THIRTY BILLION DOLLARS FOR WHOM?

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP70B00338R000300090018-7
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 4
• Document Creation Date: December 19, 2016
• Document Release Date: January 9, 2006
• Sequence Number: 18
• Publication Date: April 14, 1967
• Content Type: OPEN

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April 14, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
There being no objection, the Senate
proceeded to the consideration of exec-
utive business.
EXECUTIVE REPORTS OF A
COMMITTEE
The following favoraule reports of
nominations were submitted:
By Mr. FULBRIGHT, from the Commit-
tee on Foreign Relations:
Rutherford M. Posts, of Virglpia, to be
Deputy Administrator, Agency fois.Interna-
tional Development; tL
John C. Bullitt, of New Jersey, t&. be As-
sistant Administrator for the Far East,\Agen-
cy for International Development; and}
Claude G. Ross, of California, a Foileigll
Service officer of class 1, to be Ambassatjor
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Haiti.
The President outlined the work
ahead: The creation of "a great new
common market;" the expansion in
volume and value of Latin American ex-
ports; the initiation of "great multina-
tional projects that will open up the
inner frontiers of Latin America;" and
modernizing agriculture and sharing the
blessings of science and technology.
The President pledged his leadership
to help the hemisphere meet these chal-
lenges.
Let its now declare-
S 5185
Here, as I see it, are the tasks before us:
First, you will be forging a great new
common market-expanding your industrial
base, increasing your participation in world
.trade and broadening economic opportunities
for your people.
I have already made my position clear to
our Congress: If Latin America decides to
create a common market, I shall recommend
to the Congress a substantial contribution to
a fund that will help ease the transition into
an integrated regional economy.
TO OPEN INNER FRONTIERS
Second, you will design, and join together
to 'build
great multinational projects that
,
He said- will open up the inner frontiers of Latin
the next ten years the Decade of Urgency. America. These will provide, at last, the
physical basis for Simon Bolivar's vision of
I believe the people of the Americas continental unity.
will join with President Johnson to match I shall ask my country to provide, over a
our resources with our resolve to bring three-year,-period, substantial additional
The PRESIDING OFFICER. If them a new era of growth and opportunity funds laf the Inter-American Bank's funds
to the promising lands of Latin America. for ecial operations, as our part of this
be no reports of committees, the clerk ,, I ask unanimous consent to insert into cial effort. I have also asked the Export-
will state the nomination on the Exec- Import Bank to give urgent and sympathetic
utive Calendar. le RECORD the President's memorable attention, wherever it is economically feas-
a dress. ible, to loans for earth stations that will
DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE
The legislative clerk read the nomina-
tion of Jack B. Weinstein, of New York,
to be U.S. district judge for the eastern
district of New York.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection, the nomination is con-
firmed.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the Presi-
dent be immediately notified of the con-
firmation of the nomination.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
ORDER FOR YEA-AND-NAY VOTE ON CONVENTION,
EXECUTIVE C, 90TH CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask for the yeas and nays on the con-
vention, which will be voted on after the
morning business is concluded.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
LEGISLATIVE SESSION
On the request of Mr. MANSFIELD, and
by unanimous consent, the Senate re-
sumed the consideration of legislative
business.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, if I
may further impose on the senior Sen-
ator from Pennsylvania [Mr. CLARK],
and the Senator from Ohio [Mr. YOUNG],
may I be recognized for 2 minutes?
Mr. CLARK. I yield to the distin-
guished majority leader.
PRESIDENT JOHNSON DECLARES A
DECADE OF URGENCY FOR THE
THE AMERICAS
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr, President, in
his speech to the Latin American heads
of state at Punta del Este, President
Johnson reaffirmed our commitment to
be creative partners in hemispheric
development.
I warmly commend the President.
For, in his words:
In unity-and only In unity-is our
strength.
And hemispheric unity is closer to real-
ization today than at any time In recent
history.
was+prdered to be printed iii the RECORD,
as fo ows:
[From\tthe New York Times, Apr. 14, 1967]
TEXT CIF JOHNSON'S /'SPEECH AT URUGUAY
``\ CONS'ERENCE
First, President Gestido, may I express, on
behalf of y entiimt delegation, gratitude to
you for th courtesy and generosity that
Uruguay ha offered her sister nations at this
conference. e, have come to Punta del Este
as the leaders f20 governments-and as the
trustees for n1dre than 400 million human
We meet in city where, five and a half
years ago, ant ance was formed, a pledge
made and a rem begun. Now we must
measure the pro ess we have made. We
must name t 4e b riers that will stand be-
tween us andl the lfillment of our dream.
