daniel A. Mica and Andy Ireland
I
,,ing for any operations 'inside Nicara- horaa, an Democrats.. . .
- said be totally opposes American back- of Florida, and Dave. McCurdy of Okla.
I. 'Something Reasonable Urged
By HEDRICK SMITH
Special to The Newyork Times
WASHINGTON, July 6-- The Reagan '
Administration is negotiating with Re-
publicans and Democrats in Congress
to devise a compromise that would
avoid a vote in the House of Representa-
tives to end covert aid to Nicaraguan
rebels, high Administration officials
said today.
Participants in the negotiations said
top AdmintrtratiOn officials met four
times last week with nine key members
of Congress to draft an alternative reso-
lution that would make a cutoff of cov-
ert aid to the rebels contingent on the
Nicaraguan Government's certifying
that it had stopped channeling military
aid to leftist guerrillas in El Salvador.
Administration officials said no
agreement had yet been reached on a
specific proposal. But they said they
were hoping that a resolution on what
they call a symmetrical cutoff could
eventually win the backing of the House
majority leader, Jim Wright of Texas,
and the House Republican leader, Rob-
ert H. Michel of Illinois, as well as
members of the House Intelligence and
Foreign Affairs committees.
The House has scheduled a debate for
mid-July on a proposal to halt the Ad-
ministration's covert aid to rebel forces
In Nicaragua on Sept. 30. Under the pro-
posal, $80 million in covert action funds
planned through fiscal 1984 would be
converted into overt aid to other Cen-
tral American countries to help them
stem the flow of arms to Salvadoran
guerrillas through their territories.
"We'd like to find some agreement
short of an all-out cutoff of aid," Mr.
Michel said in a telephone interview.
"The folks on the Democratic side are
telling the Administration to come up
with something reasonable and 'we'll
buy onto it.' I would hope we could put
something together next week."
Representative Dante ?B. `Fascell of
Florida, one of the Democrats involved
?
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AFTfTEpviWzVeJease 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R0004000
ON PAGE A -I NEW YORK TIMES
7 Tuly 1983
Data-Gathering Efforts Describe
As Part of Campaign for Reag
IWASHINGTON, July 6 ? An opera-
tion to collect inside information on
Carter Administration foreign policy
Iwas run within Ronald Reagan's cam-
paign headquarters in the MO Presi-
dential campaign, according to present
1
. and former Reagan Administration of-
ficials.
These sources said they did not know
exactly what information the operation
produced or whether it vras anything be.'
yond the usual grab bag of rumors and
published news reports. But they said it
involved a number of retired Central In-
telligence Agency officials and was
? ' highly seczetive.
The sources identified Stefan A. Help-
er, a campaign aide involved in provid-
ing 24-hour news updates and policy
Ideas to the traveling Reagan party, as
the person in charge. Mr. Helper was
out of - town today and could not be
reached.. But Ray S. Cline, his father-in-
law, a former senior Central Intelli-
gence official, rejected it all as a "ro-
mantic fallacy." , -- -
' I
Investiptions Under Way _
The disclosure was the latest develop-
ment in a furor over revelations that
Reagan campaign officials came into
possession of Carter debate strategy
papers before a debate between the two
carkidates. The2natter is now being in-
vestigated by the Federal Bureau of In-
vestigation and a Congressional cora-
mittee.
Mr. Helper nominally worked for
Robert Garrick, the director of cam...,
paiga operations, who said in a tele- I
phone interview recently that Mr.
Helper - was "supposed to - help with I
cornmtmications, but I kind of thought
he had another agenda going ? be was .
always on the phone with the door ,
closed, and he never called me in and
discussed it with me."
Responding to' inquiries' about the
gathering of information in the cam-
paign, a high Reagan Administration
official said there was a memorandum
from a junior campaign official to sev-
eral senior Reagan campaign aides cit-
ing the need for information from
within the Carter Administration on for-
eign policy decisions. The official said
Approved For
BY LESLIE H.GELB
ipocial to The Now York Times
Mr. Helper was not the junior official.
, - CBS News reported tonight that
-Edwin Meese 3d, a top Reagan cam-
-paign aide, now the President's counse-
lor, denied seeing a campaign memo-
randum from a volunteer, identified as
Dan Jones, suggesting that there was a
',secret agent inside the Carter Adminis-
4:ration. CBS News reported that the
memorandum had been addressed to
'James A. Baker 3d and William J
Casey, prominent officials in the Rea- I
? gan election effort. .
