SAMIZDAT: THE SOVIET UNDERGROUND PRESS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP85T00875R001100100130-1
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: C
• Document Page Count: 25
• Document Creation Date: December 19, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 11, 2005
• Sequence Number: 130
• Publication Date: November 15, 1971
• Content Type: IM

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DIRECTORATE OF
INTELLIGENCE
Confidential
A. I C 7/
Intelligence Memorandum
Corfidenria8
'.5 November 1971
No. 2094/71
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WARNING
This document contains information affecting the national
defense of the United States, within the meaning of Title
18, sections 793 and 794, of the US Code, as ai fended.
Its transmission or revelation of its contents to or re-
ceipt by an unauthorized person is prohibited by law.
OROLT
EXCLUDED FROM A.-TCWATIC
DO'HORAOIVO AND
DCCLASAIrICAT1O:4
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CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
Directorate of Intelligence
15 November 1971
INTELLIGENCE MEMORANDUM
Samizdat: The Soviet Underground Press
Summary
The inability of the Soviet leadership to solve
many domestic problems and their rejection of any
diminution of the party's monopoly in decision-making
have resulted in increased disaffection among Soviet
intellectuals. These dissidents, finding it increas-
ingly difficult to publish even Aesopian criticism in
approved journals, have turned to samizdat, the un-
derground press, to disseminate theiri a
One of the most significant developments in the
.underground press during the Brezhnev-Kosygin tenure
has been the appearance of periodicals that in some
cases have been regularly disseminated in limited num-
bers for several years. These journals focus on the
struggle for human rights in the Soviet Union. The
Chronicle of Current Events, published since 1968,
emphasizes reporting on violations of human rights
by Soviet authorities. The Chronicle provides fac-
tual coverage, while another samizdat journal, Social
Problems, specializes in theoretical discussions of
hum rights and related topics. The Ukrainian
Herald and the Jewish Exodus highlight more parochial
asp of the struggle for huiaan rights.
Conservative. elements, probably in reaction to
these journals, have also turned to the underground
(vote: This memorandum was' prepared by the Office of
Current InteZZigencs and coordinated within CIA.
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press to espouse Great Russian culture, They first
published Slovo Natsii (Message to the Nation), a
chauvinistic, racist manifesto. This was followed
in early 1971 by Veche,. reportedly in its .second
issue. Both are chauvinistic and anti-Semitic, as
well as, pro-Stain.
Another underground journal Political Dia has
been published monthly since late 1964 but has been
in the public eye only since last August. It allegedly
is the work of "neo-Communists" but has departed from
the party line on controversial foreign and domestic
events such as the Middle East conflict and the expul-
sion of Aleksandr Sol'zhenitsyn from the Writers' Union.
Unlike the other jcr..?-nals, Political Diary concentrates
on scholarly analysis of international events and some
domestic problems rather than human rights.
Samizdat is likely to continue to be 'an aspect of
intellectual life in the Soviet Union. It is also
probable that in nationalism--which has the potential
to become an explosive issue in the Soviet Union--the
dissidents have found an issue that can bridge the gap
between the intelligentsia and the heretofore passive
and disinterested peasants and'workers. This already
seems to be beginning among Ukrainians and Crimean
Tatars and possibly also in the-Baltic republics.
On the other hand, the expansion of the so-called
democratic movement has resulted in a diffusion of its
energies. In addition, the emigration of large numbers
of Jews, who reportedly made up 20% of those involved
in the production and distribution of samizdat, has led
to at least a temporary shortage of talented help. The
elimination of dissident leaders such as Vladimir
Bukovsky and Petr Grigorenko may also cause difficulties.
These problems are not insurmountable, as the continued
appearance of the Chronicle and Exodus indicate. But
the dissidents are likely to find i more difficult to
maintain contact with Western journalists who have re-
cently been the object of official harassment in Moscow.
Despite their vitality, the dissidents and samizdat
do not represent a serious challenge to the regime, and
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there is no indication that they have political in-
fluence among or support from Soviet policy makers.
In the absence of such a threat, the regime
probably believes that the political costs of deci-
sive action to suppress the dissident movement would
outweigh the potential advantages, particularly be-
cause-suppression would raise the specter of renewal
of the terror of the Stalin era. The elite itself
may fear such a development. Consequently, the re-
gime has preferred to move against thr dissidents
selectively, attempting to eliminate the leaders and
intimidate others.