Then we mus
set us firmly
We meet as
Hundreds of
World. Now
of growing in
D. the
our p
motion plans that will
way toward the proud
we were the New
faces the problems
ndustrialization, of
A CON RACTING HE PHERE
We no long inhabit N1,1
a ew world. We
cannot escape om our probl s, as the first
Americans cowl , in the vast ss of an un-
charted hemisp ere. If we are to grow and
prosper, we m t face the prob ms of our
maturity. And we must do 't boldly,
If we do, we an create a new merica
where the best i man may flourish i free-
dom and dignit If we neglect the lan-
ding, if we ignor the commitments th it
requires, if our r etoric is not followed y
I Speak to yo as a ready partner in that
effort. I repr ent a nation committed by
history, by It Tonal interest and by simple
friendship to he cause of progress in Latin
America. B t the assistance of my nation
will be use 1 only as it reinforces your de-
terminate and builds on your achieve-
ments, a d only as it is bound to the grow-
ing unity of our hemisphere.
bring satellite communications to Latin
America.
Third, I know how hard you are striving
to expand the volume and value of Latin-
American export. Bilateral and multilateral
efforts to achieve this are already under
way. But I made clear yesterday afternoon
in our private session that we are prepared
to consider a further step in international
trade policy.
We are ready to explore with other indus-
trialized countries, and with our people, the
possibilities of temporary preferential tariff
advantages for all developing countries in
the markets of all the industrialized coun-
tries. We are also prepared to make our
contribution to additional shared efforts in
connection with the International Coffee
Agreement.
Fourth, all of us know that modernizing
agriculture and increasing its productivity is
an urgent task for Latin America, as it is for
the whole world. Modernizing education is
equally important. I have already urged
our Government to expand our bilateral as-
sistance in the fields of agriculture and edu-
cation.
NEW ROLE FOR TECHNOLOGY
Fifth, you are engaged in bringing to
Latin-American life all that can be used
from the Common fund of modern science
and technology. In addition to the addi-
tional resources we shall seek in the field
of education, we are prepared to join with
Latin-American nations in:
Creating an inter-American training center
for educational broadcasting, and supporting
a pilot educational-television demonstration
project in a Central-American country.
Establishing a new inter-American foun-
dation for science and technology.
Developing a regional program of marine
science and technology.
Exploring a Latin-American regional pro-
gram for the peaceful uses of atomic en-
ergy.
MUCH DEPENDS ON HEALTH
ixth, the health of the people of Latin
dren anot provided with adequate and
balanced lets, they are permanently affected
as human beings and as citizens.
Therefore, we propose to increase our food
program for preschool children in Latin
America, and substantially improve our
school-lunch programs. We are also pre-
pared to set up in Latin America a demon-
stration center in the field of fish protein
concentrates. We believe that this essential
ingredient of a balanced diet can be provided
at much lower cost than in the past.
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 S 5186
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE April 1:11, 1967
P1.S. COLLEGES TO HELP energies and skills and commitments in a
tiinally, I shall urge that funds be pro- mighty effort that extends into the farthest
vided to help establish Alliance for Progress reaches of your hf misphere.
centers at colt eges and universities in the The time is ncw. The responsibility is
United States. ours. Let us declare the next 10 years the
Our partnership must be based on respect Decade of Urgency Let us match our resolve
for our various cultures and civilizations. and our resources to the common tasks until
And respect is built on knowledge. This new the di earn of a ne c' America is accomplished
in the lives of all cur people.
t
u_
education program will offer new oppor
nities for students and educators of your
countries and mine to work together.
Our discussions here are couched in the
technical terms of trade and development
policies. But beyond these impersonal terms
stands the reality of individual men, women
and children. It is for them, not for the
statisticians and economists, that we work.
It is for them, and especially for the young,
that the hope and the challenge of the alli-
ance exists.
"CLEANING OUT REDTAPE"
For them, we must move forward from this
hour, producing more food, developing more
trade, taking on the hard problems Of tax
reform and land reform, creating new jobs
and economic opportunities, cleaning out the
red tape and acting with the sense of urgency
our times require-and above all, follcwing
through on the plans we make.
I pledge to you today that I will do all I
can, in my time of leadership, to help you
meet these challenges."
One of the first groups I met with after
I became President was composed of your
ambassadors to Washington. From that
time to this, I have accelerated America's
commitment to the Alliance, by increasing
substantially the contribution of my coun-
try by more than 35 per cent of the previous
three years.