Speaking of Mr. Helper; David Pros- I
peri, a Reagan campaign -aide, now
with Superior Oil Co., said, "He pro-
vided us with wire stories and Carter !
speeches,- but people talked about his /
having a network that was keeping 1
track of things inside the Government,
mostly in relation to the October sur-
prise."
The Reagan campaign team used the
term "October surprise" to refer to the
possibility that President Carter might
take some dramatic action with regard
*to the hostage situation in Iran or some
other action to try to turn the tide of the
.election.
Mr. Casey, now the Director of Cen-
tral Intelligence, who was Mr. Rea-
gan's campaign director, said in an in-
terview Tuesday that this was of special
concern to Reagan strategists. He said
Mr. Garrick bad spoken of using retired
military officers to watch military air-
fields for the dispatching of hospital air-
cpatt for the hostages.
A source from the Reagan campaign
who asked not to be named said, "There
was some C.I.A. stuff coming from
Helper: and some agency guys were
hired.' He added that he was never
aware that this information was partic-
ularly useful and that he and others had
their own sources within the Atiminic,
tration who provided unsolicited infor-
mation.
Receipt of Security Papers
The same source said Richard V.
Allen, Mr. Reagan's chief campaign
foreign policy adviser and his first na-
tional security adviser, received classi-
fied National Security Council docu-
ments from a Carter Administration of.
ficial. Mr. Allen has previously ac-
knowledged that he received material
which he described as "innocuous" and
dealing with morale on the N.S.C. staff..
Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R0t6
According to the sources, Mr. Helper
worked closely with David R. Gergen
on the staff of George Bush when Mr.
Bush, was seeking the Republican
Presidential nomination. The sources
said that Mr. Gergen, Director of White
House Communications, and Mr.
Baker, another top Bush campaign aide
and now an assistant to Mr. Reagan:
brought Mr. Helper onto the Reagan:
campaign staff after the Republican'
convention.
Mr. Bush was director of Central In-
telligence under President Ford and
. former Bush aides said today that
many former C.I.A. officials offered
their help in the Bush campaign effort.
The former aides said that Mr. Bush
himself was against anything that
might smack of "C.I.A. support.
No Response From Gergen
Mr. Gergen declined to return several
telephone calls. Instead, he telephoned
Mr. Cline, Mr. Helper's father-in-law,
and Mr. Cline contacted The New York
Times.
Later, a source close to Mr. Gergen
telephoned to say that Mr. Gergen was
"unaware of any organized intelligence
operation of the kind described, but that
he was aware that Mr. Helper was
working on issues and the development
of information for the campaign."
,The source added, "There was defi-
nitely no reporting relationship to ei-
ther Gergen or Baker during the cam-
paign effort."
Mr. Cline said Mr. Helper was on a
"special staff to analyze campaign
issues, just as he did in the Bush cam-
paign, and that he was responsible for
looking for booby traps and studying
what Carter people were saying to look
for vulnerabilities."
He added: "I think this is all a roman-
tic fallacy about an old C.I.A. network. I
believe I have been close enough to the
intelligence community for the last 40
years that I would have discovered it.
Such an effort would not have been
worthwhile and I believe it was not exe-
cuted. That does not mean that some in-
dividual or individuals didn't do some-
thing, but there was not a deliberate ef-
fort to penetrate" the Government.
Mr. Helper's personal secretary, who
now works at the White House, was
reached at her home through the White
House switchboard, and when asked
about an information gathering net-
work ran by Mr. Helper in the cam-
paign, she hung up. White House opera-
5- UI
4
ttigt=
"unavailable.'
said they knew of
any relationship between Mr. Helper
AfT77'77 ?Pr'
Approved For Release 2C19Firy2,186pWIANPI1-0(1148y1F00
5 July 1983
400070003-7
-- ?
By NILES LATHEM,Burectu Chief _
_
WASHINGTON ? CIA Director William
Casey made a secret trip to war-torn Central
America last-week to investigate the expand-
ing war between Nicaragua and the CIA,:
backed rebels, The Post has learned. -
The schedule and purpose of the unusual-trip by
the 70-year-old director, who once ran a network of
agents behind Nazi lines for the OSS during World
War II, remained top secret --
But high-level U.S. officials told The Post over the
_
.. ..:4,...weekend that among
1 Casey's stops was Hon-
duraa where he toured
the "war zone," near se-
cret bases on the Nicara-
guan border ? set up by
the CIA as ? a staging
ground for .guerrilla
Operations against -the
Sandinista regime.
Sources also told The
Post that Casey is ex-
pected to report to Presi-
dent Reagan and Na-
tional Security Advisor
William Clark sometime
later this week -on -a list
of requests from the
rebel leaders for more
U.S. military aid.