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Background
1. The post-Khrushchev drive for ideological
vigilance has not prevented the appearance of un-
orthodox literature. Such literature, which seems
to increase as the regime demands greater orthodoxy
and conformity, has in the past decade become an
unofficial Soviet institution called samizdat--
literally, "self-publication."
2. Samizdat is the reproduction and distri-
bution of a written text, regardless of contents,
with the intention of circumventing official cen-
sorship. According to the regime interpretation
of Soviet law, this activity is illegal. Even under
Stalin, uncensored literature was written by dis-
satisfied Soviet intellectuals, but it was usually
termed "literature for the drawer" because it rarely
circulated. During Khrushchev's time, the puxlica-
tion and circulation of this material increased,
and there were some attempts to establish under-
ground periodicals. These were generally short-
lived and primarily a means of literary expression
for young writers who could not publish in the of-
ficial journals. Since 1966 the underground press
has become more political than literary and now
includes a number of periodicals.
3. Although samizdat is a major medium for
the exchange of ideas among the dissidents, there
are others. Tam izdat, books and articles publishe:l
abroad and smuggled into the Soviet Union, also
circulate in the underground. Twenty Letters to
a Friend by Stalin's daughter circulated in this
form as did Robert Conquest's Great Terror. Like-
wise, broadcasts by foreign radio stations of pe-
titions and protests from Soviet dissidents are
often recorded for. wider dissemination within this
Soviet Union. This is radizdat. Poets and singers
are reported to be using ma nitizdat, or recording
tapes, to circulate songs of political and social
protest against neo-Stalinism. 'K-
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4. The existence of this dissident activity
may be attributed to the Soviet political system
itself which is unresponsive to movement for reform
from outside the nipper echelons of the party. The
intelligentsia believe that a partial solution may
be found in increased democratization, focusing on
free and open discussion. The regime has rejected
this.approach forcing many intellectuals to turn
to the underground press as the only vehicle avail-
able far a nonideological discussion of problems
and exchange of ideas.
5. The policies of the Brezhnev-Kosygin lead-
ership, by dashing the hopes 1~aised by Khrushchev's
de-Stalinization program, contributed to the recent
growth of samizdat. The 1965-66 trial and imprison-
ment of wriiters Andrey Sinyavsky and Yuli Daniel
for "libelling" the Soviet Union marked the real
turning point. The trial -raised the clear threat,
which subsequently became reality, that similar ac-
tion would be taken against others. The trial in-
timidated some critics, but more importantly it
closed off most of the legitimate avenues for ex-
pressing criticism that existed under Khrushchev.
During his tenure, dissident; were often able to
publish their views in official media by using
Aesopian language or by criticizing Stalin's poli-
cies. The leaders decision to refurbish Stalin's
image and the growing demand for ideological or-
thodoxy v,ade open criticism impossible. With le-
gitimate.rhannels closed, the dissidents began to
resort to petiticns and samizdat to disseminate
their ideas.
6. An equally important consequence of the
Sinyavsky-Daniel trial has been the growth of dis-
affection and even dissidence among the professional
intelligentsia--scientists, economists and managers--
who are less and less able to get a hearing for re-
formist propos;!,l2, In recent years the professional
intelligentsia has played an important role in
sam izdat, replacing fiction writers as the dominant
force behind the underground press. The r'sult has
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been a more scholarly and analytical product; e.g.,
th
e journal Social?Iroblems.
7. Finally* the Sinyavsky-Daniel trial po-
liticized dissent and samizdat by making the point
that intellectual and aesthetic freedom are im-
possible without respect for law and human rights.
Subsequent trials in 1967 and 1968?and the arrest
of biologist Zhores Medvedev in mid-1970 reinforced
this attitude as did the treatment of Nobel laurea4e
Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn :.ater that year.
Aims of Samizdat
8. The dissidents have a common interest in
opposing the authorities' growing tendency to use
Stalinist methods--short of mass terror--in con-
trolling critics. T'-,e dissidents are disturbed
by violations of constitutional rights in trials
involving charges of "anti-Soviet agitation and
propaganda," but they also regard other aspects of
eDmestic policy as neo-Stalinist. These include
the denial of the right to emigrate, the persecu-
tion of religious believers and national minori-
ties, and the use of psychiatric institutes to
silence outspoken critics. Although some of the
dissidents are concerned with reform in the polit-
ical and economic system, the b,.ilk of underground
literature reaching the West deal, primarily with
the question of htmia: i rights. One Soviet intel-
lectual contends that many dissidents have aban-
doned the hope for meaningful political and eco-
nomic reform and are interested only in trying to
make the authorities respect the constitution and
laws.) Since progress in one area will have some
effect in the other, this distinction is somewhat
artificial, but it does reflect the attitude of the
dissidents.
