BOOK II CONGRESSIONAL REACTIONS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP90T00782R000100050001-8
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 132
• Document Creation Date: December 19, 2016
• Document Release Date: February 2, 2004
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: January 1, 1960
• Content Type: LIST

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B OOK II:
CONGRESSIONAL REACTIONS
This book includes Statements by Members of Congress as follows:
Tab A - 6 May Statement by Senator Johnson (Congressional Record)
Tab B - 8 May Remarks by Senator Case on ABC-TV, and by
Representative Bowles on NBC radio.
Tab C - 9 May Statement by Senators Johnson, Dirksen and others
(Congressional Record)
Tab D
Tab E
Tab F
TabG
TabH
Tab I
- 9 May Remarks by Senator Mansfield and other (Congressional Record)
- 10 May Remarks by Senator Hruska (Congressional Record)
- 9 May Remarks by Representative Loser (Congressional Record)
- 9 May Remarks by Representative Bowles (Congressional Record)
- 10 May Statement by Representative Cannon (Congressional Record)
- Floor_ Statements by Congress, chronologically beginning 12 May
Tab J - Press Statement by Congressmen
8 May
9 May
10 May
Tab K - Congressional Record (Extension of Remarks)
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TAB
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. RAY 6 1960
SHOOTING DOWN OF4AQ n' ? L' TT3
THB TT? ~ twt.ssure the
which protection e-'
he is entit?gd by full, 015cial repre-
sentation in ti ial" contemplated.
America ~C1i0t` and cannot take the
Soviet word Y'1b, as happened. It can-
not blindly cept.either the report that
Francis Gerr}1gi. in custody, or that, ,
under Whatevdffiialf i ttances, he has "con-
fessed" to charges rf1;\eniently rigged to
suit Khrushchev's prop gt 4gla purposes.
Ambassador Llewell hoses.
Y}i raj ompson is this
Nation's Irepres d by
bye t I. ai~g J ussia-both
available n ad duty eofrf I$~si'?sled to bear
its responsibilities in tlFi`at~164fl 'Certainly
he has every right to demand access to the
At
Banner, May 7, 1960]
ILOTAMERICA'S DUTY
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TAB
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1960
Mr. Julio Caceres is a native of'd tuate-
mala, 23 years of age, and we and a tand
arrived In Cuba during April 1959. far
as we know, Mr. Caceres has had no;m;x-
tive of Cuba who has been in the emploj workers due
of the company ?-- 3 yea-- -- ? -- -- -- :
ed oughly experienced 111 the ele-
vator business, both from a technical. and
managerial point of view.
The claims outlined in the attached reso-
lution by the minister of labor as a justifica-
tion for the intervention are completely un-
founded and in order that there be no ques-
tion on this point, the facts in connection
labor are hereinafter stated:
1. It is claimed that the attitude assu
by the employer toward the workers
satisfactory but the claim is not speci
had been normal.
2. It is claimed that the
sented by the laborers,
This is not a fact beta
workers collective
poned until after
the release of
construction m
ings.
This sam
under
ceptab
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX A3961
business as intervenor at the plant, Mr. Early in 1959 the end of an unprecedented
Caceres' first action was to dismiss Mr. building boom occurred when such large
Vincent Pedre, a native Cuban with 34 buildings as the Havana Hilton Hotel, Hotel
years continuous service at Otis, 23 of Capri,^Palacio Municipal, Hospital National,
presented by the minister of labor as procedure, the Otis men assigned to the in-
justific tion for the intervention at the stallation of elevators in these buildings be-
Otis plat-and in contrast, the facts in came surplus when and as the elevator in-
connectid4,i with each assertion: stallations were completed and as many of
these men. were engaged originally as tempo-
MEMORANDUM BY OTIS ELEVATOR Co. rary constructors, they would under normal
Subject: Intervention of Otis Elevator Co., conditions have been released.. The minister
Cuba. 11 of labor, however, refused to allow Otis to
On Novembe ,19, 1924, Otis Elevator Co., a discharge these temporary constructors even
corporation foiled under the laws of the though Otis had no further work for them.
State of Maine,Xnited States of America, In spite of this decision the company con-
was registered in jfavana to do business in tinued to negotiate with the workers aid at
Cuba and since th;t time it has actively car- the same time to plead its case with the
ried on the busine$,of installing and servic- minister of labor for the discharge of these
Ing elevators and es
For the past 25
On December 23, 1959, V1:,, Julio Caceres repair work schedules.
presented to the Otis ofHce`U Havana a The minister of labor when he
wages.
The interventor
employees to-
from which the com-
and that the fluctuations in the volume of
employment of construction workers must
conform with the trend of construction
contract awards. To attempt to maintain
a constant volume of employment under the
conditions prevalent in the building indus-
try in Cuba over the past year is economically
impossible.
4. It is claim that the company threat-
ened to close the; office and did not attempt
to secure new ordets for the installation of
elevators, as well af, quoting unreasonably
high prices in order to avoid obtaining new
business, which all 'suited in the slow
dissolution of an entrise where a large
number of workers render, their services.
These claims are complkely unfounded In
that Otis has taken no BCStion to close its
business in Cuba and it has submitted
reasonably priced bids on now projects for
elevators throughout 1959 '* th necessary
credit precautions.
Why Otis Elevator Co. wot ld consider
withdrawing from such a market after 25
years of satisfactory operations lhCuba is
hard to conceive.
Throughout the difficult period ofy1959 Dr.
Esteban Ferrer, attorney of the firm?_Bufete,
Salaya-Casteleiro, has acted as our legal
counsel and had continually assisted Otis
in the filing of appeals to the Governnrient,
particularly to the Ministry of Labor. On
January 6, 1960, Dr. Ferrer filed an ap al
with the supreme court of Cuba for the
moval of the interventor and the restoration
of',the business to Otis Elevator Co. on the
grind that the intervention was uncon-
stitutional.
The total loss to
is subjected from
Cuban business is
not including past
to which Otis Ele-
subjected after 35
of the Otis interest in Cuba.
ko the United Stat or her nationals
that is seized with adequate com-
pensation.
This particular action. of Dr. Castro
happens to be a direct blow to the peo-
ple of my city of Yonkers, where is
located the Otis elevator "No--,manufac-
has supplied the Cuban cpany with
tured ant which
millions of dollars' worth equipment. As a resu of this
seizure in Cuba, many jobs ma ,be lost.
I would like to invite my col agues'
;o these facts. It is cle that
must be found to see to it
ican property owners in Cuba
ately compensated for these
which Otis Elevator Co.
the intervention of its
approximately $500,000,
and prospective earning
Supreme Lack of Coordination in U-2
Incident.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CHESTER
NE TICUT
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, May 3, 1960
Mr. BOWLES. Mr. Speaker, under
leave to extend my remarks, I include a
INCIDENT
People throughout the world have been
profoundly shocked and disturbed by the
news that an American espionage plane was
shot down over the Soviet Union. There is
no doubt that our Government has suffered
a serious setback at a critical moment. As
an incident this one is likely to go down
in history as the greatest single item of na-
tional embarrassment in the 8 years of the
Eisenhower administration. As a symbol of
what is basically wrong with the present con-
duct of our foreign policy, it is of even
greater importance. I am conscious of the
delicacy of the situation itself. I am aware
that while the administration has been em-
barrassed by these events, all Americans are
embarrassed- with it. I do not wish to add
personal or partisan fuel to the controversy
which will be raging for weeks ahead on this
issue. Nor do I wish, in anything r say, to
imply that I have any more information, of-
ficial or unofficial, on the intelligence aspects
of this case than does any other American
citizen.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APP IX
As I said on television yesterday afternoon
("Meet the Press," NBC-TV, Sunday, May 8,
1960):
"I don't think any one of us as outsiders
can know what is essential in the way of
espionage. We are all realists. We all know
that this is a difficult and complex world. We
know we are at a disadvantage, that the
Soviet is a closed police state and has certain
very great advantages over us. I don't know
the inside story of how much information we
have or what we lack or what risks should be
required to get it. I would assume that we
should not do this sort of thing for a
marginal gain.
"But we are preparing for a summit meet-
ing. The whole history of the world may
depend upon our ability to negotiate with
the Soviet Union. We are in a very delicate
position and certainly this would be a time
to be far more circumspect than obviously
these people have been. I think they have
committed a very gross case of misjudgment
and I think it is highly reckless, dangerous,
and hurtful."
a&I see them are the unalterable,
in
i.`are St3tteepaitifieii' kid teen caught
in a drac$_ . The Department
may ifave been the victim of misinformation
provided by other Government agencies.
Nevertheless, foreign governments-both
friendly and otherwise-are bound to press
the point that the word of the U.S. State
Department can no longer be trusted. In
international negotiations, as in personal
relationships, lack of trust is damaging and
costly.
2. If the flight really was not authorized
in Washington, the incident demonstrates
that the I'ra~3iii& or-
aryea?gf,,,pxLUcally important developments
and activities within our own Government.
This, in turn, seriously undermines the pres-
tige of the President at a time when the
world urgently needs his strength and in-
fluence in behalf of peace.
3. The Russian suspicions of our good faith
in negotiating the control and inspection
systems which are essential to disarmament
programs have been increased. As a result,
we will find them even more difficult to deal
with on these critical questions at the Sum-
mit.
4. We have placed ourselves in a defensive
position in our efforts to negotiate a step
by step relaxation in cold war tensions. In
contrast the Soviet position has been greatly
strengthened. It is safe to assume that the
Kremlin will use its advantage to the limit
in mustering world opinion against us.
Hence this incident adds up tom-&Ir
. :g;xl4 the-quality-pf., Ierican
lea,q,.e is A loss of faith in the reliability
and"straightforwardness of official U.S. state-
ments; a loss of faith in the President's role
in the conduct of critical policy matters; and
a loss of faith in U.S. sincerity in easing ten-
sions in advance of the summit meeting.
hesei #,:,#p ?a - . .. ~,... I do not
underestimate it. But tha is an argu-
ment for greater Presidential control, not
less. The astonishment and incredulity of
many millions of Americans today over the
headlines is magnified by the knowledge
that our President and his administration
are simply not in control of their own opera-
tions. The bumbling nature of this whole
incident-t 4 ordination
betweP,ll nna ..rnar y . t
aim ? rIiat merits our strongest dismay.
It symbolizes what is chiefly wrong with
this administration's record in foreign pol-
icy. Indeed we can generalize from this
instance.
The administration i uncop;(,11ugted. No
on i &fitiai:" g`fi *6'4` i~P.p YOnt is
not-it doesn't even know what some of our
military and intelligence people are doing.
The' President is not a master in his own
house. Each sector of the administration
undermines another.
This has been the story all along-on de-
fense, on disarmament, on foreign aid. No
one has a firm grasp on where we are headed.
Lacking overall goals, we continually let
means get in the way of ends. Our military
policy defeats our economic policy. Our in-
telligence policy defeats our diplomatic
policy. Our short-term requirements defeat
our long-term ones.
This Government and this Nation simply
cannot survive piecemeal, uncoordinated ad-
ministration where our vital national inter-
ests are clearly at stake.
This incident, embarrassing, dangerous,
and damaging as we know it to be, may in
the long run prove to be worthwhile if it
will wake America and the world to the
hideous dangers of this cold war struggle.
Every thoughtful person must now see
member of your
.have the opport
ho.ise on a 30-year mortgage payment re-
quires an annual income of $5,384, but the
letter carrier in the top longevity grade with
25_ years cjf service receives only $5,175 a year.
The 1 ber industry is a major indus-
try in O egon. The inability of people
to purch se homes they need starts a
chain rea tion which affects our economy
adversely..
Mrs. Neylberger's full testimony fol-
lows:
TESTIMONY MRS. MAURINE NEURERGER IN .
SUPPORT O PAY INCREASES FOR POSTAL AND
FEDERAL E LOYEES, SENATE POST OFFICE
AND CIVIL RVICE COMMITTEE
Mr. Chairm
Post Office an
that we are walking a tightrope in world
affairs. Miscalculations either in Moscow
or in Washington could plunge us all into
a war that no one wants, that no one could
win, and from which few could survive.
The stupendous dangers we face have been
clearly dramatized.
What is required of us now is a biparti-
San effort to break the logjam in world af-
fairs and to embark on a new. study of
methods to ease our way gradually out of the
impasse into which the world has stumbled
and to begin to lay the foundation for a
meaningful ,peace.
In saying this, I do not suggest that peace
will come easily. On the contrary, the dif-
ficulties are enormous. I simply say that
it is time that mankind took charge of its
Substantial Pay Raises for al and
Federal Employees Urg by Mrs.
Maurine S. Neuberger
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HO11, CHARLES 0. PORTER
OF OREGON
IN THE I U S E OF REPRESENTATIVES
.Fiday, May 6, 1960
Mr. POR . Mr. Speaker, under
leave to exte my remarks in the REC-
ORD, I include a following testimony by
Mrs. Maurine euberger in support of
pay increases f postal and Federal em-
ployees. Mrs. euberger appeared be-
fore the Scnat Post Office and Civil
Service Commmitt on May 5, 1960.
Her husband, t late Oregon Senator,
served for almost ears as a member of
the Post Office an Civil Service Com-
mittee. In 1958 k Neuberger was
chairman of the Fe ral Pay Subcom-
mittee which wrote t long-needed leg-
islation giving Federa and postal em-
ployees a 10-percent p raise.
Maurine Neuberger orked closely
with her husband. In h ' testimony she
has pointed up deficient which con-
cerned Senator Neuberge and her. I
was particularly interested her obser-
vation that some agencies the Gov-
ernment have realized the pense of
today's high cost of living. S told the
committee;,
The Federal Housing Administration in-
dicated that a letter carrier does not make
enough money to purchase a $15,000` house.
served for many years as a
ommittee. I am pleased to
completion of stu
by the Bureau of
results of this study.
g this administration
sals for Federal and
her words, what the
for Federal em-
t administration
the President-in 1954, 19
were successful in getting
down to meet administratio
a 10-cent pay increase in
coupled with postal rate inc
the administration.
May 9
wage increases
were vetoed by
and 1958. We
ough in 1955 a
t fiscal 1953
cost of III-
fact, what the administration I
is "billions for interest; nothing
employees."
While the administration prep s its so-
called vital surveys of wage rates its last
year of office the Mitchell-Nixon s tlement
of the steel strike provided impornt new
benefits for steelworkers. Steelwo rs re-
ceived a minimum 61/2 -cent immedi wage
increase by company absorption of al ealth
and welfare costs. Wages are pegged the
cost of living, and additional wage in ases
are provided effective the first of nex - -ear.
Is it fair for the administration to sp 3sor
pay increases for steelworkers and shit ?~its
responsibility to Government employ(Ps?
What about the inflationary effects for stil-
workers and steel which is an item so im-
portant in our industrial society, as well
as the high interest rates for those fortunate
enough to hold Government and private
notes?
Millions of Government employees cannot
wait to eat and to live but must go ahead
with their own individual family lives. For
example, a letter carrier after 21 years of
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a '` NGRES ZONAL RECORD MNi .t
01 005M "
They came around to agreeing to a discus-
sion by scientists from each country on the
problem of underground identific,itio'n. Hav-
ing said they would never agree. ;o a thresh-
old and a moratorium outside a nuclear test
treaty on explosions below thathreshold,
they finally accepted this position.
would never accept our criteria for detection
ac-
which they called absurd, but they
cepted them.
With literally dozens of concessions by
the Soviets, the outline of a treaty has
evolved. Major issues-the number of in-
D f'ER rTATIONAL spections in each country; the makeup of a
7-2INCIDN. to be determined presum-
(Mr. WOLF (& the request of Mr. MO- ably by the heads of government when they Paris.
CORMACK) was granted permission to eR- me
The et in American negotiator through all these
)
oint
d
thi
.
s-
S p
at
long, trying months has been James J. Wa
ker,: the lesson
y
tom who is deputy head of the American
ri%ed
-
--
we 0-1,y..- -
TieriGe of t l hew gUi!CklyI in in- worth's Western colleagues say he has shown
ternatlorial nS great powers can more skill, patience, and persistence in deal-
ians than any other Ameri-
in
d
R
uss
,
ing with the
be broi> drink of war, an
be br . t ttalljc Gad that the can since the end of World War Ir.
wo iee.be y.?~ It.,would What has made Wadsworth's position dou-
,.A the hio difficult is that, while inching the Rus-
1Jl.11of>n.u5 _ 11 J to Spenti ne utter ua,a. .. ?,?a '- --a ,
with d t led 61 I action with those in Washington who have
a littletime in sel ious medl ation about been determined- o to block any treaty. In this
the awful consequences of Mich obstruc- context; the Gettysburg announcement is
tionist tactics'inh~;giitQl) of nuclear seen as the latest attempt to sabotage the
negotiation. While no one will say this of l-
C ,&es 1? cially, it is the view of observers close to the
?YTes r }[ s- 'chimp by Marquis Childs conference for many months.
6n- !jig hA a siy sobe effect on No out Would accuse President Eisenhower
MA n should d be seriously of such an intention. But since he has not
sttl orig. Marquis Childs is followed at close range the complex negotia-
kri s and analjytiC editorial tions, he must take his lead from one faction
opi the following quote must or another. And while the committee of
take sigriiflcanCe: principals dealing with this matter at the
top level of Government in Washintton is
if a iS y'3ai7s to be agreed o because of
m to be obstructionist tactics from reportedly Yin favor of a test treaty with
what _. - 1t is rejected proper inspection and control by a majority
the Amer ican side or ii a tre; Y of four to one, the minority in the Pentagon
by thi~ enate, the Wes#etn alliance will be and the Atomic Energy Commission has
split part and the thftld States put in the shown great resourcefulness in blocking
position of sfaliciinp ~iinast alone in the tactics.
i }
world. - There should be no illusions back home
His further comllCp't is equally Sig- about the situation the
atreaty fa s obe agreed to be-
nifcaA : If
. 1-? cause of what seem to be obstructionist
Furthermore, t potjsh here believe that tactics from the American side, or if a treaty
it would have been en , ibis to get a treaty the Senate, the Western alli-
l~s is rejected by
with adequate guarantees ally time during ante will be split apart and the United States
the past 9 mOilt if '.it haul not been for put in the position of standing almost alone
America's delain tdctics in the world. Here axe the reasons why:
[From the Washington Post May 11, 19601 The Conservative Government in London
UNITED STATES ON THE SPOT IA' GENEVA TALKS has a never wavered d tn- he determination ni o woUld mean 'Th Marquis Childs) of inspection behind the Iron Curtain and
GENEVA: he incidents of the past few perhaps the beginning of a pattern of dis-
armament. They concede the risk of some
continue the' cold war and .who have per- cheating under any control system, but they
any mea in every means sought to prevent 'believe this is minimal and is heavily out-gful anon. Here in Geneva, ion with the Soviet weighed by the gain of a beginning at inspec-
Union Here in Geneva, where a negotiation tion and control.
has been going on for 18 months, this is seen opinion in Britain is virtually unanimous
in he sharpest and most dramatic fashion. O this score, as it is in the Scandinavian
The announcement from Gettysbtirg by countries, West Germany, and most of Asia
President Eisenhower that the United States and Africa. Furthermore, the British here
intends to resume nuclDae...ekplosions for re- believe that it would have been possible to
et a treaty with adequate guarantees any-
It was
~attern
?e
t
g
.
)
s
search purposes fl
made without any nc'r me to the American time during the past 9 months if it had not
tactics
in
dela
h
.
g
y
e been for Americas
delegation. More B4nt, it came as t
three powers-Great eat Britain, the United
States, and the Soviet Union-were- trying
to get agreement on a jojnt program of re-
search into improved methods for detecting
nuclear explosions.
What is little understood is the way in
which the Soviets have made one concession
after another, coming around time after time
to the Western view. They began by saying
they would not discuss any control system
until after a treaty on general principles had
been signed. After 4 months they agreed to
talk about how a control system would func-
tion in the Soviet Union and the United
States.
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MAY 12 1960
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
statement by the distinguished junior
Senator from Wyoming CMr. McGEE].
There being no objection, the state-
ment was ordered to be printed in the
,,'RECORD, as follows:
STATEMENT BY SENATOR MCGEE
Today marks the 60th anniversary of serv-
ice performed by Vernon Talbertt. Vernon,
as he is affectionately known to us in the
Senate, has served with dignity and distinc-
tion. He has been especially helpful to new
Members and their staffs as they assume
their duties in the Senate; and I am pleased"
to join my colleagues in paying tribute to this
outstanding employee. I wish him well, and
trust he will be able to serve the Senate for
another 50 years.
Mr. MOSS. Mr. President, it is hard
for those of us who have recently come
to the Senate to contemplate the full
import of 50 years of service to this body.
Vernon L. Talbertt, the Chief Messenger
in the Office of the Secretary of the
Senate, who today celebrates his golden
anniversary as a Senate employee, was
going about his tasks before many of us
were born.
There is little one can say that com-
pensates for so many years of steady and
devoted service. If his satisfaction in a
job well done is half as great as that of
the Senate, this should indeed be a grati-
fying day for him.
From the first time I met Vernon, and
on every subsequent occasion, he has
been pleasant, courteous, devoted, and
efficient. I am sure the many men in
public life whom he has served could say
the same. We all wish him well.
Mr. CANNON. Mr. President, I feel
,enuinely privileged to have the oppor-
'Otunity of joining with my colleagues to-
day in honoring a man who has given
unselfishly of his confidence, service, and
ability to the Senate of the United States
for half a century.
To me, Vernon Talbertt, the Chief
Messenger of the Office of the Secre-
tary, a man who has served eight Secre-
taries of the Senate, typifies the high
purpose and genuine loyalty that per-
vades this great institution and which
motivates all of the employees and staff
that serve in making our Government
work.
His devotion to duty and quiet effi-
ciency attracted my atention when I first
came to the Senate, and the high opinion
of this man that I formed then remains
to this day.
I look forward to his continued employ-
ment in the Senate and hope he will be
with us for many more years.
RETIREMENT OF SENATOR JOSEPH
C. O'MAHONEY
Mr. MURRAY. Mr. President, I was
saddened to learn that my good friend
the senior Senator from Wyoming, has
decided to retire. Having made a similar
decision last month, I realize how difficult
it is to weigh conflicting personal, family,
and political desires. JOE O'MAHONEY
has richly earned the right to lay aside
the duties and demands of office, but the
Senate will suffer a great loss from his
absence.
JOE O'MAHONEY was one of four Mem-
bers now in the Senate serving when I
came here 26 years ago. Then already,
with years of prior experience on Capitol
Hill as secretary to the late Senator
Kendrick, JOE O'MAHONEY was highly
trained in the technicalities of govern-
ment; and his counsel to me and other
incoming Senators was invaluable, as it
has been through the years.
I recall with pleasure and was proud
of my years of service with him when he
was chairman of the Committee on In-
terior and Insular Affairs, which ac-
complished so much for our country.
Subsequently, I became chairman, and
when JOE O'MAHONEY returned to the
Senate I was pleased that he also re-
turned to the Interior Committee, to
which he contributed so much in wise
counsel and sound judgment.
Mr. President, I wish to mention two
great endeavors of Senator O'MAHONEY
which illustrate the foresight that has
characterized his legislative endeavors.
He was coauthor of the O'Mahoney-
Milliken amendment, which reserves to
upper basin States the use of waters
arising in those States prior to use for
navigation,. Rural electric cooperative
leaders in the upper Missouri basin have
an ever-deepening appreciation of this
provision of law, enacted 16 years ago,
and now being cited in protection of our
rights.
Perhaps JOE _O'MAHONEY'S greatest
contribution to this Nation was his bril-
liant leadership as chairman of the
Temporary National Economic Commit-
tee. I think it is fair to state that the
TNEC study, conducted by JOE
O'MAHONEY, was the first exhaustive,
thorough and workmanlike evaluation of
this Nation's economy. The TNEC study
laid some Of the groundwork for the Em-
ployment Act of 1946, and JOE
O'MAHQNEY properly served, with dis-
tinction, as first chairman of the Joint
Committee established by the Employ-
ment Act of 1946.
I wish you good health, JOE, and many
pleasant years of retirement for you and
Mrs. O'Ma:honey.
PROSPECTIVE RETIREMENT OF SENATOR
O'MAIIONEY
Mr. WILEY. Mr. President, when I
heard that my dear friend, Senator
O'MAHONEYY, had made up his mind not
to be a candidate for reelection, that an-
nouncement brought back memories of
my association with him, through the
years, on subcommittees of the Judiciary
Committee. At this same time, I should
like to pay a brief tribute to this dis-
tinguished and outstanding Member of
the Senate.
Mr. President, in the last 2 days
several Members of this body have ex-
pressed their regrets because of the an-
nouncement of the very able senior
Senator from Wyoming that he will not
leader, appropriately commented that
few men who have served in this body
have rendered more dedicated or more
patriotic service than has the Sena-
tor from Wyoming, Senator JOSEPH
O'MAHONEY.
The senior Senator from New York,
who was acting minority leader during
the Tuesday session, paid his tribute as
9389
a Republican to Senator O'MAHONEY and
to his unusual abilities as a lawyer.
I should like to add a few comments
relating to the dedicated work and ac-
complishments of Senator O'MAHONEY,
with whom I have had the pleasure of
serving in the U.S. Senate and on its
committees for more than 20 years.
Senator O'MAHONEY has always been
a fighter. He has fought for economic
freedom, for the little man, and for
American economic and political success.
One of his basic beliefs is that "political
liberty cannot exist without economic
freedom."
In fact, from early childhood, Senator
O'MAHoNEY learned to be a fighter.
After his father died, he studied at night,
while he worked in the daytime for a
publishing house. He held many odd
jobs, and wrote many freelance articles.
One of them was entitled "A Hundred
Years Hence," and predicted television,
nuclear science, and other modern-day
marvels.
In 1916, Senator O'MAHoNEY went to
Cheyenne, Wyo., to make his permanent
home there. Ever since, he has stood
out as a vocal proponent of the Ameri-
can West. He first came to Washington
as secretary to Senator John B. Ken-
drick, of Wyoming. Later, he served as
First Assistant Postmaster General; and
in 1934 he was appointed to fill the seat
of Senator Kendrick, who died in office.
Senator O'MAHONEY has held this seat
ever since, with the exception of the
years 1952-54.
Senator O'MAHONEY first served on
the Judiciary Committee in 1936. When
he was reelected to the Senate in 1954,
he was again named to the Judiciary
Committee; and since then he has played
a very vigorous role on that committee
and on its Antitrust and Monopoly Sub-
committee-on both of which I have had
the privilege of serving with him.
Senator O'MAHONEY has been known
for his independence of thought. Al-
though I have not always agreed with his
political or his economic thinking, I have
always appreciated his candor, his forth-
rightness, and his courage.
In the retirement of Senator
O'MAHONEY, the U.S. Senate and the
American people will lose a devoted serv-
ant, a fighting representative, and a con-
stitutional scholar. As a Republican, I
naturally must hope that the one who
will replace him will be a member of my
own party. Yet, as an American, I cer-
tainly pray that the stature of the man
who will replace him in this body will be
equal to that of my dear friend, Senator
JOSEPH O'MAHONEY.
to` fieattention of the Senate to
the article in the Washington Post this
morning by Mr. Walter Lippmann in
which he discusses the present situation
resulting from the flight of the U.S. U-2
airplane over the territory of Soviet Rus-
sia. As so often is the case, Mr. Lipp-
mann hits the nail squarely on the head..
He said:
Our position now seems to be that because
it is so difficult to collect information inside
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SE
the Soviet Union, it will henceforth be our
avowed policy to fly over Soviet territory,
using the territory of our allies as bases.
He goes on:
To avow that we intend to violate Soviet
sovereignty is to put everybody on the spot.
It makes it impossible for the Soviet Gov-
ernment to play down this particular inci-
dent, because now it is challenged openly in
the face of the whole world. It is compelled
to react because no nation can remain pas-
sive when it is the avowed policy of another
nation to intrude upon its territory. The
avowal of such a policy is an open invitation
to the Soviet Government to take the case to
the United Nations, where our best friends
will be grievously embarrassed.
Mr. President, I was very unhappy and
dubious about the announcement of this
policy which seems to me to be insup-
portable throughout the world.
Mr. Lippmann goes on to say in ana-
lyzing the situation as to what should or
should not have been done:
The administration should have said that
it was investigating the charge and would
then take suitable action. We should then
have maintained a cool silence.