The rebels are seeking
heavier weapons, ?small
aircraft and ways to im-
prove supply lines ? a
move which would allow
them to set up opera-
tions way inside Nicara-
gua and move :closer to
?
their goal of overthrow-
ing the Sandinistas.
The requests are' al-
ready under considera-
tion at the highest levels
of the Reagan adminis-
tration and the Hondu-
ran government, sources
said. ..
Publicly the Adminis-
tration will admit only
that the operation
against Nicaragua is to
Interdict supplies to left-
WILLIAM CASEY
First-hand look.
1st rebels in El Salvador.
But one senior U.S. offi-
cial commenting on
Casey's trip told The
Post
"The conflict in Nica-
ragua is clearly ap-
proaching a second
phase and some hard
decisons have to be -
made at the highest
levels very soon."
It is no coincidence
that Casey's trip comes
as the Soviet Union and
Cuba are dramatically
expanding military aid
to the Sandinistas.
U.S. intelligence has
picked up evidence of a ?
massive airlift of equip-
ment to Nicaragua. de-
signed specifically to
fight the- CIA-backed
guerrillas.,
Sources said that 50
Polish-built helicopters,
350 trucks, 25 Soviet--
built BRDM..2 armored
vehicles, _20 BTR ar-
mored personnel carri-
ers equipped with rocket
launchers, anti-tank
guns, and a dozen tanks
have been delivered to
Nicaragua in the last 30
days.
Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000400070003-7
Cable News Network, Inc.
Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R0004
caNNM
2133 Wisconsin Avenue, N.W
Washington, D.C. 20007
202-298-7400
NOTE: EMBARGOED UNTIL 2:00 P.M.
(EDT)
0003-7
ST
?SATURDAY JULY 2, 1983.
AIR DATES:
ORIGINATION:
GUEST:
CORRESPONDENTS:
PRODUCER:
ASSOCIATE PRODUCER:
"NEWSMAKER -- SATURDAY"
Saturday, July 2, 1983 at 1:30 & 5:30 P.M. (EDT)
Sunday, July 3, 1983 at 3:30 A.M. (EDT). ,
Washington, D.C.
Rep. DONALD ALBOSTA (D-Michigan)
Chairman, House Human Resources Subcommittee
.Daniel Schorr, Cable News Network
Marianne Means, Hearst Newspapers
Jack Nelson, Los Angeles Times
Elissa Free
Chris Guarino
?
NOTE: EMBARGOED UNTIL 2:00 P.M. (EDT), SATURDAY, JULY 2, 1983.
EDITORS: This is a rush transcript provided for the convenience
of the press. Print and broadcast media are permitted to quote
this transcript with credit given to "NEWSMAKER -- SATURDAY,"
Cable News Network. Video and audio cassettes are available upon
request to the media. For further information, please contact
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Transcript By:
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P.O. Box 9781
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Orr
Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000400070003-7
NOTE: EMBARGOED UNTIL 2:00 P.M. (EDT) , SATURDAY, JULY 2, 1983. 1
Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000400070003-7
. SEGMENT I
MR. SCHORR: Welcome and welcome to our NEWSMAKER guest, Representativ
Donald Albosta, Democrat of Michigan, who now heads a
subcommittee that you wouldn't have imagined doing so,
but is now engaged in a very important investigation. Let's see if I say
it right: Chairman of the Human Resources Subcommittee of the House Committ
on Post Office and Civil Service.
REP. ALBOSTA:
MR. SCHORR:
order
House
That's correct, yes.
Welcome, sir. Here to interview you are Jack Nelson, of
the Los Angeles Times, Marianne Means, Hearst syndicated
columnist. I'm Daniel Schorr, of the Cable News Network.
Congressman, let me first say that we invited, in
to balance, first of all any representative of the White
to be on this program -- the White House declined. We also invited
get some
both minority members of your Subcommittee, Repreierl-iatives Crane and Gilme
and they declined. And therefore, you are here alone to respond to our queE
tions.
The first one is this. David Stockman, a former
Representative from your state, appears to be now on record as having said
in October of 1980, boasted about the fact that he used, quote,
unquote, papers from the Carter campaign to help brief Governor
the debate with President Carter. Does that make David Stockman
witness before you?
"pilfered,'
Reagan for
an obvious
REP. ALBOSTA: Well, obviously, he has stated sometime in his memories
that he did have knowledge that those documents didn't
just walk over to the campaign office of the -- the then-
Governor Reagan. I can't say, Dan, for sure whether or not we would be
bringing-David Stockman before our Subcommittee through any kind of hearin
at this time.
