THE REAL CUBA: HON LOUIS C. WYMAN OF NEW HAMPSHIRE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES FRIDAY JULY 26, 1968

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP70B00338R000300180009-7
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 2
• Document Creation Date: December 19, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 15, 2005
• Sequence Number: 9
• Publication Date: July 27, 1968
• Content Type: OPEN

July 27,
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1968 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- Extensions of Remarks E 7031
pricing higher education once again out of
the teach of many Who find themselves fi-
naneially hard pressed even at today's fees.
Furthermore, if schools continue to raise
tuitions, more and more student aid pro-
grams would be needed as more and more
students, at higher educational costs, found
that they needed aid. The government al-
ready operates six such programs and they
are cumbersome to administer. Politically,
of courts, it would be difficult to limit such
help to only the poor, who too often do not
vote, without raising storms of protest from
many middle and upper class families, ones
that vote regularly, who arc also clamoring
for relief from ever rising college costs.
Most important, however, in this respect is
the problem of restricting any funds, regard-
less of the approach used, to the educational
process. Either the schools or the students
might use the grants simply to replace other
funds that would have been used anyway, in
the absence of grants, In the educational
process. The government might well and up
subsidizing the non-educational expenses of
the schools, such as the construction of fancy
b'ut little used "show place" facilities; or
of the students, who would be free to use
their own funds for more parties; entertain-
ment, cars, etc. In either case, the govern-
mont would not be using its education dollar
for education; and in that case, both educa-
tion and. the nation would be the losers.
Direct-to-institution and through-State
funding however, as used in this bill, elimi-
nates most of the problems Just cited above
in. connection with the student aid approach.
Such aid can be more easily directed to those
institutions which have the best talent, to
those institutions in which we are trying to
develop thgt talent, or to both. Administra-
tively such a system is easier and more ef-
flclent, having to deal with only a few thou-
sand schools and fifty-five States and ter-
ritorfes, Instead of with millions of individual
students and their families. Qualitatively it
allows for bettor evaluation, by the States
and by the Federal government, on which
schools are making the most and best use
of the -funds, and which are making less,
allowing for wiser distribution of funds in
subsequent years.
Such an approach would also lesson, more
than would a direct-to-student approach, the
possibilities that the money would be used
to subsidize non-educational costs. For unt-
vei'eities and colleges, in the great majority of
cases, never have enough money; and even
with increased federal aid, it Is doubtful that
they would ever be so caught up with their,
legitimate needs as notto have something
worthwhile on which to use the funds. The
need is really that great. Even those schools
which now receive the most federal funds,
or which are famous as being wealthy and
well-endowed and would be thought to have
few financial needs, are often the most active
in seeking funds from alumni, other private
funds and business, not to mention from the
government. When Stanford, for instance,
one of these schools, finds it necessary to
launch a fund drive with a goal of i~100-
million, how much more money could be used
by those schools less successful than Stan-
ford at obtaining the federal money, let
alone the private money, that schools like
Stanford have been receiving now for years?
It is really difficult to see how the presently,
financially-starved institutions, which this
bill would help the most, could become Be
rehabilitated that they would have money
left over to spend on non-educational items;
thus there is much less chance that the
government would ever end up subsidizing
non-educational costs of the schools than
there is that It might end up doing so for
students Under a direct-to-student approach.
I hope that theme observations on my part
will have been of some help to the subcom-
mittee. It has been my purpose not so much
to bmphasize my support for this legislation
as to clear up, if I. could, some of the mis-
conceptions and undeserved criticisms which
have become attached to the bill in previous
testimony. This legislation is needed because
it promises, Justly, to go a long way toward
rectifying the imbalance of effort which
now characterizes our present system of fed-
eral funding for higher education, and to
do this in a most efficient and a most needed
manner. If I may conclude with a quote
which appeared in. an article by Mr. Harold
L. Enafson, Academic Vice President of the
University of New Mexico, in the June, 1065
issue of College and University f3usinesa:
"Collectively the federal agencies contrib-
ute significantly to the piling up of federal
dollars, federally funded buildings, and fac-
ulty talent in the big, powerful institutions
. . . federal education programs tend to
concentrate academic wealth in existing
centers of excellence. No federal agency de-
liberately sets forth to favor the already
strong. Hut the consequences ... are no. less
harmful for being unintended"
It is now time to set about undoing this
harm. It is now time for a federal program
which deliberately sets forth to favor these
institutions which have been neglected for
so long. The bill before you would take the
first step In this direction, a step that must
be taken. Thank you.