I know what is at stake for you and my
country in Latin America. And Iknow that
the clock is ticking. I know that the cream
of the new America will not wait. I know
that you sense the same urgency, the same
need for speedy decision and effective action
in your country as in mine.
A WORD TO THE YOUNG
My fellow Presidents, I should like tc con-
clude by speaking not only to you but to the
youth of our nations, to the students in the
schools and. universities, to the young people
on the farms and in the new factories and
labor unions and in the civil service of our
Governments, to all those who are moving
into their time of responsibility.
This is the message I bring to them: All
that has been dreamed, in the years since
this alliance started, can only come to pass
if your hearts and minds become committed
to it. It is our duty, we who hold public
office and bear great private responsibilities
today, to create an environment in which you
can build your part of the new America.
lis your ciaty to prepare yourselves; now,
to use the tools of learning, commard the
idealism that. is your national heritage, for
the human purposes that lie deep in our
common civilization.
You cry out for change for what Franklin
Roosevelt called a New Deal. And you do
not want it imposed from above. You want a
chance to help share the conditions of your
lives. You, the youth of the Americas,
should know that revolutions of fire have
brought men in this hemisphere, and in
jungles half the world away, still greater
tyrannies than those they fought to cast off.
'PAGE OF CHANGE TOO SLOW
Here in the countries of the Alliance, a
peaceful revolution has affirmed man's ability
to change the conditions of his life through
the institution of democracy. In your hands
is the task. of carrying it forward.
The pace of change is not fast enough. It
will remain too slow unless you join your
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that I may proceed
for not more than 15 minutes.
The PRESID: NG OFFICER. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
INVESTMENT TAX CREDIT
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent--
Mr. CLARK. I have the fioo: Does
the r enator wish me to yield to him?
Mr. LONG of :~ouisiana. I tho.lght the
Senator was fin shed.
Mr. CLARK. I have 15 minutes
by unanimous consent but I will be ihappy
to yield to the Senator from Louisiana.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. I ti ank the
Senator for yielding to me.
Mr. President on yesterday, I said that
so far- as I was concerned the vote on
the problem that the average citizen
should be permitted to vote ore dollar
to finance a presidential campaign was
just one skirmis it in a big battle and that
the struggle is not over at all. As a mat-
ter of fact, those who were opposing my
position yesterc.ay arranged to express
their situation in a rush to get to a vote,
since they had all their people here at
a time when sorie of my supporters were
not here.
I have analy:;ed the vote. Had every
Senator been in his seat, knowing what
I know about their votes on this subject,
I believe I would have won yesterday on
a vote of 50 to 50 with the Vice Presi-
dent presiding prepared to vote with me.
I recognize the fact that there are one
or two Senators who would have voted
with me merely to give the committee
the opportunity to study the matter and
report its recommendations, not agree-
ing necessarily on the general issue itself.
But, inasmuch as it appeared that their
vote would not gave done any good, any-
way, they did not vote with me.
This is a-big issue. It needs study. It
needs considerition. I am still firmly
of the view that the answer to the prob-
lem is to move ahead toward good gov-
ernment and not move backward.
I thank the Senator from Pennsyl-
vania very much for yielding to me at
t s time
T:RTY BILLION DOLLARS FOR
WHOM?
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to have printed in
the RECORD a most interesting article
published in tie New Republic magazine
for March 196". and written by Frederic
W. Collins, delling with the subject of
"$30 Billion for Whorn?-Politics, :Profits
and the Antin issile Missile."
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THIRTY BILLIU N EOLLARS FOR WHOM?--POLI-
TICS, PROFITS AND THE ANTIMISSILE MISSILE
(B;? Frederic W. Collins)
(NOTE.-Frederic W Collins, Washington
correspondent for 25 years, is a columnist
for the Riddex newspapers.)
The Secrets ry c f Defense thinks it would
be foolish tc Sp snd billions on an anti-
ballistic miss. le defense (ABM), and Presi-
dent J)hsnor sail on February 17 that it
would be "another costly and futile escala-
tion of the c rms race." But pressures for
the contrary view are strong and getting
stronger, and their source is not just the
Joint Chiefs. We should all be grateful to
Arthur Wiser. berger a:ad Co., which on Feb-
ruary 60, 1967, put lished in the financial sec-
tion of The .Jew York Times this revealing
advert: semen . :
"NIKE-X $311 BILLION FOR WHOM?