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2
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MR. SCHORR: I'm not talking about hearings. I'm talking about gettinc
? interviewing him and getting information from him, or
calling him in executive session to start off with.
REP. ALBOSTA: Oh, there's nothing ruled out. Simply, it would seem that
that would be the direction that we would be heading in
now.
MR. NELSON: I was going to say, were you a little bit surprised at
the way President Reagan handled this whole situation of
the Carter briefing book? I mean he tended to, you know,
laugh it off or joke about it and say it was much ado about nothing.
REP. ALBOSTA: Well, I suppose that would be a natural tendency for
the President to do that. And anyone that's got all the
obligations that a President has does not want something
that would tend to be a scandal going on in his Administration. And if he
could just easily push it aside and sort of have it forgotten about, as it
obviously was once. This was mentioned sometime ago. Dave Stockman mention(
even in the press the day of the debates and it dilaWt get out, it just
didn't get circulated. The reason that I'm into this now, Jack, is because
I have the responsibilities .of the oversight and review of the activities
and conduct of federal employees.
If I'm going to do my job, I have to find this out.
And I think the President understands that now and I hope that he will
cooperate. He said he will cooperate. Baker has said that he will cooperate
So we could, you know, get our investigative function over with in a hurry
if we would simply get some good answers from the White House and let the
chips fall where they may.
MS. MEANS: Well, Speaker O'Neill said that he thought that whether
or not the Reagan people had had the briefing book or noi
wouldn't have made any difference to the outcome of the
debate or the outcome of the election anyway. So isn't this all a lot of
to-do about nothing?
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3
REP. ALBOSTA:ApprovisitiEFbiReibaSte2ObS51/ftriollek-RINE91S0139COR0404000700(T3_71on't really car
what the outcome of the debate might have been because
somebody had somebody else's material. The point is it
wouldn't have made any difference in my opinion in the work that we're
doing whether somebody stole some typewriter out of the White House or son
thing else. The point is that they can remove things from the White House.
And if you have people there, and we don't have the standards and a code c
ethics that people in the country can believe
have nothing but a bunch of bandits down here
is walking off with something, and maybe even
in, and if they believe we
in Washington, and everybody
other nations are able to dc
that, they lose confidence in their government.
We can't be the leading shining star of nations around
the world unless we have More than 50 percent of the people voting in this
nation. How can we go to-Central America and say that our system is the
.b,est in the world unless we've got the confidence of Our own people and
they turn out to vote.
MR. NELSON:
Congressman, some of the former Carter Administration
_
officials say that -- that the papers that were release(
by the White House to the Justice Department! and I sup-
pose to your Committee, indicated a constant flow of papers. And I know
one of them was quoted as saying it may have come from three different
offices in the White House. Would that mean that your investigation is
broader than just whether or not the debate materials were taken?
REP. ALBOSTA:
the
And
criminal
the only
Well, my investigation will try to find out who in the
Carter Administration and at what level of employ might
have been engaging in those activities. We're not after
-
prosecution of that person; we're after changes in the law.
way we can know is to have all the facts. Ours is a fact-fin,
mission. It is not probing to try to find out if somebody is guilty. We'r,
not going to
-- If we stumble .across those people that might be guilty a:
if we think there's information that would be valuable to the Justice
Department, Appeti4e1c1IRMIcrelbaig2ER16114/2$9CtAIRD15915(tOiagfRAIRROafilgq? .1 don't care
go any further with that. My hope is that this whole issue will not get
of -- out of the conte> t t
Approvea ror Keleabst zOuphlizo : um.
?.1..t_R&it9h5biotkofompoporgbilities that .
I feel are mine with the Subcommittee chairmanship.
MS. MEANS: Well, how important do you think it is whether this
material was solicited or whether it sort of came in ove:
the transom? In other words, the responsibility of the ?.
REP. ALBOSTA: Well, it's very -- No. That's very important if somebody
did solicit this material, simply because that is a clea
violation of Federal Election Commission's laws. And you
can't promise anyone that you'll give them a job after an election for som
favor that they might do for you. That is against the law. That's part of
our whole process, as I see it, of trying to bring confidence in the Ameri,
system, and its elected officials and its appointed officials up,
sb that the American people will get out to vote.
so that
MR. SCHORR: We're going to have to pause here. We'll be back in a
couple of minutes.
SEGMENT II
MR. SCHORR: We are back with our discussion with Congressman Albosta
of the coming investigation of the missing, purloined
briefing parsers. Congressman, you said earlier that pro
ably you have to talk to David Stockman, who boasted of using pilfered pap
One of the most interesting contradictions that has yet come up in letters
to you and to your Subcommittee, James Baker, White House Chief of Staff,
says he clearly recalls getting that material from William Casey, who is
now the CIA Director. Casey says he remembers nothing about it. Will you
have to resolve that contradiction?