Samizdat's Periodic Press
9. The underground press includes a rather
large number of journals that publicize violations
of human rights and a few that provide scholarly,
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sometimes highly theoretical discussions of human
rights. Certain journals, su,--h as the Jewish
Exodus and The Ukrainian Herald, represent partic-
ulr interest groups. Social Problems, apparently
the organ of the unofficial Commit':ee for Human
Rights, providers a medium for a theoretical and
scholarly analysis of problems relating to human
rights in the peculiar Soviet setting. Among the
samizdat journals the Chronicle of Current Events
is unique by virtue of .ts catholici try and longev
ity. Since the spring of 1968'the Chronicle has
reported-on violations of human rights involving
virtually every stratum of society. It has also
defended the rights of individuals whose views it
obviously does not share.
10. In addition to these publications, there
are some less important ones representing more con-
seri.rative constituencies. The best known of these
is Yeche, the org-:n of a nationalistic group in-
tev.i~ted in preserving Russian culture. The Veche
group has little interest in attzacting Western
attention and there is little information avail-
able about .it.
11. Another nationalistic product is Slovo
Natsii (Message to the Nation), a manifesto pub-
lished by a chauvinistic group of "Russian Patri-
ots." Slovo Natsii and Veche represent an e::treme
development of -
the widespread interest among Great
Russians in preserving their cultural heritage.
12. Standing somewhere between the liberal-
constitutionalist publications. and the conservative
nationalists is a scholarly journal, the Political
Diary. It reportedly is the organ of a small group
of. "liberal socialists" and covers a wide range of
subjects with emphasis on history, literature, and
international affairs.
The Chronicle of Current Events
13. If the "democratic movement," as the
loose coalition of civil rights activists is usually
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called, Y.as an official organ, the Chronicle is it.
The Chronicle takes its theme from Article 19 of
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted
by the UN General Assembly in 1948, which states
that "everyone has the right to freedom of opinion
and expression." Like virtually every other
samizdat journal, the Chronicle maintains that it
is not an illegal publica on.- It claims the unique
situation in the Soviet Union requires it to operate
cautiously. Editors have been imprisoned or other-
: se taken out of circulation, but the Chronicle
goes on. It retains a solid core of supporters, per-
haps totaling several hundred, and at least 21 is-
sues have been published since April 1968.
14. The bi-monthly Chronicle was at first
a rather haphazard collection of factually pre-
sented notes about specific violations of human
rights in the Soviet Union. The first few issues
were concerned primarily with the arrest and trial
of young writers and with the Soviet invasion of
Czechoslovakia. By December 1968, however, the
Chronicle began to take shape as a journal with a
regular format. It has sections devoted to reports
on important trials or administrative persecution,
news briei:s, and a review of other samizdat in
circulation. The first issue of the Chronicle
contained about 5,000 words; recent issues have
been in the 16,000-20,000 word range. Moreover,
its network of "reporters" has expanded to a point
where information from distant areas of the Soviet
Union usually appears in each issue.
15. Although the Chronicle format has remained
rel4tively unchanged since December 1968, its scope
and coverage grow with virtually every issue. In
addition to feature articles or, subjects of public
concern---the Leningrad trial o:~ .lew?rish hijackers
in December 1970, the expulsion of novelist Aleksandr
Solzhenitsyn from the Union of Writers, and the in-
carceration of dissidents in psychiatric institutes--
a typical issue contains many short items reporting
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arrests, trials, and extra-legal persecution of "non-
conformists j" On occasion Chronicle reports have
contained partial transcripts of trials, KGB inter-
rogations, and psychiatric examinations, suggesting
to ;.some observers that the dissidents may have at
least the passive cooperation of someone or some
group within the KGB. In all, the Chronicle has
reported over 300 judicial proceedings an numer(,)us
cases of extra-jud,i,cial persecution, ranging from a
"severe reprimand," to expulsion from the party and
dismissal from employment. The reports, originating
from diverse areas of the Soviet TTnion, most fre-
quently involve violations of laws on "anti-Soviet
agitation and propaganda" or "slandering" the Soviet
pc'.itical and social system.
16. With issue No. 5 of 28 February 1969,
Chronicle began to include as a regviar section a
survey of items circulating in other samizdat. These
surveys that cover some 250 items of various length
and imrortance are generally limited to a short sum-
mary of the major theme. Editorial comment is rare.
