THE URGENT NEED FOR AN ANTIBALLISTIC MISSILE SYSTEM
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CIA-RDP70B00338R000300100067-1
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RIFPUB
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K
Document Page Count:
2
Document Creation Date:
December 19, 2016
Document Release Date:
January 12, 2006
Sequence Number:
67
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Publication Date:
August 23, 1967
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Approved For Release 2006/01/30 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300100067-1
August 23, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 1-111053
McCone, who headed a commission which
investigated the Watts riots in Los Angeles
two years ago, said there was no evidence of
those disturbances being triggered by outside
agitators.
HITS JOB TRAINING
He said the solution to the Negro prob-
lem in America is "jobs in the short range
and education in the long range."
He was critical of many job training pro-
grams, saying they are not well-coordinated
and not aimed at areas where there are job
opportunities.
He said he placed great importance on the
efforts of business men and unions to help
provide Negroes with jobs. McCone also em-
phasized that Negroes must help themselves
and assume a full measure of responsibility
for their own well-being.
"Unless he [the Negro worker] has in his
heart that success depends on his own efforts,
no amount of money will produce results,"
McCone said. "I have great sympathy for the
Negroes being disadvantaged and mistreated
thru the years. But this does not relieve him
of responsibility."
AID COSTS RISE
McCone said the one thing that disturbs
him the most, two years after the Watts riots,
is the rise in welfare costs in the areas. "Wel-
fare costs in Los Angeles county have gone up
32 per cent in two years," he said, "while
the money being spent on aid to dependent
children has risen 54 per cent."
He suggested that all children in Negro
areas be enrolled in the Head Start program
for pre-schoolers and that teacher-student
ratios in ghetto areas be reduced.
"There is some question of whether the
Negro children can be brought to the level of
white students," said McCone. "It hasn't been
proven yet, but it is encouraging."
DISAGREES WITH CONCEPT
McCone, who appeared in executive session
before President Johnson's special commis-
sion to probe rioting prior to testifying be-
fore the judiciary committee, told Sen. Strom
Thurmond [R. S.C.], a member of the com-
mittee, that he disagreed with the whole
concept of civil disobedience.
"You can express yourself thru the proper
channels," said McCone, "as long as you wish,
and as loud as you wish, but you have no
right to inconvenience the balance of society
just because you don't like a law."
McCone indicated that leniency by law en-
forcement officials toward such actions might
have been a factor in recent riots.
Appearing after McCone, before the riots
commission, was Mayor Hugh Addonizio of
Newark. The mayor later released a state-
ment blasting the actions of anti-poverty
workers in his city.
He charged that in by-passing city govern-
ment and dealing with neighborhood groups,
the office of economic opportunity "gave a
club to the so-called powerless groups" to
help beat the cities down when they already
were flat on their back
UgEAE0711OR AN ANTI-
BALLISTI MISSILE SYSTEM
(Mr. ASHBROOK asked and was given
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD, and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. ASHBROOK. Mr. Speaker, as I
have noted before, one of the reasons
given by the Defense Department for
not going ahead with the deployment
of an antiballistic missile system has
been the hope that the Soviet Union will
reach an agreement with us not to
further pursue the construction of such
systems in the Soviet Union. As is gen-
erally known, the Soviets have been
working on ABM systems in the Moscow
and Leningrad areas.
Dr. James D. Atkinson, of George-
town University, in the August 21 Wash-
ington Report of the American Security
Council, has advanced another com-
pelling argument in favor of taking the
necessary steps immediately to construct
ABM systems here in the United States.
Dr. Atkinson cites a report of August 3,
1967, of the Joint Congressional Com-
mittee on Atomic Energy which states
that:
On the basis of our present knowledge,
we believe that the Chinese probably will
achieve an operational ICBM capability be-
fore 1972. Conceivably, it could be ready as
early as 1970-71.
Adding its voice to those of others in
Congress and the Joint Chiefs of Staff,
Dr. Atkinson points out that a Senate
Appropriations Subcommittee, in re-
porting on the Defense Department ap-
propriations bill for fiscal year 1968,
states:
It is the view of the Committee that the
deployment of the NIKE-X antiballistic mis-
sile system should be initiated immediately,
and the Committee urges the executive
.branch of the Government to take action
accordingly.
As the Washington Report shows, the
Chinese operatioanl ICBM capability is
just a few years away from realization,
and yet the United States dickers with
the Soviet Union to prevent the prolifera-
tion of ABM systems. How the approach-
ing Chinese missile threat is going to be
explained away will be interesting in-
deed.