REP. ALBOSTA: Well, I think we will. Certainly, there's something ther
in Mr. Casey's memory that seems to have gone blank. He
could remember details during the hearings that he had
with the Senate on many items of -- of years back. I would think that Mr.
Casey probabl?PR.M.McSEelgaVe2P-Prga.t2HYTalis92EINP419E78M-7
our Committee.
MR. SCHORR: Now how do you proceed to do that? This is a matter of .
Approved For Release 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000400070003-7
process. Normally, an investigation of this sort, and
we've been through a lot of investigations in this town,
you invite him to appear in executive session with you, and staff, or what
ever. ff he's willing to come, fine. If not, subpoena and that he then is
in executive session under oath. Is that the way you're going to do it?
REP. ALBOSTA: That's a possibility and we certainly don't rule out
just having an interview with Mr. Casey, and certainly
the people that are around Mr. Casey, or that have been
around Mr. Casey, will be interviewed by investigative staff.
MS. MEANS: With the exception of Casey, are you satisfied with the
level of cooperation you're getting from the White
House, from the people like Baker, and Gergen, and do --
REP. ALBOSTA: Oh, I think so. I think that they responded to my letter
and certainly Gergen had responded again with. an apology
saying that he didn't give me all the material and that
there was sensitive material that pertained to nein-nal defense within
those documents, and that I should know about it. I think he's to be com?
mended. I-think the President is to commended for the position that he's
taken that we should get to the bottom of it, that let's get this thing
over with, and -- even though he agreed with Tip O'Neill in a humorous way
I think he really would like to get this thing over with.
MS. MEANS: Do you trust the Justice Department to handle this? Do
you think a special prosecutor, an independent investiga
tor might be necessary.
REP. ALBOSTA: Well, it might be if there's any -- any criminal activit
that's shown. First we have to know how the books got 02
the papers got out of the White House. If we don't find
that out, obviously they didn't walk over there. But if you haven't got
someone to say that's the person that -- that removed them, if you haven't
got someone to say that, then you don't have a reason for criminal invest:
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gation, or at least prosecution.
, MR. NELSON:
Let me take you back to the question of a broader inves-
Approved For Release 2005111/28 : CIA-RDP9/-00901R000400070003-7
tigation. If it's true that if in the investigation you
found there was a constant flow of information out of th
White House or out of the Carter campaign -- well, particularly out of th
White House -- would you follow that wherever it goes into various other
offices, as many people as might have been involved, or --
REP. ALBOSTA: Well, we will follow it wherever we have to, Jack, in
order to try to find out what we would have to do to
change the law. Maybe we have a real lack of communicati
with Civil Service employees as to what the responsibilities are. I think
that the Office of'..lovernment Ethics ought to have a training session for
people that work in such sensitive places as the White House. We know now
that they do not. They are Civil Service employees, but they don't go
through any type of training system.
We have a Code of Ethics in almost every police departme
in the country and they're trained -- there are sessions that they have tc
sit down and go through these different standards of conduct.
MR. NELSON: Well, let me ask you very quickly, on this kind of inves
tigation though, will you be looking at people who are
still in the Reagan White House who were in the Carter
White House before as possible witnesses in this case?
REP. ALBOSTA: Oh, I think so.
MR. -SCHORR: Let me broaden that question. Congressman, we've heard
from Democratic sources there's a list that those who we
in the Carter White House, every one of them have a
favorite suspect. I'm sure the names of those suspects -- and I would not
ask you to go into names right now -- that that list of suspects is also
available to you. Are you going to call all the persons who were involved
in the Democrat and the Carter side preparing this, and who have been sug-
gested as possibility of people who could have, people who might have? Are
they going to come one after another? Are you going to question them?
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REP.
7
ALBOSTA :Approve FtthEiltalkasteh220.5/47112accCI#IREET1-8%:031Regb40(1000%117ose people. I
don't know whether or not we will have them in executive
session or whether we would have to subpoena them at thi
time. T don't know what the case might be. But certainly we have --
MR. SCHORR:
REP. ALBOSTA:
MR. SCHORR:
REP. ALBOSTA:
MR. SCHORR:
MR. NELSON:
REP. ALBOSTA:
MR. NELSON:
REP. ALBOSTA:
Have you talked to some of them? You've talked to some
of them already, haven't you?
Well, not to this point, we haven't.
Staff?