"If the US deploys its Nike-X defense. $30
billion could flow into certain electronics,
missile and s oml uter companies. The im-
pact would lee enormous.
"About $2.' bil: ion has already been spent
on Nilce-X c evel)pmsent. Some companies
are benefitin; from this spending now, are
likely ~o continue benefiting even if the pro-
gram remains in the R&D stage, and could
profit handsc mel:r if a full-scale program is
approved. Among the companies involved:
Aercjet, AT&T, Ampex, Avco, Brown, Bur-
roughs, Control Data, Douglas, Ford, GCA,
General Dym mic 3, General Electric, General
Telephone, Bercules, IT&T, Kaman Aircraft,
LTV, Lockheed, Martin Marietta Melpar,
Microwave P ssociates, Northrop, Radiation
Inc., R.aythecn, Sperry Rand, Thiokol, Varian,
Westinghous
"Nike of t.iese stocks have been selected
for analysis in it 24-page special issue of the
Wiesenberget Irvestment Report (WIR).
The issue ass usses each of the nine companies
for its investment value apart from Nike-X,
for its prospi cts its a Nike-X beneficiary, and
for the relatve ]eversge Nike-X might pro-
vide.
"This spec al issue is yours for just $li-or
as a bonus w1.th ;i low-Cost trial subscription
to WI:a,. We offer it asevidence that WIR is
a service you should be reading regularly-
as do many lank ers, brokers and fund man-
agers who iI vest billions of dollars of other
people's money. You need only mail the
coupon."
There is a i interesting and deeply educa-
tional exercise which can be carried out with
that list as a bas's. The first step is to check
out toe plait locations of the companies.
The rdsultin, r sketch rn ap of their production
geography cr n then be developed into a map
of their poll:;ical potential in specific detail.
License w: s taken to permit two amend-
ments. of tht- published list. I consider Mc-
Donnall Air 'raft to be implicit in the list
because of ii s ki: iship of interest with Doug-
las. AT&T was put aside because to have
included it would have smothered all the
other detail; . 'I hrough its connection with
Western Electric, prime contractor, it ties
into what he Pentagon says are "several
thousand firms n nearly every state in the
Union" sharing contract awards as subcon-
tractors anc ver dors
Those amendments noted, the companies
on the list have, among them, more than
300 plants, e nd et a conservative estimate, at
least one n illion employees. These plants
are spread through 42 states, plus the District
of O)lumbi L and Puerto Rico. The only
states not i iclu led are Alaska, Maine, Mon-
tana, Nevac.a, New Mexico, North Dakota,
South Dakota and Vermont. Plant locations
can be corn elatod with indiivdual congres-
sional distr cts. The districts count up to
172.
From this analysis it is fair to derive the
statement that these companies might feel
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April 14, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
justified in asking the sympathetic attention
of 84 out of 100 members of the United States
Senate and 172 out of 435 members of the
House of Representatives.
There is necessarily a certain amount of
impressionism in this political map-making.
In large cities like Los Angeles, or Chicago,
or New York, congressional district lines
wriggle around telephone poles and manhole
covers in such a way that precise correlation
with plant locations is more trouble than
that particular part of the task is worth.
In such cases, doubt has been resolved by
tagging fewer rather than additional dis-
tricts; the total is thus on the low rather
than the high side.
Too, not every plant of every company can
be supposed to be engaged in work connected
with ABM. A Hercules plant making chem-
icals for sewage treatment has less direct
interest in intercepting missiles than a Herc-
ules plant making rocket propellent, and so
on with Thiokol, Raytheon and the rest.
However, the principle is invoked that what's
good for General Motors is good for General
Motors in each and all of its many mansions,
and vice versa. .
The advertised list is beyond question a
description of a concentration of political
power on a scale difficult to grasp, and despite
its magnitude, normally unobserved because
it so rarely resolves itself into a single, uni-
fied, coherent entity easily visible to the
naked eye of the general public.
A VARIETY OF POLITICAL PATTERNS
Once extracted, the basic elements can be
arranged and rearranged in a fascinating va-
riety of political patterns. Sperry Rand, for
example, can say with justifiable pride that it
occupies 90 plants in 22 states. Even leaving
out the electric shaver and farm equipment
divisions, Sperry Rand counts plants in 19
states (38 senators) and 32 congressional dis-
tricts (32 representatives). General Tele-
phone & Electronics claims 45 manufacturing
plants in 13 states in a 1965 report.
California has the greatest number of
plants derivable from the advertised list, at
least 55, in at least 25 congressional districts.