I have heard it suggested that certain
of the committees-t
he- -----? ,,fees
Co investigate this untimely
e ffor just before the summit conference
to secure some information about the
Soviet Union. I think it would be just
as well to let ,G1A;t . , p til it can
be pursued withou~f` embarrass-
ment to our country and to our present
position overseas. However, I suggest
that the ,,,?,,:.,,.,..?me..l_ty, tee
y and as discras
posse le, talk with our Secretary of State
and see what can be done to get us out
of the fix we are in. I am convinced Mr.
Li m nn 3mt+ We Ca
on an avowed policy of violating Soviet
airspace and sovereignty. World opin-
ion, our allies, and the United Nations
will repudiate that policy.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the entire article by Mr. Lipp-
mann be made a part of the RECORD at
this point.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
Ties SPY Busnwss
(By ]Mann)
In the whir of incidents following the
capture of the spy plane the administration
has ventured, perhaps the right word for it
would be stumbled, into an untenable policy
which is entirely unprecedented in inter-
national affairs. Our position now seems to
be that because it is so difficult to collect in-
formation inside the Soviet Union, it will
henceforth be our avowed policy to fly over
Soviet territory, using the territory of our
Allies as bases.
Although the intention here is to be can-
did and honest and also to make the best
of a piece of very bad luck, the new policy-
which seems to have been improvised be-
tween Saturday and Monday-is quite un-
workable.
To avow that we intend to violate Soviet
sovereignty is to put everybody on the spot.
It makes it impossible for the Soviet Gov-
ernment to play down this particular inci-
dent because now it is challenged openly in
the face of the whole world. It is compelled
to react because no nation can remain passive
When it is the avowed policy of another na-
tion to intrude upon its territory. The
avowal of such a policy is. an open invitation
to the Soviet Government to take the case to
the United Nations, where our best friends
will be grievously embarrassed. The avowal
is also a challenge to the Soviet Union to put
pressure on Pakistan, Turkey, Norway, Japan,
and any other country which has usable
bases. Our allies are put on the spot be-
cause they must either violate international
law or disavow the United States.
Because the challenge has been made open-
ly, it is almost impossible to deal with this
particular incident by quiet diplomacy.
The reader will, I hope, have noticed that
my criticism is that we have made these
overflights an avowed policy. What is un-
precedented about the avowal is not the
spying as such but the claim that spying,
when we do it, should be accepted by the
world as righteous. This is an amateurish
and naive view of the nature of spying.
Spying between nations is, of course, the
universal practice. Everybody does it as
best he can. But it 1s illegal in all coun-
tries, and the spy if caught is subject to
the severest punishment. When the spying
involves intrusion across frontiers by mili-
tary aircraft, it is also against international
law. Because spying is illegal, its methods
are often immoral and criminal. Its meth-
ods irxclude bribery, blackmail, perjury,
forgery, murder, and suicide.
The spy business cannot be conducted
without illegal, immoral, and criminal ac-
tivities. But all great powers are engaged.
in the spy business, and as long as the
world is as Warlike as it has been in all
recorded history there is no way of doing
without spying.
All the powers know this and all have ac-
cepted the situation as one of the hard facts
of life. Around this situation there has
developed over many generations a code of
behavior. The spying is never avowed and
therefore the Government never acknowl.
edges responsibility for its own clandestine
activities. If its agent is caught, the agent
Is expected to kill himself. In any event,
he is abandoned to the mercies of the gov-
ernment that he has spied upon.
The spying is never admitted. If it can
be covered successfully by a lie, the lie is
told.
All this is not a pretty business, and there
is no way of prettifying it or transforming
TE May 12
,f the greatest philanthropists and one
f the most charitable and Christian gen-
tlemen whom I have ever known. His
record of philanthropic and charitably
activities speaks for itself to a large exi,.
tent.
In addition to the great contributions
which he made to the church and to the.
Nation-such as the restoration at Wil-
liamsburg-he has done a great deal in
private philanthropy and charitable giv-
ing which has been not only useful, but
inspirational.
I have particularly in mind the occa-
sion in 1942 when I became chairman
of the national campaign organization
to raise funds for the USO, which was
then in its second year. We were given
a goal of $32 million to raise for the
USO for service to the Armed Forces at
that time, shortly after Pearl Harbor.
This seemed like a staggering sum to me,
but Mr. John D. Rockefeller, Jr., felt that
the task was not insurmountable, and
that, on the contrary, the amount was
probably not nearly so much as we ought
to be trying to raise.
I recall that in those days and all
through the war he-was the' principal
inspiration to the efforts of that great
organization, the United Service Organ-
ization, in which the three faiths com-
bined, through their 6 service organi-
zations, to render assistance and to pro-
vide a home away from home to all the
men in the Armed Forces.
I recall that as we were about to start
our big drive, in the spring of 1942, go-
ing to the office of our organization one
morning and finding a letter addresse
to me from Mr. Rockefeller. I opene*i,
it, and out of it fell a check for $1 mil-
lion. I had never seen anything like it
before. I wanted to be sure that what
I was seeing was actually so. Therefore
I took the letter to my assistant in the
next room and asked him if that is what
he read too. He said, yes, Mr. Rocke-
feller had talked to him about it and had
it into something highly moral and wonder- decided recently that that was the least
ful. The cardinal rule, which makes spy- he could do.
Ing tolerable in international relations, is That is the kind of thing one actually
that it is never avowed. For that reason it never forgets. However, that was just
is never defended, and therefore the ag- the first million dollars he gave to help
grieved country makes only as much of a servicemen during the days of World
fuss about a particular incident as it can War II.
make or as it chooses to make. ' I remember calling on him, 2 or 3
We should have abided by that rule.
When Mr. K. made his first announcement years later, at his office, possibly in the
about the plane, no lies should have been late 1940's.. I went up on the elevator
told. They administration should have said in Rockefeller Center to the floor on
that it was investigating the charge and which his offices were located. I said
would then take suitable action. We should to the attendant who met me as I got
then have. maintained a cool silence. off the elevator, "I would like to see Mr.
This would have left us, of course, with Rockefeller."
the unpleasant fact that our spy plane had He Said, "You mean Mr. Junior?"
been caught. What really compounded our
trouble, and was such a humiliation to us, I said, "I presume so. I should like to
is that before we knew how much Mr. K. see Mr. John D. Rockefeller, Jr."
knew we published the official lie about its He said, "Yes; we call him `Mr.
being a weather plane. Then, finding our- Junior.' "
selves trapped in this blatant and gratuitous Apparently this was a man, like our
lie, we have tried to extricate ourselves by
rushing into the declaration of a new and Vernon Talbertt here in the Senate, who
unprecedented policy. `ad been in the service of the Rocke-
feller family for many years. Although
JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER, JR. in his seventies, because of the earlier as-
Mr. BUSH. Mr. President, the morn- sociations these associates of his referred
Ing newspapers contain news of the to him as "Mr. Junior."
death of Mr. John D. Rockefeller, Jr. I They always had a very warm affec-
had the very great privilege of his friend- tion and respect for him. That is what
ship since 1942, and I regard him as one he inspired in other people.
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MAY 1 3 19b0
THE SUMMIT CONFERENCE
M ? of Texas. Mr. Presi-
dLs ~~e to make a few ob-
servations about an event which coup
determine the destiny of our collritry
for many years to come. It is, o.1 course,
the summit conference which will take
place next week. -
The conference will take place against
the most dramatic. background in his-
tory. The world is changing before our
very eyes. We must keep our heads cool
and our hearts strong if we are to sal-
vage the values which all Americans hold
dear.
Mr. President, these are turbulent
times. In Africa, men and women are
awakening from the slumber of cen-
turies. In Asia, the surging spirit of
nationalism is sweeping away the bonds
of the 19th century, in a desperate grasp
by the people there fora place in the
sun. In the Soviet Union, a political
philosophy which openly challenges the
concept that men are born free is
thrusting communism into new spheres
of worldwide influence. In Latin Amer-
ica, a restlessness grips the whole conti-
nent. In Europe; political tides are ris-
ing and fallirig,'arid men and women live
on the precipice of danger and destruc-
tion.
Our President is going forth to deal
with these challenging problems. At
best, the situation will be very difficult
to handle. But it can be complicated
beyond recognition.
It can be complicated if throughout
the world there is a feeling that our Na-
tion is divided by its fears. It can be
complicated if in other lands it is felt
that ours is a Nation which has been
split by suspicion.
Mr. President, at times there is an
aspect of our political system which can
create that impression. Frequently, it
is difficult for other nations and other
peoples to understand how we in the
United States operate under our demo-
cratic system. An outsider can look at
our land and can come to the conclusion
that the West fears the East, that the
South distrusts the North, that the farm-
ers fear the politicians, that labor fears
management, and that Republicans and
Democrats spend their time lambasting
each other hammer and tongs.
Mr. President, if our system were car-
ried to an extreme, that would be so. If
we were incapable of admitting the con-
cept that an adversary can be acting in
good faith:, then we could be destroyed.
But, Mr. President, I believe our system
has the vitality to survive .
We are approaching an important
election which could easily be the divid-
ing line of the 20th teat, In that 11 election, all the issues *i be debated
fully, frankly, at length, ,gird, 2 am sure,
heatedly. This is as it shoed be, and as
it must be. But in,,,,trii& debate, I hope
and believe that we h 11 close our ears
to the hate mongers; th't't we shall de-
bate the real issues II maturity
and all the! objectf 'Inuster.
When our Presi the summit
conference, I want 2 the buoy-
ancy of a united counti'y:c'i President
is a member of a political party with
whose concepts I do hotFpgxee. But he
is still our' President, sill continue
to be our President until next January.
He is the one wt ni pea for our Na-
tion; and practi 'li are Amer-
icans before we are part ssa'ns.
I also want to feel that our next Presi-
dent, regd,rdless of his party, will be
backed by the same unity of purpose
when he speaks for this country. The
times are much too imporant for any-
thing else.
Yes, Mr. President, there is a time for
partisanship; that is when we present the
issues; that is when wg ask the American
people to decide between the parties.
But, ?Mr. President, there is also a time
for unity. That is when the decision has
been made, and when our Government
must act for all the people.
We cannot and we must not, permit
our -Nati iii" be?_9444 Ift
Y by the
clever use :made by Niki as fdu hehev of
the U rla7.,,id nt or by internal
half sa race, of creed, of religions, of
conference, he can tell Premier Khru-
shchev in all confidence that this land,
our own America, is united. We debate
issues, and we debate them heatedly.
But there is one issue that is beyond de-
bate: that is our united determination
to preserve our freedoms of discussion,
of religion, of the right to disagree, and
of the right to live in a land that is
governed by law.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, the
n is the commenda-
tion and the congratulations and the
thanks of the country for the observa-
tions he has made with respect to the
necessity for restraint at a time when
the summit conference is soon to take
place in Paris, and the Chief Magistrate
of this country will go there to repre-
sent our country.
When the President leaves this country
tomorrow for Paris, he will go not only
as President of all the people, but he will
go as the Commander in Chief of the
Armed Forces of the country. It would
certainly be amazing for the highest of-
ficer elected within the gift of the people
to go abroad for a conference of such
momentous importance and feel that the
specter of doubt had to dog him as he
went into that conference and into the
.interchanges between him and those who
will be sitting around the conference
table.
As the majority leader pointed out,
this conference is important and mo-
mentous, because it involves the continu-
ing peace of the world, and it involves
the security and survival of our own
country.
It would be amazing if a commander
had to move into battle never quite sure
whether he had to entertain some doubts
as to whether all of them were with him
at a time when great decisions had to
be made.
This is, indeed, a time for unity and
restraint. I saw a brief reference to an
address which was made yesterday,
which I shall not identify further than
that, and I thought it was rather unfor-
tunate because of some terms which were
used.
I think the Congress in itself is to be
congratulated on the rem, it has
shown about this wh67e,V=a.,pcident.
We had a briefing se't`s o on Monday. It
w a s a erid'e`d'b T1d1' "drs of Moth bodies
of Congress, from both sides of the aisle.
And when it was concluded, it was agreed
that the Secretary of State should speak
for everybody and make a formal state-
ment; and, with the exception of a laud-
atory and commendatory statement
made in another branch of the Congress,
we carried out that agreement in full. I
think it indicates the restraint the Con-
gress manifests. Even though it is fair
to assume that Membcrs_-of_Congress
have access_to.,coiiSdential and secret
dt 'flieystill shpwggjestraint, where-
as sotff tfinet that restraint is not shown
by others.
Mr. President, there is a place for this
center aisle in our deliberations as we
differ on domestic matters and some-
times on matters of foreign relations;
but that time and that circumstance
must be put aside when the Commander
in Chief, when the President of the
country, goes to the conference table,
there to cross sabers, so to speak, on great
issues. He must feel that his hand is
being held up, and that we will support
him, and that he speaks for a unified
country.
I commend the majority leader for the
statement he made this morning, because
I think it will give the President great
heart. I fully share and concur in those
sentiments.
r. President, I,
tM esident's depar-
ture for Paris tomorrow, to engage in a
summit conference which may have mo-
mentous consequences, commend the
majority leader for the statement he
made earlier today, and also the minor-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
ity leader for his endorsement of that even revulsion at the events of the pasttempt to secure cor-
statement. As always, the majority week do not alter that fact. As the rec iioon and to assure that this country
leader has performed a distinct service President carries our common hopes for will be prepared to prevent the recur-
in behalf of the country as a whole. progress toward a more durable peace ranra r'f tr,o ;r M It = f
What I have to say
is not presented in so, too, should he command our common respgjkbi dye beef so tragi=
collaboration with what the majority support. c t.
leader has already said, nor, as one can There will be a time to explore the io. r. President,
observe, were the remarks by the distin. grave questions which the events of the a e for the success of
guished minority leader. However, I past week have raised in this Nation. the summit conference. Our best
have been thinking on this subject, and Enough has already been said to make wishes go with President Eisenhower, as
thinking of the problems which will con- it clear that these questions must be ex- he attends the conference overseas with
front the President as he represents all amined thoroughly, relentlessly. But the the head of the Soviet Union. We sin-
of us in Paris. need now is to provide the fullest sup- cerely hope that the summit conference
Mr. President, the events of the past port for the President so that he may may lessen some of the tensions, and re-
week should bring home to all-to the proceed with this meeting in a fashion lieve to some degree our justified fears
Russians, to Americans, and to peoples which advances the hopes of the people of further aggressive acts and belligerent
is the reed by which we cling to a. civi-
lized survival. That is the fact and it
ought-now to be visible to all. Yet this
fact, this blazing fact, is in danger of
being lost. National passions rise up on
all sides to overwhelm it. The struggle
of propaganda takes precedence over it.
The incident is appraised not in terms of
its deep implications for the present
state of the world's tensions but in terms
of whose equipment is better and the
present level of skills on each
--side-for
Let me say \vith a'itzsness
that I possess, if this game goes on in its
present vein-this game of propaganda-
cotmter-prgpag` ' 1)"f Abbe
and q there will indeed be
a wreckage ` `stay, a monumental
wreckage. But it will be for some other
generation, not this one, to study it. For
the wreckage will be not just a plane. It
will be the charred remnants of the civil-
ization which houses living mankind.
That is the grim and fundamental
reality which confronts the chiefs of
state on the eve of the summit confer-
ence. If their attention remains fixed
upon it, there will be no room at that
meeeting for displays of outraged indig-
nation on anyone's part. There will be
no room for propaganda-plays designed
to bring to any nation the label of sole
custodian of peace or the sole source of
provocation to war.
of this Nation for peace, action on the part of Mr. Khrushchev,
May God go with him. the dictator of the Soviet Union.
TVTr ' Mr. President, Mr. President, nuclear war is unthink-
I !! in time to hear able. The nations of the world must dis-
the words of the assistant majority arm.
leader. I have read the statement of Ever since early man discovered that
the majority leader. I wish to commend a club could convince his neighbor more
them both for joining in what I know easily than a conference, mankind has
is the feeling of all of us, that when been embroiled in recurrent wars of
President Eisenhower goes to Paris he ever-increasing ferocity and destruction.
will go with the united support of all of All wars have been horrible, filled with
us behind him. agony and death and the aching of
Over the years I have known the mothers' hearts. But never before has
President I have heard him speak many, war threatened the total annihilation of
many times of his desire to get a more mankind.
peaceful world. I am confident he is Today, war has lost all meaning as an
going to Paris to do his utmost to attain Instrument of policy. To all who re-
that goal and to solve some of the very member the horror of Hiroshima and
difficult problems which face us today. Nagasaki
it is clear that there must
,
When the majority leader and the as- never be another war.
sistant majority leader speak for unity It is a fact, Mr. President, that man has
in our desire for the success of the Pres- outgrown war. He has made it both im-
ident, it is mighty helpful to him, I know, possible and Impractical. The wonders
and It coincides with the feeling of all of of science-in this case, questionable
us who want and pray for a better and wonders- have made it worse than folly,
more peaceful world. worse than calamity, worse than tragedy.
r. President, I, They have made it insanity.
t loin my majority Mankind now controls the power to
leader and assistant majority leader in eliminate himself and to erase the great
their remarks about the coming summit achievements of his civilization. If there
conference and their hopes and prayers is sanity left in our species, this will never
in which all of us, as Democratic Sen- happen.
ators, concur, that the President may Mr. President, recently the United
have success at the summit conference. States and the Soviet Union em-
There have been times when I have barked u
on dis
p
armament negotiations.
differed with the distinguished majority Though negotiations now are in recess,
leader
This c
t
i
l
.
er
a
n
y is not one of there is great hope everywhere that when
At this critical juncture the four men them. I am enthusiastically in support they resume after the summit conference
who will meet are in every sense the of his position. The majority leader has genuine progress will be made.
principal guardians of humanity's highest set a fine example for us, perhaps in These talks must not fail. The art of
hopes-perhaps of the human species many ways an unprecedented example. destruction has grown too refined to per-
itself. This may well be the decisive Not often under similar cirmcumstances mit them to fail.
moment when the deadly game begins to has the opposition party refrained from In the near future, lesser nations will
end in the beginnings of a beginning of criticism. develop atomic and hydrogen bombs and
a durable peace, or drifts into the path The mocratic Party is sorely will themselves become threats to the fu-
of inevitable war. If they maintain that tem T
course, in an elution year, a ture peace of our world.
perspective these men will put aside and a "ionths before an election, to make Before this happens, sanity must pre-
they will urge their peoples to put aside P
the dangerous provocations and the glib oppmenttsci~nv ngtourtplanes. Bevel- insanity
propaganda. They will see these Provo- by RAC i ure Disarmament is the only answer to this game cations, this propaganda
g&44 .
e
d m
for what the
NC-Y 1
Thank
t
the
w
g
t
,
.
y
s
o
leadership
o e
s race-
here first
one nation
hs
are, fragments embedded in the great Senator from Texas, I am sure the Dem- ahead, then another-certainly cannot
wound which festers in mankind and ocrats throughout the country will rec- be the answer indefinitely.
threatens the very existence of civili- ognize, as he said so well, that this is History of the 20th century to this good
zation. much imnnrtan}
It is with this that I hope '~?""~'' an occasion for hour demonstrates that armaments races
perspective Democra s om ttt any par- abetween nations led to World Wars I and
Mr. Khrushchev will go to Paris. It is tisan differences. Freedom, peace, even II. We must end the armament race
with this perspective that I feel sure survival may hang on these fateful with the Soviet Union and Red China
Mr. Eisenhower will go to Paris. summit deliberations.
Mr. Eisenhower will speak at the sum- Mr. President, I also welcome the as- elby definite agreements plus safeguars;
se the most terrible of all ord wars is
mit on behalf of all of us-Democrats surance of our leader that the Senate likely to be precipitated.
and Republicans alike. That is the w
d ~1_
y an
is no other. Anger, consternation, or uatio `ya d, Sit- Soviet Union now recognizes that in any
m ti lon on- war there can be no victory, for the spoils
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ONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
seek peace and want disarmament and
that they, as we, want to devote their
energies and resources to improving the
lot of their own people.
But to speak disarmament is easier
than to achieve it. We must be prepared
for long, tedious-often discouraging-
negotiations. We must be prepared to
compromise.
This has been the case with negotia-
tions to permanently end nuclear weap-
ons testing, and we are now near that
essential goal.
Only an ostrich which has kept its
head in the ground would say the nego-
tiations, if they succeed, have not been
worth it.
So it is with disarmament. Years of
negotiations, if they achieve the goal,
will repay us with relief, with security,
with safety, and with the comforting as-
surance that mankind will endure and
will not commit the final and irrevocable,
CUTIVE COMMUNICATIONS, ETC.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore laid before the Senate the following
letters, which were referred as indicated:
REPORT ON FEDERAL CONTRIBUTIONS PROGRAM
A letter from the Director, Office of Civil
and Defense Mobilization, Executive Office of
the President, transmitting, pursuant to law,
a report on the Federal contributions pro-
gram, for the quarter ended March 31, 1960
(with an accompanying report) ; to the Com-
mittee on Armed Services.
AMENDMENT of TITLE VIII OF NATIONAL
HOUSING ACT
A letter from the Secretary of Defense,
transmitting a draft of proposed legislation
to amend title VIII of the National Housing
Act, as amended, and for other purposes
(with an accompanying paper); to the Com-
mittee on Banking and Currency.
USE OF SURPLUS GRAIN FOR EMERGENCY USE IN
FEEDING WILDLIFE
A letter from the Secretary of the Interior,
transmitting a draft of proposed legislation
to authorize the use of surplus grain by the
States for emergency use in the feeding of
resident game birds and other wildlife, and
for other purposes (with an accompanying
paper) ; to the Committee on Interstate and
Foreign Commerce.
AMENDMENT OF SECTION 507 OF CLASSIFICATION
ACT OF 1949, RELATING TO BASIC COMPENSA-
TION IN DOWNGRADING ACTIONS
A letter from the Attorney General, trans-
mitting a draft of proposed legislation to
amend section 507 of the Classification Act
of 1949, as amended, with respect to the pres-
ervation of basic compensation in downgrad-
ing actions (with an accompanying paper);
to the Committee on Post Office and Civil
Service.
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RESOLUTION MEMORIALIZING THE CONGRESS OF
THE UNITED STATES To ENACT LEGISLATION
INCREASING THE COMPENSATION OF POSTAL.
EMPLOYEES
Whereas there is now pending before the
Congress of the United States legislation,
including H.R. 9883 and H.R. 9977, which
would increase the compensation of postal
employees; and
Whereas the Post Office Department re-
quires adequate means for attracting and
retaining efficient and well-qualified person-
nel in order to maintain the operations at a
high level Of service: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the General Court of Mas-
sachusetts respectfully urges the Congress
of the United States to enact legislation that
will' increase the compensation of all postal
employees; and be it further
Resolved, That copies of these resolutions
be sent forthwith by the secretary of the
Commonwealth to the President of the
United States, to the Presiding Officer of each
branch of the Congress, and to each Member
thereof from this Commonwealth.
Adopted. by the senate, April 25, 1960.
IRVING N. HAYDEN,
Clerk.
Adopted by the house of representatives in
concurrence, April 27, 1960.
LAWRENCE R. GROVE,
Clerk.
Attest:
JOSEPH D. WARD,
:secretary of the Commonwealth.
REPORTS OF COMMITTEES
The following reports of committees
were submitted:
By Mr. GREEN, from the Committee on
Foreign Relations, without amendment:
S. 3074. A bill to provide for the participa-
tion of the United States in the Interna-
tional Development Association (Rept. No.
1349).
By Mr. PASTORE, from the Committee on
Interstate and Foreign Commerce, without
amendment :
S. 1235. A bill to authorize the Secretary
of Commerce to enter into contracts for-the
conduct of research in the field of meteor-
ology and to authorize installation of Govern-
ment telephones in certain private residences
(Rept. No. 1348).
By Mr.. DIRKSEN (for Mr. O'MAHONEY),
from the Committee on the Judiciary, with-
out amendment:
H.J. Res. 602. Joint resolution authorizing
the President to proclaim the week in May
of 1960 in which falls the third Friday of
that month as National Transportation Week
(Rept. No. 1350).
Mr. MANSFIELD subsequently said:
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent
that the unfinished business may be tem-
porarily laid aside and that the Senate
proceed to the consideration of House
Joint Resolution 602.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
joint resolution will be stated for the
information of the Senate.
The LEGISLATIVE CLERK. ' A joint reso-
lution (H.J. Res. 602) authorizing the
President to proclaim the week in May
of 1960 in which falls the third Friday
of that month as National Transporta-
tion Week.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection to the request of the Senator
from Montana?
There being no objection, the Senate
proceeded to consider the joint resolu-
tion.
May 13
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
joint resolution is open to amendment.
If there be no amendment to be pro-
posed, the question is on the third read-
ing of the joint resolution.
The joint resolution (H.J. Res. 602)
was ordered to a third reading, read the
third time, and passed.
EXECUTIVE REPORTS OF A
COMMITTEE
As in executive session,
The following favorable reports of
nominations were submitted:
By Mr. HILL, from t]ae Committee on Labor
and Public Welfare:
Malcolm M. Willey, of Minnesota, to be a
member of the National Science Board, Na-
tional Science Foundation;
Harry P. Anastopulos, and sundry other
candidates, for personnel action in the Regu-
lar Corps of the Public Health Service;
David Brand, and sundry other candidates,
for personnel action in the Regular Corps of
the Public Health Service; and
. Henry H. Kyle, and sundry other candi-
dates, for personnel action in the Regular
Corps of the Public Health Service.
BILLS AND JOINT RESOLUTION
INTRODUCED
Bills and a joint resolution were in-
troduced, read the first time, and, by
unanimous consent,. the second time, and
referred as follows:
By Mr. MORSE:
S. 3543. A bill for the relief of Willia
Niukkanen (also known as William Niuk-
kanen, and William Albert Mackie) ; to the
Committee on the Judiciary.
(See the remarks of Mr. MORSE when he
introduced the above bill, which appear un-
der a separate heading.)
By Mr. WILEY:
S. 3544. A bill to amend the Menominee
Termination Act; to the Committee on In-
terior and Insular Affairs.
(See the remarks of Mr. WILEY when he
introduced the above bill, which appear un-
der a separate heading.)
By Mr. GRUENING (for himself and
Mr. BARTLETT) :
S.3545. A bill to amend section 4 of the
act of January 21, 1929, 48 U.S.C. 354a (c),
and for other purposes; to the Committee
on Interior and Insular Affairs.
(See the remarks of Mr. GRUENING when
he Introduced the above bill, which appear
under a separate heading.)
By Mr. MANSFIELD (for himself and
Mr. MURRAY) :
S. 3546. A bill to amend the act of June 18,
1934 (48 Stat. 986) ; to the Committee on In-
terior and Insular Affairs.
(See the remarks of Mr. MANSFIELD when
he introduced the above bill, which appear
under a separate heading.)
By Mr. BYRD of Virginia:
S. 3547. A bill relating to the recovery
from liable third persons of the cost of med-
ical care and treatment furnished by agen-
cies and departments of the United States
to persons authorized by law to receive such
care and treatment; to the Committee on
Armed Services.
(See the remarks of Mr. BYRD of Virginia
when he introduced the above bill, which ap-
pear under a separate heading.)
By Mr. DIRKSEN:
S. 3548. A bill to amend the Norris-La-
Guardia Act, the National Labor Relations
Act, and the Railway Labor Act; to the Com-
mittee on the Judiciary.
RESOLUTIONS OF GENERAL COURT
OF MASSACHUSETTS
The ACTING PRESIDENT. pro tem-
pore laid before the Senate resolutions
of the General Court of the Common-
wealth of Massachusetts, which were re-
ferred to the Committee on Post Office
and Civil Service, as follows:
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
have been a Member of the Senate. I
think we must continue the program. I
deeply believe there is a need for it, and
I know the Senator from Alaska feels
likewise. But, on another occasion, I
said there is such a thing as being so
broadminded that we get fiatheaded;
and I am wondering if we have not
reached that point on foreign aid in this
country. We are so concerned about the
poor and the unfortunate and the needy
abroad-which we should be, and prop-
erly so, that we go to the extent of
neglecting our own. That is the point
the Senator from Alaska is so ably mak-
ing.- I am glad he is doing so, because it
needs to be done.
