MODERATES VS. HARD-LINERS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP91-00901R000400010003-3
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 43
• Document Creation Date: December 19, 2016
• Document Release Date: December 19, 2005
• Sequence Number: 3
• Publication Date: October 28, 1984
• Content Type: NSPR

rpyec FgrTIease 206/011KNs Wfpg951 ( 901, t000400010003-3
mk1 Z8 October 1984
c derates vs. hard-liners
[1g could lase ground in second rount of admiijis ration
By Richard Straus and
Ken Wollack
ashington-Every four years
Washingtonians engage in one
of their favorite pastimes-
speculating about top appointees in a
new administration. With the Demo-
crats trailing so badly in the polls, there
has been understandably little interest
in forecasting Walter F. Mondale's
team. Instead, attention has focused on
possible-personnel shifts in a second
Reagan term.
Ordinarily this Washington "name
game" would be of little import.-nce. to
anyone beyond the small group of peo-
ple immediately involved. However, af-
ter experiencing nearly four years of
Ronald Reagan's "disengaged" ap-
proach to the presidency, the question of
who makes day-to-day decisions on
domestic and, more important, foreign
policy issues assumes much greater sig-
nif icance.
The first-term Reagan administration
has been riven by internecine quarrel-
ing. Some argue that these battles
among Cabinet equals are an inevitable
consequence of Mr. Reagan's detached
manner of governing. Yet paradoxical-
ly, the president also has insisted upon
collegiality among his top advisers.
It is notable that in an administration
whose secretary of labor is under indict-
ment and whose attorney general-desig-
nate needed a clean bill of health from a
special prosecutor, the only Cabinet offi-
cial to be fired was former Secretary of
State Alexander M. Haig Jr. And his
crime? In the words of one White House official, "He could never get along. Healways wanted to make an issue of everything.,, Even the much-heralded Reagan ide-
ology proves, upon closer examination, only to add another discordant note. That is particularly true when viewing his choice of foreign policy aides. On theone hand th
id
b r. .acev and Mrs.
Kirkpatrick, has,
Washington post.
according to State Department aides, Since ambassador to the
United Na-
achieved an even areater dominance
lions carries Cabinet rank, it is doubtful
over Central American nolicv. Some
Mrs.
Kirkpatrick would accept anything
State Department officials have all but less thansecretary
given up hope of moderating the in- security adviser. hostile administrati on ? atti-
. But Mr. McFarlane,
Mr. Shultz show no signs of planning
tude and Mr
tude towards Nicaragua. They are con- to leave
their posts any time soon. More-
, in the.view of a number of admin-
vinced Mr. Weinberger and Mrs. Kirk- over, believe the U.S. cannot tolerate
e pres
ent selected as his
istration officials, Mrs. Kirkpatrick dis-
the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua.
national security adviser Robert C. plays the same "rough edges" that tor-
They predict more military "rotations"
McFarlane, perhaps the archetypal ten- pedoed Mr. Haig.
in Honduras, perhaps resulting in a mili-
trist technocrat. To replace the contra- On the other hand, the moderates are
tary confrontation during the next four
tious Alexander Haig at state, he ap- hoping they can eliminate or neutralize
years.
pointed George P. Shultz, a more easy- a few hard-liners. They believe that, ex-
If, in the Middle East, administration
going member of the Nixon-Ford team. cepting Mrs. Kirkpatrick, Lhe hard-lin-
bureaucratic roles are reversed,'partic-
On the other hand, the hawkish right em have few candidates to offer for even
is well represented with Caspar W.
ularly in Lebanon, the outcome was nev-
sub-Cabinet positions. "We have the
ertheless the same. It was Mr. Shultz
Weinberger at. defense, William J. whole known universe of such people
and Mr. McFarlane who pressed for a
Qaspv at the rentra- TTtP1II~T'rl :,rte- already. in the administration," one
U.S. military role in Lebanon, with Mr.
wand Jeane J. Kirkpatrick at the Unit- White House aide says.
Weinberger and the Pentagon opposed.
ed Nations. It is no wonder that battle$ One move widely expected is for Mr.
rage constantly between these two Mr. Weinberger eventually came out Shultz to try to place his' leading arzrs
groups on subjects as
control, yiiy ev bAf19 RD elR000400010003- :tllN,..-4
Central Ameri Id- ec 'e wI isengaged president.
UIC C+dJI. ' Without rancor, he simply refused to go
However, because of the need to avoid along with agreed-upon decisions. For
bringing conflicts to the president, dis- example, Mr. Shultz thought he had
putes between the two camps are either hammered out an agreement t?~ in-
resolved before they reach the president crease the level of U.S. naval activity on
or are left unresolved. But in either behalf of the Beirut government in ex-
case, the hard-liners have gained the up- change for Mr. Weinberger's long-held
per hand. desire to withdraw the Marines.
O
n arms control issues Mr Wib
,.ener-
ger and his aide Richard Perle, despite
election-year pressures, have been able
to . maintain the administration's tough
stance. Shultz allies assert that Mr.
Weinberger and Mr. Perle believe the
U.S. must confront the Soviet Union at
every turn; that arms control is accep-
table only when Soviet behavior chang-
es.
White House officials concede that
Mr. Weinberger and Mr. Perle have out-
maneuvered the State Department mod-
erates. Mr. Perle, in particular, is cited
as a superior bureaucratic infighter.
"He couches the arguments in unassail-
able terms," one White House insider
said. "He has made 'the need to contain
communism' an effective marketing
tool."
Mr. Perle, unlike Mr. McFarlane or
Mr. Shultz, also has done his homework.
Neither Mr. McFarlane nor his National
Security Council staff is well-versed in
the esoterica that constitute arms con-
trol policy. Mr. Shultz reportedly
promised to master the material when
he first took office. "People are still
waiting,." complained one State Depart-
ment o.f icial.
Mr. Weinberger, with the support of
But the secretary of defense simply
refused to live up to his end of the bar-
gain. With President Reagan winging
his way out of town as the withdrawal.
announcement was made, the Pentagon,
simply pulled the plug. Left in the wake
in Washington, frustrated Weinberger
critics could only impotently fume about
"rank insubordination" by the Depart-
ment of Defense.
? With the bureaucratic players' posi-
tions on major issues clearly defined,
and with no reason to expect the presi-
dent to change his manner of governing,
the question remaining is whether the
lineup itself will change. The most mo-
mentous change brooded about involves
not a key foreign policy actor, but rather
White House Chief of Staff James A. Ba-
ker III. However, if Mr. Baker isgrant-
ed his wish to move to an open Cabinet
slot (attorney general?), a chain
reaction having a direct impact on
foreign policy could ensue. White House
officials hold no illusions that Secretary
of the Interior William ? P. Clark would
lobby vigorously for Mr. Baker's job.