The heroic figure there seems to be Repre-
sentative Glenard P. Lipscomb of the 24th
district, with six plants of five companies:
Two Aerojet Generals, Burroughs, McDonnell,
McDonnell-Hycon, General Dynamics. Per-
haps this high concentration of interested
parties has no influence on Mr. Lipscomb's
judgment. At any rate, he told his constitu-
ents in his January 30 newsletter that, "The
Soviets have continued their development of
long-range missile capabilities and missile
defenses. They have in fact begun to deploy
certain anti-missile defenses. In my opinion,
the threat from world communism is not
eased and it is of utmost importance that we
maintain a decisive superiority in both of-
fensive and defensive weapons." Right be-
hind Mr. Lipscomb are three men with five
plants: Charles E. Wiggins in the 25th (three
Aerojet Generals, McDonnell-Hycon, Her-
cules); Alphonzo Bell in the 28th (Douglas,
Lockheed, two Northrops and a Sperry Rand;
Mr. Bell is soliciting the opinion of his con-
stituents in the matter); and Charles S.
Gubser in the 10th, with two Lockheeds, a
Westinghouse, a Varian, and a Raytheon.
The king of them all seems to be Represent-
ative F. Bradford Morse of the Massachusetts
fifth district, with nine plants (although only
four companies) from the advertised list:
three Avcos, two GCAs, three Raytheons and
an LTV-Ling-Alter Inc. This is in some ways
encouraging. Morse, who has been silent so
far on the ABM controversy, is counted
among the really good men in the House; his
qualities provide some evidence that the
political system may have a tensile strength
not hopelessly inadequate to the stresses gen-
erated by the rise of the military-industrial
complex.
It is significant that among the companies
listed, a great many are quite new. Some are
coeval with the spage age; others were little
more than corporate husks until they gained
weight from the nourishments of aerospace
spending. This Jack-and-the-Beanstalk at-
tribute of sudden growth prompts reminder
that until Dwight Eisenhower's Presidency
there did not exist (a point he himself made)
"this conjunction of an immense military
establishment and a large arms industry"
against which he warned in his valedictory
of January 17, 1961. Rereading that passage
gives further reminder that to relate the
political power of the military-industrial
complex. only to Congress is to tell only
part of the story. "The total influence," he
said, ". . . economic, political, even spirit-
ual . . . is felt in every city, every state
house, every office of the federal govern-
ment."
So, on a President's say-so, and with our
list, we can conceive of some community of
interest between those companies and 42
governors, and the officials of 257 towns and
cities-mayors, city and town managers, city
and town councils-and heaven knows how
many members of state legislatures. In Cali-
fornia, there are 46 cities and towns whose
local interests are intertwined with the in-
terests of firms on the list; in Massachusetts,
22; in New York, 20; in New Jersey and
Pennsylvania, 16; in Connecticut, 13; in
Michigan and Virginia, 12.
The political relationship is not, of course,
one with the officeholders on one side and
lonely, friendless companies on the other.
This is a situation, for instance, in
which labor unions find alliance with
management natural. Pounding on po-
litical doors to keep the government busi-
ness coining is a skill the unions mastered
in the ancient days when government ar-
senals turned out the weaponry and there
was no third party, private industry, in-
volved. For the sake of the cause, also, the
support of citizens who pay the bills is
sought--if conscripted is not the word-by
all the arts of public relations. (It may be
noted that at least two of the companies on
the list, Avco and Westinghouse, include
broadcasting among their connections, and
ITT's passionate yearning for the American
Broadcasting Co. is front-page news.) Not
to be forgotten are the advertising battles
in which contractors seek to prove that their
particular line of miracles surpasses all
others. This activity is always on the thresh-
old of scandalizing the public, and our
friends in the Nike-X community have just
been told by the Pentagon to knock it off
until policies and appropriations have been
thrashed out.
And to the roster of friends of an anti-
ballistic missile defense there can also be
added the shareholders-investors and specu-
lators-in numbers untold.
Finally, in a game this big, there is a tre-
mendous ploy available to industry, thanks
to the Pentagon. In this case it occurs as
a list of the cities to be protected. There are
two lists: one of 25 cities to be favored if a
"thin" defense is decided upon, another of
25 more cities to be included if a "thick"
defense is undrtaken. This kind of name-
dropping by the Pentagon generates a fierce
determination on the part of other cities to
be included, with a commensurate expansion
of the political pressure in behalf of an "ade-
quate" anti-ballistic missile.