In some cases, this section is the only source of
information about items circulating in samizdat. In
issues Nos. 9 and 10, for example, Chronicle com-
mented briefly on three issues of Crime and Punishment,
a "publication devoted to uncovering the crimes of the
butchers of Stalin's time and what the butchers are
doing now:' It alleges that the "informer" A. Ya.
Sverdlov is now writing children's stories under the
pseudonym A. Ya. Yakovlev.
The Chronicle's Progeny
17. in trying to provide information on the
entire human rights movement, the Chronicle has
inevitably devoted less attention to some aspects
of the struggle than certain interest'gtoups would
like. To fill the gap, two relatively new journals,
the Ukrainian Herald and Exodus; have begun publi-
cation.. Although th-eir appearance attests to the
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growing interest in human rights in the Soviet Union,
they may in the short run have a debilitating effect
by diffusing dissident energies. There have also
been reports suggesting that cooperation and communi-
cation between the :Moscow dissidents anc, those in the
Ukraine has declined somewhat since the appearance
of The Herald.
18. The Ukrainian Herald in form and content
is very similar to the Chronicle. The primary dif-
ference is the Herald's emphasis on violations of
"democratic freedoms" nd of national sovereignty
in the Ukraine ("cases of chauvinism and Ukrainophobia").
The journal's sole task, accordiig to an editorial
statement, is to provide "objective information about
hidden processes and phenomena in Ukrainian public
life." Like its precursor, the Herald avoids polemics
in favor of straight reporting. Although-it first
appeared in January 1970, only 5 issues have been
published, 4 of which have reached the West.
.19. Exodus, in its fifth issue, is the organ of
Soviet Zio-s ni s. Jewish dissidence, as a.distinct
element was a consequence of the Arab-Israeli War of
1967,. and of the anti-Zionist propaganda which Soviet
media poured forth in its aftermath.
20. Unlike Chronicle and the Ukrainian Herald,
Exodus is more emotional than dispassionate, con-
si t ng primarily of appeals, open letters, and
statements by Jews wanting to emigrate to Israel.
The fourth issue departed from this format, by pro-
viding a lengthy substantive account of the trial of
the accused Leningrad hijackers in December 1970.
It also included a transcript of their appeal to the
Supreme Court. A fifth issue of Exodus reportedly is
circulating in the Coviet Union. The man who claims
to have been its editor emigrated to Israel some
months ago.
Social Problems
21.. In the fall of 1969 the journal Social
Problems began to appear every other month. Unlike
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most.other samizdat editors, Valeri Chalidze, openly
acknowledges his ole and lists his name and telephone
number in each issue. Chalidze also requires that
contributions to the journal bear the author's true
name. This unique policy is part of Chalid2e's effort
to give substanceto his claim that Social Problems
is a legal publication and that his Hg-ht ht to publish
sh
it is guaranteed by the Constitution. During an
interview with Soviet authorities, Chalidze went so
far as to challenge them to test the legality of his
position in open court. There has been no official
response to.the challenge, but, according to a
Chronicle report, Chalidze has been dismissed, for
"ideological" reasons, from his position at a research
institute in Moscow.
22. The most recent issue of the journal, No. 8,
was devoted to the deliberations of thr, Committee for.
Human Rights, suggesting that the journal may become
the Committee's "official" organ. The Committee was
established in November 1970 i:y Chalidze, Andrey
Sakharov and Andrey Tvyordokhlebov. It interested
itself in assisting persons concerned with research
on the theoretical aspects of human rights in socialist
society and in publicizing documents of international
and Soviet law on human rights. In December, the
Committee elected Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn an "associ-
ate member." Aleksandr Yer.-.nin-Volpin and Boris
Tsukerman, a physicist who had been particularly ac-
tive as a legal adviser to Jews interested in emi-
grating to Israel, were elected "consulting experts."
With the exception of Sakharov and Solzhenitsyn,
everyone publicly associated with the Committee has
published at least one article in Social Problems.
However, Solzhenitsyn and Sakharov zhave spoken out
about human rights and Sakharov's March 1970 letter
to Brezhnev and Kosygin, which was also signed by Roy
Medvedev and Valery Turchin, was published in Social
Problem's fifth issue.
23. it is Chalidze's stated intention to ex-
plore the extent to which Soviet laws are capable of
guaranteeing human rights and the extent to which
they correspond to those recommended by the UN. Ar-
ticles on legal topics form the bulk of his journal.