Mr. Clark admires Mrs. Kirkpatrick,
and, as chief of staff; would be consid-
ered sympathetic to her desire to ex-
change the U.N. position for a high-level
 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 CIA-RDP91-00901R
1.1ACL1TntrTnm nne- r
-Joseph Kraft
..The Blame
Fails
Olnj- Casey..
The Central Intelligence Agency is
going into the public pillory again. But
this time nobody can blame those
favorite whipping boys-the liberals of
the 1970s.
This 'time the blame falls squarely
on the CIA and its present director,
William Casey. Under his tutelage, the
agency has misled the White House
and Congress, thus shattering the
base of bipartisan support for intelli-
gence activities.
The agency originally came into bad,
odor in the wake of Watergate and the
Vietnam War. Investigation by a Sen-
ate committee headed by the late
Frank Church of Idaho showed that
the CIA had a hand in all kinds of dirty
operations, including attempted assas-
sinations.
In that period, those who tried to
defend the agency as a valuable na-
tional resource could at least argue
that the temper of the times was sour.
Unfortunately, Jimmy Carter made
one of his worst appointments in nam-
ing Adm. Stansfield Turner to be di-
rector of Central Intelligence. Turner
very early began a feud, which. he is
still indulging in, with the "old boy"
network of CIA veterans.
But there were figures in Congress,
particularly among defense-minded
Democrats, who saw the need to re-
build. They worked behind the scenes
to make more money available to the
agency and to restore morale. A good
example is Sen. Daniel Moynihan, the
New York Democrat, who has been
serving as vice chairman of the Senate
Intelligence Committee.
"When I came in," Moynihan re-
called recently, "I asked myself
whether we shouldn't scrap the CIA
and start over again. The officers who
came up here looked so damaged.
28 October 1984
They couldn't 'think -on their feet.
They couldn't play checkers,- let alone
chess. They were good people who
had been hurt. But of course we
couldn't close it down.. So we tried
healing. We gave them money and told
them they were first rate. And there
were signs of progress."
The progress halted with the appoint-
ment of Casey as director in 1981, and
the onset of covert operations in Nicara-
gua. Casey would have been an embar-
rassment to any bureau of government.
Before becoming director, he was mixed
.up in charges of plagiarism and was hip
deep in Watergate. At the agency, he
was involved in smelly stock transac
tions, dubious testimony on the Carter
briefing .book and association with .
shabby characters. A former Republican
secretary of state, trying to defend
Casey, could only say, "He's not as
sleazy as he looks."
As to Nicaragua, the right-wing
dictatorship of the Somozas - was
ousted in 1979. The successor re-
gime, democratic at first, quickly
yielded to a group called the Sandinis
tas, with ties to Cuba and the Soviet
Union and a background in Marxism-
Leninism. The United States under-
took to harass the Sandinistas by sup-
porting against them a guerrilla force
known as the contras. -
"From the first it didn't feel right,"
Moynihan said of the CIA operation
against the Sandinistas. "You knew you
were dealing with one part of the agen-
cy, not the whole. Somewhere in that
place were a group of people like an out-
fit in a Le Carre novel. They were look-
ing for somebody to give them a job
again. Some of their briefings about
their plans came close to fantasizing.
Then they began to hide things."
One operation hidden from the Sen-
ate committee was the mining of Nica-
raguan harbors. When events dis
closed the fact, Barry Goldwater, the
committee chairman, fired off an
angry message to Casey. Moynihan
tried unsuccessfully to find out what
had happened. Then, on April 12;
1984, President. Reagan's national se-
curity adviser, Robert McFarlane, told
a conference at Annapolis that "every
important detail" of the mining had
been "shared in full" with the con.
gressional committee. .
As a protest, agamst being caueo. a*
liar in public,' Moynihan resigned as
vice chairman. Casey, prodded by the STAT
White House, made a public apology to
the committee. Moynihan claims that
McFarlane told him that in reporting
to the White House, the CIA had been
"either disingenuous or outright
wrong." A second case of "hiding"
now surfaces with the manual written
by a contract employee of the CIA
which advised the contras to "neutral-
ize," or assassinate, Sandinista officials.
The Senate committee was not told of
that manual, which sanctioned terrorism
and violated a presidential order. In the
foreign policy debate, President Reagan
said the manual had been heavily ex-
cised both by the CIA in the field and at
headquarters. He claimed only a handful
of the original manuals was distrib4ted.
That turns out to be a cock-and-bull
story. There was little editing, and hun-
dreds of manuals were distributed. But
what the president said was what the
CIA had told the White House.
Obviously something is very wrong.
Congressional support for the agency is
now almost nil. Moynihan says of Casey -
and the agency, "It breaks my heart.
We need an intelligence capacity. But
they're hurting themselves and they
don't know it. They still don't under-
stand they are damaging the president,
not helping him."
Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010003-3
 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901R00040
WASHINGTON POST
27 October 1984
s ~
e io Date Nears on
ues io
Some nm-ng Soviet Imports
1930 Law Against `Forced-Labor' Goods Could Be Imposed
By Murrey Marder
Washington Post Staff Writer
. .The Reagan administration is approaching the climax
ioi.a year-long skirmish with critics who want it to pun-
ish Soviet abuses of human rights by imposing stiff re-
strictions on Soviet imports produced with "slave la-
.~ktor."
1 The dispute turns on whether to ban up to half of the
;Soviet goods and material entering the United States
Eby extending a rarely applied 1930 ban on imports be-
lieved to be made with forced labor.
Secretary of State George P. Shultz and other mem-
Kbers of the Cabinet are reported to have warned that
.se of the import restriction could produce a trade war
that could be far more damaging to lucrative U.S. grain
sales to the Soviet Union than it would be to the Krem-
.jin
Members of Congress and other advocates of the ban
question whether it would bring on a trade war. In any
`event, they maintain, the administration has no choice
under existing law but to enforce it.
If a broad ban had existed in 1982, it is estimated
1-.
that it could have barred $138 million of the $227.5
pillion in imports from the Soviet Union. U.S. exports
to the Soviet Union that year were lopsidedly greater:
.$2.6 billion, of which $1.85 billion was in grain sales.
This is a sensitive dispute for an administration that
17. L'stresses its readiness to negotiate on all sources of su-
perpower tension but that has been vocal in denouncing
,Soviet practices. Administration attacks on "slave la-
Lbor" helped to arouse the demand for the trade restric-
:tions.
U.S. Customs Commissioner William von Raab in-
:formed Treasury Secretary Donald T. Regan in Sep-
~tember 1983 of his plan to begin applying the forced-la-
. sbor ban against 36 Soviet products. Regan is reported
to have supported the plan until it ran into tough oppo-
sition from Shultz, Commerce Secretary Malcolm Bal-
;drige, Agriculture Secretary John R. Block, and U.S.
Trade Representative William E. Brock.
Regan decided last May to postpone a ruling on the
an until after Nov. 12, when the International Trade
,,Commission is scheduled to complete a fact-finding stu-
;-dy requested by Sen. Robert J. Dole (R-Kan.), chairman
of the Senate Finance Committee.