The conventions of fair discussion in this
country require that parties of interest be
credited with an overriding concern for the
national welfare. But the vision of $30 bil-
lion must disorient even the noblest entre-
preneur. His only hope of keeping himself
whole lies in rationalizing a compatibility
between the national safety and entrepre-
neurial interest. Where he has worked this
out he is in shape to answer that big ques-
tion: $30 billion for whom?
To ponder the meaning of the ad is to
marvel again at the prescience of Mr. Eisen-
55187
bower: "Only an alert and knowledgeable
citizenry can compel the proper meshing of
the huge industrial and military machinery
of defense with our peaceful methods and
goals, so that security and liberty may pros-
per together." On January 17, 1961, the wild-
est dream would not have pictured a serious
effort in 1967 to obtain by peaceful methods
the peaceful goal of reciprocal US-Soviet
self-denial in anti-missile deployment. Real-
istically, the firms on the advertised list can-
not be expected to do other than pin their
hopes on hardware rather than diplomacy.
The golden prize has been put on display
In the Treasury window with that teasing
legend: $30 billion for whom?
In the good old days it used to be said,
"The tariff is a local issue." Now, in 42 states,
172 congressional districts, and 257 commu-
nities-before we even add the Pentagon's
"several thousand firms in nearly every state
in the Union," and late entries from the
Pentagon's thick and thin lists-it may be
said that "Nike-X is a local issue." Whether
that many local pressures, skillfully mar-
shaled by professionals in the task, can over-
ride a President and a Secretary of Defense
is the current cliff-hanger.
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, to me,
this article is a devastating exposure of
why some of the largest firms and
corporations in the United States of
America are anxious to have us deploy
an antiballistic missile system which, in
my opinion, would be doing a grave dis-
service to our foreign relations in general,
and our relations with the Soviet Union
in particular.
It would not-I repeat, not-give this
country significant additional protection
against an antiballistic missile attack on
an intercontinental basis directed against
us by the Soviet Union.
GRENVILLE CLARK-LEGACY OF A
GREAT AMERICAN
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, a recent
issue of McCall's magazine contains an
interview with the late Grenville Clark,
entitled, "The Legacy of a Great Amer-
ican."
It consists of a dialogue in question
and answer form between the interviewer
from McCall's magazine and Mr. Clark,
which took place shortly before Mr.
Clark's death. This is a most illuminat-
ing and interesting article on the views
on a number of matters of great im-
portance, including world peace through
world law, of the late Grenville Clark who
was, in my opinion, a very great
American.
I ask unanimous consent to have the
article printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THE LEGACY OF A GREAT AMERICAN
(An interview with Grenville Clark)
`EDITOR'S NOTE.-Grenville Clark was the
founder and leader of the worldwide move-
ment that can best be described as an attack
on war. His proposals for the setting up of
a world government, operating under world
law, to support an enforced system of dis-
armament, in parallel with the development
of other world institutions to create a peace-
ful world, have been published in twelve
languages, including Russian and Chinese.
Entitled "World Peace Through World Law."
Mr. Clark's plan (prepared in collaboration
with Harvard professor Louis B. Sohn) has
been hailed as "the greatest contribution of
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE April 14, 1967
the American profession of law to world
peace." For it Mr. Clark was given the
American Bar Association Gold Medal, its
highest award.
(Born in New York City in 1882, Grenville
Clark attended Harvard Law School with
Franklin D. Roosevelt. He excelled in row-
ing, running, boxing, racket games, golf,
shooting. He had been duck hunting early
in the morning before tape-recording this
interview.
(As a young lawyer, he formed, with :,.'lihu
hoot, Jr., what was to become one of the
country's most prestigious law firms. In
addition to serving his country--as a private
citizen--in two world wars and during the
Depression, M:r. Clark served as a member of
that select body the President and Fellows
of Harvard College, was instrumental in
forming the Civil Liberties Committee cf the
American Bar Association, and was one cf the
founders of United World Federalists He
held the Distinguished Service Medal, the
Theodore Roosevelt Memorial Medal and
honorary LL.D. degrees from Harvard, Prince-
ton and Dartmouth. At the time of his
death earlier this year, an editorial in the
New York "Times" characterized Mr. Clark
as "one of the great private citizens of his
time." Shortly before, a number of promi-
nent persons here and abroad had joined in
advocating Mr. Clark for the next Nobel
Peace Prize.
(Interviewer Richard D. Heffner is Univer-
sity Professor of Communications and Public
Policy at Rutgers, author of "A Docu:nen-
tary History of the United States" and editor
of Alexis de Tocqueville's "Democracy in
America.")