My staff may have contacted those people. They certainly
know who they are.
I can tell you I contacted one or two and I know that
they've been contacted by your staff.
With the House Speaker actually opposing your investiga-
tion -- He said he didn't -- He didn't think it should
be held. Is that going to handicap you in anyway? .
No. I don't think the Speaker really was interpreted
properly there.
Well, the rhetoric --
Well, wait a minute, Jack. I talked to the Speaker right
after -- I had a meeting right after he had that news
conference. The Speaker has a right to his own opinion a
he stated that very clearly. He thinks that the economy, and unemployment,
and all the other things in the country that are problems should be the
focus of attention of the people of this nation, and that investigations
like this would be better handled by the Democratic National Committee or
something else. And he put all of -- this investigation into a focus of
politics. Well, he didn't understand at the time that we were in the procc
of re-enacting the Office of Government Ethics and that this Subcommittee
is going ahead with other investigations. We have --
,
..???? eff.t .
MR.. NELSON: Did he give it his blessings?
REP. ALBOSTA: Yes.
MR. NELSON: Approveli(Fodklease 2005/11/28 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000400070003-7
REP. ALBOSTA: Yes.
MR. NELSON:
REP. ALBOSTA:
MR. SCHORR:
8
Approyml Vgt?Felefia2p01/AVAt.%43kapapo9A-cov 2.ygg q7,9 F.3
He says that I am totally within the authority of this
Subcommittee and that he says I don't have any objections
to you going ahead with this. That's what he said.
I'm going to have to ask you to pause once again. We'll
be back in a couple of minutes.
SEGMENT III
?
MR. SCHORR: Resuming our conversation with Congressman Donald Albosta
the head of the Subcommittee which is going to be investi
gating the pilfered Carter briefing papers. And for those
who may have tuned-in late let me re-introduce our panel here: Jack Nelso
of the Los Angeles Times, and Marianne Means, Hearst syndicated columnist,
and I'm Daniel Schorr, of the Cable News Network.
Congressman, it sounds as though, based on
said so far, that because the jurisdiction of your committee
a Civil Service jurisdiction, that your first priority is to
servants who may have done unethical things. But since a lot
happened, which may not have been performed by Civil Service
none of the people on the Reagan side of this were civil servants then yet,
they were not in government at all. If your investigation then is only a
partial investigation, if you're only looking at one corner of this, will
you hope that somebody else will pick-up some of the larger dimensions of
this, a Senate or House committee with other jurisdictions?
what you've
is primarily
look for civil
of other thing
-- In fact,
REP. ALBOSTA: To be honest with you, Dan, I don't think that we should
have as many committees looking into this as we had durin
the problems with EPA. That, I think, goes too far. There
is (sic) other committees, I believe, particularly the Judiciary Committee
that could possibly look into any kind of criminal violations. I would have
no control over them and they may choose, somewheres along the line, to get
themselves involved in this.
ApproJed%qtgiemangn1/20613m64,1:0?7fikil61346619A0697 look into any
criminal activities, simply because it isn't within my jurisdiction to do
9
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would respect that subcommittee, if it carried on a .400d investigation. Not
a witchhunt, but just simply time to have a fact-finding mission so that
they could establish once and for all if somebody was there that was not
doing the right thing.
MR. SCHORR:
was unclear that
Let me take you back to the Watergate investigation. The
first Watergate investigation was started by a Judiciary
Subcommittee in the Senate, headed by Senator Kennedy. It
the dimensions of this were such it could not be handled
that way and eventually you got a
Senator
Ervin. There was a Church
Select Committee that was chaired by
Committee, a Select Committee that inves-
tigated the CIA and FBI.
If the issue is big enough, it seems to require some
larger committee assembled for that purpose. Would you think that at the
end of your investigation that could then happen?.
REP. ALBOSTA:
MR. SCHORR:
REP. ALBOSTA:
MS. MEANS:
the Republican
REP. ALBOSTA:
That that would bring an end to
A Select-- Well, that you would merge yourself into some
larger investigation by some larger group assembled for
that purpose?
I think, honestly, there would have to be more to this
than what has surfaced so far.
The President tried to suggest that this was all just
politics at his press conference the other night. Aren't
you vulnerable to that charge? You're a Democrat. I notic
Senate isn't rushing forth to investigate this.
Well, a lot of things have happened just in a very, ve:
short time. When I got into this thing, I was -- My intel
was to -- to try to find out more information about what
we might have to do, simply because there was questions raised about certa:
appointees of the President during the time that we were reviewing the Eth:
in Government AVeltavitiFothata IOU itiQPitif28GCAtaiiilettOlDitREL0104Q00gEkOP3rpTy responsibilit:
I felt, extended into this.