That timetable pushed the dispute beyond the elec-
tion campaign, in which President Reagan has used So-
grain sales to court the farm vote. Reagan on Sept.
11 announced U.S. readiness to sell an additional 10
million tons of wheat and corn to the Soviet Union.
Approved
Dole is a champion of Soviet grain sales, as are many
members of Congress, but he was among 45 senators
~vho urged the administration last October to enforce
he ban against the Soviet Union. In May, 84 House
members made a similar appeal.
E Last month a lawsuit to force the administration to
"tnforce the ban was filed on behalf of several groups,
4ncluding 33 Republican and Democratic members of
the House and two perennial critics-of the administra-
lion's Soviet policy, Sens. Jesse Helms (R-N.C.) and
Steven D. Symms (R-Idaho).
The Sept. 26 complaint in the U.S. Court of Inter-
national Trade in New York charged the administration .
-with "abitrary, capricious" and illegal action, and "an
::abuse of discretion" in failing to apply the law. Named
s defendants were von Raab and Assistant Treasury
,,Secretary John M. Walker Jr. The suit was filed by Dan-
riel J. Popeo and Paul D. Kamenar of the Washington
Legal Foundation.
At issue isa section of the 1930 Smoot-Hawley Tariff
;pct, which bars imports of articles or material made in
whole or in part with "convict labor" or "forced labor."
fth the past it has been used primarily to protect U.S.
companies from underpriced foreign products made
,with cheap prison labor, and was invoked against only
one Soviet product, crabmeat, from 1950 to 1961; at
he height of the Cold War.
Current requirements for blocking imports are so
roadly written that the customs commissioner can or-
der the seizure of suspected goods if he has "informa-
tion that reasonably but not conclusively indicates" that
they are subject to the ban. It is up to the shipper or
importer to prove that the imports were not made with
forced labor.
During the past year, however, the Reagan admin-
istration has moved away from that sweeping criteria.
Critics charge that the administration is deliberately
watering down its impact on the Soviet Union. Admin-
istration officials counter that the ban has been applied
inconsistently and must be uniform for all nations.
Regan said on May 17 that after the International
Trade Commission study on Nov. 12, standards for ap-
plying the ban should include "a specific finding that the
use of forced labor gives that foreign producer a more.
,than de minimus [small] price advantage over Amer-
ican producers." In addition, Regan said, the customs
commissioner should consider such factors as "the [ap-
parent] value added by use of forced labor," the "per-
centage of time" contributed by such labor and "wheth-
er labor cost is a significant component."
As administration concern about applying the ban has
increased, it has increasingly questioned the adequacy
For Release 2006/01/17: CIA-RQP&1i,62@9Q4F,0Q*4W6$4Y003Q3 it.
 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901R000
NEW YORK TIA'ES
26 October 1984
Playing Reagan Musical Chairs
By STEVEN R. WEISMAN
sp-dal to The New Yort Tee
WASHINGTON, Oct. 25 - Well be-
fore the first votes have been counted,
the Reagan Administration is filled
with rumors, gossip, wariness and
free-floating anxiety about the pros-
pects for a second term in office.
At the White House, several. of
President Reagan's top aides have
told friends that they would love to be
doing something else next year if Mr.
Reagan is re-elected. Increasingly,
however, they find their opportunities
blocked because there seem to be no
openings for them to go to. -
The same situation applies to many
members of the Cabinet. There is talk
throughout the Administration of the
need for fresh thinking and "fresh
blood." Such talk gets dismissed im-
mediately. Instead, there is a grow-
ing feeling of bureaucratic gridlock.
Not `,Asking for Heads'
Without Chai.
Labor Secretary Raymond J. Dono-
van, now on leave of absence, to de-
part even if he is acquitted on charges
of larceny and falsifying business
records in connection with a subway
construction project in New York
City. ? _
But the biggest break in the Admin-
istration gridlock, according to many
officials, could come as early as next
spring with the resignation of Paul A.
Volcker as chairman of the Federal
Reserve Board.
Mr. Volcker's term as chairman is
not up until 1987, but the talk of his
leaving persists throughout the Ad-
ministration, with some people say.
ing they are convinced he will go ;
sooner rather than later.
His departure could-pave the way,
for the selection of either Treasury
Secretary Donald T. Regan or Secre-
tary of State George P. Shultz as
chairman of the Fed, according to
several knowledgeable officials. Such
? a development, in turn, would leave a
vacancy next year for James A.
Baker 3d, the White House chief of
staff, whose friends say he'is almost
desperate to leave the White House
for new challenges.
Mr. Baker, leader of the Adminis-
tration "pragmatists," tried unsuc-
cessfully last fall to become Mr. Rea-
gan's national security adviser. The
President initially approved the
change but then dropped the idea,
bowing to the protests of Administra-
tion conservatives.
Those. opp0siiiMr? Baker's move
included William P. Clark, who was
leaea g ' -he nations security post to
ecme ntepoecre as weIras
Defense Secreta7YCar W-o Weln
berger, eerie ~irkpa--e
chief United states delegate to the
rut _atio~-WII_iam J.
Casey, Director o Central _Intelli- .
fence- Iliese conserve ves would be
expect to i t an attem t to have
Mr. aker come ecreta _ of
~o ear ecause em er-
ge1jnd Mrs._Kirkpatn are known
to want that job themselves.
Mr. Casey, meanwhile, was said to
have]-in uf-nafecT~y recent arts-
cT in 'I-Fe - Washin tgon Times and
The New York post sugg stuig that
he would"Zeave neat year. W to
House ad des said he roug t ie -clip-
,omgs o r, eagan an won a com-
mitment mrtmnt a a co s yon.
What if Baker Leaves?
Tensions between Mr. Baker.-And
1,2r, as.e.Yz atin from their dispute
gve ~ilfe . er camZai docu
ments in 1980 remain soh _that
each was d ibhavmg sus-
pectedttSe otTier of-5e- ie source of
the recent newspaper a. es.
What happens if Mr. Baker leaves
the White House is another subject of
intense speculation. Aides agree on
three possible replacements for him_
Mr. Clark, Michael K. Deaver, now
the deputy White House chief of staff,
and Drew Lewis, a former Transpor-
tation Secretary.
Mr. Clark has told associates that
be is interested in remaining Interior
Secretary but that he would accept
the White House post if . asked. He
served a similar function when Mr.
Reagan was Governor of California,
but he would face adamant opposition'
for the chief of staff job from Admin-
istration moderates, who say that as
national security adviser he had a
stormy relationship with Congress.
"I don't know of a single person at
the White House or the Cabinet who's
told me that they're definitely leav-
ing," said Senator Paul Laxalt of
Nevada, chairman of the re-election
drive, who is perhaps Mr. Reagan's
closest friend in Washington.