`rLJ THE REAL CUBA
IHON. LOUIS C. WYMAN
Question: You say you had decided to flee
because of the regime's oppression. Just how
did you feel that oppression?
Answer: We felt it because in a country
where there is no democracy, no freedom.,
where everything is expropriated and all
property is closed, the Cubanfeels -this Is his
own flesh.
Question: But I understand human rights
were not respected under Batista, yet you did
not flee then and yet you flee now from Fidel
Castro?
Answer: Under Batista's dictatorship, one
could have his beliefs, and own property-
since no peasant has his own land taken
away. Under Fidel's regime, despite what he
says about the peasants, it is not so. Things
are not the same as he tells the peasants.
There is no clothing, no shoes, no nutrition,
no entertainment. Then what does it matter
if we get a good wage if there is no freedom
and nowhere to spend the money?
Question: What about freedom of religion
there?
Answer: As for religious freedom, we can
say there is none. For I think religious free-
dom is when any pastor or missionary of any
scat can go anywhere to talk of Clod, without
anyone meddling In his ideals. In Cuba, one
can only preach the gospel in the churches
on Sunday. Ono cannot go out on any religi-
ous mission anywhere. That Is part of the
freedom that is there.
Question: It is understood, because the
Cuban regime has declared it, that the
revolution is by and for the peasants? As
peasants, have you experienced any improve-
ment in the peasant's previous situation?
Answer: That Is Castro's main policy; to
announce to the world that the Cuban
revolution is by and for the peasant. But
that is not so, for we see the exploitation of
the peasant, since lie is not given the right
to own what is his. For example, in regard to
human respect under Batista's regime, every
citizen owned what was his, he could have a
right to it. But under Castro's regime, no
peasant can say he owns anything, for every-
thing belongs to the regime, and everything
that is harvested must automatically be
turned over to the regime. This goes even for
small amounts, Products are sold, but for
money that is worthless. And even if it has
value, one. must invest it.
And there you have It. A verbatim testi-
mony of life under Fidel Castro by those
who lived it. A story that gibes perfectly with
an editorial which appeared recently in the
national business and financial weekly;
Barren's:
"Pro-Castro Cuba ranked among the lead-
ing three Latin American nations in various
indices of well-being. Since 1959, however, it
has been down bill all the way. Coffee and
sugar, which the Pearl of the Antilles used to
export in vast quantities, now are rationed.
Fruit, meats and milk are virtually unobtain-
able. The most devastating commentary of
life in Cuba today comes from the hordes of
refugees, nearly half a million of whom al-
ready have' opted for penniless freedom
abroad and who continue to leave-their native
land at the rate of 4,000 per month. Many
who cannot gain permission to go-younger,
more productive people-risk their lives to
escape."
OF NEW HAMPSHIRE
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Friday, July 26, 1968
Mr. WYMAN. Mr. Speaker, actual con-
ditions prevailing In Cuba at this time
are less than attractive and certainly in-
compatible with freedom as we know it
in the United States. Of Interest in this
connection is the report of John Lofton,
Jr., appearing in the Manchester, N.H.,
Union Leader earlier this month.
This column should be read by all who
deplore the continuance of Communist
control in this country so close to our
shores?
APOLOGISTS FOR Cvas STILL "SELLING" 041TRO
(By John D. Lofton, Jr.)
WASUrrroTON.-Every so often, a student
revolutionary or a black powerite or some-
times even an executive editor of the New
York Times, flies off to Cuba, takes the
Potemkin Village tour and returns to tell
us that life under Castro isn't re4fly that
bad and that, well, it certainly beats things
as they were under Batista.
Timesman James Reston gave such a ver-
diet last summer after a trip to Red Cuba
when he told readers that there seems to be
a "sense of common life and purpose" on the
island and that Castro has "got the support
of his people."
Not to be outdone in the praise of Castro
and the conditions in Cuba under the beard-
ed tyrant, the National Education Television
network put together a most tendentious
piece of propaganda, the implication of which
was that everything that has gone wrong In
Cuba is directly attributable to the legacy
of Uncle Sam.