It is urgently necessary that the Ameri-
can public concern themselves with this
vital issue. What reasoning and poli-
cies allowed the continuing delay in con-
structing ABM systems should be an is-
sue of high priority in the 1968 presi-
dential campaign.
To further consideration and discus-
sion of the antiballistic missile issue, I
insert the article, "Counter-Deterrence
and the ABM," by Dr. James Atkinson,
international politics editor, of the
American Security Council's Washington
Report in the RECORD at this point:
COUNTER-DETERRENCE AND THE ABM
That trenchant observer of the American
scene, Will Rogers, once observed that in the
field of disarmament Americans had a tend-
ency to scrap battleships while their oppon-
ents tore up blueprints. Something of this
American tendency of an almost extremist
goodwill is in evidence today with reference
to the question of anti-ballistic missile de-
fense. We talk and talk in the hope that we
can persuade the Soviet Union to dismantle
its present anti-ballistic missile system and
to refrain from going ahead with further
missile defenses. The Soviets stall in the ne-
gotiations while continuing to build and
deploy their ABMs.
SOVIET CAPABILITIES AND INTENTIONS
The recent study prepared by a special sub-
committee of the National Strategy Commit-
tee of the American Security Council en-
titled The Changing Strategic Military Bal-
ance: U.S.A. vs. U.S.S.R. has stated that "the
preponderance of evidence points to the con-
clusion that the Soviet Union is succeeding
in its massive drive toward strategic military
superiority ... (and that) the year 1967
falls in a crossover period with the U.S.S.R.
estimates ranging between 16,000 and 37,000
(deliverable) megatons, to equal or exceed
the U.S. estimated range of between 8,000
and 29,000 (deliverable) megatons." This
study, with its graphic documentation of the
Soviet thrust for military-technological su-
periority, has received, and continues to re-
ceive, widespread attention from leading edi-
tors and authorities in both the daily and
the periodical press. The New York Times, for
example, in a front page story on July 12,
1967, stated that ". . the Defense Depart-
ment did not directly contradict the study's
findings, but argued that deliverable mega-
tonnage was not an accurate indicator of
'true military capability'.-
It has been argued in some quarters in the
West, however, that Soviet capabilities as il-
lustrated by the Soviet deployment of an
ABM system need not be a cause for alarm
since Soviet intentions are peaceful and the
Cold War is, in fact, over.
But are the Soviet leaders mellowing? Un-
fortunately, the most recent evidence would
appear to indicate that storm flags are flying
in the Kremlin. Some storm signals are:
(1) The official pronouncement of the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union Issued
June 25, 1967, in a summary of 50 years of
Bolshevism. It stated that, "The domination
of imperialism on the world scene has ended"
because of the growth of Soviet military
power. The statement also singled out the
United States as the "main enemy" of the
national liberation warfare movement and
charged the state of Israel with aggression.
(2) Appointing (for the first time since
Beria's execution in 1953) the Soviet secret
police chief a member of the ruling Polit-
buro. This is Yuri Andropov, whose promo-
tion was announced June 22, 1967. Since the
KGB (the Soviet secret police) have vast re-
sponsibilities for waging unconventional war-
fare around the world, it would appear that
giving Andropov such power indicates
stepped-up Cold War operations.
(3) Writing in the official Soviet Armed
Forces newspaper, RED STAR, on June 3,
1967, Bulgarian Minister of Defense, General
of the Army Dobri Dzhurov said: "The So-
viet Union has always been and will con-
tinue to be the main political and material
base of the world revolutionary process."
(Emphasis added.) The general also went on
to say that "The Soviet Union constitutes
the main support of fighting Vietnam."
(4) Soviet escalation of the Vietnam war
is another example of the Soviet's true in-
tentions. Soviet shipping going into North
Vietnamese ports has shown a marked in-
crease this year over 1966. As of June 1967
the rate was eighteen per month with an ad-
ditional 2 to 5 Soviet satellite ships per
month. Indicative of this escalation is the
Moscow Radio broadcast of July 28 which
stated that Soviet ships "leave Odessa prac-
tically every day with cargoes for Vietnam."
(5) The recent hard-line in the Soviet
press which continually attacks Israel, "Zion-
ism," and the United States. In reporting
this trend from Moscow, the Washington
Post of August 8, 1967 stated that the press
campaign was one which "to some senior
diplomats here recall the worst days of the
Cold War."