"If you look at Ronald Reagan's
history, you know he's never gone
around asking for heads," Mr. .axaltt
added. "Without people, being
to leave, I doubt very much if it would
happen.,' -
There is a consensus now that if Mr.
Reagan is re-elected, almost all his.
top aides will remain in place at least
for several months into a second
term. But that consensus has not pre-
vented an.enormous amount of specu-
lation.
Various aides said, for example,
that there would be strong pressure
on some Cabinet members to leave.
They said Margaret M, Heckler,
Secretary of Health and Human Serv-
is regarded as uncooperative by
ices
,
White House, re-election and budget
aides. She and Education Secretary
T, H. Bell, who is also disliked by
budget cutters, could therefore be
forced out if Mr. Reagan starts cut.. 1 ting their budgets next year.
Of Block and Donovan
In addition,' Agriculture Secretary
John R. Block is seen by some White
House officials as ineffective, and
there are reports that he may want to
leave.
Most White House aides expect
CONYT- U73-.D
Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010003-3
 ATE Approved For Release 2006/~~t ~R STW F+400010003-3
FRIDAY, OCTOBER 26, 1984
AN11OUNCENENTS
Saying "Au Revoir" to Jim Anderson ................1
Secretary to Address the U.N. Association ......... 1-2
TERRORIS(
Secretary's Sherr Lecture at Park Avenue
Synagogue .................................... 2-13,16
LEBANON
Senate. Foreign Relations Committee Report on
Embassy Annex Bombing ........................13-14
State Department Investigation of Bombing ......... 14
ITALY
Report on Assassination Attempt Against Pope;
Allegations of Soviet Involvement ............ 14-15
MERCENARIES
U.S. Policy; Legal Status ................... ...... 15-16
DEPARTHENT/POLITICAL CAMPAIGN
Ambassadors' Endorsement of Senator Helms ......... 16-18
Ambassador Dobrynin at Department Today...........18-19
IRAN/IRAQ
Reported Killing of Prisoners of War ..............1.9
Resumption of Formal U.S./Iraqi Relations ......... 19,20
CENTRAL AMERICA
Reports of Increased U.S. HiLitary Maneuvers ...... 20
Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010003-3
 ARTICLE APPEAREDoved For Releas$00~ 1~ -RDP91-009
ON PAGE- i/ 22 October 1984
Ty 're h economic Woes Deepening,
Managua Sees Years of Shortages
By STEPHEN KINZER
Sp-dal to The New York Times
`,L4NAGUA, Nicaragua, Oct. 21 - chief of transportation for the regional
Nicaragua's economic troubles are government.. In the rice-growing Mala-
coutinuing to mount, and Government catoya regio, half the tractors are out
leaders are saying that shortages and of. service.because engine parts are un-
other hardships will continue for at available.
least several more years.
The Sandinistas charge that the
United States has played a.major role
in creating these economic difficulties
by cutting off foreign aid, restricting
purchases of Nicaraguan goods and op-
posing Nicaragua's loan applications
at international lending agencies.
A senior Sandinista official esti-
mated in an interview that hostility,
from the Reagan Administration had
cost Nicaragua $550 million since 1981.
Businessmen Blame Government
Put businessmen opposed to the Gov-
ernment attribute the problems to San-
dinista policies restricting the private
sector. They say that because their
profits are limited, they have little in-
centive to produce.
Diplomats in Managua said other im-
portant factors contributing to the
Two weeks ago a Sandinista labor
leader, Ruben Ulioa, warned that sev-
eral large factories in Managua were
on the verge of closing because they
could no longer obtain hard currency to
buy raw materials produced abroad.
Minister of Internal Commerce
urged
Dionisio Mareaco recently lqIica-
mats. But the diplomats said the sug-
gestion had been blocked thus far by
other advisers to President Reagan, in-
cluding Secretary of Commerce Mal-
colm Baldrige and William E. Brock,
the special trade representative, who
were said to fear that such steps could
violate American obligations under the
General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade and other international accords.
By all accounts, Nicaragua's key
economic problem is its shortage of
foreign exchange. Nicaragua is not in-
dustrialized and depends heavily on
imports, so the lack of hard currency
means that many products are scarce
or unavailable. The Government ex-
pects to earn $461 million from exports
this year, according to official figures.
As a bare minimum, the Government
estimates it needs to import $700 mil-
14 in raw materials and S
are
arts to
p
p
keep its productive apparatus function-
ing.
In addition to this deficit, Nicaragua I?
raguans to adjust to the shortages, must make regular payments on a
which he said would probably continue quickly growing foreign debt. The San-
for the next five years, dinista Government inherited a debt of
"From a tractor to a soft drink," Mr. $1.6 billion when it took power in 1979,
Marenco said, "we have to get used to and much of that amount had been mis-
using and drinking what is available." used by the Government nmDebayle. The ent of President
is
Pris fu Nuevo Nuevo D Dvianthee pro4andiniva
carried ien an n edi- now estimated at $3.5 billion.
tononal newpaper e asserting that economic cProspects for help from abroad do
tal crisis
was "an objective reality which nobody not appear bright. West Germany all
can hide or deny, because it is hitting but ended direct aid to Nicaragua this
us all." year, and the Netherlands is in the pro-
The Reagan Administration ended cess of doing so, diplomats said. Both
American aid to Nicaragua in 1981 and countries are NATO allies of the United
at the same time refused to disburse a States, and their Governments were
country's deepening recession weie the $9.8 million food credit that was to be
high cost of the continuing war effort used to buy wheat. Later the United
and the shrinking number of countries States cut the. amount of Nicaraguan
that still send hard-currency aid to the sugar tbuys at subsidised prices by 90
Sandinistas.
"We don't want to say that all our Yet substantial amounts pf eel -
economic or social problems are . guan p ~ Staff ? imported fr~y
caused by aggression," Carlos Nuhez, .'raguan banana crop is sold in Califor-
ore of the nine Sandinista commanders nix Nicaraguan coffee, meat and shell-
who rule Nicaragua, said at a news fish are regularly unloaded at Amer-
conference Thursday. "But aggression 'loan ports.
has aggravated them." ~ - In addition, the Government-owned
Consumers Criticize Shortages airline Aerorrica still makes regular
flights between Managua and Miami.
The country's deepening economic These flights, like the exports, bring
distress, which appears more acute Nicaragua desperately needed foreign
than at any time since the 1979 revolu- exchangm Like possible exports, targets if they Aare
tion, is felt Ad-
Consumers a wide range of people. mconsidered inistration decides after the Presi-
ers complain loudly about deurtial election to increase economic
chrronic onic shortages, especially of prod- pressure on the Sandinista Govern-
ucts made from imported materials, meat
such as toothpaste, deodorant and toi- Such measures have already been
let paper. Taxi drivers and V&fttelv advocated by some Adminis-
have difficulty finding spare parts, teal chtls fact
-
telephone service is deteriorating and I medicine is in short supply.