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The journal, which began as a random collection of
samizdat texts, is now arranged in three broad cate-
gories, General Topics, Law', and Documents. The
journal has published translations of various inter-
national agreements on the question of human rights
as well as artic. es from the foreign press. It has
also featured pieces on the development of class
discrimination in Soviet Law.
24. The dissidents seem to be making a con-
certed effort to attract Western attention to the
problem of compulsory hospitalization of dissidents
in psychiatric institutes, probably in response to
increased use of this technique by Soviet authori-
ties. Articles on the subject have appeared in the
Chronicle and Social Prob'l'ems, buy- a more direct
approac was taken by the dissident Vladimir Bukovsky.
Bukovsky sent transcripts of psychiatric examinations
abroad with the request that Western psychiatrists
comment on the validity of the Soviet diagnoses. On
the basis of these documents a group of British psy-
chiatrists expressed "grave doubts" about the com-
pulsory treatment of the individuals involved and
proposed to raise the subject at an iiiternational
conference later this year. The forthcoming publica-
tion of the English version of Zhores Medvedev's
book,, A 'Qu'esti'on' 'of' Madn'e'ss, dealing with his own
experiences in a psyc iiTatric hospital last year, and
Bukovsky's present incarceration in Moscow's notori-
ous Serbsky Institute are likely to add to the re-
gime's embarrassment on this issue.
25. Although it is doubtful that Social
Problems will have any direct impact on the Soviet
actions toward law anc, human rights, the activities
of the journal along with the Committee on Human
Rights do fill an important gap in systematically
providing Soviet intellectuals with the basic legal
information that they previously lacked in confronta-
tions with the regime.
Nationalistic Samizdat
26. Possibly in reaction to the activities of
the "democratic movement," a Russian nationalist
movement seems to have emerged outside officially
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controlled channels. Some reports have alleged that
the movement is formally, although clandestinely,
organized as the Za Rodinu (For the Fatherland)
Society and that it has the support of the KGB.
Although it is.not possible to confirm the allegation
of KGB support, it should be noted that in RSFSR,
in contrast to the Ukraine, nationalism has been
taken up by highly conservative individuals, such
as Ivan Shevtsov and Vsevolod Kochetov, who report-
edly enjoy high level political protection. In any
case, the description of the group as xenophobic and
anti-Semitic raises the possibility that it may be'
involved in the production of some newly emerged
samizdat.
27. Although Russian nationalism has found
official expression in jour..-als such as Molodaya
Gvardiia, the more extreme elements have turned to
samizdat to express concern about the state of
Russian culture. Chronicle No. 17 (December 1.970)
reported the appearance of Slovo Natsii (Message to
the Nation). The authors of the message signed
themselves "Russian Patriots." They took issue with
all liberals, according to the Chronicle, accusing
them of holding views which are unsubstantiated
and harmful." The statement voiced concern for the
purity of the white race which is be.ing tainted by
"random hybridization." It called for a rebirth of
Orthodoxy, the national religion, and of a "great,
united and indivisible" Russia.
28. Slovo Natsii was probably a one-shot
production but in January of this year another
nationalistic publication began circulating in
Moscow. Taking its name from an ancient Russian
popular asserably, Veche has published at least two
issues, neither of which has reached the West. The
editors, led by V. Osipov, announced that Veche is
a "Russian patriotic journal" intended "to resurrect
and preserve the national culture, the moral and
intellectual heritage of our ancestors and perpetuate
the guiding line of the Slavophile.s and Dcstoyevsky."
'or
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29. There was some initial confusion about
the relationship between Slovo Natsii and Veche.
The Chronicle attempted to clarify the problem
in its March issue. According to Chronicle, Slovo
Natsii is a "political declaration preaching racism,
state despotism, and great power chauvinism," while
Veche's nationalism takes the form "only of a
part cular attitude to Russian history, culture,
and the Orthodox religion." Ne?*ertheless, it noted,
Judophobia and Stalinist sympathies are characteristic
of some Veche contributors "but by no means all of
them."
30. In March 1971, Osipov, besides Chalidze
the only self-admitted editor of a samizdat journal,
replied to Western press reports about Veche. He
rejected the allegation that Veche was an extremely
chauvinistic underground journal, contending that he
would publish the journal bearing his name and
address openly if the opportunity were available.
He.did not, however, challenge the allegation that
the journal has anti-Semitic overtones.