These indicators of increasingly "stormy
cold war weather" indicate that Soviet strat-
egists understand quite well that revolution-
ary agitation and propaganda, "peace march-
ers" in London and New York, guerrillas in
Africa and Latin America are techniques of
conflict on a par with guided missiles and
nuclear submarines. But does it follow that
these same Soviet strategists are unaware of
the possibilities for nuclear blackmail of the
West in the event that they attain strategic
military-technological superiority? Indeed,
one may well ask whether the present U.S.
limitations on air strikes against military
targets in North Viet Nam result from the
steady accretion of Soviet military-techno-
logical power?
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE August 23, 1967
Ci IIa}SE COMMUNIST NUCLEAR WEAPONS
DEVELOPMENT
on if it were possible to disregard the
ence of the Soviet deployment of an
%13H system or systems and the counter-
1,.terrenre which this poses to the announced
policy of deterence. it would be still
More difficult to close our minds to the
,ar_nous developments in China.
t'he Chinese Communists exploded their
.n,;, H-bomb on June 17, 1967. It was ap-
porentiy a sophisticated implosion type in
e two-to-seven megaton range. The com-
pllc_ated electronic triggering and measuring
: vices that would appear to have been re-
aired, in this and other nuclear tests, would
Pc of great assistance to the Chinese in build-
a=l; an intercontinental missile. Since the
;. ainese progress in nuclear weapons develop-
,1C'-d, has been faster and more effective than
had been anticipated by Western sources,
it may be that they will also develop a nu-
clear ICBM delivery capability sooner than
she mid-1970's, which is the time phase pre-
viously estimated by Western sources. More-
over, the Chinese now possess the design
capability for a multimegaton thermonuclear
weapon which can be delivered by aircraft.
The possibilities of the Chinese Commu-
nists exercising nuclear blackmail against
Southeast Aisan Countries, Japan, or, indeed,
against the United States are underscored
,it a report released August 3, 1967, by the
Joint Congressional Committee on Atomic
Energy. The Committee said: "We believe
that the Chinese will continue to place a
high priority on thermonuclear weapons de-
velopment. With continued testing we be-
lieve they will be able to develop a thermo-
nuclear warhead in the ICBM weight class
with a yield in the megaton range by about
1970. We believe that the Chinese can have
an ICBM system ready for deployment in
the early 1970's. On the basis of our present
knowledge, we believe that the Chinese prob-
ably will achieve an operational ICBM capa-
biiity before 1972. Conceivably, it could be
ready as early as 1970-1971."
'the Joint Committee then went on to
round a warning about the direct threat to
U.S. national security posed by Chinese Com-
munist nuclear weapons developments by
printing out that "Most significant for the
United States is the fact that a low order
of magnitude attack cculd possibly be
launched by the Chinese Ccinmunists against
the United States by the early 1970's. At
present we do not have an effective anti-
ballistic-missile system which could repel
such a suicidal (for the Chinese) but never-
theless possible strike."
VILE STABILIZING VALUE OF A U.S. ABM SYSTEM
Ir,, the final analysis, the value of a system
of deterrence is that the enemy believes
about it, If the Soviets believe that the U.S.
deterrent offensive force can be neutralized
by their ABM systems to a point at which
the Soviet war-making capability will sus-
tain only an acceptable level of damage
and, of course, their accep table level may be
mach higher than ours), then they have
achieved a counter-deterrence posture which
may lead them to risk--at a given crisis in
international relations--a :auclear war.
Equally, if at some future point the
Chinese Communists should believe (in the
absence of a U.S. ABM system) that there is
somewhat more of a "suicidal" element for
the United States than for them in a nuclear
war, they might, in a given confrontation,
launch a surprise nuclear attack on America.
The evidence of the post-World War II
period suggests that it has been the stabi-
lizing factor of U.S. military-technological
power which has prevented a general war.
'today, under the impact of both the Soviet
and Chinese Communist military-tech-
noiogical thrust, that stability appears to be
threatened. Would the production and de-
ployment of a U.S. ABM system-perhaps
even on a crash basis as a clear de nonstra-
tion of credibility--have a definite stabilizing
value on world politics? That it might well
do so is indicated by the thoughtful and
carefully measured words of the Senate Ap-
propriations Committee. In reporting on the
Defense Department Appropriation Bill for
fiscal 1968 (August 4, 1967), the Committee
said: "It is the view of the Committee that
the deployment of the NIKE-X: antiballistic
missile system should be initiated im-
mediately, and the Committee urge's the
executive branch of the Government to take
action accorc,ingly."
Dr. JAMES D. ATKINSCN,
Cditor.