Mr. GRUENING. As the Senator has
noticed, in the last year we have been
borrowing money from our own people
to be able to spend abroad as the $12
billion deficit in 1959 reveals and, under
the policies of this administration, which
wishes to raise interest rates, our people
will have to pay still more to raise the
money to give and lend to foreign na-
tions,. whereas, loans made to foreign
countries are really not true loans at all,
since they are repayable in soft curren-
cies, which makes them virtually gifts,
masquerading as loans.
Mr. DODD. Of course, they are. I
do not want to delay the Senator fur-
ther. I wish to hear what else he has to
say. However, I should like to say that
his complaint is not that we are carry-
ing on a foreign aid program, but, rather,
that we are not carrying it out properly,
that we are not doing the job as it should
be done, and that we are not taking care
of our own people as they should be
taken care of and, in my own judgment,
as a priority matter. It is getting so
that it is considered bad for an American
to stand up and say that America should
be given a priority in anything. In some
quarters it is considered wrong to do
that. It has got so that if one raises his
voice so he can be heard In this Chamber,
he is characterized as a demagog. We
are led to believe that we must whisper;
we must speak softly, in double terms
and then only in certain places. It is
high time that our leaders, as the Sena-
tor from Alaska is doing, speak up so
they can be heard, and give the people
the facts they need, so we can move
ahead at home and abroad.
Mr. GRUENING. I thank my able
colleague from Connecticut. I shall not
delay the Senate much further, but I
think when the people read in today's
RECORD, what some of these foreign proj-
ects are, they will have a better under-
standing of the Eisenhower-Nixon's
double standard. Let me refer to the
list of projects.
Here is one item for $10 million for a
textile mill in the Sudan.
Here is one for $2 million for agricul-
tural and industrial development in
Somalia.
Here is one for $800,000 for construc-
tion of a warehouse in Nigeria.
Here is one for $23 million for an irri-
gation project for the Kingdom of
Morocco.
Here is one for $5 million for an elec-
tric power plant for the Government of
Libya.
- Here is one for a pulp factory in
Tunisia; and so on-projects which in
this country our Government would de-
nounce as socialistic and all the other
adverse things. that it says about any
projects for the American people.
What makes these foreign aid projects
sacrosanct? Yet projects costing much
lesser amounts, projects which have been
carefully worked out, that have passed
both bodies of Congress, which are aimed
at relieving distress, whether for area
redevelopment, education, housing, re-
source development or to end water pol-
lution, needs that exist in this country,
are labeled as "unnecessary, unwise, and
costly"?
Perhaps there Is some allergy on the
part of the Eisenhower-Nixon admin-
istration to loans repaid in American
dollars and that. when the loan is to be
paid in new Taiwan dollars, rupees, or
other soft currencies, the loan no longer
is "unnecessary, unwise, and costly"?
Mr. President, I confess that I cannot
understand such double talk.
But I can understand this, Mr. Presi-
dent: Our gross national product has
now reached the sum of one-half a tril-
lion dollars annually. What we were
seeking to do in enacting S. 722 was to
devote a sum approximately equivalent
to what could be produced by our na-
tional effort in 4 hours to relieving the
economic distress of our fellow citizens
here at home in areas needing economic
redevelopment,
It is my sincere opinion that the de-
votion of that small fraction of our gross
national product to such a worthy pur-
pose at home has at least as much merit
as devoting many times that much to
similar projects abroad.
The time will come-and I hope it will
be not too long distant-when the Eisen-
hower-Nixon administration will rue the
day that it forsook the interests of the
people here at home in favor of the peo-
ple in 104 foreign countries, and adopted
its double dealing, double talking, double
standard, making it the first administra-
tion in American history which by its
actions shows that it prefers the interests
of the people of foreign lands to the in-
terests of the people of our own.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, I sug-
gest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call
the roll.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
COMMUNIVV ANTENNA SYSTEMS
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, un-
less there is further business, it is the
intention to adjourn the Senate shortly.
Mr. President, as I understand the
situation, when the Senate adjourns this
afternoon until 12 o'clock tomorrow, the
pending business will be Calendar No.
950, S. 2653, to amend the Communica-
tions Act of 1934 to establish jurisdic-
tion in the Federal Communications
Commission over community antenna
systems.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Chair lays before the Senate the bill, S.
2653, which will be stated by title for the
information of the Senate.
The LEGISLATIVE CLERK. A bill (S.
2653) to amend the Communications
Act of 1934 to establish jurisdiction in
the Federal Communications Commis-
sion over community antenna systems.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
announce to the Senate that this meas-
ure will not be considered today, but will
be taken up for consideration at the con-
clusion of morning business tomorrow.
I believe unanimous consent has been
granted that if morning business should
conclude before 2 o'clock, the bill, S.
2653, will be laid before the Senate and
will be open for consideration and de-
bate by the Senate.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator is correct.
ORDER FOR ADJOURNMENT
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that when the
Senate concludes its deliberations today
it stand in adjournment until 12 O'clock
noon tomorrow.
The P .SIDING OFFICER. With-
out o ion, it Is so ordered.
THE SUMMIT CONFERENCE
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, this Is
wffd-V" M! ,,his melancholy world.
What mankind had fondly hoped might
conceivably result in forward progress
toward the cause of peace with honor
apparently in advance has been doomed
to failure.
Today in Paris the Soviet Premier has
done a tragic and frightening disservice
by his announcement calculated to scut-
tle a summit meeting which he himself
originally sought.
Fo pyS have maintained
a s stem of espionage all
aro a d-
ing our ~,Y wisg, fI
?R9riie same sea Tie'Iieve, as
Russia. We have apprehended and
convicted tu~j~.} F . ,A . ,s who
were plying fll i tiraae In our own coun-
pla3 t, has announced that an
American reconnaissance plane pilot will
be held for trial on charges of espion-
age behind the Iron Curtain. Mean-
while, they announce the orbiting in
outer space of a mechanism, which, when
perfected, perhaps could supply a world-
wide reconnaisance capability to them.
This morning the Soviet Premier used
the U-2 incident as a basis for effective-
ly preventing the meeting from being
held. What is it, Mr.. President, which
the Soviets apparently, at all costs, de-
sire to have remain secret behind their
own borders? Is it progress iri the fields
of peaceful pursuits, or is it something
else?
We deal here with the perpetuation
of American liberty, and equally, with
the cause of mankind's freedom. What
new, or different arrangements may now
be necessary, here and elsewhere, to as-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - STE
be prepared to make, and it will make
them with the unstinting approval of all
the American people and, I feel sure,
with the approval of free governments
and free peoples everywhere.
I have just read the ,, tl a merit. ,q> r Press en made today
in Faris at the c$fif liCL Et i `ads
of state. I ask unanimous consent that
the text of this statement appear at this
point in my comments.
There being no objection, the state-
ment was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
Having been informed yesterday by Gen-
eral de Gaulle and Prime Minister Macmil-
lan of the position which Mr. Khrushchev
has taken in regard to this Conference dur-
ing his calls yesterday morning on them, I
gave most careful thought as to how this
matter should best be handled. Having in
mind the great importance of this Conference
and the hopes that the peoples of all the
world have reposed in this meeting, it con-
cluded that in the circumstances it was best
to see if, at today's private meeting, any
possibility existed through the exercise of
reason and restraint to dispose of this mat-
ter of the overflights which would have
permitted the Conference to go forward.
I was under no illusion as to the proba-
bility of success of any such approach but I
felt that in view of the great responsibility
resting on me as President of the United
States this effort should be made.
In this I received the strongest support of
my colleagues, President de Gaulle and Prime
Minister Macmillan, Accordingly, at this
morning's private session, despite the vio-
lence and inaccuracy of Mr. Khrushchev's
statement, I replied to him on the follow-
ing terms:
"I had previously been informed on the
sense of the statement just real by Premier
Khrushchev.
"In my statement of May 11 and in the
statement of Secretary Herter of May 9,
the position of the United States was made
clear with respect to the is a ty
of esiona~gge, activities 1 a r w ere
natlbns c{trust each other's intentions.
We pointed that these activities had no ag-
gressive intent but rather were to assure
the safety of the United States and the free
world against surprise attack by a power
which boasts of its ability to devastate the
United States and other countries by missiles
armed with atomic warheads. his is well
known, not only the United States but most
other countries are bonstantly the targets
of elaborate
rglp e of the
Savi "~s in the Soviet statement an
evident misapprehension on one key point.
It alleges that the United States has, through
official statements, threatened continued
ov The imp
rest was emphasized and repeated by Mr.
Khrushchev. T A.
ngju.'hJhrsa . either I nor my overn-
ment has intended any. The actual state-
ments go no, further than to say that the
United States will not shirk its responsi-
bility to safeguard against surprise attack.
e
p n ece - n-t and are not
to 15e res $r fig y, s cannot be,
the issue.
"I have come to Paris to seek agreements
with the Soviet Union which v~ elimi-
nate the necessit Pgx ~rsonae,
fi s. see no reason o use
this en s
t-I the conference.
"Should it prove impossible,, because of
the Soviet attitude, to come to grips here in
Paris with this problem and the other vital
issues threatening world peace, I am plan-
ning In the near future to submit to the
United. Nations a pro_ lsal for the creation of
a'ZYY1it;e 3a ons aerial surveillance to de-
tect preparations is YSI
had intended to place before this conference.
This surveillance system would operate in
the -territories of all nations prepared to
accept such inspection. For its part, the
United, States is prepared not only to accept
the United Nations aerial surveillance, but
to do everything in its power to contribute
to the rapid organization and successful
operation of such international surveillance.
"We of the United States are here to con-
sider in good faith the important problems
before this conference. We are prepared
either to carry this point no further, nor
undertake bilateral conversations between
the United States and the U.S.S.R. while the
main conference proceeds."
My words were seconded and supported by
my Western colleagues who also urge Mr.
Khrushchev to pursue the path of reason
and commonsense, and to forget propaganda,
Such an attitude would have permitted the
conference to proceed. Mr. Khrushchev was
left in. no doubt by me that this ultimatum
would never be acceptable to the United
States.
Mr. Khrushchev brushed aside all argu-
ments of reason, and not only insisted upon
this ultimatum, but also insisted that he
was going to publish his statement in full
at the time of his own choosing.
It was thus made apparent that he was
determined to wreck the Paris conference.
In fact, the only conclusion that can be
drawn from his behavior this morning was
that he came all the way from Moscow to
Paris with the sole intention of sabotaging
this meeting on which so much of the hopes
of the world have rested.
In spite of this serious and adverse de-
velopment, I have no intention whatsoever
to diminish my continuing efforts to pro-
mote progress toward a peace with justice.
This applies to the remainder of my stay in
.Paris as well as thereafter.
ADJOURNMENT
Mr.. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, if
there is no further business to come be-
fore the Senate at this time, I move,
pursuant to the order previously entered,
that the Senate adjourn until 12 o'clock
tomorrow.
The motion was agreed to; and (at 2
o'clock and 31 minutes p.m.) the Sen-
ate adjourned, under the order pre-
viously entered, until tomorrow, Tues-
day, May 17, 1960, at 12 o'clock meridian.
NOMINATIONS
Executive nominations received by the
Senate May 16, 1960:
SUBVERSIVE ACTIVITIES CONTROL BOARD
Edward C. Sweeney, of Illinois, to be a
member of the Subversive Activities Control
Board for the remainder of the term expir-
ing August 9, 1960, vice R. Lockwood Jones,
resigned.
Edward C. Sweeney, of Illinois, to be a
member of the Subversive Activities Control
Board for a term of 5 years expiring August
9, 1965. (Reappointment.)
U.S. DISTRICT JUDGE
Roy L. Stephenson, of Iowa, to be U.S. dis-
trict judge for the southern district of Iowa,
vice Edwin R. Hicklin, retired.
INDIAN CLAIMS COMMISSION
Arthur V. Watkins, of Utah, to be Chief
Commissioner of the Indians Claims Com-
mission, vice Edgar E. Witt, resigned.
May 16
T. Harold Scott, of Colorado, to be an As-
sociate Commissioner of the Indian Claims
Commission, vice Arthur V. Watkins.
ATOMIC ENERGY COMMISSION
Loren Keith Olson, of Maryland, to be a
member of the Atomic Energy Commission
for the remainder of the term expiring June
30, 1962, vice John Forrest Floberg, resigned.
CONFIRMATIONS
Executive nominations confirmed by
the Senate May 16, 1960:
SECURITIES AND EXCHANGE COMMISSION
Harold C. Patterson, of Virginia, to be a
member of the Securities and Exchange Com-
mission for the term expiring June 5, 1965.
PUBLIC HOUSING COMMISSIONER
Bruce Savage, of Indiana, to be Public
Housing Commissioner.
MIssIssrvPI RIVER COMMISSION
Maj. Gen. Thomas A. Lane, Corps of
Engineers, to be a member and president of
the Mississippi River Commission, under the
provisions of section 2 of an act of Congress
approved June 28, 1879 (21 Stat. 37) (33
U.S.C. 642).
CALIFORNIA DEBRIS COMMISSION
Col. John A. Morrison, Corps of Engineers,
to be a member of the California Debris
Commission, under the provisions of section
1 of the act of Congress approved March 1,
1893 (27 Stat. 507) (33 U.S.C. 661).
SUBVERSIVE ACTIVITIES CONTROL BOARD
Francis Adams Cherry, of Arkansas, to be
a member of the Subversive Activities Con-
trol Board for a term of 5 years expiring
March 4, 1965.
U.S. ATTORNEYS
Ralph Kennamer, of Alabama, to be U.S.
attorney for the southern district of Ala-
ba;na, term of 4 years.
Alabama, term of 4 years.
Joseph S. Bambacus, of Virginia, to be
U.S. attorney for the eastern district of Vir-
ginia, term of 4 years.
U.S. MARSHAL
Oliver H. Metcalf, of Pennsylvania, to be
U.S. marshal for the middle district of Penn-
sylvania for the term of 4 years (now serving
under an appointment which expired March
1, 1960).
FARM CREDIT ADMINISTRATION
Lester Clyde Carter, of Arkansas, to be a
member of the Federal Farm Credit Board,
Farm Credit Administration for a term ex-
piring March 31, 1966.
Robert T. Lister, of Oregon, to be a mem-
ber of the Federal Farm Credit Board, Farm
Credit Administration, for a term expiring
March 31, 1966.
NATIONAL SCIENCE FOUNDATION
Malcolm M. Willey. of Minnesota, to be a
member of the National Science Board for
the remainder of the term expiring May 10,
1964.
INDIAN CLAIMS COMMISSION
Arthur V. Watkins, of Utah, to be Chief
Commissioner of the Indian Claims Commis-
sion.
IN THE U.S. COAST GUARD
The following-named persons to be ap-
pointed to the rank indicated in the U.S.
Coast Guard:
To be commanders
Richard H. Puckett Thomas F. Dunham,
Arthur C. Hoene, Jr. Jr.
James W. Conway James M. Winn
Arthur A. Atkinson,
Jr.
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Qont!rcsionaL ~`~Z~cQr
United States Aol
of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 86th CONGRESS, SECON S SSIO
A 1,
WASHINGTON, MONDAY, MAY 16, 1960 1k No.
Senate
The Senate met a# I,2 o'clock meridian, May is, Iaov, L--c r-~a=~~=?- --w
and was called to ordft. by the President proved and signed the following acts: authorize the appropriation of $12 mil-
pro tempore. S. 1062. An act, to amend the Federal -De- lion as the Federal share of the cost of
The Chaplain, Rev. erick Brown posit Insurance Act to require Federal ap- construction, authorized request to s tht at the Com-
Harris, D.D., offered t following proval for mergers and consolidations of in- mission
prayer: sured banks; contributions for the remaining cost of
God of our fathers, and our d, with S. 1328. An act for the relief of Parker E. the monument.
Dragon; The act of August 31, 1954, created
this new week, our prayerful t- ughts S. 1408. An act for the relief of Ronald R.
the National Monument Commission for
leap the sea to the summit consult OPS Dagon and Richard J. Hensel;
where the fate of the turbulent d S. 1410. An act for the relief of day R. the purpose of securing designs and plans
may hang in the balance. Melville and Peter E. K. Shepherd; for a useful monument to the Nation
In all this meeting of minds, we woul S. 1466. An act for the relief of Sofia W. symbolizing to the United States and
be. vividly conscious of spiritual re- arris; the world the ideals of our democracy as
. 2173. An act for the relief of Mrs. John embodied in the five freedoms-speech,
sources. We are grateful for the leaders Si sby, Lena Slingsby, Alice B. Slingsby, religion, press, assembly, and petition-
of freemen who are there with a faith an ' reeling?by;
that colors their outlook, that determines S. 4. An act for the relief of the estate sanctified by the Bill of Rights adopted
their objectives, that stretches out their of Hilm laxton; by Congress in 1789 and later ratified
horizons, and which is linked to the su- a. 230 ., n act for the relief of Gim Bong by the States.
premacy of things unseen. Wong; I believe it important that the story
Fortified by that faith, may Thy bene- S. 2333. act for the relief of the heirs of the noble ideas which shaped our
diction rest upon the leaders of the free of Caroline :nkel, William Henkel (now country's beginning, its course, its great
deceased) , an eorge Henkel `(presently re-
world, face to face with ideas of the siding at Babb, Vloat.), and for other pur- moments, and the men who made it proof
emancipating revelation which has lifted S. 2430. An act
mankind from the cave to the cathedral. employees of the
A+ this altar of divine grace we re- tration;
joice in the moral majesty of a creative . S. 2507. An act to
belief ;r not in H. E. Piper from 1958
plest and most effective of all methods
lieve Joe Keller and in my judgment is to present it impres-
ment, but in the dignity of the individual to the Commission of Fine
th
e
made in the image of God and in
eternal laws of the Creator which for
abundant life. (;l NIM11J,711v1v--vun,~un. w
In spite of the formidable forces ar- THE PRESIDENT ideals upon which our Government is
rayed against us, grant to those who based.
stand for us and speak for us befdre the The PRESIDENT pro tempordilald be- The Commission, since its creation,
bar of world opinion and judgment the fore the Senate the following issage has placed the ideas I have mentioned on
triumphant assurance that they who are from the President of the United Rom- states,
rsfnrrer1 to the the drawing board. It is intimately
for us are more than L er asa---ow uo? mittee on Interior and Insular Aff
In the dear Redeemer's s name we ask
it. Amen. To the Congress of the United States:
THE JOURNAL the Congress a report of the National
On request of Mr. JOHNSON of Texas, Monument Commission submitted as di-
and by unanimous consent, the reading rected by the act of August 31, 1954. I
of the Journal of the proceedings of Fri- have requested the Secretary of the In-
14 1960 was dispensed with. terior to submit to the Congress a pro-
d
M
ay
ay
MESSAGES FROM THE PRESI-
DENT-APPROVAL OF BILLS
Messages in writing from the President.
of the United States were communicated
to the Senate by Mr. Miller, one of .his
secretaries, and he announced that on
The Comm'ission's report recommends FRO
....
oved design for the. Freedom
pr
IDENT pro tempore laid be-
and, with the accom-
serving on the Commission be increased which was rea
ital area is aaornea Oy a gauaay u- ---u-
morials to individuals but nowhere in
ONUMENT the Nation's Capital or this Nation can
in the erection of the Monument; lb nas
advanced the memorial; and I recom-
mend that the Commission be author-
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER.
HE WHITE HOUSE, May 14, 1960.
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MAY 16 1960
9578 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- SEN
panying report, referred to the Commit-
tee on Banking and Currency:
To the Congress of the United States.
In accordance with the provisions of
sectionw5(a) of Public Law 307, 73d Con-
gress, approved June 12, 1934, I transmit
herewith !or the information of the Con-
gress the 1',eport of the National Capital
Housing A thority for the fiscal year
ended June SQ, 1959.
REPORT OF U. X CIVIL SERVICE
COMMISSION TITLED "EM-
PLOYEE TRAINII~ FOR BETTER
PUBLIC SERVI - MESSAGE
FROM THE PRE-SID
The PRESIDENT pro to ore laid be-
fore the Senate the followi message
from the President of the Uni States,
which was read and, with the ccom-
panying report, referred to the C mit-
tee on Post Office and Civil Service:
To the Congress of the United States
Act (Public Law 85-507) directs the Civil
Service Commission to submit annually
to the President for his approval and
transmittal to the Congress a report with
respect to the training of employees of
the Government under the authority of
the act. I am transmitting to you with
this letter the Commission's report en-
titled "Employee Training for Better
Public Service."
It is my firm conviction that training
has long been essential for the success-
ful operation of Federal agencies. To-
day's demands, however, bring a new
urgency to training, especially for our
career managers. I have, therefore, re-
cently asked all agency heads to
strengthen their programs for the selec-
tion, development, and training of these
key officials. This directive is in addi-
tion to that issued in 1955 which sup-
ported all types of training.
The action of the Congress in broad-
ening authority to train Federal em-
ployees was a healthy and progressive
move. The Commission's report shows
that Federal officials have made intel-
ligent use of their authority under the
act and that it has helped to meet an
urgent need. I was particularly inter-
ested in the C'ommi?sion's comments on
"The Future," which point out two im-
portant areas needing improvement-
planning, and budgeting and scheduling
for training activities.
T.pe Commission's report is encourag-
sound A good beginning has been made
MESSAGE
the House of Repre-
in no mood for orderly negotiations.
The manner in which he handled the
Secretary of the Air Force from settling ever there is even a remote possibility
certain claims arising out of the crash of reducing world tensions and of setting
of a. U.S. Air Force aircraft at Little the footsteps of humanity upon the road
Rock, Ark. to peace.
The message also announced that the However, several days ago it became
House had disagreed to the amendment apparent tha" Premier Khrushchev was
f th
o
e Senate to the bill (H.R. 10777) to
authorize certain construction at mili-
tary installations, and for other pur-
poses; agreed to the conference asked by
the Senate on the disagreeing votes of
the two Houses thereon, and that Mr.
VINsoN, Mr. KILDAY, Mr. DURHAM, Mr.
RIVERS of South Carolina, Mr. ARENDS,
Mr. GAVIN, and Mr. VAN ZANDT were ap-
pointed managers on the part of the
House at the conference.
The message further announced that
the House had agreed to the amendment
of the Senate to the joint resolution
(H.J. Res. 640) to authorize and re-
quest the President, to, issue a proclama-
tion in connection with the centennial
of the birth of General of the Armies
John J. Pershing.
ENROLLED JOINT RESOLUTION
SIGNED
The message also announced that the
peaker had affixed his signature to the
e rolled joint resolution (H.J. Res. 602)
au prizing the President to proclaim
the eek in May of 1960 in which falls
the third Friday of that month as Na-
tional 'Wransportation Week, and it was
signed IV< the President pro tempore.
May 16
summit conference either a shambles or
a forum f Soy, et propaganda.- These
in lea Ions were more than confirmed
by the manner in which the Soviets have
acted in the past 2 days.
Premier Khrushchev arrived in Paris
with what every correspondent has de-
scribed as a display of toughness.
A few hours ago he withdrew his in-
vitation to President Eisenhower to visit
the Soviet Union; and now we are in-
formed that Mr. Khrushchev's price for
negotiating at all is one that obviously
is unacceptable to the United States.
In other words, he is not going to discuss
the issues upon which there might be
some possibility of agreement, unless
there are first discussed issues upon
which there is no possibility of agree-
ment.
This development is one which will
disappoint the whole world. But the
world has become accustomed to such
disappointments.
Mr. President, this is not the first time
the Soviets have deliberately broken up
an international meeting, and probably
it is not the last. The world would have
a great deal more faith in Soviet inten-
tions if these Communist leaders were.
capable of negotiating real issues
som
,
e-
Mr. JOHN N of Texas. Mr. Presi- time, at some place, without a drum-fire
dent,. under th rule, there will be the propaganda campaign.
usual morning ur; and I ask unani- As the situation now stands, in the
mows consent th statements in con- minds of men and women everywhere
nection therewith limited to 3 min- is the question of whether the Soviet
ntPa __
u ? .r ants a world of peace,
The PRESIDENT p t . With- or whether it prefers constant tensions
out objection, i is so deredered. which must end in disaster.
and by unanimous consent, the Flood
Control, Rivers and Harbors Subcom-
mittee of the Committee on Public
Works and the Communications Sub-
committee of the Committee on Inter-
state and Foreign Commerce, were au-
thorized to meet during the session of
the Senate today.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, I
have h'Mr no op or tunity to familiarize
myself with the statements and the facts
with respect to the summit conference
which have appeared on the ticker.
However, I am advised that, first, the
invitation for President Eisenhower to
visit the Soviet Union has been with-
drawn. What the facts and circum-
stances are, I do not know. But it would
appear to me, offhand, that this comes
as something of a significant confession
that evidently the Soviet leaders-mean-
ing Mr. Khrushchev and all his associ-
Mr. JO ??a???y yr Luc r17e8iuenc 01
the ted States would hav
dent, acct, ing e news Mdipatches vet Union and upon its people. the So-
from Paris, Soviet Premier Khrushchev The second thing I glean from all this
seems determined to destroy the summit is that Mr., i iphex pe -alarmed
conference even before it starts. This that a great country like the Tlp. ted
development has implications which States has penetrated Soviet security,
must lbe considered with great care and n wI 1iZ4ifi "-All tlie'-=bbasts which
calmness by all the freedom loving N06 beff>tlyth6 A&M1e wide world
peoples of the world. and to the Soviet people. This certainly
I doubt whether thoughtful people an- puts Mr. Khrushchev in a delicate posi-
ticipated too much out of the summit tion with respect to his own people. It
conference under any circumstances. is understandable, then, how irritation
Nevertheless, the United States can and an irksome attitude on his part
never place itself in the position of re- would finally eventuate in a denuncia-
fusing to negotiate in good faith when- tion of the United States and a denun-
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19 60
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 1"579\
ciation of the President of the United
States.
I have been informed that the Presi-
dent was absolutely firm in his own atti-
tude. I applaud him for it, and I am
sure the people of this country will ap-
plaud him for it, because it is the only
kind of attitude the Soviet leaders can
well understand, as we learn when we
look into history in retrospect.
The tragedy of it all is that all this
could have been understood without the
necessity of the President's making a
trip to Paris in the first instance. The
Soviet leaders must have known, before
they arrived for the conference, that this
was going to be the "play," and. they
could just as well have uttered their in-
tentions first, as last; and then we could
have known, and on that basis could
have absented ourselves from the con-
ference, or else could have had a confer-
ence without the Soviet leaders.
A moment ago I was officially advised
that very shortly the President will
make a statement from Paris. I am
confident it will be a firm statement
from a man who is noted for his firm-
ness in an hour of challenge and crisis.
Mr. MAD Mr. President, the
news"from Paris is discouraging, but I
would remind my colleagues and my
countrymen that this is a time, not to
give vent to our emotions, but to remain
calm in the face of the danger which
confronts us. I have said this before.
I will say it again.
The events of the past week, accentu-
ated by the reports of today's summit
meeting, should bring home to all-to
the Russians, to Americans, and to peo-
ples everywhere-a realization of how
slender is the reed by which we clinch
to a civilized survival. That is the fact,
and it ought now to be visible to all. Yet
this blazing fact is in danger of being
lost at Paris. National passions rise up
on all sides to overwhelm it. The strug-
gle of propaganda takes precedence over
it. The incident is not being appraised
in terms of its deep implications for the
present state of the world's tensions.
Let me say with all the seriousness
that I possess that if this game goes on
in its present vein-*hjsnf nprgna-
gada 12
afro and,
ehar"ge ~nca,coY rch ~
invite"or not to invl e-' ' ere w
be -u-jgp *i~
fig of
of
eed,
117
Ml; 1 will be for some o er generation,
not this one, to study it. For the wreck-
age will be not just a plane. It will be
the charred remnants of the civilization
which houses living mankind.
That is the grim and fundamental
reality which confronts the chiefs of
state. There is no room at this meeting
for displays of outraged indignation on
anyone's part. There is no room for
propaganda plays designed to bring to
any nation the label of sole custodian
of peace or the sole source of provoca-
tion to war.
At this critical juncture the four men
who meet are in every sense the prin-
cipal guardians of humanity's highest
hopes-perhaps of the human species
itself. This may well be the decisive
moment when the deadly game begins
to end in the beginnings of a beginning
of a durable peace, or drift into the path
of inevitable war. If they maintain that
perspective, these men will put aside,
and they will urge their peoples to put
aside, the dangerous provocations and
the glib propaganda. They will see these
provocations, this propaganda, for what
they are, fragments embedded ' in the
great wound which festers in mankind
and threatens the very existence of civil-
ization.