10
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Will that damage me back in my district? If people want
to to vote against me because I'm dokng my job, I doubt that. I don't
think so. I don't think it makes any difference if you're a Republican or
Democrit. I think that the people want us to do what we were elected to do
and that's to serve in a capacity that we accept. And that responsibility
in this Subcommittee chairmanship is definitely upon my shoulders.. I hones.
would hope that someone else would have some of it and that the Speaker wo
bless this whole thing, because it is, I. think, necessary to once and for
all try to get the level of government to where people have confidence in
it. And we can get that percentage, I believe, up to 60, 70 or 80 percent.
In El Salvador alone, 90 percent of the people that were eligible to vote
turned out to vote. What's wrong here? Do you see what the point is?
?
MR. NELSON: How will your investigation proceed now? I mean you'll
come back from Michigan after July 4th, what'll you do?
Do you plan to hold hearings, do you know?
REP. ALBOSTA: Interview.
MR. NELSON: Are you going to have subpoenas or-do you know about tha
REP. -ALBOSTA:
MR. NELSON:
REP. ALBOSTA:
MR. NELSON:
REP. ALBOSTA:
MR. NELSON:
subpoena and
REP. ALBGSTA:
MS. MEANS:
Will be subpoening witnesses?
We will be interviewing people that should have some
knol
ledge of the activities that were going on during the
Carter Administration's campaign.
Well, yoU've aIkeady been interviewing, haven't you?
No, we haven't been interviewing.
You haven't been interviewing witnesses yet?
No, we haven't been.
Well, now when you start interviewing witnesses, if you
have trouble finding them or if you have trouble getting
them to really respond, do you intend to put them under
under oath?
We may. We won't rule that out, Jack.
You'll be doing all this privately. Wbeniaill you start
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doing things publicly?
II
REP. ALBOSTA ?,3PmvefiW. 97 now,
ow, obviously.
We sent the letters to the White House and we've asked
for information. That may be an ongoing public statement
that will be made at the White House, I don't know. Certainly -- Gergen hz
sent me another letter, saying that I apologize, there was more material
there. Certainly, we have sent out letters now to -- to Hodsell and to
Kirkpatrick, and I would think that we will get a response within the timE
limit that we put on those requests.
MR. SCHORR: Congressman, we have less than a minute left. I just war
to ask you, do you think this issue will play any role j
the 1984.. campaign?
REP. ALBOSTA: would hope that this issue would not play a role in
the 1984 campaign politically. What / would like to see
it play a role in that election is the standards of our
government are coming up. I would hope that the people on both the Republj
can side and the Democratic side would see us as doing things here that a2
-- are respectable and that they can have confidencg,.in, and that will brj
them out to vote.
MR. SCHORR: All right, Congressman Albosta. Thank you for appearing
on NEWSMAKER -- SATURDAY. Enjoy the fireworks over the
weekend. Let's see what fireworks you produce after this
weekend. I'm Daniel Schorr, for my colleagues,. CNN, in Washington.
[End of broadcast.]
NOTE: EMBARGOED UNTIL 2:00 P.M. (EDT), SATURDAY, JULY 2, 1983.
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STA I
ApTlrLE AppEAREapAoved For Release 2005/41-P28R CIAIRDP9T.009011
iLly 1983
011.
head reverently
prayer in Latin
Cross of the Order of Saint Sylvester, the oldest and
most prestigious of papal knighthoods. This award has
been given ro only 100 other men in history, who "by
feat of arms. or writings, or outstanding deeds, have
sp-reaci the Faith, and have safeguarded and cham-
pioned the Church."
Although a papal citation of this sort rarely. if ever,
states why a person is inducted into the "Golden MI-
dz." there car, be no doubt that Donovan earned his
knic,nthood by virtue of the services he rendered to the
Catholic hierarchy in World War II, during which he
served as chief of the Office a:Strategic Services (OSS),
the wartime predecessor to the Central *Intelligence
Agency (CIA). In 1941, the year before the OSS was
officially Constituted. Donovan forged a close alliance
with F2r her Felix Morlion, founder of a European
Catholic intelligence service known as Pro Deo. When
the Germans overran western Europe. Donovan helped
Morlion move his base of operations front Lisbon to
New York. I-rom then on, PTO Deo was financed by
Donovan, who believed that such an expenditure
would result in valuable insight into the secret affairs of
he VaHcan. then a neutral enclave in the midst of fascist
Rome. Then the Allies liberated Rome in 1944. Mor-
lion re-established his spy network in the Vatican: from
ne day in Iuly 1944, as the Second
World War raged throughout Europe,
General William "Wild Bill" Donovan
was ushered into an ornate chamber in
Vatican City -for an audience with
Pope Pius XII. Donovan bowed his
as the pontiff intoned a ceremonial
and decorated him with the Grand
R000400070003-7
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Kink=
uN PAGE
LEADERS MAGAZINE
July-September 1983
The Threat
By The Honorable William J. Casey,
Director of Central Intelligence, United States
iodm?oomi????oo.up?mJmooim?rmmmmi.mlig
The United States faces serious threats to its
security and national interests throughout the
world. These threats include social, economic and
political instability as well as outright military
aggression. The most serious of these threats,
however, are those that stern from activities of
the Soviet Union.
