(Sanitized)

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80B01554R003400070002-0
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: C
• Document Page Count: 3
• Document Creation Date: December 19, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 13, 2005
• Sequence Number: 2
• Publication Date: September 30, 1978
• Content Type: MF

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Tape 27
Side A, 7/8 - 1
2 9 SEP #978
I'd like to obtain the following articles please:
"The Long-range Cruise Missile," Scientific American, Volume 233, No. 1,
July 1975, pgs. 15-26, by Kosta Tsipis
Also by the same man, "Cruise Missiles," from Scientific American,
Volume 236, No. 2, February 1977, pg. 23.
Also, "The Cruise Missile: Bargaining Chip or Defense Bargain?," Institute
of Foreign Policy Analysis, January 1977, by Pfaltzgraff & Davis.
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pointed out to Secretary of State Kissinger that I had sympathy
for a number of Mr. Easum's views as I understood them, and was
not confident that I could satisfy him where Easum apparently had
not. The Secretary happened to be out of Washington when the'
question came to a head, and I telegraphed him, saying that the
African Bureau was not a responsibility I would seek under the
circumstances. However, Foreign Service officers are bound to ac-
cept discipline in assignments. In my telegram to the Secretary, I
added, therefore, that I would do my best as chief of the African
Bureau if the Secretary nonetheless asked me to discharge that
assignment. He did, and the nomination was announced on
January 8, 1975.
On February 21, 1975, the Ministerial Council of the Organiza-
tion of African Unity (OAU), meeting in Addis Ababa, passed
without vote a consensus resolution questioning what the nomina-
tion might portend in light of what was called "the U.S. policy of
`political destabilization' in Latin America." Nevertheless, after
public hearings before the Foreign Relations Committee, the
Senate confirmed my appointment on March 11, 1975.
II
Shortly thereafter, William G. Hyland, the Director of the State
Department's Bureau of Intelligence and Research, told me that a
$300,000 program of covert support for the veteran Angolan
liberation fighter, Holden Roberto, had been approved that past
January by the Forty Committee, the top-level review board that
passes on covert operations abroad.2 This came as a surprise.
While the money was for political action and expenses, and not for
arms, I had not been aware that such programs were still being
approved in the wake of the congressional investigations and
interest in U.S. covert activities abroad. In any case, this was water
over the dam.
I was sworn in as Assistant Secretary.on April 2, 1975. Shortly
thereafter, my colleagues in the African Bureau and I prepared a
Staff Study on Angola for the Secretary. It was directed to the
developing political situation in Angola and was essentially a status
report. However, the Central Intelligence Agency soon posed the
question of substantially greater covert support for Holden Rob-
erto and his National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA)
and the initiation of support for Jonas Savimbi, the head of the
second of the three main Angolan independence movements
2 Seymour M. Hersh revealed this program in a New York Times article of December 19. 1973.
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