I would express the hope that Presi-
dent Eisenhower and Sffe- ev
T!1 rIvately lay their dil!fer-
ex1 OEM'
` a ' tafk them out, and
then, along with their colleagues, Prime
Minister Macmillan and President De
Gaulle, recognize the danger which faces
civilization-not just the United States
and the U.S.S.R.-and do their utmost
to bring a modicum of peace and stabil-
ity to all mankind.
The hopes of mankind are wrapped up
in the deliberations of these four men.
Let us pray that these hopes will not
be treated lightly, but with the profound
gravity to which they are entitled. It
is not a question of saving face; it is a
question of saving civilization.
Mg, H Mr. President, I applaud
the s a em e-7 ? 's of the majority leader
and the minority leader and also the
Senator from Montana. I believe what
they have said would meet the approval
and the enthusiastic backing of a large
majority of the Senate, and it is
fitting that these three leaders in the
Senate should at this time speak out
as they have so eloquently done this
morning.
Mr. 22.W. Mr. President, the feeling
of'i ent must be unanimous among
the American people that the President
has been insulted by Mr. Khrushchev. I
agree with the junior Senator from Mon-
tana that it is a time when one must
hold his emotions in rein. That is nec-
essary, because the consequence of trag-
edy in Paris today could be grave, in-
deed. Unless the rift can be healed by
statesmen of good will and noble pur-
pose, one consequence-one regrettable
consequence--might be an intensifica-
tion of the armaments race, the easing
of which the people of the world had
earnestly hoped for.
I thought it was most appropriate
that the Chaplain of the Senate prayed
for careful, dispassionate, earnest con-
sideration af, the summit conference
when the Senate convened a few mo-
ments ago.
I believe the American people can
trust President Eisenhower to react as
the gentleman that he is, as a military
leader, as a man of honor, as an em-
bodiment of the pride, of the hopes,
and the aspirations of the American
people for peace.
Mr. President, Senators will recall that
I am one of those who have had mis-
givings about a haphazard approach to
a conference among heads of state.
Regrettably, the events of today dem-
onstrate a unwisdom of substituting
p s rd
w and ca ul ste by-ste so u-
tion o Ei o T " eYf yji s-
ta mg negotiation through the custom-
ary courses of diplomacy. That, how-
ever, is beside the point just now. What
does the future hold?
We must look to our strength. We
must look to the strength of our res-
olution, to the strength of our dedica-
tion to the central pulse of our crea-
tion. We must look to the strength of
our defense and that of the free world.
Mr. Khrushchev created the Berlin
crisis. We have an agreement about
Berlin. It was Mr. Khrushchev who
created the current Berlin crisis, the
problem, and then demanded that we
settle it to his advantage. Peace is not
promoted by such threats and tactics.
air dent o u o proportion to
its mportance, the Russian dictator
has undertaken to pr~ee the plamupon
the United States for failure of the
conference, while making it impossible
for the conference to succeed other than
through an acceptance by the Western
Powers of the Khrushchev formula.
As it is reported now, Khrushchev is
demanding an ignoble apology by the
President of the United States of Amer-
ica as the price of further conferences.
If true, our President will react honor-
ably.
Events of the next decade, Mr. Presi-
dent; may well determine whether a free,
unregimented society such as ours,
through the processes of democracy and
persuasion; can successfuly cope with
the challenge of a completely regimented
society, a dictatorship which now engulfs
one-third of the world and surges with
the monolithic unity of totalitarianism.
To provide the answer, the United
States must reassess its policies, must
rededicate itself to its fundamental pur-
.pose-to the goal of greatness to which
destiny beckons it.
Several Senators addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The
Senator from Wisconsin is recognized.
Mr. WILEY. Mr. President, the de-
lid'M 'pus p Khrushchev to scuttle the
conference reflects once more the twisted,
unreliable, tortuous line of Communist
policy, I said "the deliberate act."
- We saw Khrushchev get off the plane
smiling. He had made some preliminary
remar'_s before coming to the conference.
Everyone thought there was to be a
home coming of nations, with a big pur-
pose of arriving somewhere. Instead of
that, Khrushchev "blew his top." The
arrogant way in which he made the de-
mand for the apology of the President of
this country at the opening session of
the conference is in itself most repre-
hensible and not in accordance with rea-
sonable conduct of international affairs.
What he did causes every person who has
a thinking apparatus to ask why he did
it. The answer must be that he did it
for home consumption. Things are not
going very well within the borders of
Russia.
h' th alt eSpjpnage
tsion-t ~r~l Every country
in --Europe knows o It. Then Khru-
shchev puts on a stage play. I do not
think he has fooled very many people by
it. He has, however, created another
crisis-and it is a crisis.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
Colo .k~i3t1, D3dEt spy, in a U.S.
p on. He knows also that Switzerland
"kicked out" a couple of spies the other
day.
What does Khrushchev think? Does
he think that Europe and the rest of the
world are simply children in evaluating
these conditions? What about these
things, Mr. Khrushchev?
After long months of attempting to
get an agreement for a summit confer-
ence, Khrushchev now throws the world
hopes out the window and throws out
the window the hoped-for agreement
which might lessen world tensions. The
world, I believe, will hold him account-
able.
Of course, we know his motives. First,
wet let him come to this country. We
treated him like a gentleman. By the
usual trickery of Communist policies, he
has now denied the equivalent right to
our President, the right to meet the Rus-
sian people. Why is this? Is he fear-
ful the salesmanship of the Chief Ex-
ecutive of this country is such, in relat-
ing the facts, that the Russian people
might, indeed, say to Mr. Khrushchev,
"We do not like your lies. We do not
like the way you behave. We like the
way the American Nation treats its'peo-
ple and the way the President of that
Nation treats the people."
Of course, Khrushchev, as an interna-
tional poker player, thought he had a
trump card. As a matter of fact, it was
only a deuce. He has already overplayed
his hand.
Now we will all wait to see what the
President will have to say. I am sure we
will find he will call a spade a spade. He
will not mince any words.
As I understand the situation, Khru-
shchev is proposing another adjourn-
ment of 8 months. Perhaps he hopes
then there may be a new President whom
he can handle.
He is going to be fooled. No candi-
date for the Presidency has any con-
fidence in Khrushchev's methods or his
promises. They know the history of
Mr. Khrushchev and Stalin. I believe
the American people should consider
this food for thought when they select
the next President of the United States.
Yes; these are challenging times, and
it is up to all of us to realize, as has been
suggested already, that we should not
go off halfcocked ourselves, but think
sanely. But, more than that, we should
keep the Nation alert and adequate.
Mr. CA W by President, Mr.
Khrrus c ev by his action this morning,
in canceling President Eisenhower's
visit to Russia, has again demonstrated
to the world that he has no desire to live
in the world as a neighbor with neigh-
bors.
I wish to associate myself with the re-
marks which have been made by the
majority leader, the minority leader,
and the assistant majority leader, as
well as others, on the floor of the Senate,
in regard to the most delicate situation
that is confronting this Nation and the
world today at the summit meeting. I
am pleased by the calm statements and
carefully selected remarks which have
been made this morning on the floor of
the Senate. All who have spoken realize
the seriousness of the situation.
I have a personal feeling with regard
to this which I should like to state. Mr.
Khrushchev, through his provocative re-
marks and propaganda during the last
week, has let the world know that he
did not dare have the President of the
United visit the Soviet Union, because
of his position, because of his personal
appeal, and because of his fine method
of meeting folks in various countries,
which has been demonstrated time and
again. I regret it sincerely, because I
believe it would have been a great thing
for the Soviet nation-the rulers and
the people of that nation-to have had
an opportuntiy to come in contact with
the President's thinking and his person-
ality at a time when the world sorely
needs that type of leadership.
I believe that on this occasion all of
us should be proud of the fact that we
treated Mr. Khrushchev as a ruler of a
great country, and that we gave him
every consideration when he was in the
United States on his visit. Every cour-
tesy was extended to him, and all doors
were opened to him. Now he has demon-
strated to the world that he does not
care to live in a neighborly fashion with
the rest of the world.
It is our duty now to remain calm and
deliberate and take no hasty action, but
realize that we are living in a very diffi-
cult time.
Mr. DODD. Mr. President, I have
lis'tE'i!t'freat interest to the state-
ments made this morning by. the distin-
guished majority leader, the very able
assistant majority leader, the gentle
minority leader, and other leading Mem-
bers of the Senate'on both sides of the
aisle regarding the latest developments
in Paris. Certainly I wish to commend
all of them for the interest which they
have expressed at this critical hour.
I am sure all of them agree with me
that while this is a time for sanity and
self-control, it is, as well, a time for
reflection; and also a time for all of us
to wake up and recognize that we have
been pursuing a course which has led
this Nation perilously close to grave
disaster.
A few months ago, just 7 months ago, I
stood in my place here on the floor of
the Senate and tried my best to warn
my colleagues and my countrymen of
what I thought was a great blunder: to
bring to the United States of America,
and indeed to its capital, this very citadel
of freedom itself, to this Senate Cham-
ber, one of the greatest tyrants in world
history, and give him a cloak of respect-
ability and acceptance by the forces of
justice and decency in the world.
But that is past history, sad history,
tragic history. Let us learn, its lesson
well.
Since then, it seems to me, we have
moved step by step closer to what I
described a few minutes ago as a grave
disaster. For, Mr. President, unless we
mend our ways disaster will visit us.
There are several points that ought to
be made this morning. One of them is
that we should never have agreed to
attend a so-called summit meeting with-
out knowing in advance what is going to
May 16
be talked about; that we should not go
to such a meeting like country bumpkins.
That is what happened in 1955. I was
a Member of the other body at the time,
and I raised my voice then, and at that
time I said I thought it was wrong to do
so. But we went and accomplished
nothing and suffered a setback. Some
of us hoped we would learn a lesson then.
But we kept right on. from one mistake
to another.
Now this has happened. It was all
predictable, I say. I do not believe that
Khrushchev ever intended to have Pres-
ident Eisenhower visit the Soviet Union,
because he knew the President's visit
would threaten his control over the peo-
ple he holds in subjection under his
tyranny. He knew it would threaten, as
well, control over the millions of people
he holds in confinement in the captive
nations. He could never permit Presi-
dent Eisenhower, with his frankness and
honesty and his captivating personality,
the opportunity to talk to the Russian
people who are held in thralldom by the
evil dictatorship of the Soviet Union.
So I repeat it was predictable. The
tragedy of it is that we welcomed
Khrushchev to our own country and
thereby increased his prestige and stand-
ing in the world and furthered his evil
plans. While this is no time for vio-
lence and no time for recklessness, it is,
however, a time for reflection, for prayer-
ful reflection.
Right now I am sure Khrushchev is
carrying on a massive propaganda effort
to get us to permanently suspend all
nuclear testing. Many well-intentioned
people are being used by him. Insofar
as my limited talents are concerned I
tried to make this clear here in the Sen-
ate last Thursday. There are better in-
formed persons in Congress on this sub-
ject than I, persons with more prestige
and more experience in this field. I say
they should speak up and tell the people
the facts and what needs to be done.
Senator ANDERSON has done so, so have
other Senators, but much more should
be said and done by the President.
We all want peace, but we want peace
with honor and peace with justice. We
cannot blunder our way to peace. We
cannot beg our way to peace. We can-
not wish our way to peace. We must
work and pray our way to peace if we
want to have it.
The effort by the Soviet Union to
stymie us and cripple us and paralyze us
with respect to nuclear testing is another
massive move by this evil force in the
world to destroy us and to destroy our
allies who are with us in this fight for
freedom. Let them not succeed. From
this hour forward let us give up all self-
deception and speak and act like free
men who know the truth and are not
afraid.
So I hope that we will wake up.
I say to the President that he need not
feel embarassed or deeply disturbed.
He can come home to the American
people and to his free friends in the
world. We will. receive him well. His
only fault is that he trusted this evil
man too much, but he did so with all
good intentions for our country.
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? 19 O
It has almost become something to be
ashamed of for people to talk about
freedom and patriotism and liberty, and
NGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE 9551
e PRESIDENT pro tempore laid be-
fore the Senate the following letters,
which were referrec't as indicated :
PROPOSED TRANSFER OF VESSEL BY NAVY DE-
PARTME:,~TT TO THE AMERICAN LEGION, ELLS-
WORTH, MICH.
A letter from the Assistant Secretary of
the Navy (Material), reporting, pursuant to
law, that the`,Department of the Navy pro-
poses to trxpsfer the vessel Flamingo
(MSCO-11) to.Jansen-Richardson Post No.
488 of the Ameri'pan Legion, Ellsworth, Mich.;
to the Co:mmittek_ on Armed Services.
about fighting and dying for the things
that are right. A man is made to feel
like a fool or knave when he speaks of
these things. What must we `do to
awaken in our people the spirit of justice
and freedom? What must we do to
teach them not to be frightened into
peace at any price?
That is the great lesson to be learned
from this calamity. Let us be strong in
our faith in freedom, and brave in the
face of threat and bring to our side free
men everywhere. Let us recall the days
of our early founding, when only a hand-
ful of people on a strip along the Atlantic
Ocean gained the respect of the world
because these men were not afraid to
stand up and fight for freedom.
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, will the
Senator from Connecticut yield?
Mr. DODD. I yield.
Mr. SC I am personally very
mttL r1 e a the sensible, courageous,
and patriotic position taken by the
distinguished Senator from Connecticut.
Whenever in this country we are con-
fronted by a crisis, it is, in my judgment,
important that voices such as that of the'
Senator from Connecticut be heard to
summon the country to a unified recog-
nition of the fact that America is not
only the strongest nation in the world
in its armament, in its resources, and in
its physical attributes, but that there
exists within us a moral strength and a
pride in our national history which will
resist the sharp tactics of a bully and a
blusterer, and which support the Presi-
dent in the kind of situation which has
developed today.
While I shall speak further on this
subject later, in my own time, at this mo-
ment I wish particularly to congratu-
late the Senator from Connecticut, who
is never wanting in the expression of
the kind of patriotic and forthright
views which make so clear 'the attitude
of most Americans. Truly this is not a
time in our country for sissies or panty-
waists or timid. apologists, because the
need and the circumstances call for uni-
fied support of our country.
Mr, Mr. President, I deeply
ap reciate, the remarks of the Senator
from Pennsylvania. He understands
this situation. He can help us all to
better understand.
The sorriest spectacle of all, to me, Is
Khrushchev, of all. people, lecturing
President Eisenhower on morality.
Certainly a new, all-time low has been
hit in the world when a man of Khru-
shchev's record, having the blood of mil-
lions on his hands can lecture a man like
Dwight Eisenhower about morality.
Perhaps this incident will help to wake
up the American people. Think of a
man who has never kept his word, who
is full of deceit, who has caused all kinds
of trouble in the world, a bloody butcher,
lecturing a fine human being like Presi-
dent Eisenhower, who every honest man
and woman in the world recognizes to be
such, on the subject of morality.
TIONAL DEFENSE
ACTIVITIES OF
CORPORATION
S OF LIQIITDATTON OF NA-
WAR AND RECONVERSION
national defense,
ivities of Recon-
AMENDMENT OF ACT RELATIN TO FORT HALL
INDIAN IRRIGATION P. T
A letter from the Assistant ecretary of
the Interior, transmitting a d t of pro-
posed legislation to supplement d amend
the act of June 30, 1948, relati to the
Fort Hall Indian irrigation projec and to
approve an order of the Secretary o the In-
terior issued under the act of June , 1936
(with accompanying papers); to th Com-
REPORT ON BUSINESS TRANSACTED B
BANKRUPTCY COURTS
Office of the U.S. Courts, Washington, D.
transmitting, pursuant to law, tables
ended June 30, 1959 (with an accompanying
document); to the Committee on the
Judiciary.
PETITIONS AND MEMORIALS
Petitions, etc., were laid before the
Senate, or presented, and referred as
indicated:
By the PRESIDENT pro tempore:
A resolution of the Council of the City of
New York, N.Y., relating to the submission
by the President of the United States of a
peace formula at next summit conference
between the United States and Russia; to
the Committee on Foreign Relations.
There being no objection, the resolu-
tion was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
Whereas the Legislature of the State of
Kansas at its 1960 finance session has made
State funds available for the brucellosis
eradication program in Kansas for the fiscal
year, beginning July 1, 1960, in the sum of
$392,945, and reappropriated unused funds;
and
Whereas the brucellosis eradication pro-
gram in Kansas has been stepped up so
that there is now approximately 50 coun-
ties out of the total of 105 which have been
certified, or which are in the process of
certification; and
Whereas it is the present administrative
goal of the office of the livestock sanitary
commissioner, working in cooperation with
the Federal officials in this State to com-
plete the brucellosis testing program in this
State by the end of fiscal year 1962: Now,
therefore, be it
Resolved by the Livestock Commission of
the State of Kansas, That the Congress of
the United States through the Department
of Agriculture, Animal Disease Branch,
make available Federal funds for coopera-
tive brucellosis eradication work in Kansas
in an amount comparable to the Kansas
appropriation, and in an amount adequate
to meet the stepped-up program, and com-
plete the State certification goal of 1962.
REPORTS OF COMMITTEES
The following reports of committees
were submitted:
By Mr. McCLELLAN, from the Committee
on Government Operations, without amend-
ment :
S. 2581. A bill to amend the act of June 1,
1948 (62 Stat. 281), to empower the Admin-
istrator of General Services to appoint non-
uniformed special policemen (Rept. No.
Reorganization Plan No. 1 of 1959 with
tafn amendments (Rept. No. 1353); and
th 'period for which payments in lieu of
tax may be made with respect to certain
real roperty transferred by the Reconstruc-
tion finance Corporation and its subsidi-
aries to other Government departments
(Rept. %o. 1352).
By M, McCLELLAN, from the Committee
on Govement Operations, with amend-
S. 2583, Jill to authorize the head of any
executive a ncy to reimburse owners and
tenants of la s or interests in land acquired
for projects oi!`activities under his jurisdic-
tion for their " ving expenses, and for other
purposes (Rcpt. o. 1374) .
By Mr. EAST D, from the Committee
on the Judiciary, ithout amendment:
8.700. A bill f the relief of Mladen,
Carrara, Tonina Ca ra, Ante Carrara, and
Zvonko Carrara (Re , No. 1356) ;
8.993. A bill for th relief of Christos G.
Diavatinos (Rept. No. 57)
S. 2277. A bill for th relief of the Geo.
D. Emery Co. (Rept. No. 358) ;
S. 2740. A bill for the reljkf of Julia Sukka.r
RESOLUTION OF KANSAS LIVE-
STOCK COMMISSION
Mr. CARLSON. Mr. President, at the
last session of the Kansas Legislature
additional funds were voted for the ex-
pansion of the program of brucellosis
eradication.
Under the new program there will be
approximately 50 counties out of the
1.05 which have been certified, or which
are in the process of being certified.
At a meeting of the Kansas Livestock
Commission a resolution was adopted
urging Congress, through the Depart-
ment of Agriculture, Animal Disease
Branch, to make available additional
funds to assist the State in carrying out
this program.
S. 2942. A bill for the r6 fief of Eugene
Storms, (Rept. No. 1360) ; `;,
S. 3049. A bill for the relief of Oh Chun
Soon (Rept. No. 1361) ;
H.R. 1402. An act for the relief of Leandro
Pastor, Jr., and Pedro Pastor (Rept. No.
1364);
H.R. 1463. An act for the relief of Johan
Karel Christoph Schlichter (Rept. No. 1365);
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
H.R. 1516. An act for the relief of Juan D.
Quintas, Jaime Hernandez, Delfin Buenca-
mino, Soledad Gomez, Nieves G. Argonza,
Felididad G. arayba, Carmen Vda de Gomez,
Perfecta B. uintos, and Bienvenida San
Agustin (Rept. o. 1366) ;
H.R. 1519. An ct for the relief of the
legal guardian o Edward Peter Callas, a
minor (Rept. No. 167);
H.R.3253. An act for the relief of Ida
Magyar (Rept. No. 1368);
H.R. 3827. An act fors the relief of Jan P.
Wilczynski (Rept. No. 1300);
H.R.4763. An act for the. relief of Josette
A. M. Stanton (Rept. No. 137,Q);
H.R.8798. An act for the relief of Romeo
Gasparini (Rept. No. 1371) ; ant
H.R. 11190. An act for the relie of Cora V.
S. 3130. A bill for the relief of Anne Marie
Stehlin (Rept. No. 1363); and
H.R. 1542. An act for the relief of Biagio
D'Agata (Rept. No. 1373).
By Mr. DIRKSEN, from the Committee on
the Judiciary, without amendment:
S.3366. A bill to amend title 18, United
States Code, sections 871 and 3056, to provide
penalties for threats against the successors
to the Presidency and to authorize their pro-
tection by the Secret Service (Rept. No.
1354).
My Mr. O'MAHONEY, from the Committee
on the Judiciary, without amendment:
S. 2744. A bill to extend the term of design
patent No. 21,053, dated Septei+iber 22, 1891,
for a badge, granted to George Brown Goode
and assigned to the National Society,
Daughters of the American Revolution (Rept.
No. 1355).
EXECUTIVE REPORT OF A
COMMITTEE
As in executive session,
Mr. WILEY, from the Committee on
the Judiciary, reported favorably the
nomination of Lyle F. Milligan , of Wis-
consin, to be U.S. marshal for the eastern
district of Wisconsin, for the term of 4
BILLS INTRODUCED
By Mr. BUSH:
S. 3549. A bill to amend the a
S. 3553. A bill to amend section 304 of
the International Claims Settlement Act of
1949, as amended, to provide for the pay-
ment of certain American claims arising out
of the war with Italy; t,,p the Committee on
Foreign Relations.
By Mr. ENGLE:
S. 3554. A bill to provide for the convey-
ance of certain. land to the State of Califor-
nia; to the Committee on Interior and In-
sular Affairs.
By Mr. CLARK (for himself, Mr. RAN-
DOLPH, Mr. HARTKE, and Mr. MCGEE) ;
S. 3555. A bill relating to the training and
utilization of the manpower resources of
the Nation, and for other purposes; to the
Committee on Labor and Public Welfare.
(See the remarks of Mr. CLARK when he in-
troduced the above bill, which appear under
a separate heading.)
By Mr. FONG (for himself and Mr.
LONG of Hawaii) :
5.3556. A bill to compensate the State of
Hawaii for not having been treated on the
5.3557. bill to expand a extend the
saline Ovate onversion pro in under the
direction of Secretary he Interior to
provide for a lerated earth, develop-
ment, demons" ion, application of
practical means ti conomical produc-
tion, from sea or o saline waters, of wa-
ter suitable for Agri tural, industrial, mu-
nicipal, and othe eficial consumptive
uses, and for othe ur es; to the Commit-
tee on Interior d Ins r Affairs.
(See the re ks of Mr. ' oHNSON of Texas
when he induced the ova bill, which
appear and a separate hea ng.)
LIMITATION OF IMPOS:ION OF
ST AE USE TAXES ON UT-OF-
izing studies by congressional commit-
tees of this type of taxation. A com-
panion bill is being introduced in the
House by. Representative EMILIO Q. DAD-
DARIO, of Connecticut's First District,
Mr. President, businessmen and manu-
facturers in ray own State of Connect-
icut, as well as in other States, have been
alarmed by the predicament in which
they have been placed by the U.S. Su-
preme Court decision in the Scripto,
Inc., against Carson case, decided March
21, 1960. This deciison would permit
any State having a use-tax law to compel
an out-of-State seller "at retail" to act
as tax collector and file periodic tax re-
turns, even though the only connection
of the seller with the taxing State is that
orders are solicited there by an inde-
pendent representative who acts for
other firms as well.
An equally troublesome situation has
existed for some years as a result of the
Supreme Court decision in the General
Trading Company case (322 U.S. 335),
which permits States to impose the same
responsibilities on out-of-State sellers
who send traveling salesmen to solicit
business in the taxing State.
May 16
The unfortunate result of these two
decisions is that manufacturers, large
and small, are faced with the prospect
of learning the details of the sales- and
use-tax laws of every State in which
they do business, collecting use taxes
from their customers id filing periodic Orr?"
tax returns. This illioses an impossible
burden, particularl` on small business,
and is a serious i,>erference with inter-
A similar p lem arose last year in
connection h State taxation of net
income de fled from interstate com-
merce a result, Congress enacted
Public w 86-272, limiting such taxa-
tion affl authorizing the Committee on
the diciary of the House and the Conl-
mi a on Finance of the Senate to make
f studies leading to uniform standards
be observed by the States.
The bill I have introduced would
amend Public Law 86-272 to include
sales and use taxes within the scope of
the studies to be conducted by the two
committees, and to limit the imposition
of use taxes by the States on activities
in interstate commerce. I hope it will
receive prompt consideration.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the text of the bill may be
printed in the RECORD.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The
bill will be received and appropriately
referred; and, without objection, the bill
will be printed in the RECORD.
The bill (S. 3549) to amend the act of
September 14, 1959, with respect to sales
and use taxes imposed by States on sales
and other business. activities in inter-
state commerce, and authorizing studies
by congressional committees of this type
of taxation, introduced by Mr. BUSH,
was received, read twice by its title, re-
ferred to the Committee on Finance, and
ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as
follows:
Be it enacted by the Senate and the
House of Representatives of the United States
of America in Congress assembled, That the
Act entitled "An Act relating to the power of
the States to impose net income taxes on in-
come derived from interstate commerce, and
p ved September 14, 1959 (Public Law 86-
272 is amended by adding at the end thereof
the lowing new titles:
"TI III-SALES AND USE TAX MINIMUM
STANDARD
"SEC. 3 . (a) No State, or political sub-
division th eof, shall have power to impose,
after the e of the enactment of this
title, a use to assessment upon any person
with respect to ales in interstate commerce
If the only bus ess activities within such
State by or on be . if of such person during
the period for whi such assessment is im-
posed were or are ther, or both, of the
for the acquisit4h and disposition of patents
upon inventio s made chiefly through the
expenditure public funds; to the Com-
mittee on tji'e Judiciary.
(See the,rr.?emarks of Mr. O'MAHONEY when
he introduced the above bill, which appear
under a separate heading.)
By Mr. SCHOEPPEL:
S. 3551. A bill for the relief of Kay Addis;
to the Committee on the Judiciary.
By Mr. GREEN:
S. 3552. A bill for the relief of Arsene
Kavoukdjian (Arsene Kavookjian); to the
Committee on the Judiciary.
"(1) the solicitatio of orders by such
person, or his represent ves, in such State
for sales of tangible perso . l property, which
orders are sent outside a State for ap-
proval or rejection, and, ` . approved, are
filled by shipment or delive, from a point
"(2) the solicitation of orders by such
person, or his representative, in such State
in the name of or for the benefit of'a pros-
pective customer of such person, if orders
by such customer to such person to enable
such customer to fill orders resulting from
such solicitation are orders described in
paragraph (1).
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
to the Government of the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics.
5. It was further a part of said conspiracy
that the defendant and certain of his co-
conspirators would use shortwave radios to
receive instructions issued by said Govern-
ment of the Union of Soviet Socialist Repub-
lics and to send information to the said Gov-
ernment of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics.
6. It was further a part of said conspiracy
that the defendant and certain of his co-
conspirators would fashion containers from
bolts, nails, coins, batteries, pencils, cuff
links, earrings and the like, by hollowing out
concealed chambers in such devices suitable
to secrete therein microfilm, microdot and
other secret messages.
7. It was further a part of said conspiracy
that the said defendant and his coconspir-
ators would communicate with each other
by enclosing messages in said containers and
depositing said containers in prearranged
drop points in Prospect Park in Brooklyn,
N.Y., in Fort Tryon Park in New York City,
and at other places in the eastern district
of New York and elsewhere.
8. It was further a part of said conspiracy
that the said defendant and certain of his
coconspirators would receive from the Gov-
ernment of the Union of Soviet Socialist Re=
publics and its agents, officers and employ-
ees large sums of money with which to carry
on their illegal activities within the United
States, some of which money would there-
upon be stored for future use by burying it
In the ground in certain places in the east-
ern district of New York and elsewhere.