31. Since Veche has rejected political problems
as one of its themes and the Chronicle has noted that
it will not comment regularly on Veche because its
"concerns are not connected with the question of
human rights," it is unlikely that there will be any
interaction between the two publications.
32. Publications with the chauvinistic tone of
Veche 'and Slovo Natsii are rare. Chronicle did,
however, report the trial of a group of Armenians
who produced In?The Name of The Motherland, a
publication cal1i:1g for an independent Armenia. in
addition, the Crimean Tatars, who have been trying
for years to receive permission to resettle in their
native homeland, have also circulated samizdat,
primarily in the form of petitions and appFals.
Some of these have reportedly borne the signatures
of thousands of Tatars. There are rumors that some
of the younger, more militant Crimean Tatars intend
to follow the example of Soviet Jews and try to leave
the Soviet Union. They are reported to be interested
in emigrating to Turkey.
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The Aloof "Liberal Socialists"
33. Standing between the constitutionalists
and the nationalists is a small group of research
scientists and academics that has published a very
scholarly journal, Political Diary, since late 1964.
The journal received extensive publicity in the West
after 11 issues were given to Western journalists in
Moscow in August. Also included was the table of
contents of a twelfth issue and a long article by
Roy Medvedev from a thirteenth issue. According to
,press reports, the editors made the issues available
so that Westerners could get some idea of what con-
cerns "liberal socialists" in the Soviet Union. The
possibility that the journal stopped publication
could also have prompted this breach of secrecy.
34. Initial western press reports noted that
the journal was unknown prior to receipt of the
selected issues by the journalists. This is not
entirely true. In its April 1969 issue, Chronicle
carried a review of an item entitled "On Certain
Current Events." The contents, which would date
the item at about January or February 1969, were
the same type of material that Political Diary
published in its variously titled "current events" _
section, such as expulsions from the party, the
attempt on the life of Brezhnev, and an article on
the notation of Stalin's birthday on the 1969 desk
calendars. Moreover, Chronicle noted that the
publication was "analytical" and contained "a number
of judgments and speculations, ":.,in particular- specu-
lations and rumors from "high political" circles.
In conclusion, Chronicle welcomed the appearance of
the journal--suggesting that it was the first copy
it received. Chronicle's acceptance of the journal
as a?"legitimate samizdat" helped to establish the
authenticity of the "new" publication.
35. Unlike Social Problems, Political Diary
has a broad range of interests and is aimed at a
small group of "subscribers," who -presumably are also
its contributors. One journalist reported that its
circulation is limited to a select group of 50.
Articles, almost always anonymous, on literature,
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history, economics and foreign and domestic affairs
are standard fare in Political Diary, but, contrary
to press reports, it cor.c ns'little in the way of
political gossip. Some of the political rumors it
doer contain are replays from foreign radio broad-
casts. Unlike other underground journals, however,
a large part of each issue is taken up with excerpts
from the.Soviet press, Pravda, Literaturnaya Gazetta,
and Novy Mir, and with di~- cussion of Marxist theory.
The editors' generally organize this wide range of
subjects under five headings: Current Events; About
Certain Books, Articles and Manuscripts; History;.
Literary Life; and, Notes on Various Themes.
36. Among the more interesting items on the
political leaders contained in the journal was a
short report in the April 1970 issue which dealt
with Brezhnev's speech for the celebration of the
Lenin Centennial. According to the report, a few
days before the anniversary, V. Golikov and S. P.
Trapeznikov, both labelled as neo-Stalinists,
criticized the speech as revisionist and proposed
exensive changes. Brezhnev referred their comments
to the authors of the speech, including-Bovin, who
is described as Brezhnev's personal assistant. The
authors prepared a sharp reply accusing Golikov and
Trapeznikov of departing from the general part-i line.
Brezhnev apparently took no active part in the
exchange between his assistants and Political Diary
reports that the speech was ultimately delivered
without the propose changes.
37. This story has not been reported elsewhere,
but the details ring true on the basis of other evi-
dence. Golikov,-who is one of Brezhnev's personal
assistants, and Trapeznikov, who heads a central
committee'department and is regarded as a Brezhnev
protege, have both written pro-Stalin articles in
the past. On the other hand, A. Ye Bovin, whose
exact position in the central committee apparatus is
.unknown, has'publicly espoused liberal ("revisionist")
positions in the past. Moreover,,EBrezhnev's Lenin
Anniversary speech,, which took a moderate line on
many questions, could indeed have sounded "revision-
ist" to Golikov and Trapeznikov.