More than half the trucks used to
transport food in and out of rural Mata-
galpa Province are off the road for lack
of tires, according to Edmundo Vado,
ER according to Western dipl2,
desenbed as increasingly critical of inc
Sandinistas.
This month the West German Parlia-
ment defeated a motion to renew dis-
bursements on a $8.4 million loan that
has been frozen by the Government.
'We Are Going to Pay'
These aid reductions leave Sweden
and Spain as the only European coun-
tries with substantial aid programs
here. Many other aid projects are spon-
sored by Soviet-bloc or other countries,
but they do not provide hard currency.
In a speech in June, Sergio Ramirez
Mercado, a member of the junta, said
Nicaragua would pay its foreign debts
but emphasized that the military would
remain the top priority' Military
spending is officially put at 25 percent
of the national budget, and Western
diplomats think the true figure may be
even higher.
"We are going to pay," Mr. Ramirez
said, "but not to the point of imposing
irrational sacrifices on ourselves."
.On Sept. 28, the World Bank sus-
pended credit to Nicaragua, citing the
Government's failure to make timely
repayments on outstanding debts. The
most immediate effect of the cutoff
was to delay release of a $2 million loan
already approved for improving Mana-
gua's water supply.
The United States has made a prac-
tice of opposing most loans to Nicara-
gua by international agencies such as
the World Bank, according to Amer-!
I ican diplomats. - I
Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010003-3
 Y Approved For ReleastR9p6R' 17y;lq~4 g1 l X00
M Meanwhile from Central America, more
signals, the president of El Salvador meeting with rebels
trying to overthrow his government, then government troops
resuming military operations against them, depending
partly on intelligence from the American CIA which lost
four Americans'who died in the crash of their
reconnaissance plane. From Nicaragua, another signal, a
pamphlet calling for rebels to kidnap all officials of the
Sandinista government, to neutralize them, also to cause
the death of martyrs. The apparent source, the CIA.
MARK FALCOFF (American Enterprise Institute): Well after
all, this isn't a tea party. I think the United States
should be trying to get the Sandinista regime to live up
to its promises to the OAS. And if a little bit of force
here and there to show them we mean business, that's good.
JAMES SHANNON (D-Mass.): The goal is to overthrow the
Sandinista government, and that's in direct contradiction
to what Mr. Casey, the president and others in the
administration have been telling the Congress. I think
that the director of the CIA should be removed, and the
process of oversight of the CIA needs to be strengthened.
Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010003-3
 COLORADO DAILY.
Approved For Release 20061WY11SC[P?4IQ2000400010003-3
22 October 1984
~3, 1 95~?s.'tt ePresident was a frve'''b tding- ~bomb`~- shelters f;! 5,4 r e corrsidered-unwor'
starU S Arrn enerai 'fke'=?anymore?77ie'Presidetit toyt #h''even'txtgratetul F4- F`
)r
isenhowe ,M then recant}y a wonder ^bf" pTprate;~ ftere-emergenceofttt~e
lai
ratuedS rerne CcPrianderbf,~4 staff while'gtbt proposing~to{ hgtif;and`the:crushin~ of the'
i`uropeah All~ad orces~pcesrd .-deploy nuclearweaponsin the idealism offttie,296Os wIttttryp-
edavera iratwi ~ h i r a n e e d 1 heavens , In a 984 C porate magery~~rtd-
eveft j re;orpbrater5r t~ rt7y, [ecxuats ung tale tg ,testate ~nitiat e ri capus?repres
dustrfai stale .Wberiiwas a b`ocr ~`; ': ' ' `'#c r? o,~'?" ^ ` , ~ion"cannot be blamed s l ori%
t Berried"that eve one was ~< " Y
ry U*. intr
ospection' which.'many
'buitd~ng 'b~setnept~fallbut "i ce r;t, `'~` ~ ',.?, *'-f,members-.:of my generation:-
'and that 'this .was a very good
thing. When) was a b6- Y'.60 one
seemed to question the mission.::.
7f. the Central Intelligence
Agency:
When I was a boy I did not
know--that then Secretary of
State Johri-FostglDulles was a
crook. was blissfully unaware
United Fruit Co. and its holdings the` 6U , ' - . . 'a
thing . Progress is
in: Central ; America. The marvelous s thing. I The spectacle of fraternity I
parties being organized and
significance 'of the fact that The CIAJs nothing if not the,. Dulles's brother;-. Allen,. was. world's leading promulgator of , catered by `enormous liquor
"coTtglomeraties and ;-youth
head of th60A-did not register :-terrorism =on U.S..
'District Court here never "made it
to Senate hearings. The nomination
was sent back to White House until
after the presidential elections..
It seems thz.t Sporkin, former top
enforcer for the Securities and Ex-
change Commission, made some
enemies in the business community,
reports correspondent Philip
Smith. Some conservative senators
didn't think Sporkin leaned far
enough to the right and others did
not appreciate the arm-twisting be-
ing done by CIA Director William
Casey on Sporkin's behalf.
Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010003-3
 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010003-3
WASHINGTON POST
8 October 1984
o~lct Probably
lay in t
In the days when Ronald Reagan was
typecast as a B-movie actor, Hollywood
followed a simple casting formula that
Reagan never forgot. . I
The formula, which saved time and cre-
ative thought, was to make a sequel of any
commercially successful movie, preferably.--
using the same cast. Reagan and many
others wound up in some real clunkers
that way, including four films in which he'
played an improbable Secret Service
agent named Brass Bancroft.
In real life, Reagan has stuck to.-the
same basic script since he first ran for
governor of California in 196& Aspiring to
be a two-term president, he is still running
against government and its supposed
waste, fraud and abuse. Over the years,.
his supporting cast has changed from time
to time but has always included a trusted
and identifiable cadre from Reagan's for-
mative years as governor.
In the absence of specifics from the
White House, Reagan's habits of sticking
to old scripts and the same team provide
the most useful clues to what is likely to
happen in a second term.
In the first term, with no one making a
point of it, some of the new crowd became
a part of the old. Within the White House,
chief of staff James A. Baker III and Rea-
gan's closest aide, deputy chief of staff
Michael K. Deaver, formed a firm alliance
that ultimately disposed of all rivals. By all
accounts, Reagan is now comfortable with
Baker, who once managed the presidential
campaigns of Gerald R. Ford and George
Bush, and with most of the people Baker
has brought on board.
There are right-wingers , organizing
against Baker, a chief of staff they regard
with about as much affection as they do
Soviet Foreign. Minister Andrei A. Gro-
myko. Their opposition isn't likely to sway
Reagan, who understandably resents the
suggestion that he is the captive of-a lib-
eral cabal,
By any normal. definition, the struggle
within the Reagan administration has been
between conservatives who differ on pro-
cess rather than on goals. Reagan recog-
nized as much two years ago, during a pe-
Sequel
Iiu Cannon
and term he has yet to win. In deference,
White House and campaign aides ritually
warn each other not to become overcon-
fident. After a rare prediction of victory at
a Gulfport, Miss., rally last week, the
president returned the next day to his. bro-
mide that "President Dewey warned me
Ideology aside, the eonventionaf'wisdom
,,in Washington is that:Reagan, if reelected, Behind the scenes, , however, the stars
would ttve a short "window of opportu- --and bit players of the first term are cast--,
If
for the sequel at the White House
in
.
g
pity" to accomplish something in. the hon- Reagan wins, it's likely that you'll recog-
eymoon phase of a second term and a nize both the plot and the players.
large "window of vulnerability" thereafter. .