9. It was further a part of said conspiracy
that the defendant and certain of his co-
conspirators, including Reino Hayhanen,
also known as "Vic," would assume, on in-
struction of the Government of the Union of
Soviet Socialist Republics, the identities of
certain U.S. citizens, both living and de-
ceased, and would use birth certificates and
passports-in the name of such U.S. citizens,
and would communicate with each other and
other agents, officers and employees of the
Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics through the use of numerical and
other types of secret codes, and would adopt
other and further means to conceal the
existence and purpose of said conspiracy.
10. It was further a part of said conspir-
acy that defendant and certain of his co-
conspirators would, in the event of war be-
tween the United States and the Union of
Soviet Socialist Republics, set up clandes-
tine radio transmitting and receiving posts
for the purpose of continuing to furnish the
said Government of the Union of Soviet So-
cialist Republics with information relating
to the national defense of the United States,
and would engage in acts of sabotage against
the United States.
In pursuance and furtherance of said con-
spiracy and to effect the object thereof the
defendant and his coconspirators did com-
mit, among others, in the eastern district
of New York and elsewhere, the following:
Overt acts
1. In or about the year 1948 Rudolf Ivan-
ovich Abel, also known as "Mark" and also
known as Emil R. Goldfus and Martin Col-
lins, the defendant herein, did enter the
United States at an unknown point along
the Canadian-United States border.
2. In or about the summer of 1952 at the
headquarters of the. Committee of Informa-
tion (known as the KI) in Moscow, Union of
Soviet Socialist Republics, Reino Hayhanen,
also known as "Vic," a coconspirator herein,
did meet with Vitals G. Pavlov, a cocon-
spirator herein.
3. In or about the summer of 1952 at the
headquarters of the Committee of Informa.
tion (known as the KI) in Moscow, Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics, Reino Hay-
alien, also known as "Vic," a coconspirator
herein, did meet with Mikhail Svirin, a co-
conspirator herein.
4. On or about October 21, 1952, in New
York City, Reino Hayhanen, also known as
"Vic," a coconspirator herein, did disembark
from the liner "Queen Mary."
5. In or about October 1952, Reino Hay-
hanen, also known as "Vic," a coconspirator
herein, did go to Central Park in Manhat-
tan, New York City, and did leave a signal
in the vicinity of the restaurant known as
the Tavern-on-the-Green.
6. In or about 1952, Reino Hayhanen, also
known as "Vic," a coconspirator herein, did
go to the vicinity of Prospect Park in Brook-
lyn within the eastern district of New York.
7. In or about November 1952, Reino Hay-
hanen, also known as "Vic," a coconspirator
herein, did go to Fort Tryon Park in New
York City and did leave a message.
8. In or about December 1952, Reino Hay-
hanen, also known as "Vic," a coconspirator
herein, did meet and confer with Mikhail
Svirin, a coconspirator herein, in the vicinity
of Prospect Park in Brooklyn within the
eastern district of New York.
9. In or about the summer of 1953, Mikhail
Svirin, a coconspirator herein, did meet and
confer with Reino Hayhanen, also known as
"Vic," a coconspirator herein, in the vicinity
of Prospect Park in Brooklyn, within the
eastern district of New York, and did give to
Hayhanen a package of soft film.
10. On or about December 17, 1953, the
defendant Rudolf Ivanovich Abel, also known
as "Mark" and also known as Emil R. Gold-
fus and Martin Collins, did rent a studio
consisting of one room on the fifth floor of
the building located at 252 Fulton Street,
Brooklyn, within the eastern district of New
York.
11. In or about August. or September 1954,
the defendant Rudolf Ivanovich Abel, also
known as "Mark" and also known as Emil
R. Goldfus and Martin Collins, did meet
with Reino Hayhanen, also known as "Vic,"
a coconspirator herein, in the vicinity of the
Keith's RKO Theater, Flushing, Long Island,
within the eastern district of New York.
12. In or about the summer of 1954 the
defendant Rudolf Ivanovich Abel, also known
as "Mark" and also known as Emil R. Gold-
fus and Martian Collins, and Reino Hayhanen,
also known as "Vic," a coconspirator herein,
did go by automobile to the vicinity of New
Hyde Park, Long Island, within the eastern
district of New York.
13. In or about March or April 1955, the
defendant Rudolf Ivanovich Abel, also
known as "Mark" and also known as Emil
R. Goldfus and Martin Collins, and Reino
Hayhanen, also known as "Vic," a co-
conspirator herein, did proceed by automo-
bile from New York City to Atlantic City,
N.J.
14. In or about the spring of 1955, Reino
Hayhanen, also known as "Vic," a cocon-
spirator herein, did proceed by automobile
from New York City to the vicinity of
Quincy, Mass., at the direction of defendant
Rudolf Ivanovich Abel, also known as "Mark"
and also known as Emil R. Goldfus and Mar-
tin Collins.
15. In 6r about December 1954 or January
1955, Reino Hayhanen, also known as "Vic,"
a coconspirator herein, did proceed by rail
transportation from New York to Salida,
Colo., at the direction of the defendant
Rudolf Ivanovich Abel, also known as
"Mark" and also known as Emil Goldfus and
Martin Collins.
16. In or about the spring of 1955, the
defendant Rudolf Ivanovich Abel, also
known as "Mark" and also known as Emil
R. Goldfus and Martin Collins, and Reino
Hayhanen, also known as "Vic," a coconspira-
tor herein, did proceed from New York City
to the vicinity of Poughkeepsie, N.Y., for
the purpose of locating a suitable site for a
shortwave radio.
17. In or about the spring of 1955, the
defendant Rudolf Ivanovich Abel, also
known as "Mark" and also known as Emil R.
Goldfus and Martin Collins, in the vicinity
of 252 Fulton Street, Brooklyn, N.Y., within
the eastern district of New York, did give a
shortwave radio to Reino Hayhanen, also
known as "Vic," a coconspirator herein.
18. In or about 1955 the defendant Rudolf
Ivanovich Abel, also known as "Mark" and
also known as Emil R. Goldfus and Martin
Collins, did bring a coded message to Reino
Hayhanen, also known as "Vic," a coconspira-
tor herein, and did request him to decipher
said message.
19. In or about February 1957, the defend-
ant Rudolf Ivanovich Abel, also known as
"Mark," and also known as Emil R. Goldfus
and Martin Collins, did meet and confer with
Reino Hayhanen, also known as "Vic," a co-
conspirator herein, in the vicinity of Pros-
pect Park, Brooklyn, within the eastern dis-
trict of New York, and did then and there
give to Hayhanen a birth certificate and $200
in U.S. currency. (In violation of 18 U.S.C.
794(c).)
COUNT TWO
The grand jury further charges:
1. That from in or about 1948 and con-
tinuously thereafter and up to and including
the date of the filing of this indictment, in
the eastern district of New York, in Mos-
cow, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics; and
elsewhere, Rudolf Ivanovich Abel, also known
as "Mark," and also known as Martin Collins
and Emil R. Goldfus, the defendant herein,
unlawfully, willfully, and knowingly did con-
spire and agree with Reino Hayhanen, also
known as "Vic"; Mikhail Svirin; Vitali G.
Pavlov; and Aleksandr Mikhailovich Korot-
kov, coconspirators but not defendants
herein, and with divers other persons to the
grand jury unknown, to violate subsection
(c) of section 793, title 18, United States
Code, in the manner and by the means here-
inafter set forth.
2. It was a part of said conspiracy that the
defendant and his coconspirators would, for
the purpose of obtaining information re-
specting the national defense of the United
States of America, receive and obtain and
attempt to receive and obtain documents,
writings, photographs, photographic nega-
tives, plans, maps, models, instruments, ap-
pliances, and notes, of things connected with
the national defense of the United States.
knowing and having reason to believe at
the time of said agreement to receive and
obtain said documents, writings, photo-
graphs, photographic negatives, plans, maps,
models, instruments, appliances, and notes
of things connected with the national de-
fense, that said material would be obtained,
taken, made, and disposed of contrary to the
provisions of chapter 37, title 18, United
States Code, in that they would be delivered
and transmitted, directly and indirectly, to
a foreign government, to wit, the Union of
Soviet Socialist Republics and to representa-
tives, officers, agents, and employees of the
said Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and
the said defendant intending and having
reason to believe that the said documents,
writings, photographs, photographic nega-
tives, plans, maps, models, instruments, ap-
pliances, and notes of things relating to the
national defense of the United States of
America, would be used to the advantage of
it foreign nation, to wit, the said Union of
Soviet Socialist Republics.
3. It was further a part of said conspiracy
that the said defendant and his cocon-
spirators would make contact with persons
to the grand jury unknown, who Were resi-
dent in the United States, and at places to
the grand jury unknown, and who, by reason
of their employment, position or otherwise,
were acquainted and familiar with and were
in possession of or had access to information
relating to the national defense of the United
States of America.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE
4. It was further a part of said conspiracy
that the defendant and certain of his cocon-
spirators would activate and attempt to
activate as agents within the United States
certain members of the United States Armed
Forces who were in a'position to acquire in-
formation relating to the national defense
of the United States, and would communi-
cate, deliver and transmit, and would aid
and induce each other and divers other per-
sons to the grand jury unknown, to com-
municate, deliver, and transmit information
relating to the national defense of the United
States to the Government of the Union of
Soviet Socialist Republics.
5. It was further a part of said conspiracy
that the defendant and certain of his co-
conspirators would use short-wave radios to
receive instructions issued by said Govern-
ment of the Union of Soviet Socialist Re-
publics and to send information to the said
Government. of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics.
6. It was further a part of said con-
spiracy that the defendant and certain of
his coconspirators would fashion containers
from bolts, nails, coins, batteries, pencils,
cuff links, earrings, and the like, by hollow-
ing out concealed chambers in such devices
suitable to secret therein microfilm, microdot,
and other secret messages.
7. It was further a part of said con-
spiracy that the said defendant and his co-
conspirators would communicate with each
other by enclosing messages in said con-
tainers and depositing said containers in
prearranged drop points in Prospect Park
in Brooklyn, N.Y., in Fort Tryon Park in
New York City, and at other places in the
eastern district of New York and elsewhere.
8. It was further a part of said conspiracy
that the said defendant and certain of his
coconspirators would receive from the Gov-
ernment of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics and its agents, officers, and em-
ployees large sums of money with which to
carry on their illegal activities within the
United States, some of which money would
thereupon be stored for future use by bury-
ing it in the ground in certain places in the
eastern district of New York and elsewhere.
9. It was further a part of said conspiracy
that the defendant and certain of his co-
conspirators, including Reino Hayhanen, also
known as "Vic," would assume, on instruc-
tion of the Government of the Union of
Soviet Socialist Republics, the identities of
certain U.S. citizens, both living and de-
ceased, and would use birth certificates and
passports in the name of such U.S. citizens,
and would communicate with each other and
other agents, officers, and employees of the
Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics through the use of numerical and
other types of secret codes, and would adopt
other and further means to conceal the ex-
istence of said conspiracy.
10. It was further a part of said conspiracy
that defendant and certain of his coconspira-
tors would, in the event of war between the
United States and the Union of Soviet So-
cialist Republics, set up clandestine radio
transmitting and receiving posts for the pur-
pose of continuing to furnish the said Gov-
ernment of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics with information relating to the
national defense of the United States, and
would engage in acts of sabotage against the
United States.
Overt acts
In pursuance and furtherance of said con-
spiracy and to effect the object thereof, the
defendant and his coconspirators did com-
mit, among others, within the eastern dis-
trict of New York and elsewhere, the overt
acts as alleged. and set forth under count
one of this indictment, all of which overt
acts are hereby realleged by the grand jury
(section 793, title 18, United States Code).
COUNT THREE
The grand jury further charges:
1. That throughout the entire period from
in or about 1948 and up to and including
the date of the filing of this indictment, the
Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics, through its representatives,
agents, and employees, maintained within
the Uniited States and other parts of the
world a system and organization for the pur-
pose of obtaining, collecting, and receiving
information and material from the United
States of a military, commercial, industrial,
and political nature, and in connection
therewith recruited, induced, engaged, and
maintained the defendants and coconspira-
tors hereinafter named and divers other per-
sons to the grand jury unknown as agents,
representatives, and employees to obtain, col-,
lect, and receive such information and ma-
terial for the said Government of the Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics.
2. That from in or about 1948 and contin-
uously thereafter up to and including the
date of the filing of this indictment in the
eastern district of New York; in Moscow,
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics; and else-
where, Rudolf Ivanovich Abel, also known
as "Mark" and also known as Martin Collins
and Emil R. Goldfus, the defendant herein,
unlawfully, willfully, and knowingly did
conspire and agree. with the Government of
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and
with agents, officers, and employees of the
said Government of the Union of Soviet So-
cialist Republics, including Aleksandr Mik=
hailovich Korotkov, Vitals G. Pavlov, Reino
Hayhanen, also known as "Vic," coconspira-
tors but not defendants herein, and with
divers other persons to the grand jury un-
known, to commit an offense against the
United States of America, to wit, to violate
section 951, title 18; United States Code, in
the manner and by the means hereinafter
set forth.
3. It was a part of said conspiracy that
the defendant and Reino Hayhanen, also
known as "Vic," and other coconspirators
to the grand jury unknown, none of whom
were included among the accredited diplo-
matic or consular officers or attaches of the
said Government of the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics or of any foreign gov-
ernment, would, within the United States,
and without prior notification to the Secre-
tary of State, act as agents of the said Gov-
ernment of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics, and would, as such agents, ob-
tain, collect, and receive information and
material of a military, industrial and politi-
cal nature, and as such agents would com-
municate and deliver said information and
material to other coconspirators for trans-
mission to the said Government of the
Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics. It was
also a part of the said conspiracy that co-
conspirators residing outside the United
States would direct, aid and assist the de-
fendant and certain coconspirators as afore-
said to act as such agents within the United
States and would receive and transmit the
said information and material to the said
Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics.
4. It was further a part of the said con-
spiracy that the said Government of the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and its
officers, agents and employees would em-
ploy, supervise and maintain the defendant
and Reino Hayhanen, also known as "Vic,"
within the United States as such agents of
the said Government of the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics for the purpose of ob-
taining, collecting, receiving, transmitting
and communicating information and ma-
terial of a military, commercial, industrial
and political nature.
5. It was further a part of the said con-
spiracy that the defendant and certain of
his coconspirators would receive sums of
May 17 d
money and other valuable considerations
from the Government of the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics, its officers, agents and
employees, in return for acting as said agents
of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
within the United States for the purpose
of obtaining, collecting, receiving, transmit-
ting and communicating Information, ma-
terial, messages and instructions on behalf
and for the use and advantage of the said
Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics.
6. It was further a part of said conspiracy
that the said defendant and his cocon-
spirators would use false and fictitious
names, coded communications, and would
resort to other means to the grand jury
unknown to conceal the existence and pur-
pose of said conspiracy.
Overt acts
In pursuance and furtherance of said
conspiracy and to effect the object thereof,
the defendant and his coconspirators did
commit, among others, within the eastern
district of New York and elsewhere, the overt
acts as alleged and set forth under count I
of this indictment, all of which overt acts
aft hereby realleged by the grand jury.
('In violation of sec. 371, title 18, United
States Code.)
WILLIAM F. TOMPKINS,
Assistant Attorney General.
U.S. Attorney.
THE NEEDS AT THE PARIS
CONFERENCE
Mr..UaNSEIFi.n Mr. President, at
this point it appears unlikely that the
summit meeting will continue. The
need to save face may well prevail over
the need to save civilization. There is
still a possibility, however, that Mr. Mac-
millan and President de Gaulle will be
able to impress upon Mr. Khrushchev
the need for these meetings to go on to
the end that a greater measure of
stability may be brought about in the
international situation, before the little
stability that is left disappears entirely.
The Problem, at. Earis15 not the U-2
ink ,g or__lldd pea The blund-
ers involved in7ihat incident and-let
us use the correct word in all honesty;
let us call a spade a spade-the blunders
in that incident and its handling are for
this Nation to face. Responsibility for
dealing with them rests hot with Mr.
td klolley, ut. will Fie politically re-
sponsible Presl with the politically
resit` ' o I a,. and with the
American peop a who hold both account-
able.
At the proper time, we shall trace the
chano an , or Lack of it, which
set-3fi motion the U-12 tii ht, which has
utidrout' weep-sea e - desire of the
people and policies of the United States
for peace.
At the proper time, we shall find out
wh a i'thie confusing zigzags
of official pronouncements of the past
fortnight. We shall find out why, on
one day, the Congress and the ieople of
the United States are told by the Secre-
tary of State that, in effect, it is the
polj a__tb.l~,_Unje,.d` States to sanction
the continuance of reconnaisance flights
across , thL""15Orcre of` another nation
and why.- ~ Yr~sidart, on a TV
a earanc st Sunday, confirmed this
p61i -." a shall find out why this
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960
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
happens at one time, and then, sub- and elsewhere which sooner or later must what the situation is. It is believed that
sequently, in Paris, the President tells bring this Nation, the Soviet Union, all whatever they are told, they are given in
Mr. Khrushchev and the world that such peoples to the edge of catastrophe. That a prejudicial manner, and one which
flights had alrea b_e2a,?b84ed last may be inevitable and if it is we must all would reflect against the people of the
Thursday by s or er and are not to be face it together. But I would not be Western World.
resumed. Why these confi in st e- keeping faith with my State, with the I, join with the Senator from Mon-
ment ?_ .,. Y 1e e ay n ma img clear Nation, and with my conscience if I did tans in expressing the opinion that we
t a in official policy the United States not now state my feelings as plainly and should not give up hope, and that Presi-
sustains international law, and that this bluntly as I am able, if I did not urge dent de Gaulle and his associates will
policy is established by the President, the four.statesmen in Paris once more to exert every effort possible to secure a re-
and the President alone speaks for this recognize, before the long night begins newal of the Paris conference, or the
Nation? to close in upon us, that they are in every summit conference, as it is called.
These are grave questions, for they sense the principal guardians of human- Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
perhaps of the human ask unanimous consent to proceed for
hest hopes
's hi
it
,
g
y
suggest that there is not one administra-
tion, but two, not one official policy but species itself and to act in accord with an additional minute, so that I may com-
two, with the stature and safety of the that sacred trust. ment on what the, distinguished senior
Nation and the continuance of peace Mr. AIKEN. Mr. President, will the Senator from Vermont OFFIhas CER said. Is there
torn between them. Senator yield.
I repeat: Ali Le prii time, Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield. objection to the request of the Senator
these q- es ions_ a14 41hers will be asked. MU+ &EL`i? Although I join with from Montana? The Chair hears none,
'they must?Ve aske. tie people of the O Senator from Montana in expressing and it is so ordered.
United States will demand that they be our deep regret at the apparent failure Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, as
asked and answered, for they go to the of the summit conference in Paris, I always the distinguished Senator from
heart of our system of responsible popu- would, however, be willing to l a=it to Vermont [Mr. ArmEN] shows the hall-
lar Government. They go to the heart history and. future revelatiop tg fix the marks of statesmanship and common-
of the question of our survival as a free res Qi ibility for this failure. sgIXe sense. I agree with every word he has
Nation. But, I e eat: It i f rusnot time,,Pghaps we may get to the bottom said.
for Mr. Kr ic.v. tO ask a~ird an wgr of some of the mysteries that have sur- The Senator from Vermont has men-
them. rounded the circumstances of the last 2 tioned the resumption of the Disarma-
It is for Mr. Khrushchev and the other weeks. t~ Qpnf ??-Geneva. sou d
participants at Paris to get down to ne- I join the Senator from Montana in ike to see it resumed, aswelaasd thhesCon-
gotlation, to serious negotiation, on the expressing the hope that General de ference on_Nu g r Ted ng,
critical differences which divide man- Gaulle, President of France, and host to Conierende on urprise Attack, which I
kind. the conference, will be able to exert 'urlaers ana is tecunieally ANll. in exist-
it is to be hoped that President de enough leadership to pull the Western ence even though no meetings have been
Gaulle will assume leadership in bring- allies back into unanimity, if there is a held, if my understanding is correct,
ing about these negotiations. He stands lack of such unanimity at the present since December of 1958.
outside the immediate crisis between the time, and. also to get the summit con- I will say to the Senator also that if
United States and the Soviet Union. As ference under way again, so that we may the summit meeting at Paris fails, we
host to the conference, as a man with a salvage some results from the great will all know whom to blame for the de-
profound depth of understanding of the effort which has already been put into baele, and we will know how to pinpoint
it, because of events up to the present
great need for peace in an anxious Europe preparation for this conference.
and a troubled world, he may yet bring Mr. Khrushchev has apparently made time.
a measure of sanity, a measure of rea- compliance with some impossible con- I sincerely hope, in the interest of
son to this conference which is otherwise ditions a condition to the resumption of mankind as a whole, that these states-
destined to be stillborn. the conference in Paris. Iwo lg.? of men on whom the world depends will
May I say, further, that it is to be expect the P_ r ..ai__ .nt of the i edState s forget anything which might affect them
hoped that if these talks do go on, the to size to Russia or a U- nci- personally, will think of the people all
administration will seriously consider in- dent unless Mr. rus willing to over the world, and will do what they
viting the chairman of the Foreign Re- apol ize:,to the wor to every other can to bring about a degree of stabiliza-
latiohs Committee to Paris to join the country :m the world; Io -t Wing tion and, if at all possible, a modicum of
-Auj
American delegation, - We are all in this the most elabo egi n e s stem the peace as well.
together, Democrats and Republicans. woig I thank the Senator from Vermont,
We are all bound by a common responsi- ere is aquestion in our minds- who has said in fewer words than I what
bility for what may transpire at this perhaps not so much of a question-as the present situation is, what our hopes
critical moment. I would respectfully to whether Mr. Khrushchev ever desired are, and what we devoutly pray will be
suggest, in this connection, that the able the Paris conference to produce any de- accomplished. -
and distinguished Senator from Arkan- gree of satisfactory results; but what I Mr. WILEY. Mr. President, will the
sas, the chaff. Fjn of the Committee on think we ought to make clear at the Senator yield?
Foreign Relations r PIYLB iGHT] who present time, and make clear to the Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield.
is now,ih the Middle East, be summoned people of Russia, the people of Western ti , -I wish to place in the
RECORD a this point a bit of informa-
forthwith to sprveWin an advisoty, caa-city Europe, and the people of all the world,
to the, n in 15a" is that the people of the United States tion which Drew Pearson of the other
Mk Al resi en recognize that respon- are still very earnestly desirous of mak- day from Mr. ? Aae4i ` v en he was in
sibility for the conduct. of foreign policy ing such agreements on an international Bonn- Mr. Pearson spoke to Chancellor
U iteA snele as will lessen the danger of a _. _ er_,about the situation, and I
not speak for any o>;ner memoer of urns auly lesuUlu, alu..vu5.. -? ~~ w Germany if tso-called spy incident hand't
body on either side of the aisle. I speak that it is imminent; and we ought to played into the
hrushchev's hands and got the
only as a Senator from Montana, respon- continue our efforts toward securing summit conference off to a bad start. He
sible to the people of Montana, to the agreements on disarmament, as well as brushed it aside with, "it isn't remotely
Nation, and to my own conscience. on other matters which relate to the re- comparable to the spying Russia has been
I make these remarks with the great- ldtionships between the different coun- doing against the West. Russian planes fly
est reluctance and in full realization tries of the world. over Germany an the time. The Commu-
that the hour is desperately late. I make We must have world peace, and we nest bloc countries have 1,000 agents in Ger-
them because I do not believe it is simply must let the people of the world know many alone. Khrushchev has exaggerated
a game of renewed cold war which will of our desire for world peace, the incident out of all proportion."
ensue if this conference fails. it is more There is some question now as to I should like to make a comment in re-
likely, in my opinion, to be the beginning whether. the people of Russia are fully lation to that matter. I think Chan-
of a deepening of the crisis in Germany informed by their own Government as to cellor Adenauer has really brought to
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the summit what we might call the fac-
tual situation facts. Khrushchev never
intended to have this meeting. Why?
Because he needed to "shoot off" his
m'o-ii L2i - ce i benefit ~t u)2l
Those are not my words, but those are
substantially the words of an
c0mmp~i a .nw ;n A Np ast, who is
acquainted with the conditions as they
exist.
In other words, this was a diversionary
tactic on the part of Mr. Khrushchev.
Of course, if he can call a conference
later on, when conditions at home have
been smoothed over, and probably when
the people in Russia who are feeling
the ferment all over the world for a bet-
ter standard of living have been put to
sleep in one way or another, he may
think it will be more opportune to hold
a conference then. Then, if the con-
ference is held, will we permit him, by
his ways and means, to give us a sleeping
pill?
I think the particular issue right now
In America is that we be alert, be ade-
quate, and put ourselves in a -position
where we will know what is going on.
In the article to which I have referred
the point is brought out that Khru-
shchev has known what has been going
on, but because the Russians happened
to shoot down this young American,
Khrushchev had a chance to blow up
the incident and to scuttle the summit
meeting.
I am not one of those who thinks
war is "right around the corner," so long
as we are adequate and so long as we are
prepared for any emergency, of which
fact Khrushchev will be made aware.
He, of course, it the prime actor on the
world stage. He can pull most any
stunt and get the publicity he desires.
I agree with the commentators of last
evening. The general consensus was
that Khrushchev is not getting by with
this, that the common people in the
e is.
THE SUMMIT CONFERENCE
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, I- wish to
wfflress myselfto the same subject on
which the distinguished Senator from
Montana [Mr. MANSFIELD] just spoke,
and to one or two different points.
One thing which stands out from what
is occurring in Paris now with its seri-
ous impact upon the peace of the world
is that Chai
has ma e a coin 1 w+nn~?= P_~*l,~;aie
of the spiri erican eo le. It
has en repor e a w 'en a visited
the United States he went away with the
feeling that we were soft. This is a dan-
gerous and unwarranted assumption. I
do not believe it is shared by the Russian
people; and if there is a public opinion In
the Soviet Union, Chairman Khrushchev
has by now driven matters so far that
even it might assert itself.
What is important to us is that Chair-
man Khrushchev's bid to determine the
result of our 1960 elections by outbursts
or intransigeance in Paris or Moscow-or
by saying, in effect, he wants to negotiate
with a new President-will inevitably
ESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
May 17
fail. The American people, as they have we hope with far fewer illusions about
already shown, close ranks in the face of the desirability of a relaxation in ten-
any such obvious maneuver. Not only sions as an end in itself, and with better
must we close ranks at home, as has understanding of the fact that "com-
already been demonstrated in the Senate petitive coexistence" means the most in-
and in the ;House of Representatives, but tensive kind of struggle on every level
we must not put all our eggs in the sum- short of nuclear war.
mit basket, which is the mistake our The United Nations has an important
country could make, one which, perhaps role to play in this situation. It is not
notwithstanding the recent tragic events, yet standing up to its opportunity as the
we may have been saved from making, agency demanding a rule of law in the
We cannot put all our eggs in the summit world. Its diplomacy still requires
basket. That much is clear. "playing it safe." This is the real sig-
What is really the issue for us "the nificance of Secretary General Dag
morning after" is the renewed effort to Hammarskjold's mild statement on boy-
integrate the free world itself and to cotts and blockades of the Suez Canal
create a rule of law in the world in which by President Nasser, notwithstanding
the United Nations must be a prime violations of International treaty com-
mover. Right now we have much to be mitments, international law, and Presi-
desired on both counts. dent Nasser's explicit promises of 1956
Mr. President, I join with the senti- made directly to the United Nations
ment of the Senator from Montana [Mr. itself.
MANSFIELD]. I compliment him in ex- Mr. President, the Secretary General
pressing the hope which we all express Is doing the best he can, and his atti-
that, everyone having had a chance to tude is very understandable. His atti-
sleep over what occurred yesterday, we tude is the natural result of a fear that
shall continue the negotiations in Paris, the necessary two-thirds of the nations
and that President de Gaulle may be the will not back a strong moral and legal
happy instrument for bringing that position, and therefore of thinking of the
about. Certainly we all devoutly wish it. United Nations more as a trade associa-
We tannot in the meantime waste our tion to be held together at any cost than
lives in frustration, whatever Chairman as an agency to secure justice in world
Khrushchev's propaganda may bring, or affairs.
whatever direction it may take. The real difficulty appears to be that
So I suggest two things as well worthy Chairman Khrushchev and his associates
of our attention. I urge upon the Presi- have the idea that they are about to
dent right now at Paris, and thereafter, leapfrog the whole world in terms of
in order to utilize our time to the full: basic productive strength and capability.