ONE-WEEK-A-MONTH RECESS FOR
TIIE HOUSE
(Mr. SCHADEBERG asked and was
given permission to address the House
for 1 minute and to revise and extend
his remarks.)
Mr. SCHADEBERG. Mr. Speaker, on
Monday, August 21, the House amended
the Legislative Act of 1959 authorizing
each Member of the House one paid
round trip to his district for each month
the House is in session. While I agree
that this is a step in the right direction,
it is regretted that the next logical step
was riot taken.
The Representatives of the people do
need to return to their districts to keep
in personal contact with their constit-
uents. The people have a right to ques-
tion their Representatives on the issues
of the day; and while many Congress-
man keep contact with their districts
through the mails, there is no substitute
for face-to-face confrontation.
if round trips are to be paid for by the
Government, then ample opportunity to
meet with the people should be provided
so that money yields the greatest return.
I refer to the suggestions I made for the
reorganization of the House, which pro-
vide a 1-week-a-month recess from leg-
islative activity which would provide the
Members of the House an opportunity to
hold office hours in their districts and to
discuss pending legislation with inter-
ested parties before this legislation was
considered on the floor of the House. Un-
der my plan, the remainder of the month
would be reserved for House business in-
cluding regular sessions of the House
from 12 noon to 5:30 Mondays through
Fridays-5 days a week. Every Member
would be expected to be present at the
sessions with his district being well
aware that he would be penalized pay-
wise if he were not present without of-
ficial permission from the Speaki 1'.
Such orderly procedure would make it
possible for legislation to be scheduled
for a month in advance so that on his
week in the district, the Member could
discuss appropriate legislation with those
individuals and groups who would be ex-
pressly affected-either by the passage
or the failure of the passage of legisla-
tion. This would truly give the people
a voice in their government, a chance to
express themselves, an opportunity for
the Member to better represent his dis-
trict by gathering a body of fats and
opinions upon which to base his jud-
rnent. Big business and large orlaniz.?.-
tions have the finances to lobby in Wash-
ington; but the individual citizIn, the
small businessman, the farmer, the stu-
dent, and the teaIher not only lack the
time, but the finances, to come to Wash-
ington to discuss legislation with their
Congressman.
Years ago, when the House met for
6 months or less, ample opportunity was
provided for Members to keep in touch
with their constitutents. Today, with the
House in session 1.0 to 12 months a year
and having recess only during those
pericds when many of their constitutents
are way over holiday vacations, some
way must be found to make representa-
tive government truly representative. It
would make great deal of sense to pro-
vide each Member with a round-trip
ticket for travel to his district each
month if the Member were in a position
to spend enough time in the district to
justify the expense. Of course, some
work can be done on weekends, but
Members of the House are not super
human beings. They need some time to
be with their families-to worship in the
church. They need days for recreation
to refresh their body, the mind, and the
soul. While each month the House is in
session Ii; a partial solution to the prob-
lems faced by most Members, the money
could be betterspent if there was anop-
portunity for the Member to spend
enough time in the district at work to
justify the cost of the ticket.
For some, of course, my remarks do
not apply since they live within an hour
or two from the Capitol to make ample
use of time in return for the cost of the
trip. For those of us who live several
hours from the Capitol, including travel
time to and from the airport, the time
during the weekend is indeed limited
since most of the time we are not advised
early enough of tr.e fact that no sessions
will be held on Friday. It is difficult to
make commitments on Friday even
though at the last minute, time would be
available for work in the district. Since
the House is not in session every Monday,
and we have no way of knowing whether
quorums will be called, and in many
cases whether business will transpire
which wall require a vote-no commit-
ments can be madefor Monday. On the
other hand, if a week were provided, a
schedule could. be firmed up ahead of
time, and the people could get to talk
with the:.r Representative in person.
THE SCANDALOUS TAX PREFER-
ENCES OF THE OIL INDUSTRY
(Mr. JOELSON asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute, to revise a:ad extend his remarks,
and to include extraneous matter.)
Mr, JOELSON. Mr. Speaker, I hereby
insert in the Rscoxn a letter which I have
today written to Internal Revenue Com-
missioner Sheldon Cohen. This letter dis-
closes a tax advantage enjoyed by oil
companies by administrative ruling of
the Internal Revenue Service which de-
prives the National Treasury of an esti-
mated billion dollars a year.
Corning on top of the oil depletion
allowance which the oil companies are
so generously given, this administrative
ruling serves to reemphasize the fact that
the average taxpayer is not treated with
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