He would be a lame duck at the moment of
reelection. His chances for political suc-
cess would diminish as mid-term elections _
approached,and could vanish if economic
recession replaced economic recovery,,
',. This argument that Reagan must strike
quickly is also *an argument against a new..
cast. Keeping > aker and his team, with
their experience and political skills, would
enable Reagan to avoid on-the-job training
in tilie honeymoon phase and be quick off
the mark in dealing with Congress. This
argument- is likely to be even more appeal-
ing if Deaver, chairman of the shadow. in-
augural committee, decides that it is final-
ly time for him to.take a more lucrative job
outside the White House.
Nor are large changes foreseen in a
Cabinet that, with a few conspicuous ex-
ceptions, has earned a reputation for me-
diocrity. Reagan is not one to emulate the
example of Richard M. Nixon and ask for
everyone's resignation so he .can shuffle
the political deck.
In large measure, it is the-cast that de-
termines the performance. Keeping Baker
would be an augury of budget, compro-
mise. Keeping Defense Secretary Caspar:
W. Weinberger, who can probably stay as
long as he wants, is a sign that arms-con-
trol agreements with the Soviet Union will
not come easily in a second term. Keeping.
William J. Casey as CIA director, as Rea-
an hp Pr mised to do, and U.N. Ambas-
sador eane 1. Kirkpatrick in a high-level
,post ~as Reagan desires are signs that he
will not abandon his coals in Central
America.
riod of White House feudAAp,prdgdhFor ReleasbId @06/04i1' nCA 1t-GO
cracked that his administration was one crete, partly because Reagan is too super-
where "the right hand doesn't know what stitious and too prudent to focus on a sec
 AppraTe& f3r Releasg 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400
r
WASHINGTON POST
7 October 1984
LETTERS To T.n
Politicization of the CIA
Is the CIA being politicized? than alter an intelligence estimate to
Bob Woodward ["Aides Dispute meet Mr. Casey's demand that the esti-
CIA's 'Near-Destruction'," Sept, 28] mate support administration policy.
quoted CIA Director William J. Casey Sen. Moynihan and Sen. Barry
as saying in a letter to Sen. Daniel Pa- Goldwater have joined. forces to intro-
trick Moynihan, "You have my assur- duce legislation that would require
ance that I will not tolerate any at- that future CIA directors and deputy
tempt to politicize the agency or its directors be intelligence professionals.
work, or use the fact of its revitaliza- . This is an excellent move. The two
tion for partisan political purposes." senators should go further. They
Elsewhere in The Post on Sept. 28,' should immediately call in Mr. Casey
Joanne Omang ["Analyst Says He Quit and ask him about Mr. Horton's accu-
CIA When Casey Altered his Report to sation. We may find the wrong man
Support Policy"] reports that CIA's resi
d
gne .
highly respected top Latin American
analyst, John Horton, resigned rather Chevy Chase
CHARLESTABER
Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010003-3
 QU~,~,{ Q, 700010003-3
i I CLE A , roved For Release ~ 0 rf IA-RDPWE
~~th,~~(( 11
CN 10 I 6 October 1981+ WW
101 Unethical Individuals' STAT
Cohado's Schroeder Issues a 'Hit List
By MIKE STALLARD
1-lardly a week goes by in the Capitol
during which someone doesn't conjure
up a political "hit list" of some kind,
ei[her to embarrass or revenge someone
or something. Likewise, allegations
about personal wrongdoing or un-
ethical conduct are flung about with
such abandon as to leave barely a soul
untouched. That's life in Washington,
and most folks just ignore it for what it
normally is: otherwise unoccupied
minds attached to restless tongues.
But recently Rep. Patricia Schroeder
(D.-Colo.) issued a political hit list that
has established a new standard of non-
sense for this type of soap-box thump-
ing.
in a written statement presented to,
the Subcommittee on. Human
Resources and its chairman, Rep.
Donald Albosta (D.-Mich.), Schroeder
issued a list of "101 unethical indi
viduals in the Reagan Administration'"
.
and their misdeeds. The supposed pur-
pose of the testimony was to support.
strengthening the Ethics . in Govern-
ment Act, now being considered by the
subcommittee. Even those -stumbling
around in the thick partisan fog of
Washington will see that missing step in
the staircase, however.
The documents dispenses with pre-
tense quickly when in the first para-
graph the liberal Democrat. from
Denver observes that "" ... more and
more disclosures that top Administra-
tion officials have run afoul of ethical
restrictions have filled the news- ?;
While still in the introduction, she
plugs the proposed changes by noting,
"Today, in the face of the 'Debategate'
scandal and the questionable ethical
practices by many Reagan appointees,
it is necessary to once again strengthen
the ethics law."
Elsewhere in the statement, the
former attorney footnotes the source:
for her 101 indictments: "These
charges involve instances of criminal
wrongdoing, abuse of power and privi-
lege, and improper behavior by offi-
cials in the Reagan Administration.
The allegations described come from
newspaper reports.".
Some of the congresswoman's
charges look more like items suited for
"People's Court," rather than con
gressional testimony.
"Max Hugel ... CIA, allegedly...
fraudulent stock dealing...." Yet
never formally charged with anything
since he left the government in 1981.
[Editor's note: On September 26, Hugel
was awarded a $980,000 defamation
Schroeder bends credibility to the judgment against the two men who
breaking point when she. goes after a made the original 1981 allegations.]
few well-aired cases where she refutes'; Schroeder attacks CIA Director
by allegation the findings of official j "William J. Casey with special fury. On
government investigators, the FBI, and the first page of her tale of sin she
others. She finds guilty, in spite of all claims that' the chief spook is the
evidence to the. contrary, people who "unquestioned champion of ethical
have already paid dearly in good name. wrongdoing in this, or probably any,
Good grief! One scarcely knows
where to begin with that one. You mean
poor of Bill is worse, say, than Bobby
Baker (or, for that matter, his boss)?
The main evidence of his depravity,
according to the congresswoman, is
that he Jailed to list more than
$250,000 in investment, $500,000 in
liabilities, names of 70 legal clients,
four civil suits against him, and a num-
ber of corporations and foundations on
whose boards he served on his financial
disclosure forms." (Emphasis added.)