I see five major types of threat posed by the
Soviet Union. The first three arise primarily from
the USSR's growing military capabilities: their
strategic forces, their general purpose forces and
their growing ability to project power over long
distances. In addition. the Soviets have improved
their ability to destabilize and gain influence over
small countries-a threat which I call creeping
imperialism-and they have increased their
political and propaganda efforts to divide the
Alliance and diminish the position of the United
States.
The first of these threats comes from inter-
continental ballistic missiles and other carriers of
nuclear warheads. The Soviets have been
spending three times as much on these strategic
forces as we do.
The second threat is that of the Warsaw Pact
forces on the European front. The Soviets are
deploying in forward areas large numbers Of a
new tank with improved armor protection, fast,
self-propelled artillery and the all-weather Fencer
aircraft., which can strike deeply and quickly into
NATO's rear areas with a payload larger than the
aircraft it replaced.
The third category of threat that concerns us is
that of power projection. Since 1975,, we have
seen the Soviets develop a capability to bring
support over long distances to pro-Soviet
elements in coordination with their close allies.
Soviet transport planes and cargo ships were used
to carry sophisticated Soviet weapons thousands
of miles to meet up with Cuban troops in Angola
and Ethiopia.
The fourth category is creeping impirialism.
The Soviets have skillfully constructed a array of
associates to use a mix of tactics-politic:,i, diplo-
matic, subversion: terrorism and insurge,icy-to
expand Soviet and pro-Soviet influence and to
destabilize and overthrow liovernments. rne
Soviets have compiled a remarkable rec irc in this
activity.
This creeping imperialism threaten our
interests most immediately in Central Ainerica
and the Caribbean. Cuban support of irsurgency
and subversion in Central America could divide
our own hemisphere and threaten the rich oil
fields of our Mexican. neighbors as well a- control
of the canal passage in Panama Political turmoil
in Central America and a flood of ref uger:s from
the south could divert the United States from
threats elsewhere in the world.
The fifth threat is in the Soviet pout. :al and
propaganda initiatives designed to confuse and
divide us from our friends. The most darrzerous
political thrust is the cur-rem effort to ext ion
European fear of nuclear weapons and the
political risk which European governments
perceive in the deployment of Pershings and
cruise missiles in NATO countries. Andr,:pov
comes to power finding in his lap an unr rece-
dented opportunity to advance the Soviei
objective of dividing the U.S. and Europr and, at
the same time, a basketful of economic and
financial problems.
We should remember there are forces likely
to constrain, limit and work against the ACCOM-
plishment of Soviet goals First off, And-opov is
faced with declining economic growth. Soviet
agriculture has suffered four successive cop
failures and there is a growing sense of malaise
over the quality of life. Soviet society suffers from
declining health; it is the only industriali2ed
nation where the life expectancy for rner is
actually declining. Corruption and alcohol addic-
tion are rampant. The Soviet government does
riot seem to know how to deal with these
problems, beyond trying to improve discipline
through strong-arm tactics_
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And as he and his colleagues look abroad,
the correlation of forces is not all going the Soviet
way. Soviet forces are bogged down in Afghan-
istan. Poland is a running sore. Rumania is
getting itself into serious economic and political
trouble. Cuba, Vietnam and other clients abroad
constitute an economic drain. The USSR's various
proxies are not wholly puppets, but cooperate
with the USSR where this benefits their interests.
There is no guarantee that the USSR now
has all its friends nailed down for all time and
we know that certain of them are careful to keep
ties open to the West. Most Third World leaders
are fully aware of Soviet intentions and
think-perhaps mistakenly-that they can get
what the USSR and its friends can give them
without becoming too
closely embraced by
the Russian bear.
Meanwhile the Soviets
continue to hurt
their own cause by
their violation of
Afghanistan and
their often ham-
handed behavior
elsewhere. ?
William J. Casey
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