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38. In both foreign and domestic affairs,
Political Dial departs from the party line. An
article "-de Middle East, for example, contends
that a large part of the intelligentsia, "including
Russians, Ukrainians and Moldavians" and a "rather
significant part" of the working class, oppose
Soviet involvement with the Arabs. It states that
after years of Soviet aid the Arabs still oppress
Communists and are incapable of caring for Soviet
equipment or of using it to defend themselves.
Moreover, the article lays part of the responsibility.
for the June 1967 war at the door of the Soviet
government for refusing to take any action to prevent
the withdrawal of UN forces from the area.
39. Political Diary's anonymous contributors
also make interesting comments about Soviet policy
toward Europe One author argues that real peace
and security in Europe can only be achieved if both
sides make concessions. He suggests that the Soviets
make concessions on Berlin and withdraw their troops
from Eastern Europe. He also alleges that the
invasion of Czechoslovakia set a dangerous precedent
which could ultimately be turned against Soviet
interests, particularly in France, Spain, and Italy
where he sees a real possibility for the emergence of
Communist governments. He claimed that progress in
Europe will be most difficult, if not impossible,
unless the Soviet government rejects the premise
that its actions are always right and those of its
opponents always wrong.
40. Side by side with its unorthodox attitude
on diplomatic affairs in Europe, Political Diary
makes some heretical observations on the arms race.
An article in the April. 1970 issue, for example,
argued that Khrushchev, "who told the world about
the creation of a Soviet defensive missile system,"
is responsible for the new round in the arms race
involving ABMs. An earlier issue, reporting on a
dialogue between physicist Andrey Sakharov and
journalist Ernst Genri, quoted the physicist as
stating that an effective ABM system is an illusion.
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Relating the disparity between the US and Soviet
economies to the issue of defense expenditure, the
article alleges that if the U. were to devote 10%
of its GNP to defense, the Soviet Union would be
forced to devote 30% of its GNP to defense in order
to maintain the balance of nuclear rocket forces.
Noting that the Soviet econc~ay cannot support a
defense budget of such a size, th) article argues
that, while both sides have an interest in the
success of the SALT negotiations, the Soviet stake
is greater.
41. On the domestic scene, Political Diary
has departed from official positions on virtually every
co,Ytroversial event covered. These include the
secrecy that surrounded the ouster of Khrushchev,
the expulsion of Solzhenitsyn from the Writers'
Union, and the dismissal of Aleksandr Tvardovsky as
editor of Novy Mir. In addition, articles have
appeared which criticized the inefficiency of the
Soviet economy, particularly agriculture, the secrecy
that surrounds the deliberations of the Politburo
and the impotence of the Supreme Soviet. There is,
however, no criticism aimed directly at members of
the Politburo.
42. Although Political Diary treats a wide
range of subjects with scholarly recision, it
seems to lack the commitment of other samizdat
publications even to the idea of a free press. In
the issues available, only one article, written
under the pseudonym A. Antipov, addresses itself
to the problem of censorship. Beyond this and its
support for Solzhenitsyn, the Political Diary
shows little sign of being interested in the human
rights issue--even on an abstract level or in the
"democratic movement." Unlike Chronicle and Social
Problems, Political Diary is not the organ of civil
libertarians.
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43. In spite of its aloofness from the con-
cerns of human rights activists, the Political
Diary shares their oppositi;..n to Stalinism, anti-
Semitism, dogmatism, and the Soviet invasion of
Czechoslovakia. The journal's critical attitude
suggests that its editors are interested in reform
of the Soviet political system, probably along the
lines of the ill-fated Czechoslovakian experiment.
The 11 available issues do not indicate, however,
that the editors have outlined a program of reform,
like Sakharov's, or that they themselves are politi-
cally important individuals who have direct access
to policy makers.
44. The value of the Political Diary to the
Western. observer is limited because it lacks
important factual information on Soviet affairs or
leaders. At best, it serves to fill a gap in
samizdat's political spectrum and is likely to
have on T a limited impact within the Soviet Uniou.
The Attitude of the Authorities
45. Inasmuch as the Soviet authorities have
demonstrated an. ability to cope with dissidence the
continued publication of Chronicle and the prolifera-
tion of its offspring raise with renewed emphasis
the question of why the regime has failed to suppress
at least samizOat's periodical press. There are sev-
eral possible exp.Canations. One is that this is an
activity not considered a serious threat to the sta-
bility of the system. According to this interpreta-
ti,ni samizdat is regarded as a safety value dis-
tractyng the dissidents from more serious activities.