There's more. "Mr. Casey has also
been accused of perjury in connection
with his denial of involvement in steal-,
ing the briefing books ...... This clever
twist is added in spite of a recent con-
gressional report, thicker than War and
Peace and costing basketsful of money,
that proved absolutely nothing except
that if wishes were horses, Mrs.
Schroeder and her buddies would own a
stable.
PXCERPTF
Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010003-3
 ARTICLE APP ED BC
ON PAGE proved For Release
1 IA-RDP91-00901 Rd
standing tall in Congress
The people of western Massachusetts who Boland is a strong backer of the intelli-
sent Edwafd P. Boland to Congress ought to be gence agencies when they confine their activi-'
proud. Boland stood tall yesterday for princi- ties to intelligence-gathering. He also initially
ple in American foreign policy, refusing to favored clandestine operations inside.Nicara-
knuckle under to Administration pressure to gua when they were portrayed as efforts to in-
authorize continued funding .for the CIA's i1- terdict "arms traffic" to El Salvador. But
legal war against-Nicaragua. when it became evident that the contra merce-
The "covert" war was the last sticking nary army organized by CIA Director William
point in the House-Senate conference commit Casey-vas really attempting -to overthrow the
tee; trying to reach agreement on':-a half-trii govern rent ofa sovereign state, in contraven-
ltdi5 dtiilar continuing::.resolution for fiscal :;t3on of intc~national law and the US Constitu
yeai;.l985, so that c o n g r e s s m e n c a r d go home do ie baked.
to campaign fprvr`e zTa?etion' ti~ \i :: rk
'We're not ai i o a tYi Senate Th isproduced the Boland ' amendment
Qk which has .gassed the House four times 'out:
sition'and strip-o the rgree sfi is d lve }anguage,o-
,oland said Wei are riot.`gong to: And the fai]ed the Se{iate. It is loophole-f`ree `Ian
Senate ought to_.iznderstand that:; ,~~ guage designed to bar the clianne~iii ?oI any,
It was the same iinflamboyarit'but tough funds-thro6dh the CIA Rreothergovern-
position Boland has 'taken for' nearly twa men ,, geni _y to continue .the; war.: u'
years - since he came to the conclusion, as ,.`The struggle resumes on Tuesday. Backed'
chairman of the House Intelligence Commit-'. by Speaker O'Neill, the Massachusetts delega-
tee, that CIA operations against Nicaragua Lion and principled congressmen of both par-
had passed the bounds of.reason, decency and ties, Boland can be expected to continue to
law. stand tall by standing fast.
Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010003-3
 Approved For Rel 208fa=11A 'AMA4RD &I}00
4 October 198+
IR
n
hluvih n't Mint the cm's
Amid last week's argument about
whether the Central Intelligence Agency
had been gutted by the Carter administra-
tion, a former CIA intelligence analyst i
complained that one of his reports had been
doctored to suit the political aims of the
agency's present director, William Casey.
That's a serious charge, and it merits
careful investigation.
The analyst, John Horton, resigned last
May as a Latin American specialist for the
National Intelligence Council, which co-
ordinates the drafting of intelligence eval-
uations from the CIA, FBI, National
Security Agency, State Department, De-
fense Intelligence Agency and intelligence
units of the various armed forces. The
council is headed by Casey.
Horton, who spent nearly 30 years
with the CIA, had prepared a detailed
analysis of conditions in.Mexico. Casey re-
turned it, Horton said, "because he want-
ed it to come out a certain way . . . There
was constant pressure on me to redo it
al intelligence committees to examine po-
litical influence on intelligence gathering.
And Congress should seriously consid-
er adopting legislation introduced last
week by Sens. Barry Goldwater (R-Aria.)
and Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D-N.Y.). It
would require that future CIA directors
and deputy directors be chosen from
among career civilian or military intelli-
gence personnel - thus precluding politi-
cal appointments. While that's not a
guarantee against politically motivated
analyses, it should help reduce the temp-
tatien to doctor data.
. . . I refused to do it, so he finally had the
-thing rewritten over my dead body, so to
speak." And Horton quit.
One speculation was that Casey want-
ed the report to provide a more alarmist j
view so the White House would lean hard-
er on Mexico to bring .its policies on Cen-
tral America closer to Washington's.
If that was Casey's plan, it apparently
didn't work. In aizy case, tinkering with
intelligence analyses for political reasons
taints the information that is supposed to
form the factual basis for policy decisions.
Earlier, another former CIA employee
accused Casey of slanting intelligence in-
formation to support administration poli-
cies in Central America.
It's not easy to prove or disprove
charges like these because most of the rel-
evant information is classified. But the po-
tential damage to this country's security
from ineffective or even counterproductive
policies adopted on the basis of slanted
analyses should persuade the congression-
Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010003-3
 Approved For Release 2006/01/17: CIA-RDP91-00901ROQ
WASHINGTON TIMES
3 October 1984
Letters
Blaming U. S. first
It is 1984, and Silly Think is
abroad in the land. Arthur W. Stier's
letter of Sept. 10 puts the Soviets in
second place to the U.S. in matters
of disinformation. This is another
example of support for that outra-
geous postulation that President
Reagan, Secretary George Shultz,
Secretary Caspar Weinberger CIA
Director William Casey, NASA aM
effiorean Xirlines all conspired.
together to risk the lives of a
planeload of innocent, unknowing
people so as to obtain intelligence
information which we already have
or are capable of getting by other
means.
It brings to mind Ambassador
Jeane Kirkpatrick's speech before
the convention: "But they always
blame America first"'
J.M. JOYNER
Saratoga, Calif.
Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000400010003-3
 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901R00040001
-.--F~ r .7.0 BALTIMORE SUN n MM
?' z - 3 October 1984 EQE DELI.
l.r.t r+l:
"We're Always Believed In Your Integrity, Ray - Right,.Boys?
Approved For Release 2006/01/17 CIA-RDP91-00901R000400010003-3
 Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901R00040001
Embanrrussmg
the President
By Robert Healy
Globe Staff
WASHINGTON - Last year in Bal Harbour, Fla.,
where the AFL-CIO executive committee met with
Democratic candidates for President, a rump group
led by Teddy Gleason of. the East
NEWS Coast longshoremen's union, held a
ANALYSIS dinner for Labor Secretary Ray-
mond J. Donovan. There, Donovan
bowed to the plaudits of the labor crowd and made
a speech about the trials he had undergone and the
problems they had caused him and his family. '
A White House aide, told a few days later that
Donovan was talking freely of his problems, said:
"If Ray had any brains, he would save the Presi-
dent a great deal of embarrassment and resign."
Last night that embarrassment was placed at
the doorstep of the White House with the an-
nouncement of Donovan's indictment on charges
of grand larceny and maintaining false records
when he was head of a construction company. He
said last night that President Ronald Reagan had
granted him a leave of absence until the matter
has been resolved.
Donovan will be asked to surrender at
the Bronx County Courthouse in New
York for arraignment today, just five
weeks before Reagan stands for re-elec-
tion Nov. 6.