INTERVIEWER- It has often been said that
without your single-handed efforts-as a pri-
vate citizen-America could never have sent
such an effective fighting force to France in
World War I and that the Selective Service
Act, which you drafted and steered through
Congress, "shortened World War II by two
or three years." When did you decide that
disputes between countries could no longer
be settled by military means?
CLARK. I began thinking about it before
World War II and had already written a plan
for peace in 1939, but this work had to be
put aside when the Secretary of War, F.'enry
Stimson-whose appointment I had bee:T in-
strumental to arranging-asked me to come
to Washington. "You got me into this," he
said. "Now you must come down here to help
me out." So :f did and stayed on for nearly
four years. When the Japanese struck :Pearl
Harbor, Stirnson phoned me to come inime-
diately to his office and asked me to draft a
declaration of war.
INTERVIEWER When did you first issue what
amounted to a declaration against war?
CLARK. I'll come to that in a minute.
There's a little background to it. In .July,
1944, after the invasion of Normandy, Stim-
son said to me. "This war is now almost over,
as you and I know. It will go on another
year, perhaps, which can't be helped. But
the end of it is absolutely certain. It will
stop soon after this new bomb goes off. The
result will be so horrible that it will stop the
war almost instantly."
He then said, "What you should do is go
home and try to figure out a way to stor the
next war and all future wars."
INTERVIEWER. He said, "Stop the next war"?
CLARK. Yes. "Stop the next war and all
future wars," he said. "That is the great
tiling. I won't live long enough to do much
about it, but you should try to keep alive
and do something effective to solve the prob-
lem."
That's when I got started. I wrote my first
article on the subject, entitled "A New World
Order-the American Lawyer's Role," as soon
as I got home .from Washington. And t:aen,
after the atom.-bombing of Japan, I realized
the United Nations Charter-new as it was-
was not adequate to meet the requirements
of the coming nuclear period. So, along with
Justice Owen Rol ierts, I got up a conference
of prominent Americans, out of which came
a proposal for strengthening the United Na-
tions Then, in 1350, I received a very press-
ing invitation from a couple of friends on
the Senate Forei;;n Relations Committee to
appear before it and to go deeply into my
ideas on world pe ice through world law. My
heart was troubli:ig me at the time, and Paul
Dudley White toll me I mustn't go to Wash-
ington, because ,o testify at length under
pressure was the last thing in the world for
me to do. So my,ienatorial friends suggested
I write out my ideas.
Somebody sent a copy of the statement I
prepared for the Senate committee to Cass
Canfield, of Hart er's, who put it out as a
book. The sequ si is interesting. Senator
Ralph Flanders, a friend of mine, read it and
phoned me. "I'v3 written a letter to every
member of the L nited States Senate about
this book," he :aid. "I want ninety-five
copies of it, and I want them tomorrow
morning. Can ycu get them here tomorrow
morning?" So I sent the books by messen-
ger--by plane-t( Senator Flanders, and he
had them in the corning. He sent them to
the other ninety-five Senators with his let-
ter and his own copy to Paul G. Hoffman.
INTERVIEWER. He was head of the Ford
Foundation then, wasn't he?
CLARK. Yes, wf?h Robert M. Hutchins as
his right-hand m tn. A couple of days later.
Paul Hoffman called me up and said, "Can
Bob Hutchins cone on and see you?" So
Hutchins came up and spent a day with me
and said. "We war t to give you some money."
"Well," I said, ":: guess. so. but I can get
on without it." In general, I don't :.ike to be
tied up with arybody. Perhaps that's a
fault of mine, not to have obligations to any-
body, to a political party or anything. "You
won't have any obligations," Hutchins said.
"Let us give you some money." "Well," I
said, 'yes, I guess I will, but money for my
own work is not what interests me. What
needs to be done is a vast, worldwide cam-
paign, which will require tens of millions of
dollars," I said. 'I'm talking about twenty-
five million or so. you know." "Oh, well,
that's nothing," Hutchins said. "Write out
your plan."
So I wrote him out a plan for worldwide
study of world law. After receiving it, the
Ford Foundation invited me, with my late
wife, to come to its headquarters in Cali-
fornia, for a discussion. I expounded the
plan at length, and they questioned me
closely for some hours. The foundation's
main stated objective at that time was the
promotion of peas:e, and they seemed satis-
fied with my expl inations. Their cnly sug-
gestion was that I, might be too little money
for the declared purpose and that it ought
perhaps to be dor:e on a greater scale.