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46. There is, however, evidence suggesting
that the safety value may actually be closely mon-
itored by the KGB with the intention of identifying
malcontents. The Chronicle, for example, warned its
readers not to try to trace the journal to its source
lest they be regarded as provocateurs. Political
Diary also reported a rumor to the effect that the
KGB had produced radioactive copies of a samizdat
text to-trace its circulation. Farfetched as this
is, it does indicate the dissidents' concern that
the authorities may be abiding samizdat for their
own purposes. To some extent, this seems to be
borne out by an annex to Zhores Medvedev's "Black
Office," an attack on official censorship of mail
in the Soviet Union.
47. According to Medvedev, in the fire of
enthusiasm after the denunciation of Stalin, some
physicists organized a weekly "Scientists Day" at
Obninsk. They invited literary critics, composers,
producers and social activists from Moscow as speak-
ers. A "friend" of one-of the speakers began to
supply the group with samizdat publications and
works from abroad. The friend" not?-3 who read the
works he supplied and ultimately they were all dis-
missed from they: jobs or otherwise disciplined.
The "friend," however, did not suffer for his lib-
eralism. Although the group reconstituted itself,
outside speakers were no longer invited.
48. Another explanation, held by some dissi-
dents, is that the elite itself is wary of unleash-
ing the KGB. If, as the Chronicle reports suggest
and the appearance of Political Diary seems to con-
firm, varying degrees of dissidence have affected
many elements of Soviet society, complete suppres-
sion would probably necessitate purges reminiscent
of the Stalin, era--in scope if not in numbers. The
elite, then, may fear that the cost of such a move,
in terms of adverse reaction abroad, is too high to
pay at this time. There is also the memory of terror
once unleashed coming full circle to consume its
instigators.
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49. The regime has not moved decisively to
suppress dissent, but it has not failed to act.
The trail of Sinyavsky and Daniel in 1966, despite
the political embarrassment it entailed, did con-
tribute to silencing dissident voices among the
establishment intellectuals. Since then quiet
"purges" of liberal editorial boards, pressure from
professional organizations--such as the Union of
{ Writers--and limitation on foreign travel have been
sufficient to keep most of this group in line.
50. On the other hand, the trial created new
problems for the regime by politicizing dissent and
attracting members of the professional intelligentsia
to samizdat activity. The regime has used a variety
of techniques, including trials, to cope with this.
The show trials of the mid-60s, however, have been
replaced by quiet trials in the provinces or other
remote areas closed to foreigners. In 1970, for
example, Andrey Amalrik,.author of Will the Soviet
Union Survive Until 1984?, was tried in Sverovsk
although he allege ly committed his crime in Moscow.
Even in outlying regions, the trials are-frequently
conducted in camera. The Chronicle has reported
more than 300 trials and cases of extra-legal per-
secution, such as demotion, o- loss of employment
or security clearances.
51. With increasing frequency; Soviet authori-
ties have resorted to removing outspoken dissidents
to psychiatric hospitals. Until re cenely, the use
of mental institutions had the advantage of avoiding
the publicity of a prolonged trial. Psychiatric
hospitals, apparently administered by he MVD and
run jointly with the KGB, exist in Kazan, Leningrad,
Minsk, Sychevka, Chernyakhovsk, and Moscow, where
the notorious Serbsky Institute is located. Ac-
cording to the Chronicle, the Leningrad hospital
alone contains 16 polal prisoners, and the
total throughout the country is estimated to be at
least 200.
52. Besides persecuting individual dissidents,
Soviet authorities have allegedly taken some steps
to frustrate the reproduction of ? s'ami'zdat texts.
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Dissenters have reported, for example, that at the
end of 1969 thin typing paper, carbon paper, type-
writer ribbons, and photographic paper--all used in
the reproduction process--began to disappear, first
in outlying areas and then in larger cities. One
dissident also complained, that the most available
models of typewriters are unsuitable for copying
samizdat because they are too fragile to product
more than a few copies at a time. in October 1970,
the Lebedev Institute, with which Sakharov and
other noted dissident scientists have been associated,
was criticized by the Central Committee for the
"ccinsiderable shortcomings" in the work of the institute's
party committee. The Central Committee directed the
local committee to indoctrinate scientists with "the
Marxist-Leninist interpretation of current political,
socio-economic and philosophical problems" and to
foster an "uncompromising attitude toward anti-
Communism and revisionism."
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