In addition to being embarrassing for
Reagan, Donovan's indictment also
raises questions about the process in-
volved in using independent federal pros-
ecutors. Such a prosecutor, Leon Silver-
man, investigated allegations against
the Labor Secretary in 1982 and twice
concluded that there 4 was no.;-credible-1
Democratic sources said last night
that the indictment might "cast a cloud"
over the investigation Into 11 allegations
against Edwin Meese 3d, Reagan's coun-
selor, whose nomination for Attorney
Ge~eral has been stalled before the Sen-
ate.
On Sept. 20, after a five-month inqui-
ry into Meese's dealings, another inde-
pendent investigator, Jacob A. Stein,
found no basis for bringing any criminal
charges. Some of the allegations against
Meese stemmed from the fact that he had
financial dealings with people who re-
e
f i d f
d
BOSTON GLOBE ME OHML~( -
2 October 1984
While Stein found no basis for pros-
ecution, he said his mandate did not per-
mit him to evalulate Meese's fitness on
ethical grounds to serve as Attorney Gen-
eral.
An even larger problem for Reagan is
that with only five weeks to go in the
campaign. Donovan's indictment raises
the so-called "sleaze" issue anew; the
term refers to the forced resignations of a
number of top people in the Administra-
tion.
Those include deputy defense secre-
tary Paul Thayer, who left office after an
apparent conflict-of-interest case; about
20 of the top officials in the Environmen-
tal Protection Agency who were forced to
resign or were dismissed 'in a scandal in-
volving the use of the Superfund cleanup
program, and Richard Allen, who re-
signed as national security adviser after
taking gifts from people for whom he ar-
ranged White House access..
None of these scandals has touched
the President himself, and he has not,
been implicated in any of them. And na-'
tional polls show they have not led to
any lack of public confidence in the way
he or his appointees have conducted the
Administration's business. Partly as a
result of this, and partly because his own
misstatements do not seem to hurt his
appeal, his political opponents have la
beled his the "Teflon presidency."
The Donovan episode might well spur
the Democrats to renew their att~as,
however, and bring up otheLpotential
embarrassments for the Adminstra ii
- including_, MaxHugel, who was forced
out of a CIA appointment after alleta-
bons of improper stock transa t~ ions.
and CIA director William Casey, whose
personal finances Democrats av re
-
peace questioned because he invested
in areas covered by C orts.
It might also work for the Democrats
in the so-called "fitness" issue, whether
Reagan is in touch with what is going on
in the Administration.
In light of the-third bombing of US fa-
cilities in Lebanon, for which the Presi-
dent has been catching considerable
heat from Walter F. Mondale, the Dono-
van issue is something the Administra-.
tion did not need politically.
It is a problem as old as this Adminis-
tration and does nbt seem to go away.
e
ve eral jobs while h
White House, and }r9ykq?0i1~j16ase 2006/01/17: CIA-RDP91-00901R000400010003-3
disclose on his financial forms a
X15,000, interest-free loan to his wife.
 BALTIMORE SUN
APTV LE APPEARED Approved For Release 200P/~11~abegl,~- P91-00901 RO
ON PAGE
Don't Blayne Me
Kitchen Remodelling and Other Excuses
Chicago. Don't blame me, the president
T TE HAVE just seen why the said; blame the nameless men who
~/ president's keepers wave oft betrayed their high trust before I
questions, curtail press sessions arrived. His aides went drearily
and simply refuse to call press about their customary task after
conferences. Given a serious mat- he has slipped their controls' -=
ter to talk about, Ronald Reagan denying as much as they could of
will - under questioning - say the statement, altering the rest,
*things silly or false or both. spreading its meaning, hoping to
The serious matter was the make it meaningless so no one
death of Americans in Lebanon would notice how McCarthyite
the meaning of it is.
The argument was irrelevant
By Garry Wills because Mr. Reagan said it is the
job of intelligence "to know in ad-
vance what the target might be."
Everyone new who were under his care and were was - not might beo th n target protected, despite ample ad- non. There was no failure of intel-
vance warning that they were tar- ligence, just repeated failures of
gets. The president's first remark protection.
was to claim that anyone who No one in authority ever acted
remodels a kitchen knows it is on the view that "spying is dis-
hard to get the task finished on honest." Some abuses were criti-
time. cized, though only partly amend-
What would we say of his own ed, as the result of a Republican
Secret Service protectors if they administration's study under Ger=
left the president's life exposed, ald Ford. Some reduction of the
and afterward adopted the kitch- CIA was made possible - indeed,
en-remodeling defense? The mere necessary - by the ending of the
likening of their task to such a ca- Vietnam War.
sual effort, with its incidental an- But the destruction of the CIA
noyances, would show they had no is going forward now in- ways that
worthy conception of their duty. did not occur even under Richard
Is the president less duty- Nixon. Nixon kept demanding
bound to protect citizens he has from the CIA and FBI intelligence
committed to a dangerous situa- estimates that reflected his views
tion than are the guards who sur- rather than independent observa-
round him? Other lives become tion - for example, that demon-
kitchen appliances to a man who strations in America were being
had already lost, prior to this last funded from abroad. The agencies
bombing, 276 American lives in resisted that pressure.
combat areas. When does he begin . Mr. Reagan asserts the same
to realize that a battle zone is not thing Nixon did, with no better
a leaking faucet? evidence, and pays no attention to
The president's next comment the agencies on this matter. He
on the matter was, even worse. has Mr. Casey to do that - who
The reporters were sealed off from has driven out two top analysts al-
him, but a college student got to ready because they would not
him with a question, and he said make their findings reflect a prior
that American lives were lost be- policy commitment emanating
cause his predecessors of "recent from the White House. Those are
years" were guilty of "destruction the pressures that undermine the
of our intelligence capacity" be- independence, accuracy and ef-
cause they felt that "spying is ficacy of intelligence units; and
somehow dishonest." they have never been stronger
Where does one begin to ana- than under a man who, in coward-
lyze an assertion so breathtaking- ly manner, calls his predecessors
ly false where it is of . r levant
Approved For I~e?ease 2009 ' t#a?'tFi~ F 4140901 R000400010003-3
 Approved For Release 2006/01/17: CIA-RDP91-00901R01
r.rl f3t~~?
k t: ,w
Sh-Liltz
Critio
Iriticism
Embassy Bombing,
Issue Still Dogging i
Administration
WASHINGTON POST
1 October 1984
"Just you listen to me now-I feel
so strongly about this," he said
when questioners tried to interrupt.
.'The people out there. in Beirut are
serving our country in a risky en-
vironment ... and they are doing
everything possible to improve
their security and it's up to us to
help them . , . .
"There is an investigation ....If
there was negligence, we'll find it.
But we're not in this investigation
business to see if we can knock
somebody's head off. Our purpose is
to find out what additional we can
do to enhance the security of our
embassies. That's the bull on which
we need to keep our eye,"
~~ , "=sue rv