The film, according to Paul Bethel's highly
authoritative "Latin American Report," was
co-produced by a man who once worked with
the Fair Play for Cuba Committee which was
partially financed by Fidel Castro himself.
All of which brings us to a local program
recently broadcast, In Spanish, to residents
of Santo Domingo in the Dominican Re-
public. The program entitled, "You Be the
Jury," featuted an interview with several
Cubans who had fled Castro's Island Paradise
and the conversation went like this:
ALLIANCE FOR PROGRESS: DEMO-
CRATIC INSTITUTION BUILDING
IN LATIN AMERICA
HON. EDWARD R. ROYBAL
Or CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Friday, July 26, 1968
!tir. ROYBAL. Mr. Speaker, I believe
the Alliance for Progress is definitely on
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - Extensions of Remarks July 27, 19 68
its way toward ultimate success in the
achievement of Its goals-because I am
confident that we in the United States
will live up to the expectations of our
neighbors in Latin America.
As we know, the Alliance requires close
cooperative effort, not only from our
neighbors, but from us as well. The Alli-
ance rests upon the traditional American
belief that free men, given the right tools,
can build their own societies, peacefully,
without violence and bloodshed.
As we move forward from the organi-
zation and mobilization phase of the Al-
liance into the reform and institution-
building phase, more and more Latin
governments today are becoming truly
committed to Alliance methods and
goals. All sectors are beginning to con-
tribute their fair share to national devel-
opment efforts. The atmosphere of des-
perate poverty is being replaced by hope
and expectation.
The enlightened leaders of the Amer-
teas-know that good government dedi-
cated to change and development cannot
by Itself alone insure lasting improve-
ment in the lives of all Its citizens. And
these leaders know that such improve-
ment cannot be imposed or controlled
from the top.
They realize they must be able to
count on the active support of the great
mass of people whom they represent if
the changes they would introduce are to
flourish.
Before a government can adapt itself
to the needs and the desires of the people.
the people must first be able to identify
and then communicate those require-
ments to their leaders. This democratic
function cannot take place until all citi-
zens have an economic and political stake
in their society and until they have
learned to protect this stake for the ben-
efit of all.
Our contributions to the Alliance for
Progress have helped to establish insti-
tutions comprised of men and women
determined to fulfill a common goal-to
achieve the objectives of the Alliance,
all designed to raise the standards of
their people.
Let us not forget that, after all, the
final end of our Alliance for Progress is
to improve the lives of people, not simply
to increase the wealth of nations.
We have come a long way on the road
toward development. The seeds of demo-
cratic institutions have been planted In
most Alliance nations. To withdraw or
diminish U.S. participation now would
result in sharply reduced growth rates.
We in this country must be prepared to
continue our help. We are vitally con-
cerned with the outcome of their en-
deavors.
In addition, there is still much to be
done for the Alliance nations if they are
to achieve and maintain political stabil-
ity. Many of Latin America's basic struc-
tures still need to be reformed.
It Is encouraging that a growing num-
ber of Latin American leaders today have
gathered under them, to give shape and
substance to the Alliance for Progress,
men of vision and intelligence, unswerv-
ingly dedicated to the basic changes
called for in the Alliance Charter: to
bring to all men in the hemisphere "max-
imum levels of well-being, with equal
opportunities for all, in democratic so-
cieties adapted to their own needs and
desires." These leaders are also con-
vinced that such a tremendous job can
be done in peace, and without violence.
Many, however, are sincerely troubled
by what they regard as the relatively
slow pace of progress brought about in
the first 7 years of the Alliance. Some
of these men and women have learned at
firsthand the complexities and vastness
of the problems that stand in the way of
a better life for the poor oI Latin Amer-
ica, and they have become pessimistic.
It is up to us to prove the doubters
wrong and to allay the fears of the pes-
simists by providing the assistance which
will help accelerate the pace of develop-
ment.
This Is a crucial period of reform and
institution building in Latin America.
We must remind ourselves that we and
our neighbors to the south are invloved
in total hemispheric development. Our
nations have agreed on the goals for
which we are striving.
This is the time to demonstrate the
courage of our mutual conviction that
democracy, not tyranny, Is the true
potential of Latin America.