INTERVIEWER. W rat went wrong?
CLARK. Soon thereafter Senator Joseph
McCarthy came along, and for a combination
of reasons, they stilled it. 'A couple of years
went by. Finally. some friendsof mine on
the foundation's board tipped me off that it
was being said that my proposal was contrary
to the policy of o Sr government.
John Foster Dulles was Secretary of State,
and although he took an entirely different
line from mine in nost respects, nevertheless
he really believed in the concept of enforce-
able world law to prevent war. I was older
than lie was, and I'd known him a long time.
I remember his saying to me shortly before
he took office in anuary, 1953, "You know
very well that I can't do what you think
ought to be done. You know me well enough
to realize that it is beyond my scope, but
perhaps you can c o it. For God's sake, try
to do ;o! I'll do w rat I can, but don t expect
too much from me." It was rather pitiful, I
thought then and since.
Dulles also said, "I suppose that you think
I'm going to make a big failure of the whole
thing." "Oh," I said, "not entirely. No.
But what's the use of my saying that you
can make a success of it when you don't
really intend to go for this thing as your
main purposF ? What's the use?"
After that, I had nc real touch with Dulles
until I heard twat the Ford Foundation
directors were lib ely to vote my plan clown
because it w is c >ntr a,ry to national policy.
I called up Dulles and told him this. He re-
plied, "How shot king ! I'll straighten that
out. What ci) yo x want me to do?" "Well,"
I said, "I wait you to write a strong letter
in answer to what I hear is being said--im-
mediately, because the directors are meeting
tomorrow m,,rnii g. Please get it to them,
so that your i aass age can be read at the meet-
ing." He sal a, ".ill right. I'll do it imme-
diately."
Foster Dul es d A, in fact, write a powerful
and eloquent lettsr, ss.ying that he hoped the
Ford rounds tion would approve my plan.
He even calle:l m~r up the following morning
to ask whetl er I had received the copy of
his letter he :?ad rent special delivery. When
I said, "Yes, ' he asked, "Well, what about
it? Is it go( d enough? If it isn't, dictate
changes to n e ri. ht now, and I'll telegraph
them to them." He was in that mood. I
replied that he etter could not be better.
Well, belies e it or not, in spite of all that,
the director,. voted the plan down by eight
to seven, Th -y did give me $25,000 a year for
research and a secretary for five years. They
really pushec it on Inc. But the big plan
didn't come )ff, trod no foundation to this
day has done anything on an adequate scale
for the taus a of world order under world
law.
INTERVIEWE ;. Could you sketch briefly the
essentials of your plan to make the United
Nations a truly effective world organization?
CLARK. Well., the first reuirement is a pro-
vision prohibiting; all nations in the world
from possessi ig amaments, the same as our
state s.nd fee eral laws that prohibit armed
groups. The. e's so state in the Union, and
no nation in the vorld with any pretense to
civilization, -,bat permits armed groups in
the community--armed to protect them-
selves as a group or to enforce their will as a
group. Them. are powerful penalties against
such armed group;.
INTESVIEwE i.. How would disarmed nations
defend theme :>lves ?
CLARK. You can't ask nations to give up all
their arms, i iclu ling nuclear and conven-
tional ones, unless you provide reliable
means for pr( tect ng the legitimate interests
of every cour try. We are so used to those
means in our local communities and states
that we are h irdl3 aware that we have them.
Now, what art! those means?
They are 'edei al, state and local laws
against violer ce. They are courts to inter-
pret a:.,id apply hose laws, and they are
police forces t a de ter or apprehend violators.
Correspondinp:ly, iou must have world law
against international violence, world courts
and other tr. bun ils to settle disputes be-
tween nation world police to prevent or
suppress violation; of the world law. These
are the three has c elements.
INTERVIEWEr.. Y(11 mean the same on a
world scale as we have in our own country?
CLARK. Yes, prerisely the same as we have
in every village, town and city and in every
state of the Lnior. Exactly the same insti-
tutions-simp'y e::panded and adapted to a
world scale. I thnk the whole thing is as
simple is that
INTEFVIEWES. De you think there may be
something very different between living with
these rules o i art international level and
living with thm cn a national level?
CLARE. No, ', rat' ier think it isn't any more
difficult. The reason we haven't made more
progress; in es.ablishing a world rule of law
corresponding to tie local and national rule
of law is that up to this point, life hasn't
been so intolc rabl s for the nations. There
have been many terrible wars, but the
peoples have gone (n.
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