First, the integration of the free world The free world needs to make a bound
in problems of trade, aid, immigration, forward to restore the perspective of the
refugee resettlement and travel with re- Soviet leaders. This can most effectively
spect to which we face serious failures be done by major means to unite the free
of cooperation. An example of that is world and integrate its resources, and by
the European trade conflict which was strengthening the machinery for under-
threatened, and now seems to be lessen- taking the rule of law in tthe United
ed in intensity, between the Inner Six Nations, It is for this reason that Presi-
and the Outer Seven. We have enor- dent Eisenhower's proposal for aerial
mous difficulties right now in the grow- surveillance will become so important.
States. Also there is the danger of im- might-have-been. -- -
pending meat ax cuts In the mutual se- Mr. President, I address this request
curity program in the Congress, and the to our President. Let him in Paris now-
difficulty of getting other nations to even if Mr. Khrushchev will not par-
carry their share of the cost or burden ticipate-continue the summit confer-
of the common defense, and additional ence for the purpose of uniting and
difficulties in liquidating archaic colon- strengthening the free world. This will
alist positions. in the ultimate prove to be far more
The free world needs to make a mas- potent than endeavoring to continue
sive effort to aid less developed areas; to negotiations with a man who refuses to
improve technical, professional, educa- negotiate for whatever reasons he may
tional, cultural, athletic and other ex- have. This means no derogation of our
changes; to deal with extreme fluctu- love for peace and no derogation of our
ations in primary commodity prices, and respect for the Russian people. It means
to develop broader and more prosperous only that we move to strengthen the free
internal markets through establishing world at a time when its strength will
further common market and free trade determine whether or not there shall
areas. really be peaceful coexistence, or wheth-
The free world need not and should er the Communists s,Q o-letely
not exclude the Communist bloc, but it overestimate their ow as to
should utilize this opportunity of a brrffg'T"& ftie brink of some holocaust.
probable interregnum in the effort to Chairman Khrushchev shows that nego-
come to closer accord with the Com- tiations with the Communist bloc are
munist bloc to more effectively unite its likely to prove fruitful only when we
elements, and marshal its own resources have proved the economic superiority of
for the peace struggle. Whatever may our system. In the meantime we should
be the storm of the moment, observers talk, and negotiate at every opportunity
believe that it will gradually subside and but without illusions.
that something resembling competitive Mr. KEATING. Mr. President, I wish
coexistence may develop, but this time to soda a myself with the very fine
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{f'960
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
remarks made by the distinguished Sen-
ator from Montana [Mr. MANSFIELD], the
distinguished Senator from Vermont
[Mr. AIKEN], and others with regard to
the episode which the world witnessed
yesterday, and commend them for the
views they expressed.
Certainly, for all-around arrogance, it
would be extremely difficult to outdo yes-
terday's performance by the world's
highest ranking blusterer, Mr. Khru-
shchev. It was not enough that he had
already rece ved assurance that rM
_can rarnnnaiScanrf-, e 0-
Viet Union had bg ji Pende since he
U-2 incident and would not be resumed,
but he wanted more. HeHwa tea,, ?gUb-
lic hi liati of the resi e>4
t, of the
United States. He wanted apologies,
punishments, and guarantees as his price
for remaining in Paris, and as an added
insult, he withdrew his invitation to
President Eisenhower to visit the Soviet
Union.
The height of his insult was reached
in his effort to i terfere wi t e e c-
toralpxnresses_it~,, ,' in
the statement that a new administration
might have a different method of deal-
ing with him. Then he threw into it,
for good measure, some very insulting
remarks about the President of the
United States.
I do not believe that Mr. Khrushchev
will be successful in influencing the peo-
ple of this country with respect to their
selection of candidates for high office. I
rather anticipate also that Mr. Khru-
shchev will learn before he is through
that the people of this country are very
well united in their method of dealing
with him. Certainly this effort on his
part to interfere with our electoral
process was a gratuitous insult of the
first order.
He had the consummate gall to de-
mand American pni or all those
concerned._..ir .p -2 fligit. He
failed W_. t what unishnaent~` f
any, has, been ,rued ouJ~y the Soviet
Uniq , tq2 t mm?,s 156) 0o.th Russ} ,mad
Ariitjerica>l, o hlei tF is country
and` disappeared behind the Iron Cur-
tain in Russia, some of them now hold-
ing high positions in that country. I
know of no cafe,,?n?vhi lias
been puns e Wthchev ] acts in
syping on our expects Con-
gress to impeach the President of the
United States and entente Allen Dulles
to . flu tt "f""coTi-
nec ion, Mr. Khrushchev had better
think twice.
Millions and millions of people in this
country and all over the world prayed
that the summit conference would re-
solve issues or, at least, take an impor-
tant step in that direction. It is still
the hope of many, including myself, that
the summit talks will continue, although
certainly a heavy cloud has been cast
over that hope.
What can possibly be the. motives of
a man who deliberately seeks to wreck
the conference on its very first day?
Clearly this is not something that was
thought out on the moment. It was
preconceived in Moscow. The reaction
of thinking people in the free world can
only be one of utter disgust. It is ob-
vious that Mr. Khrushchev wants the
cold. war to continue. The world now
knows that his pious pleas for peace were
as phony as an aluminum half dollar.
As for his crude withdrawal of his in-
vitation to the President, this is one of
the rare cases in history when inhos-
pitality has been used as a weapon.
Khrushchev apparently is disposed to
feel that he cannot run the risk, not of
hostile demonstrations, as he has indi-
cated, but friendly demonstrations to-
ward our President by the Russian peo-
ple. In the light of President Eisen-
hower's triumphal visits to India and
Pakistan and South America, this is per-
haps understandable.
The militarially realistic Soviet people
cannot be sold the idea that s m is
the acts gL,gvil,. as Khrushc ev as
put it. i cc ?tca
policy, pf th ' ment. Fun-
darrientalty is is not a positive move on
Khrushchev's part; it is a negative move,
and a move of retreat. The thin armor
plate of moral indignation he has as-
sumed does not become this man whose
past does not bear complete unveiling.
while his colonial ~e_ p gr
the ivorl'dii not only go unpunished,
1ilt'ar?"1f6hored,-we are asked tn. ma.kP a
public shn, ,I of ~e ~e because oPLof
our intelligence gents was ended
Mr. President, the world knows that
President Eisenhower is a truly dedi-
cated man of peace, more dedicated to
the maintenance and preservation and
furtherance of peace in this world than
any other individual, and that he has
done as much as he honorably can do to
hold the summit together. If the sum-
mit disintegrates, the responsibility will
rest squarely upon Nikita Khrushchev.
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. KEATING. I yield.
Mr. SCOTT. I thank the distin-
gi hl'ff"S'elM r from New York for
yielding to me. Does not the Senator
agree with me that Mr. Khrushchev is
fighting a certain intangible which he
cannot beat, and which he can never
hope to beat? I refer to the fact that
he has indicated he does not want Presi-
dent Eisenhower to appear in Russia. A
statement given out by his aides strongly
indicates that his purpose is to take a
chance on the next election, and there-
by hope that under those circumstances
a future President might come to Russia
under conditions which he thinks would
be more favorable to him; whereas the
next President of the United States, no
matter who he is, will go not only as
President, if he goes to Russia, but also
as the symbol of something that Mr.
Khrushchev cannot lick, and that is the
symbol of freedom. If he goes, he will
be cheered. If he goes, the hearts of the
Russian people will go out to him, as the
people of the satellite countries gave
their hearts to the leaders of America,
and as the peoples of tl- a world gave
their hearts to Eisenhower. They stand
and cheer and they stand and weep,
because they see before them the symbol
of the free peoples of the earth.
Does not the Senator agree with me
that what Mr. Khru hchev is hoping for
,hat snmannP wi Q e hook,
from which he cannot extricate himself
because he is the head of a slave system?
Mr. KEATING. What the Senator
says is true. Khrushchev will be fooled.
In the first place, the most insulting
move I have ever heard of is the attempt
to tell the American people whom they
should name or what party they should
name to control the destinies of this
country.
Secondly, I do not believe it will be of
any,effect in this country, because our
Nation stands united, no matter who our
President is. If the President ever went
to Russia, he would go with the backing
of the American people. Certainly we
do not propose to let Mr. Khrushchev
be successful in indicating who he thinks
that President should be.
He may not like the present adminis-
tration, and may not, as he has indicated
very clearly, like the President or the
Vice President personally. However, he
will find, I anticipate, that whoever is the
President, he will stand four-square for
the things we believe in.
Mr. SCOTT. Exactly. My point is
that whether the President is a Demo-
crat or a Republican, Mr. Khrushchev
has nothing to hope for in that direction,
if he seeks to divide us or to smother the
symbol of freedom and equality and cou-
rageous defense of those fundamental
principles which our next President,
whoever he may be, will surely exemplify.
Mr. KEATING. I am sure that is so.
I appreciate the remarks of the distin-
PROPOSED AMENDMENTS TO THE
BUDGET, FISCAL YEAR 1961, DE-
PARTMENT OF HEALTH, EDUCA-
TION, AND WELFARE (S. DOC.
NO. 97)
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore laid before the Senate a communica-
tion from the President of the United
States, transmitting proposed amend-
ments to the budget for the .fiscal year
1961, involving an increase in the amount
of $20,138,000, for the Department of
Health, Education, and Welfare, which,
with an accompanying paper, was re-
ferred to the Committee on Appropria-
tions and ordered to be printed.
PETITIONS AND MEMORIALS
Petitions, etc., were laid before the
Senate, or presented, and referred as
indicated :
By the ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore:
A concurrent resolution of the Legislature
of the State of New Jersey; to the Committee
on Finance:
"CONCURRENT RESOLUTION MEMORIALIZING
CONGRESS To ENACT LEGISLATION PROVIDING
HOSPITAL, SURGICAL, AND NURSING HOME
BENEFITS TO OLD-AGE SURVIVORS INSURANCE
RECIPIENTS
"Whereas 500,000 New Jersey men and
women, having passed the age of 65, require
more than 2%2 times as much hospitalization
as the general population; and
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"Whereas more than half of the aged pop-
ulation have incomes of less than $1,000 per
year; and
"Whereas access to the highest quality
health care should be the right of the elderly
under circumstances which promote. self-
respect and encourage independence; be it
"Resolved by the General Assembly of the
State of New Jersey (the Senate concurring) :
"1. The Congress of the United States is
memorialized to enact amendments to the
Social Security Act so that old-age and sur-
vivors Insurance recipients will receive hos-
pital, surgical, and nursing home benefits as
a benefit right;
"2. An authenticated copy of this resolu-
tion be forwarded to the U.S. Senate and
House of Representatives;
"3. Copies of this resolution be forwarded
to the President of the United States and to
the Members of Congress elected from New
Jersey.
"MAURICE A. BRADY,
"Speaker of the General Assembly.
"Attest:
"MAURICE F. KARP,
"Clerk of the General Assembly.
"GEORGE HARPER,
"President of the Senate.
"HENRY A. PATTERSON,
"Secretary of the Senate."
CONCURRENT RESOLUTION OF THE
SOUTH CAROLINA LEGISLATURE
Mr. JOHNSTON of South Carolina.
Mr. President, on behalf of myself and
my colleague, the junior Senator from
South Carolina [Mr. THURMOND], I send
to the desk a concurrent resolution of
the General Assembly of South Carolina
memorializing the Congress to request
the U.S. Treasury Department to mint
a sufficient number of half dollars com-
memorating Old Ninety Six Star Fort.
I ask that this concurrent resolution
be printed at this point in the RECORD
and appropriately referred.
There being, no objection, the concur-
rent resolution was referred to the Com-
mittee on Banking and Currency, and,
under the rule, ordered to. be printed in
the RECORD, as follows:
CONCURRENT RESOLUTION To MEMORIALIZE
CONGRESS To REQUEST THE U.S. TREASURY
DEPARTMENT To MINT A SUFFICIENT NUMBER
OF HALF DOLLARS COMMEMORATING OLD
NINETY SIX STAR FORT
Whereas the general assembly is cognizant
of the historical importance of Old Ninety
Six as an Indian trading post on the Cher-
okee Path in the 17th century, the farthest
English settlement from the coast, the site of
a fort for the protection of settlers in the
Cherokee War, and the seat of justice for
huge Ninety Six District, comprising the later
districts of Abbeville, Edgefield, Newberry,
Laurens, Spartanburg, and Union; and
Whereas in the American Revolution, re-
nown was added to Ninety Six as the scene
of two outstanding military events, and the
village was also a focal point of violent
patriot-Tory strife which rent the up country
with bitterness, destruction, and sorrow
through the war years; and
Whereas the general assembly believes that
historical sites In South Carolina should be
preserved reverently as evidence of our way
of life in the past, and should be passed on
to posterity with a distinct feeling of pride
in the great advancement and achievements
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
6omething of their former likenesses and
preserving, them as historical shrines by
erecting suitable! markers thereon and by
providing for adequate protection to insure
their preservation for the future; and
Whereas the general assembly believes that
such investigation should include a confer-
ence with the present owners of the site with
a view toward the acquisition and restora-
tion of the fort; and
Whereas funds may be raised from the sale
of a commemorative issue of half dollars, all
of which issue would be purchased from the
U.S. Government by the Greenwood County
Historical Society as a means of financing
such acquisition and restoration: Now, there-
fore, be it
Resolved by the house of representatives
(the senate concurring), That Congress be
memorialized to request the U.S. Treasury
Department to have minted a sufficient num-
ber of half dollars commemorating Old
Ninety' Six Star Fort and that the special
issue be sold to the Greenwood County His-
torical Society to be used for the purpose
of acquisition and restoration of Old Ninety.
Six Star Fort; and be it further
Resolved, That a copy of this resolution be
forwarded to the clerk of the U.S. Senate,
the Clerk of the U.S. House of Represent-
atives, and to each member of the South
Carolina congressional delegation.
RESOLUTION OF RESOLUTIONS
COMMITTEE: OF CITY COURT OF
BUFFALO, N.Y.
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to have printed in
the RECORD a resolution adopted by the
resolutions committee of the city court
of the city of Buffalo, N.Y.
There being no objection, the resolu-
tion was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
RESOLUTION ADOPTED BY THE RESOLUTIONS
COMMITTEE OF THE CITY COURT OF BUFFALO.
BUFFALO, N.Y.
At the annual observance commemorat-
ing the adoption of the Polish Constitution
of the 3d of May, held at Dom Polski Hall,
1081 Broadway, in the city of Buffalo, N.Y.,
on May 8, 1960, the following resolution was
unanimously adopted:
"Whereas the year 1960 marks the 169th
anniversary of the adoption of the Polish
Constitution of May 3, 1791, which docu-
mented for all time the respect of the Polish
people for the dignity of the individual and
their lofty aspirations for freedom; and
"Whereas today the desire of all people,
regardless of color or national origin, the
world over, is to 'breath the air of freedom
and to possess the! right to decide for them-
selves a government of their liking which
shall conduct their internal affairs; and
"Whereas a summit meeting is scheduled
between our President Dwight D. Eisenhower
and Premier Nikita Khrushchev, commenc-
ing May 16, 1960, and which will be attended
by the leaders of the Western Powers; and
"Whereas we feel that a lack of a positive
and affirmative position on the part of our
American State Department and support for
the retention of Poland's western bound-
aries at the Oder and Niese Rivers places the
people of Poland in the position of reliance
upon the Soviet bloc as the sole guarantor
of its western boundaries: Now, therefore,
be it
"Resolved, That as Americans dedicated to
dutybound in the name of international
Whereas the general assembly desires that justice and morality to appeal to our State
an investigation be made with a view to re- Department to be firm in the forthcoming
storing the town and Star Fort and such summit meeting of world powers in order
other historical ruins as may be practical to to preserve world peace; and be it further
May 17
"Resolved, That we appeal to the State
Department for a declaration that the U.S.
Government. is in favor of retention of
Poland's boundaries at the Oder and Niese
Rivers; and be it further
"Resolved, That we commend our great
President Dwight D. Eisenhower on his ac-
tions, personally undertaken by him, to re-
solve many of the crises that have arisen
on the international forum, for his dedica-
tion to the cause of a just world peace, for
his efforts to create good will for the United
States throughout the world; and be it
further
"Resolved, That we Americans who are of
Polish ancestry, assembled at this observ-
ance, pledge our allegiance and our loyalty
to our great and beloved country, and that
we voice these appeals in regard to the land
of our forefathers, Poland, as good Amer-
icans, reflecting the opinion of our fellow
Americans who believe in the dignity of
man; that Poland, historically our ally at
all times of our country's need, should be
afforded better treatment in view of the
great sacrifice made by her people; and be
it finally
"Resolved, That copies of this resolution
be sent to our President Dwight D. Eisen-
hower, Secretary of State Christian A. Herter.
our New York State Senators, Hon. Jacob
Javits and Hon. Kenneth Keating, and our
Representative in Congress, Hon. Thaddeus
Dulski."
MICHAEL E. ZIMMER.
JOHN F. WOWOH.
WALTER J. LOHR,
ROSE BIEDRON.
Dr. BOLLDAN F. POWLOWICZ.
RESOLUTION OF THE BOARD OF
EDUCATION, YONKERS, N.Y.
Mr. KEATING. Mr. President, I want
to call attention this morning to a reso-
lution of the board of education of
Yonkers, N.Y., concerning the excis
tax on general telephone service.' Th3
resolution provides for the levying of
this tax at the State level for educa-
tional purposes.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that this resolution be printed in
the RECORD, and appropriately referred.
There being no objection, the reso-
lution was referred to the Committee on
Finance, and ordered to be printed In
the RECORD, as follows:
Whereas on April 8, 1960, Governor Rocke-
feller signed into law chapter 418 of the
Laws of 1960; and
Whereas this chapter authorizes the im-
position of a tax for school purposes on
general telephone services on a countywide
basis; and
Whereas additional funds are urgently
needed by the board of education of the
city of Yonkers to provide more adequately
for the educational program in the public
schools, and
Whereas the city of Yonkers is presently
within $10,326.14 of its constitutional tax
limit of 2 percent, and is thereby restricted in
providing additional funds for the educa-
tional program, and
Whereas the board of education of the city
of Yonkers, in order to serve more adequately
the educational needs of the more than 25,-
300 pupils enrolled in the Yonkers public
schools, wishes to utilize the revenues from
this source beginning September 1, 1960, in
the event that the Federal Government does
not reimpose this tax: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the board of education of
the city of Yonkers, pursuant to chapter 418
of the Laws of 1960, hereby requests the
Imposition of a local tax for school purposes
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
place the land at another point and also
replace the building which' had been on the
ceded land.
The services not only refuse to yield real
estate but persistently try to do more with
what they have. The Army recently pro-
posed reactivating its nearly idle Cleveland
and Lima, Ohio, ordinance plants and its
Detroit arsenal. The Cleveland plant was to
be used to produce lightweight combat
vehicles, and the Detroit and Lima plants to
produce medium-weight combat vehicles-all
satisfactorily produced by private firms. The
Army argued its plants could produce the
vehicles more cheaply and better. Top Penta-
gon officials vetoed this plan as too sweeping,
but expect the Army to come back shortly
with a more modest proposal.
When the services do get ready to dispose
of installations, they frequently run into
stormy opposition. Local merchants like the
military payrolls. Southern Wisconsin took
months to quiet down not long ago when the
Air Force decided to discontinue construction
of the new Bong Airbase and dispose of the
land. Right now Maryland and Virginia
Congressmen of both parties are teaming up
again, as in past years, to pressure the Navy
into revising plans to cut back Washington's
naval weapons plant with its 5,500 employees.
The plant makes a variety of missile control
devices, antisub gear and other items which
management specialists agree could be bet-
ter produced elsewhere.
PROBLEM OF DUPLICATION
Elimination of military duplication is con-
sidered another huge area of potential sav-
ings, and here too there is marked resistance
to change within each service. Each has its
own medical, communications, supply, con-
tracting, auditing, and weather forecasting
systems-and each aims to keep them as long
as it can.
A congressional staff study recently esti-
mated Armed Forces medical- costs at over
$400 million a year, with some 185 hospitals
in the United States and 90 overseas. The
hospitals have a total capacity of about
105,000 beds and average occupancy of less
than 40 percent. They employ about 145,000
people, about 75 percent military and 25
percent civilian.
"It is difficult to conceive," the report said,
"of an area that would more readily lend it-
self to consolidation than medical care. The
conditions which require medical service, the
facilities for treatment, and the professional
standards for medical personnel are virtually
indistinguishable among the services."
At Denver, a 350-bed hospital at Lowry Air
Force Base keepsonly 100 beds in use to care
for an average load of 51 patients. Six miles
away, Fitzsimons Army Hospital, with 2,078
beds, operates about 900 of them to care for
an average of 684 patients.
At Langley Air Force Base in Virginia, a
217-bed hospital keeps 100 beds in use to care
for 62 patients, on the average. Six miles
away, at the Army's Fort Monroe, there is a
141-bed hospital, in which 35 beds are main-
tained to care for an average 20-patient load.
DEPOTS DO SAME JOB
Supply distribution is an area of rampant
duplication, experts say. in the Southeast-
ern United States, one congressional investi-
gation has found, the Army's Atlanta and
Memphis depots, the Air Force's mobile depot,
the Marine Corps supply center in Albany,
Ga., and four Navy stock points are all sup-
plying their respective services with the same
supplies. Army supply' operates through
seven different technical Services-Ordnance,
Chemical,- and the like-each with specific
types of material assigned. it. This results
in no less than 24 separate Army supply con-
trol points in the continental United
States-several for each of the 7 services-
when 5 to 8 could handle the job nicely,
according to one management expert.
Military overbuying, lack of standardiza-
tion, bad inventorying, and slow and costly
surplus disposal habits long have been fa-
vorite congressional targets. Some progress
has been made, budget scanners say, but
much remains to be done.
This year the Navy has begun buying extra
plane engines on the basis of having a 150-
day supply in the pipeline; previously, it
insisted on a 210-day supply. Though the
shorter cycle would. save millions, it took the
General Accounting Office, Congress' spend-
ing guardian, two long battles to get the
Navy to change.
Attempts to standardize military footwear
have so far eliminated 752 different types and
finishes, but 339 types remain. Pentagon ex-
perts recently attempted to prescribe a black
low men's shoe as standard for all services.
The Marine Corps insisted on keeping its ma-
hogany shoe because it matched the bill on
the Marine caps, and the Navy insisted on
keeping a brown shoe for its fliers because it
has been traditional-ever since late I
World War 11.
Over 1.3 million common supply items, ac-
cording to congressional investigators, differ
among the services in such relatively minor
respects as color, finish, or even just names.
Defense officials estimate they could save
about $1 million a year in management ex-
penses alone-not counting procurement sav-
ings from placing larger consolidated or-
ders-for every 1,000 items eliminated from
the supply system.
The Defense Department has been bally-
hooing its single manager system as the an-
swer to many of its buying problems. Under
this system, one service buys all supplies
of one kind for all the services; the Navy
does all the fuel purchasing, for instance.
But management experts say it's only a step
in the right direction.
For one thing, the Pentagon is installing
the system very slowly; seven supply cate-
gories were put under single managers in 1955
and 1956, but only two more minor categories
have been added since then. More important,
though, the single manager has authority
only to consolidate and place the orders he's
given. He has no power to standardize
equipment, redistribute excess stocks, or cut
back orders.
"If we can extend its use, and raise it to
a higher level of command where it can really
accomplish more, the single manager system
might some day pave the way for a separate
single supply service," one would-be reformer
wistfully asserts.
FRINGE BENEFITS
Perhaps one of the touchiest areas of theo-
retical saving in the entire military establish-
ment is the vast number of "fringe" benefits
which military personnel now enjoy. Many
have grown out of all proportion to the origi-
nal intent, and now seem beyond uprooting.
Commissaries are a prime example. These
food supermarkets were supposed to be set up
where there were no private facilities selling
at reasonable prices convenient to the post.
Now there are over 250 commissaries in the
continental United States, many in cities
such as Washington and New York.
The right to buy there is now extended not
only to people living on the posts, but to mili-
tary families off the post, reserve and retired
personnel, and Public Health officials. Less
than 20 percent of the people holding permits
to buy at U.S. commissaries now live on the
base where the store is located. In Washing.
ton, customers at the Walter Reed Army Hos-
pital commissary include such off-base types
as a National Institutes of Health neurologist
and a World War n: Navy nurse, now a reserv-
ist, who is the mother of seven children and
extremely unlikely ever to return to active
duty.
The Government not only employs 9,000
people to man the commissaries, but supplies
the buildings, equipument, light, heat and
other services. The customers pay only the
original cost of the food, plus transportation
charges, and a highly inadequate 3 percent
markup to cover all else. Military experts
figure the annual running subsidy is $75 mil-
lion, not counting depreciation on the build-
ings and equipment.
The Government also provides medical care
and hospitalization for military men and
their dependents, including veterinary care
for pets; a retirement plan completely Gov-
ernment-financed; quarters, often including
all or much of the furniture; in many areas,
free libraries and even bus service to public
schools; in many cases, subsidized laundry
service; free personal travel on military
planes and ships if space is available; and
burial in Government-owned cemeteries, in-
cluding plots for pets.
"The military life," comments one admin-
istration official, "is marked by growing so-
cialism and paternalism, literally from the
Mr. GRUENING.. It is difficult to un
-
derstand the perfori ance of this admin-
istration. . Two years ago, it insisted that
the str lc and mt 1loGeof . -that Alas so greually the
northern half of Alaska-the entire area
north of the Yukon and Porcupine Riv-
ers, and some to the south of it, includ-
ing most of the Alaska Peninsula and
the 900 miles of Aleutian Islands-had
to be set aside as an area which could
be withdrawn wholly or in part for de-
fense purposes. This is an area of over
225,000 square miles, an area larger than
California, and almost as large as Cali-
fornia and Oregon combined.
I have here in the Chamber a map
which I borrowed from the office of my
able colleague [Mr. BARTLETT], which
shows the Eisenhower line dividing Alas-
ka practically in half. All that area
above the xed line js,the a'~'wi "c` i? e
se purposes and that unless sucfi a
provision were included in the statehood
bill he could not approve the bill. I call
the attention of my colleagues to the
tremendous extent of that area.
Alaskans, and the Alaska delegation,
saw no justification for this proposal, but
were told officially that this would be a
prerequisite to getting Presidential ap-
proval of the Alaska statehood bill. So
we agreed, and section 10 and subsec-
tions A, B, C, D, and E thereof of the
statehood act provided for the drawing
of a so-called Eisenhower line, osten-
sibly in the interest of national security,
in this strategic area. There has been
nothing like it in previous American his-
tory. The constitutionality of this pro-
vision was challenged during the Senate
debate on the statehood bill. But these
objections were overborne by the as-
sumption that such a huge potential ex-
cision from the 49th State was deemed
indispensable for the future security of
our Nation by the Commander in Chief.
Now, in effect, the offensive and defensive
strength of northern Alaska is to be
largely withdrawn.
How can these two contradictory ac-
tions. of the Eisenhower administration
be reconciled? Let us not delude our-
selves that Alaska is now adequately de-
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/68
other Pearl Harbor. A few months ago,
our excellent theater commander in chief
of the Alaskan command, Lt. Gen. Frank
Armstrong, called attention to the total
lack of missile bases in Alaska. He felt
so strongly on the subject that he ex-
pressed this view publicly. But his
warning and plea were Ignored by the
administration. The Pentagon informed
us the other day that he was not even
consulted about this latest proposed
slash in Alaska's fighter strength.
Mr. President, since thesc~iscoyery by
its`esgamission an the announce-
ment by the administration that we in-
tend to continue-_ to send nlanES__jnto
Russia 9 W -a statement
made %y Ge.. F. 4% ", ver"the
weeken' X12. ` .etermanded by the
President- ere is no reason to assume
$Iia ussians will not do likewise.