ON THE NONPROLIFERATION
TREATY: ONE MAN'S VOICE
HON. CRAIG HOSMER
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Friday, July 26, 1968
Mr. HOSMER. Mr. Speaker, there can
be no question but that the Nuclear Non-
proliferation Treaty now before the other
body for ratification has serious ramifl-
cations for the future security and de-
fense of the United States. There is,
however, considerable disagreement
among the experts and so-called experts
as to whether these implications are
beneficial or detrimental. It has long
been my judgment that the people and
,organizations within the administration
responsible for the treaty have never
performed an impartial analysis of this
issue.
I have spoken out on 22 occasions
during the course of the 89th and 90th
Congresses, trying to spur those in re-
sponsible positions to consider both sides
of the issue before they commit the
United States to something which may
prove unwise. As the Speaker can tell,
I am still trying.
For the benefit of tljose Members of
this and the other body who are at-
tempting to research this vital national
security issue, particularly those who
must soon vote "yea" or "nay" on its
ratification, I have compiled a bibliog-
raphy of the statements I have made on
the subject of the Nonproliferation
Treaty during the past two Congresses.
I also hope it will prove useful to those
students of the subject who are under-
taking research projects on the history
of the Nonproliferation Treaty. The, list
follows :
July 24, 1963, E6881: "On the Non-
proliferation Treaty Amen, Brother."
July 22, 196, E6777: "Testimony Re-
garding Nonproliferation Treaty."
July 2, 1968, E6057: "Another View of
the Nonproliferation Treaty."
May 7, 1968, H3340: "Arms Control
and Disarmament Agency Assessed."
May 1, 1968, H3193: "Nonproliferation
Treaty Safeguards Costs Staggering."
January 24, 1968, H325: "Nonprolifer-
ation Treaty Hoax."
September 14, 1967, H11935: "Nonpro-
liferation Treaty Is No Bargain."
August 25, 1967, H11224: "Nonprolif-
eration Treaty Will Endanger National
Security."
March 2, 196', H2090: "One if by Land,
Two If by Sea, and Three if by Treaty."
March 1, 1967, H1982: "Boozers and
Teetotalers and Nonproliferation."
February 28, 1967, H1876: "Schizo-
phrenic Nuclear Pacifists Try Uninvent-
ing the Wheel."
February 27, 1967, H1776: `."Nonprolif-
eration Treaty--A Nuclear Yalta?"
February 23, 1967, H1707: "Treaty Will
Not Stop Spread or Enhance Security."
February 21, 1967, H1614: "The Non-
proliferation Treaty Cheating Cannot Be
Inspected or Verified." H1642: "Nonpro-
liferation Treaty Flunks Cost-Effect
Test." A780: "President Accepts GOP
Proposals Relating to Plowshare Shar-
ing."
February 20, 1967, H1559: "Disarmers
Substituting Pact Pledges for Military
Muscle."
February 16, 1967, H1426: "Prolifera-
tion Consequences Exaggerated."
February 15, 1967, H1351: "The Non-
prolifenttion Treaty Toax,"
February 13, 1967, H1281: "Plowshare
Program Victim of Disarmament Zeal."
October 11, 11166, 25114: "Warning on
Nonproliferation Treaty Talk."
March 31, 1966, A1869: "GOP Report
and Proposal on Nonproliferation."
February 7, 1966, A545: "Nuclear Non-
proliferation Resolution."
DR. If. D. MATTIA HAILED FOR
COMMUNITY SERVICE
HON. PETER W. RODINO, JR.
OF NSW JERSEY
IN THE: HOUSE OFREPRESENTATIVES
Friday. July 26, 1968
Mr. RODINO. Mr. Speaker, an out-
standing constituent of mine was recently
accorded a signal honor by the Essex
County Chapter of the National Foot-
ball Foundation and Hall of Fame. Dr.
Virginias D. Mattia, of Upper Montclair,
N.J., received the Distinguished Amer-
ican Award, presented annually "to a
former player who has carried the lessons
learned on the football field into a life
of service to the community."
On July 18 the Nutley Sun described
this unique man and the occasion, and
I am delighted to commend it to my col-
leagues' reading, as follows:
ESSEX SP[,RTS CHAPTER PRESENTS DR. MATTIA
Wm DISTINGUISHED AMERICAN AWARD
HONORS
Dr. Viri:inius D. Mattia, president of Hoff-
mann-La Roche, Inc., Nutley, recelvec the
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