As a matter of realism the administra-
tfl,1 flj t reverse i stan, a aln: by
show ey no ey can ge away with
it? And why should they not add this
form of spying to the other forms they
practice, since the United States has
done it and proposes to continue to do
it? Hogw,eyer when Ru pl come
into ncc~,Alas . q.5ping missl s,
the fighter en l. to ring them down
wfft Y? n o -s ie ? 1or"ar'e t1iiere
any Ililss a ms a a 1'oiis there to protect
us against such espionage from the air
or the offensive sorties which may follow.
Twenty-five years ago a great and
courageous Army officer, a pioneer flyer,
the late William "Billy" Mitchell, testi-
fied before a House Committee on Mili-
tary Affairs:
Alaska Is the most central place In the
world for aircraft and that is true either of
Europe, Asia, or North America. I believe in
the future he who holds Alaska will hold the
world, and I think it is the most important
strategic place in the world.
Billy Mitchell's great wisdom about the
importance of aircraft in war was
scorned at the time by the high military
commands of both the Army and Navy.
Indeed Billy Mitchell, for his vision, for
his courage, and his unflinching deter-
mination to safeguard the military
strength of our country, was crucified on
what we might call a cross of brass. He
was, in fact, cashiered and driven out
of the Army. But after his death, his
vision about the importance of the air-
plane as an instrument of combat came
to be appreciated. The high command
of that day was proved wrong. It was
wrong, however, at a time when the
consequences of its shortsigtedness and
its wrongness were not as they are and
could be now. We did not then face a
ruthless, determined, and unprecedent-
edly powerful totalitarian enemy which
makes no secret of its purpose to conquer
the free world and to substitute its Com-
munist way of life for ours. Our rela-
tions wi _Russia whichy'er
esl vicu_?.-..Our
guard, are m%ej iAaped by
the r 2 episo a and what has
since develope in Paris.
Nor was Billy Mitchell's wisdom about
the strategic value of Alaska appre-
ciated, despite the pleas of Alaskans,
notably those of our late Delegate in
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the House, Anthony J. Dimond, and,
consequently, Alaska's defenselessness
caused it to be the only area in North
America during World War H that was
invaded and for a time held in part by
the enemy. There was some subsequent
improvement thereafter in Alaska's de-
fenses, notably because of Alaskans'
protests, including the protests of our
succeeding delegate in the Congress, my
present colleague [Mr. BARTLETT), but
for a long time the inadequacy of Alas-
kan defenses continued, and they have
never been adequate. As General "Hap"
Arnold wrote in his book, "Global Mis-
sion:"
Through to this day, Alaska has never
received the attention in national defense
planning that it deserves.
And further:
Alaska had always been and no matter
what happened in any theater of war, always
remained, to me privately, a high priority.
But we were never able to get the money
gr allocations for the air force that we really
needed there to give us the kind of bases
we required then-and need more than ever
now.
Those words, although written 11
years ago, are certainly no less and
possibly more true today.
Mr. President, there was, as I have
said, for a time an improvement in the
defenses of Alaska, but they have never
been sufficient. At the same time, we
have been spending billions of dollars
on bases all over the world. Many of
these are, figuratively speaking, built on
quicksand. Some of them we hold at
the dubious pleasure of dictators. And
even in the free world, our tenure of
some bases, which have cost billions of
dollars, is most uncertain. I do not wish
to . embarrass the administration by
citing these examples specifically, as I
could, or going into detail about some
of the strategems and the expenditures-
if we can use that polite euphemism-
which have had to be employed to per-
suade other governments to permit us
to keep our bases within their borders.
By contrast what we build in Alaska,
on American soil, is not built on politi-
cal quicksand, not amid peoples of
doubtful sympathy with our cause, not
in areas subject to the dangers of sub-
version and sabotage, not in countries
whose tolerance of our presence must be
ever reconfirmed and rebought, but
instead is built on the solid rock of
American terrain, amid an American
population militantly loyal, patriotic,
and alert. So we have just another ex-
ample of this Administration's double
standard, which I have pointed out re-
peatedly in other aspects of the so-called
mutual security program. While we
spend lavishly abroad on establishments
of dubious validity and permanence, we
are jeopardizing security within our
own borders, to the detriment of our
safety and of our economy, by a budg-
etary policy that is the height of folly.
To return to the latest blow at our
actual defensive strength in Alaska, there
are: some strange contradictions and
anomalies In the Air Force's action.
Testifying before the Subcommittee on
Military Construction of the Senate
Armed Services Committee as recently as
April 13 last, less than 1 month after
which we were told of the liquidation of
the entire fighter force at Ladd Air Force
Base, Under Secretary Charyk testified
that subsequent to the Air Force submis-
sion of its fiscal 1961 construction pro-
gram, major changes In the previously
programed air defense system were ap-
proved, and he named three necessary
revisions. They were,. first, a more time-
ly completion of an improved defense
against air-breathing enemy weapons;
second, an acceleration of systems de-
signed to provide ballistic missile warn-
ing; and, third-and kindly note this, Mr.
President-an improved deterrent pos-
ture. -
Just how Is our deterrent posture,
which Under Secretary Charyk says is
one of the Air Force's objectives, im-
proved by the elimination of the entire
fighter force north of the Alaska Range,
and nearly 50 percent of our total fighter
force in Alaska-for at Elmendorf Field,
300 miles to the south, is the balance of
our Alaska fighter force consisting of 33
fighters?
And even more amazing-in view of
the Air Force's proposed action-is the
statement, a few sentences later, by
Under Secretary Charyk, to be found on
page 319 of the printed hearings:
To complete the picture, we also plan a
revised and improved fighter-interceptor
force.
Just how is the total elimination of our
fighter force at our northernmost air-
base and nearly half of Alaska's present
total fighter force, a revised and im-
proved fighter-interceptor force?
Either Under Secretary Charyk had
adopted "Newspeak," in which words
mean the opposite of what they say, or a
fundamental change in Air Force pro-
gram and policy had again occurred in
the less than 30 days between Under
Secretary Charyk's appearance before
the committee and our delegation's visit
to the Pentagon on May 10. The Nation
is entitled to an explanation of a defense
policy that is so radically changed within
a few weeks that it is changed once after
the submission of the 1961 construction
authorization program and changed
again after that program Is testified to
before the Senate committee.
Moreover, later that same day, April
13, just a little over a month ago, Colonel
Parkhill, presented by General Curtin
as the Air Force spokesman for the line
items, testified as follows:
The Alaskan Air Command Is responsible
for providing early warning in the Alaskan
area in case of attack against the United
States. It is also responsible for the air
defense of Alaska, and furnished operational
and certain logistical support for the Stra-
tegic Air Command, the Military Air Trans-
port Service, the Command of the Alaskan
Sea Frontier, and the U.S. Army. To provide
for the accomplishment of these missions,
the command supports three major. opera-
tional bases, Elelson, Elmendorf, and Ladd.
So, less than a month earlier, Ladd
Field was referred to as one of the three
operational Air Force bases in Alaska,
but now it is reduced to an aero medical
laboratory, a hospital, and some housing
which it is hoped the Army in Alaska
may be induced to occupy, although its
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forces are not to be increased by a single
soldier.
Mr. President, even before the world-
shaking events that have come to us
from Paris, even before the prospects
of improvement in internatioanl tension
had been rudely shattered at the summit,
the discussion on the floor of the Senate
last Friday, in connection with the adop-
tion of the military construction bill,
shows how little justification there was
for these rapid changes by the Air Force.
Let me point out that in the new authori-
zation for the military construction pro-
gram totaling $1,074 million, the Air
Force received well over half-some $726
million-far more than the Army, Navy,
and other parts of the Defense Estab-
lishment received.
The able junior Senator from Missis-
sippi [Mr. STENNIS], chairman of the
subcommittee of the Armed Services
Committee, who is in charge of the bill,
stated:
Prior to the time the committee could
complete consideration of the bill * * * the
Department of the Air Force again drastically
revised its air defense planning, although no
testimony had been presented to indicate
any major change in the air defense threat
since the submission of the revised plan In
June 1959.
And Senator STENNIS added:
The committee has not been able to recon-
cile the cancellation of these long-range
ground-to-air defense missile sites located on
the perimeter of our country while continu-
ing those of shorter range primarily designed
for last-minute protection of our cities and
military installations.
And he says further:
Most of us felt all the time that too much
money was being put in ground-to-air mis-
siles at the expense of the affirmative or
purely offensive weapons.
In view of all this, and much else that
I will not bother to repeat, for it can be
found in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of
last Friday, Senator STENNIS reported
that the committee has requested that
the revised air defense plan be again re-
viewed in detail by the Joint Chiefs of
Staff and the Secretary of Defense.
And finally, Senator STENNIS said-
and this was last Friday:
The committee is still very uncertain as to
exactly what the present situation is and
certainly dissatisfied with the situation in
its present state.
I do not wonder that it is dissatisfied.
The entire Congress and the American
people should be dissatisfied.
Still later in the discussion, our dis-
tinguished colleague from the State of
South Dakota, FRANCIS CASE, a member
of the committee, gave his view that the
bill-to quote his words-is "to some
extent, out of date"; and he stated that
this was the case "because our military
posture has been built around certain
deployments abroad and because the
present situation inevitably will affect
the availability of some of the bases and
fields that have been developed."
S for CASE was referrin?to the con-
sequences o '1-ie disco rv n~'
mission over Russia. But his nt
took place..belgre, eta, Khrushc ev had
virtually , ruptured his relations with the
President and with the summit meeting.
tion on the part of the members of the
Armed Services Committee last Friday,
there is infinitely more cause for even
greater dissatisfaction and for immedi-
ate revision, and revision upward, now.
Mr. President, we do not, to date, know
what foreign bases the United States will
be allowed to retain by the government
of the countries in which they are lo-
cated. We do not k>ia4w het ,
that we cap cert of is that what-
ever bases? whatever offensive or de-
fensive strength we have in Alaskwill
cnntir only our militarave the
vision and understanding to reverse their
incredible latest decision. Indeed, they
should not merely carry out the plan
of a month ago of replacing the 25 F-89
fighters at Ladd with more modern
fighters, but actually by adding to the
present fighter strength additional
fighter planes.
I call upon the Armed Services Com-
mittees of both Houses and the Appropri-
ations Committee immediately to look
into this situation and to insist that the
Air Force, at the very least, reverse its
position and restore the fighter squadron
to the northernmost American air base
and the American air base nearest to
Russia.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have printed in the RECORD at
this point in my remafks, the story of
our meeting at the Pentagon with the
Air Force officials, as published in the
Anchorage Daily Times, and written by
Mr. A. Robert Smith, its Washington cor-
respondent;, as well as two editorials from
the Fairbanks News-Miner, from the is-
sues of May 12 and May 13, respectively,
entitled "Is Now the Time To Reduce
Our Defenses?" and "Are We Expend-
able?" a letter from Gov. William
A. Egan to the Secretary of Defense
dated May 14, 1960, and the first page of
a newsletter by Mary Lee Council, ad-
ministrative assistant to my colleague,
which summarizes the situation as he
printed in the RECORD, as follows:
[From the Anchorage (Alaska) Daily Times,
May 11, 1960]
ALASKAN DEFENSES CUT; STATE SAID "No
LONGER KEY OUTPOST"-25 FIGHTERS AT
LADD To LEAVE; SOLONS SHOCKED
(By A. Robert Smith)
WASHINGTON.-Air Force officials have
bluntly told the Alaska congressional dele-
gation they no longer regard Alaska as a key
defense outpost of the free world.
This was revealed today at a press confer-
ence held jointly by Senators BARTLETT,
GRUENING and Representative RIVERS to dis-
close the outcome of a length meeting they
had late ey,tg dot th= eePeniTf "'t'RM9F
1. The 25 fghter-interceptor aircraft of the
449th Squadron at Ladd Air Force Base will
all be removed from Alaska, starting in Aug-
ust and ending'by January 1.
2. The Army may take over use of Ladd,
but this will not mean any increase in Army
strength in Alaska, only some shifting.
mended last year by Lt. Gen. Frank A. Arm-
strong, the Alaska commander.
4. The upshot of these developments Is
that Alaska's defensive strength will be re-
duced 25 percent, according to Gen. Curtis
LeMay, deputy chief of staff.
But BARTLETT contended it means a reduc-
tion of nearly 50 percent, inasmuch as the
cut of 25 fighters at Ladd leaves only 33
fighters in Alaska, all based at Elmendorf
Air Force Base.
5. When asked by GRUENING whether he
didn't agree with Gen. Billy Mitchell's esti-
mate of the strategic importance of Alaska
for defense, LeMay replied: "Frankly, no."
BARTLETT termed these disclosures "dread-
fully shocking" considering the state of
world affairs.
"Peace hasn't been established with Rus-
sia," he added.
GRUENING and his colleagues vowed to op-
pose these plans by attempting to arouse
public and congressional sentiment against
them, but they indicated little hope of suc-
cess In overturning this military decision.
The. verdict has been made, the military
officials said.
"This is obviously an economy move," ob-
served GRUENING, "directed by the Bureau
of the Budget." When he asked why they
didn't out out fat and waste instead of re-
ducing strength, LeMay said he "didn't think
the American people wanted to cut out fat."
In support of its supposition that this was
an economy move, the delegation noted that
not long ago the Air Force announced it
would substitute a superior, faster aircraft,
the VooDoo, for F-89 fighters at Ladd which
are becoming obsolete.
This indicated to the Alaskans that "up
until recently it was thought militarily wise
to give Alaska improved interceptors, but
that now it is no longer necessary to have
them at all.
This unexplained shift was thought by the
delegation to have been forced by budgetary
limitations which caused the Air Force to
take its choice rather than to deploy as
much strength, as it might have wished.
LeMay said the Air Force constantly bucks
up against resistance to reducing its opera-
tions by congressional pressure such as the
Alaskans put on, reported Gruening, in-
ferring the General presumed they were in-
terested only in the effect of the cut on the
economy of Fairbanks.
"It isn't just the money, It's that those
people are awfully close to Siberia and they
are bound to get uneasy," said BARTLETT.
The delegation said it would have hurt the
Alaska economy and the morale of all Alaska.
BARTLETT reported the Army is still study-
ing the possibility of using Ladd, but no de-
cision is expected until July 15. The Air
Force plans to continue using some of the
housing at the base for personnel at Eiel-
son Air Base, 26 miles away, because Ladd's
facilities are superior. The Arctic Aero Medi-
cal Lab at Ladd will not be affected.
The Alaskans were visibly incredulous at
the news they were bluntly handed by the
Pentagon, and particularly by the expressed
attitude of LeMay, the tough, cigar-smoking
former commander of the Strategic Air
Command.
RIvERs said he pointed out Armstrong
had feared the threat of 27 missile bases Rus.
sia had built in nearby Siberia. LeMay,
he reported, said he didn't think Russia is
doing much there. Asked what they thought
LeMay meant, BARTLETT blurted out:
"God knows what he meant by anything
he said."
BARTLETT recalled Armstrong's plea for
missiles and more defense for Alaska. He
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Result of this action, in plain language, Is
that Ladd and Fairbanks will be left as sit-
ting ducks out in the middle of no man's
land, between the Soviet armed forces con-
centrated in strength a relative few miles
north and. west, and America's shrunken far-
thest north defense past at Elmendorf Air
Force Base to the south.
It is ironical that on the very day an-
nouncement 1s made of America's first-line
defense post is to be wiped out, Soviet Pre-
mier Khrushchev baldly indicates a worsen-
ing relationship with the United States with
a clearcut insult to President Dwight D.
Eisenhower.
Taking into account Premier Khrushchev's
current statements, circumstances would
seem to indicate strengthening of our de-
fense posts closest to Russia as the Soviets
maintain their belligerent status.
Public announcement America is cutting
defensive strength of Alaska's formidable
air patrol in the far North hardly seems the
most effective way to soften Russia's present
hard-nosed belligerency. Why should the
bully slow his blustering when his proposed
opponent is running away? Is blustering
Khrushchev going to be intimidated when
he sees our air defense retreating several
hundred miles? We think not.
In yesterday's announcement, General Le-
May, longtime plain-talking boss of SAC,
Air Force offensive arm, took a position dia-
metrically opposed to many other able top
Air Force commanders. From the time of
Gen. Billy Mitchell to today's Alaska top
commander, Lt. Gen. Frank A. Armstrong,
Alaska has been given top priority in world
air strategy.
General LeMay's present position appears
to be a casual writeoff of Alaska's strategic
importance in defense of the United States.
We disagree with General LeMay.
We particularly disagree when results of
his decision will not only reduce defensive
strength of America's first line of defense
by approximately 50 percent, but will in the
process leave Fairbanks and Ladd Air Force
Base sitting out in the middle of no man's
land like ducks in a shooting gallery.
said LeMay brushed it off as just the desires
of a theater commander who had been over-
ruled.
Was Armstrong consulted about the wis-
dom of the elimination of 25 fighters?
"Probably not," BM TLETT quoted LeMay
as answering.
How will the mission of the 449th Squad-
ron be handled after its removal?
"We can operate from the U.S. West Coast
with long-range airplanes just as well as from
Alaska," BARTLETT quoted LeMay as say-
ing.
LeMay was asked what he thought would
happen if Soviet bombers came over Alaska,
as Armstrong envisioned in a public speech
last year in which he said the Russians
could knock out Alaska and move on to hit
deep into the interior of the other States.
LeMay was reported to have replied he
didn't think Soviet attacking aircraft would
strike the United States via Alaska. He said
that would be foolish because they would
risk earlier detection on that route, pre-
sumably by the DEW line radar network.
BARTLETT said LeMay stated he thinks
Elelson, the base from which SAC bombers
are ready to strike back if necessary, is now
of subordinate Importance If Alaska is not
of great importance any longer in the de-
fense strategy of the United States.
GRUENING observed with irony that the
White House just a few years ago thought
Alaska so Important for defense that it in-
sisted that the whole northern section be
set aside for possible military use as a con-
dition for granting statehood.
BARTLETT observed, "This process of whit-
tling down Alaska's defenses" has been un-
derway for several years, bit by bit.
GRUENING also questioned the wisdom of
cutting back on domestic bases while de-
pending upon bases in foreign lands where
America may have only a tenuous hold. He
said LeMay brushed this off by saying that
foreign bases were important.
LeMay also told the delegation he thought
conditions were unfavorable in Alaska for
military operations because the weather goes
down to 60? below zero and the transporta-
tion costs are unusually high.
GRUENING scoffed at both contentions. He
noted that when Alaska Steamship Co. re-
cently announced increased freight rates,
Alaskans were unable to get the armed serv-
ices to join them in protesting this in-
crease.
BARTLETT, a member of the Senate Armed
Services Committee, was particularly dis-
turbed by these developments. Last fall he
toured military bases along the Pacific rim
from Alaska to Japan and returned con-
vinced that U.S. defenses needed boosting
rather than reducing. His pleas to that
effect have fallen on deaf ears here.
[From the Fairbanks (Alaska) Daily News.
Miner, May 12, 1860]
Is Now THE TIME To REDUCE OUR DEFENSES?
Yesterday's News-Miner had two front
page headlines: "Military Cuts Strength
Here," followed by "Khrushchev May Not
Want Visit From Ike."
The first headline preceded an announce-
ment by Gen. Curtis E. LeMay, Vice Chief of
Staff of the U.S. Air Force, that one of the
two fighter squadrons stationed in Alaska
would be eliminated within the next few
months; that before the year is out, the
449th Fighter Group, manning America's and
Alaska's farthest north defense post, will
move south.
The fighter base closest to Russia will be
abandoned as a fighter base. America's first
line of defense will retreat southward sev-
eral hundred miles.
Ladd Air Force Base, home of the 449th,
and Ladd's host city of Fairbanks will no
longer be the first line of defense.
[From the Fairbanks (Alaska) Daily News-
Miner, May 13, 1960]
ARE WE EXPENDABLE?
Gen. Curtis LeMay, Deputy Chief of Staff
of the Air Force, would have us believe
that, militarily, Alaska is expendable.
He is quoted as saying that Alaska is no
longer of great importance in the defense
strategy of the United States. This state-
ment was given to Alaska's congressional
delegation in justification of the Air Force's
plans to cut the strength of Ladd Air Force
Base by withdrawing the 449th Fighter In.
terceptor Squadron.
The action comes at a most inopportune
time-a time when world tensions have
reached S. high peak-a time when every
facet of defense needs strengthening in-
stead of weakening.
It is hard to believe that General LeMay's
dogmatic view on Alaska's strategic im-
portance is shared widely in military
circles.
Starting with Gen. Billy Mitchell's evalua-
tion of the importance of Alaska as key to
the continent's defense to similar views ex-
pressed more recently by Lt. Gen. Frank A.
Armstrong, Alaska's present military com-
mander, Alaska's vital role in the military
picture has never been minimised.
On March 17, 1958, Franklin L. Orth,
Deputy Assistant Secretary of the Army
told the Anchorage Chamber of Commerce
he considers Alaska "the keystone in the
arch of our defensive system."
Orth added: "Alaska has now become the
strongest defensive link in our outpost of
freedom."
May 17
Lt. Gen. J. H. Atkinson, formerly com-
mander in chief of the Alaskan command,
told the Alaska Chamber of Commerce: "As
we all know, Alaska is an outpost of our
continental defense, and I cannot overem-
phasize its importance in the strategic pic-
ture. It is a shoulder of the Polar Basin,
that most critical area which separates us
from Siberia and from the heartland of
Russia itself."
In a later speech, General Atkinson de-
clared: "It is logical to assume that if
Alaska is a desirable location strategically
from which to fly manned aircraft against
enemy targets, it will be an equally desir-
able strategic location from which to launch
unmanned aircraft-namely, missiles."
General Atkinson based his remarks on the
contention that range will. always be an
important factor in that it is cheaper to
send an aircraft or missile 500 miles than
5,000 miles.
It is even more surprising and shocking
as Senator BARTLETT says-that after all
these views on Alaska's value to American
defense from responsible military leaders we
are told that Alaska is expendable.
It Is even more surprising and shocking
for taxpayers in Alaska and elsewhere to be
told that the millions of dollars spent to
construct strong military outposts in Alaska
are now construed to be in vain and useless.
We are not military men, nor have we
made a thorough study of military concepts
and strategy. Yet we cannot see the wis-
dom of weakening and neutralizing the one
American State which is closest to America's
greatest potential enemy.
We cannot see the wisdom of deciding
that more than 200,000 Americans In Amer-
ica's largest State are expendable and ap-
parently to be left without adequate de-
fenses.
We wonder If the Russians would apply
the same sort of thinking to the vast reaches
of Siberia, the Kamchatka Peninsula or other
key points in their defense system?
We still believe-and we are convinced
our view would have firm support in mil-
itary circles-that Alaska is a highly im-
portant segment of our national military
picture. We believe that from a standpoint
of continental defense, our Government
should retain Alaskan defenses at a high
level. We believe that instead of stripping
Alaska of her defenses, these changes should
be augmented with both missiles and air-
craft.
America's national security should not be
sold down the river so casually.
To weaken Alaska now would be to create
an inviting "Pearl Harbor" which would
prove extremely tempting to our potential
enemies, and harmful to our national secu-
rity.
Is Alaska expendable? We must disagree
most emphatically with those who feel it is.
Alaska is not only expendable-It is Amer-
ica's most important shield against an ag-
gressor.
Loss of Alaska could prove a crippling
blow to the entire defense of America,
STATE OF ALASICA,
Juneau, May 14, 1960.
Hon. THOMAS S. GATES, Jr.,
Secretary of Defense,
The Pentagon, Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. SECRETARY: This is to protest, in
feelings stronger than words can convey, the
recently disclosed decision of the Air Force
to deactivate the 449th Fighter Interceptor
Squadron at the Ladd Air Force Base.
I do so because of my deep concern with
the effect of this reduction, predicated, ap-
parently, solely on budgetary considerations,
upon the Nation's defenses.
It is my understanding that the 449th rep-
resents more than 40 percent of the existing
fighter strength in Alaska. With its depar-
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4HE NEWS FROM PARIS ON INTER-
NAT7:ON,ApL. AFFAIRS
,de he news from PTexas. ais will c use a
wave of regret and disappointment all
over the world. Apparently the pros-
pects of .any kind, 49a:successful con-
ference at the su t Virtually dead.
At no time were ear
accomplishment of great
Terence, ,better:, summit ctn
e
abrupt fn But the
anner ? :;aWbi , tey seem to
be coming to an ;o-shadows a peri
od of greater tuns ,anti greater agony
for a war-we tir , , 1
soI coral } nisi
t a eor to' ba indicating already
crisis may bePlunged into a
over %Wu. For whatever reason,
the, Comnit leaders seem bent on
forcing is'sge~, rather than seeking to
resolve therxA~
It is evident that the determination
and th9,,unity of the American people
are going to ,be tested as never before
in our history. The so-called cold war
puts a heavy strain on the nerves and
the hearts of'.people everywhere in the
world.
This isdeflnitely,a time for Americans
to unite, because something very pre-
cious i
` at st
k
s
a
e -freedom in this world.
If th hae been mistakes, respon-
sr
billy i e rSse
_ c4tov and ob-
e
` vreaken tine free
world"ii
division within our own ranks.
Amer-should try to keep Open every
channel of communication, because it is
always better to talk than to fight. But
keeping open every channel of com-
municatQn in good faith does not mean
that 'we ,?hould relax,our determination
to maintain freedom as a way of life.
Mr' FIELD. Mr. President, I
sho id like oin in the statement
Which has. been made by the distin-
guished majority leader. His statement
exhibits his well-known pattern of
statesmanship and responsibility, and es-
pecially so in the grave crisis which con-
fronts all of us at the present time.
.100
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iE RIGHT OF THE CONGRESS TO
BE INFORMED
The SPEAKER. Under previous order
of the House, the gentleman from Ver-
mont [Mr. MEYER] is recognized for 15
minutes.
(Mr. MEYERsked and was given
permission to revise and extend his re-
marks and include extraneous matter.)
Mr. MEYER. Mr. Speaker, I believe
that` r rrglltgos Members of this House
have been and are infringed upon.
As .th of the U-;b plane in-
o
viet .Russia we heard the
ciden o
following on this floor:
Although the Members of the House have.
not gleneihlly been informed on the subject
the mi6n was one of a series and part of
an estt I h, ild"program with which the sub-
commit in charge of the program was fa-
m ,anW'o w ich it had been fully ap-
prised duping this and previous sessib :
However, earlier in the other body one
Miler spa ed that n he nor any
other of the ec 'Appropria-
tions u committee which has for 13
years passed on the, Central ]Intelligence
A Gncy,,.budget had ever heard that it
operated planes.
When I subscribed to the following
oath of office-
I, WILLIAM. H. -MEYER, do solemnly swear
that I will support and defend the Consti-
tution of the : United ' States against all
enemies, foreign and domestic; that I take
this obligation freely, without any mental
reservation. or purpose of evasion, and that
I will well and faithfully discharge the duties,
of the office'on which I am about to enter.
So help me Gad=
I obligated myself to fulfill it and to
fulfill it regardless of what others might
do that,might interfere with my obliga-
tion. I say that the previous statements
in both'bodies leave me confused as to
what actually has happened in secret.
Nevertllcless and regardless, I claim that
my sincere attempt to fulfill my oath of
office is being obstructed and that this
is harmful to my country. I wish to
quote these excerpts from our Consti-
tution that relate to my claim.
To begin with, we are charged with
the following duties at various points in
the Constitution of the United States:
1. * * * Raising revenue.
2. Lay and collect taxes ? + ? and pro-
vide for the common defense.
3. To declare war.
4. To raise and support armies, but no ap-
propriation of money to that :use shall be
for a longer term than 2 years.
5. To make rules for the government and
regulation of the land and naval forces.
6. To make all laws which shall be neces-
sary and proper for carrying into execution
the foregoing powers, and all other powers
vested by this Constitution in the Govern-
ment of the United States, or in any' depart-
ment or officer thereof.
I would like also to quote the following
excerpts from the Constitution:
7. No money shall be drawn from the
Treasury, but in consequence of appropria-
tions made by law; and a regular statement
and account of the receipts and expenditures
of all public money shall be published from
time to time.
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File president, vise president, and all summit meeting indicates either ncredi- He i5 over in Geneva now. Ie sc s.
Civil officers of the United States, shall be i&Ct ddit Ora jive America's position is rapidly detYiioralui!,
iemoved from office on impeachment for, and S 1tp"ie s O state from because the visible signs of leadership Lhe
conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high 4Fworld had hoped for friendly grin to one side, are fewer and
crimes and misdemeanors. of tensions, a test ban treaty, fewer. The traged o _ JJLe.fa-'.3 illuminated
this as v~1LTC'"1 ring hash. 'T'ile uni-
9. The enumeration in the Constitution of are some easing insurance of human survival
certain rights, shall not be construed to deny and verse!: regret and sorrow in the European
prese=, oven in West Germany where there is
or disparage others retained by the people. through disarmament.
Sga1d.-If unarmed, and possibly a con[-z::ed desire to cling to the concept of
Then I want to repeat the sentence armed flights of this illegal kind are American infallibility, are expressed in terms
contained in an amendment to the Con- common practice, is it not true that the of restraint, that cloak dismay and indigna-
stitution: power to plunge us into war now rests tie".
I say that as a Representative to Con- with any one of hundreds, many of Mr. Speaker, I could go on for a long
gress I must know what is going on if I whom may be willing to gamble their time with many other quotes and many
am to fulfill my duties. I and the vast lives, and perhaps the lives of all human- other references to the Constitution
majority of Congressmen cannot do this ity for the high pay involved, or because and the traditions of our country in the
if either the House or Senate statements they think they are performing a serv- past.
previously mentioned by me reflect the ice? And also under the points I prey- I do not want to be in the position in
conditions we operate under. There can. lously mentioned from the Constitution which I am playing what would be called
be no first-class and. second ela R,,jra- and many others, Lwould as ir8ly, partisan politics. That does not enter
titifl of 1 ,ressmen We all must have yyhat of the, superior morn T b c a ed into the picture at all. But neither can
equal' access to thosert' f t by to Government which lies and, we afford to be biparthlan. There is a
whicl1' cknriot fulfill our oath of office when caught, justifies the act which it difference. We can be nonpartisan, and
and our constitutional duties. tried to hide by Claiming that it was no when the national interest of the United
No man can tell me that I have any worse than acts done by a totalitarian States is at stake I, for myself, prefer to
greater duty than to safeguard the rights Communist Government, whose im- be nonpartisan rather than bipartisan.
of Congress and our people when the morality it consistently condemns? I believe that someone must speak out
threat of actions leading to war are so Mr. Speaker, one Member of the other and correct this tragic comedy of errors.
ominous. War niust be prevented, 'and body has said that'ie n e ";?fates was The people who are at fault must in some
at the very least it must not come while an a3I?;res.,Qx. in cPnd ,x7-2 slane way be told to ollange some of the acts,
our people and CQrs esaare purposefully deep:,Ant , ' I m 97t no go M some of the thinking that Is leading
t far, 'but I wou at least say that we them to do these things. Somehow or
thw~
kept.ixl #.b~ dpi &s jthright before the summit
conference collapsed. I look upon it as
an answer to the time proposal made by
Mr. Khrushchev, to the effect that he
would be willing to consider another
summit meeting 6 or:$,_gnths hence.
As these leaders ""off the opposition
party-that is to say, the party in. op-
position to the present administration-
made abundantly clear, in this country
they(. =t2e..nd} ilo bkse4l-op what
h;ilann?TIPd_ ,ri t; but there
will be unity, because it is needed and
because it is voluntarily given and as-
serted.
Mr. President, speaking of the summit
meeting, the breakdown of the meeting
at Paris calls for a reassessment in the
field of diplomacy. Perhaps what has
happened at Paris is, in a sense a bless-
ing in disguise.
It may well bring about an end to
summit meetings, which are mostly cere-
Tht d Piave a tendency to provide
a propaganda afield ydU for the press, the
radio;'` `and even for some 6f-`t'lie
colrtrles concerned: It -Would-V6--far
better if we fetu'rndd'-to quiet diplomacy
based on conferences in private, good
faith on the pa or the e OR, and
real authority__ v st , ~q~~~y
Aml:massaors by those constitutionally
respons 6Te.In this way the hard,
dogged, and determined work which
must be shown on any question leading
up to a solution Can b~ nerfjQM -by
of ' 'CCie f
gry or
-'- coup ies coneerne .
It caul" De done on a mutual basis, a give-
and-take basis, and perhaps in this way
marginal differences in the beginning
can be accommodated, and, as time goes
on, even larger problems discussed, and
perhaps settled.
Summit t,r1~,bect .r nn.,rt
on lOr~_nn nsL~p~ntrr and
too limited in time. If they are to be
held, they should be held for the pur-
pose of allowing the chiefs of state to
put their final stamp of approval on
May 18
agreements which had already been
reached at lower levels; and certainly
not, as in this most recent summit meet-
ing, for the purpose of downgrading and
humiliating the chiefs of staff of the
Western Powers, and most especially
President Eisenhower.
Mr. President, the invitation to visit
the Soviet Union extended by Mr.
Khrushchev to the President of the
United States has been withdrawn. I
understand from the press, though, that
President Eisenhower intends to visit
Japan and Korea. I would hope that,
in addition to those two countries, at
that time he will find it possible to visit
the Republic of the Philippines and the
Republic of South Vietnam as well.
I would hope also that what has hap-
pened at the summit, the breakdown,
will not be duplicated at Geneva, be-
cause there at the present time there
are at least technically three confer-
ences in being: first, a conference on
banning nuclear tests ; second, a con-
ference on disarmament; and third, a
conference on surprise attack, which I
understand has been in suspension since
December 1958.
I would hope devoutly that these three
conferences would continue to the end
that at least in these fields, a,. modicum
of peace and stability could be achieved
for the people of the world.
Mr. President, for the
1~ slave given particular
attention to the headlines and to the
captions on the various columns ex-
pressing individual opinions as to whdt
has been taking place in Paris. It con-
stitutes something of a fantasy when
one writes them all in a column, taking
a good many pages, to see what a myriad
viewpoint is expressed.
The comment of the majority leader
comes as a refreshing note indeed in
all this confusing complex, because it
reasserts from the opposition party the
unity of this country and its determina-
tion to stand behind the man who is
endowed by the Constitution and
charged by the Constitution with the
conduct of our foreign policy. As he
goes abroad to diplomatic battle, it may
be a cheering happenstance that the
ancient. alphabet makers put the letter
"U" aheadof the letter "V." I have al-
thought t fiaE "LT" ity must
necessarily come ahea oo 'T;'-for vic-
tory- hether it be in battle oY h i dip-
olmatic interchange. And so this note
of unity is the kind of thing that ener-
gizes a national leader when he is thou-
sands of miles from home, and it makes
him feel that all of his troops, regard-
less of their political affiliations, are
behind him; and I think I can say, for
the President, to the majority leader
and his associates, "Thanks for a re-
freshing message."
Mr. ~KU HL Mr. President, that is
a sp1e or the minority leader
to say, and it was also fine for the ma-
jority leader and for the assistant ma-
jority leader to have said what they did.
What has happened in Paris is no real
disaster for our beloved country. It has
perhaps more than ever knit more
closely together the people of the United
States. We do not intend to lose our
liberty. We will continue to work far a
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
May 18
ministrator concerning airman and air- was granted by the Congress to protect the Administrator was charged by the
craft certificates. Time and experience the rights of individuals, can be cireum- Congress with "the promotion, en-
now have indicated that this provision vented by the FAA Administrator by the couragement, and development of civil
does t provide for an adequate review simple expedient of revising or amend- aeronautics." Unless this matter is cor-
of de ions of the Administrator. ing any rule under which the Agency rected and the Administrator discharges
Under the provisions of the Federal may receive adverse rulings from the these responsibilities I" reasonable and
Aviation 'pct, the Civil Aeronautics Civil Aeronautics Board on actions just manner, we will;ee our very valu-
Board has the authority to hear an ap- against individual pilot certificates. The able national asset-,.=bur aviation indus-
peal from a c"ival airman with respect to CAB is helpless in such cases. try-wither on tl e"vine under the bur-
whether or not the action against the in- The Federal Aviation Agency has been den of Goverx}lnent oppression. We
dividual was correct and proper under ;,, PY'1 CtP?AP frtr oh.na,t o :mer o.~A , half have hP~rA nn ;nnrv rnno e, nr c +h t +hP
~caaaa ~~ ~ll~ofL V,,c Cae Federal uy Aviation on and in that time the Administrator has
Administrator tie Feder promulgated numerous rulings regu-
Agency. The Civil " eronautics Board lating flying and the conduct of pilots
does not have the aurity to take any in the air. Some of these regulations
decisive action with regal l to correction have deprived pilots of their livelihood,
of a ' faulty or unsound rule, even though the pilots may have had
In practical operation, We have dis- many years of experience and a good
covered that the rights of an- Individual safety record. These regulations have
pilot receive less consideration Jrnder the been passed over a multitude of objec-
administration of the Federal``' viation
A,.t ____~ tions, with little factual evidence that.
country, who are active civil picots, "~""'"b'
380,000 by the last official count of the I do not believe that it was the Gent
o, a subject +;;: of the Congress to authorize or d icour-
Federal Aviation Agenc
y
regulationsbunder~ the presentenforce- arbitrary manner, and I shar
ment program of the Agency and there-
after stand guilty until they can prove
their innocence. If a civil penalty com-
promise is offered by the Administrator
when the pilot is accused, his only appeal
is to the same Administrator who has
made the charge against him. Thus, we
find that the FAA Administrator who
made the rule and who charged the pilot
with violating the rule, also acts as the
judge, jury, and prosecutor. Under these
proceedings, the pilot stands guilty until
he can prove his innocence. These pro-
ceedings violate every basic concept of
Anglo-Saxon law and justice. The only
alternative open to a pilot in these cases
is to take his case to the Federal courts,
wherein the legal costs may well exceed
more than 10 times the cost of the com-
promise penalty offered by the FAA.
Usually, the pilot will accept the charge.,
vidual pilot relief, regardless of ,~1he
costs.
The PRESIDENT pro tempor The
time of the Senator from Califo>ia [Mr.
ENGLE] has expired. ra4
Mr. JOHNSON of Texas.
dent, I ask unanimous cons
for-has actegVwith the law-Aviation
Act of 19581-and the Administrative
Procedure Act.
The pilot does have an avenue of
appeal iiycases where the FAA Admin-
istrator suspends or revokes his pilot's
certificate. This appeal may be made
to the Civil Aeronautics Board in ac-
cordance with the present act. However,
we have found that this appeal, which
Federal Aviatfon Agency program is be-
ing carried?.tin with utmost vigor in the
interest o,public safety. I wish to com-
mend t Agency for its forthright in-
terest safety, but I also wish to remark
that A he individual who is most con-
cer - d with the safety of an aircraft is
t pilot who is in the front of that air-
major violation of basic safety concepts.
These pilots are vitally interested in
flight safety and have contributed much
to develop this great national asset.
Unfortunately, these people are operat-
ing under a severe handicap in the form
of procedures imposed upon them by the
tei_~brought to their atte on by their individual is denied the same due proc-
cort.ituents in the avia "' industry. I ess of law that is the very foundation of
have,, no quarrel wit -O the need for our American way of life.
immediate action by >$ ie Administrator No one human being is infallible, yet
of FAA' ,pn matters herein there is a we have vested in one man this vast
clear'-cut nd factuneed for corrective authority over an entire industry. In
action in're interest of safety in the a field so vital, progressive and complex
air and to i otec the public, but unfor- as the aviation industry, a safeguard
tunately, ma of the arbitrary rulings- must be provided to insure reasonable
that have la handed down by the and proper exercise of this all-powerful
Administra, ub,der this power that we authority. For this reason, I consider it
have given`" him, e not in areas where of utmost importance that the Federal
there isctual or'blear-cut evidence to Aviation Act of 1958 be amended so as to
support his action "in the interest of grant the Civil Aeronautics Board cer-
safety In fact, ther~jis very little evi- tain review authority over the actions of
dente to indicate that, any of his so- the Administrator of the Federal Avia-
cal)i~ti safety rulings wild have pre- tion Agency. It is quite clear now that
vested any of the unforti ate accidents we have placed too much power in the
that have occurred in the ast, or will hands of a single individual and that a
make any significant can bution to safeguard must be provided by the Con-
safety in the future. gress to protect the rights of our citizens
It Is quite clear to me thatt he Ad- in this vital business. Without this safe-
ministrator must be required hold guard, many grave injustices will be im-
hearings on proposed rulings w h do posed upon law abiding and upright citi-
not require emergency exercise e his zens and this dynamic economic resource
authority in the interest of safety. y will not continue to develop as it should
by following such procedure and obta - with the proper encouragement of the
ing full information from all bf the val Federal Government.
able sources both within and outside o So. Mr. President, I offer for introduc-
Government, can the Administrator ar- \ tion and appropriate reference two bills,
rive at reasonable and just rules which rst a bill to amend the Federal Aviation
are necessary in the public interest. t of 1958 to give the Civil Aeronautics
Failure to . obtain full information B rd certain review authority over the
through the medium of public hearings A inistrator of the Federal Aviation
has resulted in actions by the Adminis- Agefl y, and second, a bill to amend the
trator which I consider arbitrary and Feder Aviation Act of 1958 with re-
unwarranted, and which have resulted spect the authority of the Adminis-
in grave injustices whereby many trator the Federal Aviation Agency
capable and experienced pilots have been over air n's certificates.
deprived of their flying privileges and I ask un imous consent that the text
their :livelihood. of these bi and they are short-be
Aviation has become one of the great printed in th RECORD immediately fol-
industries of the United States and I feel lowing my re rks.
strongly that the Administrator of the The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The
Federal Aviation Agency must exercise bills will be appr'priately referred, and,
his responsibilities in this great and without objection? the bills will be
growing industry in a reasonable and printed in the RECORD.
just manner. To do otherwise would be The bills, introduced by Mr. ENGLE,
contrary to the declaration of policy were received, read twice by their titles,
stated in section 103 of the act wherein referred to the Committee on Interstate
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Q'GRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
that Khrushchev's imprecations have
knit together more closely the peoples of
the free world.
What has been said here today has
been echoed in parliaments all around
the globe. I read with the greatest of
interest the moving comments of the
Prime Minister of the Flemish people to
the Holland Parliament, in which he
went on to say that so long as free peo-
ple stand together, freedom can well be
secured.
I congratulate my colleague on the
other side of the aisle, and my Repub-
RESOLUTION OF BOARD OF SUPER-
VISORS OF ERIE COUNTY, N.Y.
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to have printed in
the i,ECORD a resolution adopted by- the
Board of Supervisors of Erie County,
N.Y.,favoring the enactment of legisla-
tion to provide medical care for elderly
citizens.
There being no objection, the resolu-
tion w,s ordered to be printed in the
RECORD; as follows:
Whereas the agricultural productivity of
America has resulted in an abundance of
healthful and nutritious foods; and
Whereas "medical science has made tre-
mendous ogress in the development of
surgical methods and drugs which strengthen
and prolong 11f e; and
Whereas as"a result we can all look forward
to a healthier' ,nd longer life; and
Whereas since life expectancy has in-
creased, we have in our midst a large num-
ber of senior citizens without whose efforts
our recent situation would not be possible;
and
Whereas the cos* and frequency of medical
care increases as person reaches the age
of 65 which is the andatory retirement age
or in conjunction th social security y
spreading the cost ov the productive y0firs
Whereas the benefit of medical d to
senior citizens would ? outweigh a very
Resolved, That this h orable oard go on
record as strongly in fav, of dical aid to
senior citizens.
Attest:
LEOW HINKLEY,
Deputy Clerk of the rd of Supervi-
The followingeports 4 committees
.A I
By Mr. JOH;A'STON of So '4th Carolina,
from the Com)ffittee on the on the J iciary, with
Borinquen
88).
on Interstate and Foreign Commerce, with
an amendment:
5.3018. A bill to authorize the Maritime
Administration to make advances on Gov-
ernment insured ship mortgages (Rept. No.
1389).
REPORT ENTITLED "TRADING WITH
THE ENEMY ACT"-INDIVIDUAL
VIEWS (S. REPT. NO. 1390)
Mr. JOHNSTON of South Carolina.
Mr. President, pursuant to Senate Reso-
lution 56, as extended, from the Com-
mittee on the Judiciary, I submit a re-
and the Senator from`f+lew York [Mr.
IDEATING ].
Mr. President, I ask unimous con-
sent that the report, together with th
individual views, be printed;,
ceived and printed, as request
Senator from South Carolina.
EXECUTIVE REPORT OF
COMMITTE
By Mr. SCOTT:
S. 3568. A bill to establish a program of
financial and technical assistance designed
to alleviate conditions of anbstantial and
persistent unemployment n economically
depressed areas, and for__ her purposes; to
the Committee on Ba ng and Currency.
By Mr. DIRK (for himself, 1M'.r.
Busi, Mr. WALL, Mr. KEATING, Mr.
MORTON aX~d Mr. DAVITS) :
S. 3569. A bi110o assist areas to develop
and maintain,1!able and diversified econo-
tam of financial and technical
otherwise, and for other pur-
separate heading.)
By Mr. COOPER (for himself, Mr.
MANSFIELD, Mr. BARTLETT, Mr. BYRD
of West Virginia, Mr. KEFAUVER, Mr.
MoRsn, Mr. PROXMIRE, Mr. RANDOLPH,
Mr. GRUENING, Mr. MCNAMARA, and
Mr. CLARK) :
S. 3570. A bill to provide for the humane
treatment of animals used in experiment
and tests by recipients of grants from the
United States and by agencies and instru-
mentalities of the U.S. Government, and for
other purposes; to the Committee on Labor
and Public Welfare.
(See the remarks of Mr. CooPER when he
The following favabie reports , der a separate heading.)
nominations were suWnitted: By Mr. HUMPHREY:
from the Committee n1 S.J. Res. 195. Joint resolution -providing
INTRODUCED
Bil nd a Joint resolution were intio-
duc read the first time, and, by iffi consent, the second time, and re-
the Interior to revoke in whole or in part
the school and. agency farm reserve on the
Lac du Flambeau Reservation; to the Com-
mittee on Interior and Insular 'Affairs.
By Mr. LAUSCHE:
S. 3562. A bill to amend the act entitled
"An act to incorporate the Hungarian Re-
formed Federation of America," approved
March 2, 1907, and for other purposes; to
the Committee on the District of Columbia.
By Mr. ENGLE :
S. 3563. A bill to amend the Federal Avia-
tion Act of 1958 to give the Civil Aeronautics
Board certain review authority over the Ad-
ministrator of the Federal Aviation Agency;
and
S. 3564. A bill to amend the Federal Avia-
tion Act of 1958 with respect to. the authority
of the Administrator of the Federal Aviation
Agency over airmen's certificates; to the
Committee on Interstate and Foreign Com-
merce.
(See the remarks of Mr. ENGLE when he
introduced the above bills, which appear un-
der a separate heading.)
By Mr. HOLLAND:
S. 3565. A bill for the relief of Alpo Frans-
sila Crane; to the Committee on the Judi-
ciary.
By Mr. FONG:
S. 3566. A bill for the relief of Yun Fun
Cheng Chan; to the Committee on the
Judiciary.
By Mr. CURTIS:
S. 3567. A bill providing for the disposi-
tion of judgment funds of the Omaha Tribe
of Indians; to the Committee on Interior
and Insular Affairs.
TR TMENT OF LICENSED PILOTS
BY' DERAL AVIATION AGENCY
Mr. INNGLE. Mr. President, I con-
tinue to a distressed at what I feel to be
arbitraractions by the Federal Avia-
tion Age in the matter of treatment
of licensed Ivil pilots under the author-
ity granted, the FAA Administrator by
the Congress ?n the Federal Aviation Act
of 1958. Se tors may recall the tragic
series of mida collisions that prompted
a review of th then existing Civil Air
Regulations resulted in enactment
by the 85th Coness of the Federal Avi-
ation Act, which, laced extraordinary
powers in the ha s of a single man-
the Administrator f the Federal Avia-
tion Agency. At t t time, I expressed
concern with regar to the vast power
that would be lodge ;an one individual,
but the act was pa ed most expedi-
tiously in the overall iterests of safety.
it may be recalled that estimony before
the Senate Interstate al Foreign Com-
merce Committee indicad the desire of
the aviation industry to perate in the
legislative overhaul of ourVivil Air Reg-
ulations. Misgivings we -e voiced by
aviation leaders concerning certain as-
pects of the appeal provisions of the
Federal Aviation Act and the thought
was expressed that recourse to the Con-
gress would be utilized if a reasonable
period of operation indicated that some
modification or amendment of the act
was required.
When the act of 1958 was put in final
form and passed by the Congress, a pro-
vision was included in section 609 for
appeal to the Civil Aeronautics Board
with regard to rulings by the FAA Ad-
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 ,9794
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i....
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE May
list of the documented cases of spying
by Communist agents on American soil.
There being no objection, the list was
ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as
fellows:
EOVIL'3',-, ,''ISIALAGF'A.. Sk,{+S,'},', OF RE-
FORTED C " ~a.~T SPIONAGE IN THL
Ui TATES AND GTHER WESTERN ALINED
NATIONS
(NOTE.-Those instances involving diplo-
matic personnel are indicated by "Diplo-
matic.")
May 1, 1946: Allan Nunn May, a British
scientist who worked on atomic energy in
Canada, was sentenced to 10 years in prison
by a British court. May was part of the
Soviet espionage ring in Canada which was
exposed by Igor Gouzenko, a code clerk in
the Soviet Embassy in Ottawa, who broke
with the. Russians and sought political
asylum. Seventeen Soviet Embassy officials
charged with espionage have been expelled
from Canada. Eight Canadian citizens, in-
cluding a member of Parliament, were con-
victed of espionage and given various jail
sentences.
June 30, 1949: Judith Coplon was con-
victed of taking Justice Department secrets
and using them to aid Russia. She was
'sentenced to from 40 months to 10 years in
prison. On January 28, 1952, the U.S. Su-
preme Court ruled that she was entitled to
a new trial because the Government used il-
legal wiretap evidence. She was never re-
tried on this charge.
October 31, 1949 (diplomatic) : Dr. Erwin
Munk and a clerk named Horvat of the
Czech Embassy in Washington were declared
persona non grata.
January 25, 1950: Alger Hiss found guilty
of lying to a grand jury in 1948 when he
declared that he had never given.any secret
State Department documents to Whittaker
Chambers, who then passed them on to the
Soviet Union. He was sentenced to 5 years
in prison.
March 1, 1950: Klaus Fuchs was sentenced
by a British court to 14 years imprisonment
after pleading guilty to giving atomic secrets
to Russia.
March 9, 1950: Judith Coplon, in her
second trial, was found guilty of conspiracy
to commit espionage and was sentenced to
15 years in prison. On December 5, 1950,
the U.S. Court of Appeals reversed the con-
viction on the grounds of illegal arrest and
use of illegal wiretap evidence. The Supreme
Court refused to review the case on January
28, 1952.
March 0. 1950 (diplomatic) : Valetin A.
Gubitchev, a United Nations employee, was
found guilty as Judith Coplon's codefend-
ant. He was sentenced to 15 years' imprison-
ment but the sentence was suspended on
condition he leave the United States. Gubit-
chev sailed for Poland on March 20th.
April 15, 150: Air Force Cpl. Gustav
Mueller was convicted of attempting to give
U.S. military secrets to Russia. He was. sen-
tenced to 5 years at hard labor.
September 22, 1950: Alfred D. Slack
pleaded guilty to giving samples -of a secret
explosive to Harry Gold and was sentenced
to 15 years in prison.
November 22, 150: Abraham Brothman was
convicted of conspiring to mislead a grand
jury (which was investigating espionage)
and of influencing Harry Gold to give false
statements to the jury. He was sentenced
to 7 years' imprisonment and fined $15,000.
In July, 1951, the U.S. Circuit Court of Ap-
peals upheld the 2-year sentence and $10,000
fine for misleading a grand jury, but re-
versed the 5-year sentence. and $5,000 fine
for influencing Gold.
November 22, 1950: Miriam Moskowitz was
convicted (together with A. Brothman) of
conspiring to mislead a grand jury and was
entenced to 2 years in prison and fined
0,000.
December 9, 1950: Harry Gold pleaded
guilty to transmitting atomic secrets to the
Russians and received a 30-year prison sen-
tence.
April 5, 1951: Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
were sentenced to death for procuring and
transmitting atom bomb secrets to Rusisa
during and after the Second World War.
They were both executed on June 19, 1953.
April 5, 1951: Morton Sobell was sentenced
to 30 years in prison for giving nonatomic
defense secrets to the Fuchs-Gold spy ring.
April 6, 1951: David Greenglass admitted
to giving atomic data to the Fuchs-Gold
ring while working as an Army technician at
Los Alamos, N. Max., and was sentenced to
15 years' imprisonment.
September 20, 1951 (diplomatic) : Nicho-
lai P, Orlov, the assistant naval secretary of
the Soviet Embassy in Stockholm, was or-
dered to leave Sweden immediately in con-
nection with the Andersson espionage case.
November 14, 1951: Ernest Hilding Anders-
son, a petty officer in the Swedish Navy, was
sentenced to life imprisonment after being
found guilty of gross espionage for the Soviet
Union. Andersson admitted supplying the
Russians with secret data on the Swedish
Navy, coastal defense installations, and
suitable invasion areas along the coast of
northern Sweden. He named N. P. Orlov,
Konstantin Vinogradov, a Soviet Embassy
secretary, and Tass correspondent Victor
Anissi.mov as his accomplices.
October 1952: Nikolai Skvartsov, a political
officer in the U.N. Department of Security
Council Affairs, was discharged after the
State Department notified the U.N. that he
had violated a U.S. law.
February 4, 1953: William Remington was
found guilty of perjuring himself at his first
trial in 1951 when he said he never gave any
secret material of the War Production Board
to Elizabeth Bentley, a self-styled Commu-
nist Spy. He was sentenced to 3 years in
prison.
February 25, 19$3: Lev C. Pissarev, Tass
correspondent, was deported from the Neth-
erlands for spying after being arrested on
December 23 in the act of receiving secret
documents from a Dutch official who was co-
operating with the police.
May 30, 1953 (diplomatic)* Christache
Zambetf, first secretary of the Rumanian Le-
gation in Washington, was declared persona
non grata for attempting to blackmail a U.S.
citizen into espionage acts.
June 5, 1953: William Perl was sentenced
to 5 years in prison for perjury for having
told is grand jury in 1950 that he did not
know atom spies Julius Rosenberg and Mor-
ton Sobell.
June. 8, 1953: Air Force Staff Sgt. Gins-
seppe Cascio was convicted by court martial
in Taegu, Korea, of conspiracy to give jet
plane secrets to the Communists. He was
given a 20-year jail sentence and a dishon-
orable discharge.
June 8, 1953: Kurt Ponger and Otto Ver-
ber were convicted of conspiracy to procure
and transmit Army, Air Force, and aircraft
plant data to the Soviet Union. They were
sentenced to 5 to 15 years and 31%, to 10
years in prison, respectively.
June 8, 1953 (diplomatic) : Yuri Novikov,
second secretary of the Soviet Embassy, was
named as a coconspirator in the Verber-
Ponger indictment. He was then declared
persona non grata by the U.S. Government
and returned to the Soviet Union.
October 31, 1953: Pvt. Robert W. Dorey
was sentenced to 15 years in prison after
pleading guilty to fleeing to East Germany,
then twice returning to the U.S. Zone with
Soviet agents whom he guided around U.S.
military installations.
February 3, 1954 (diplomatic) : Igor A.
Amosov, assistant naval attache at the So-
viet Embassy in Washington, was declared
persona non grata and expelled for engaging
in espionage.
February 3, 1954 (diplomatic) : Alexander
P. Kovalev, second secretary to the Soviet
delegation to the United Nations was de-
clared persona non grata and expelled for
espionage activities.
May 29, 1954 (diplomatic) : Leonid E. Piv-
nev, assistant air attache in the Soviet Em-
bassy in Washington, was declared persona
non grata and expelled for engaging in es-
pionage.
August 28, 1954: Nobunlori Higurashi, a
Japanese Foreign Office official, committed
suicide after he had confessed to giving se-
cret information to a Soviet spy ring. The
central figure in the ring was Yuri A. Rast-
vorov. former member of the Soviet mission
in Tokyo, who has been granted political
asylum in the United States. Two other
Foreign Office officials have also been im-
plicated.
December 22, . 1954 (diplomatic) : Maj.
Ludvik Sochor, Czech military attache in
Geneva, and two of his assistants were ex-
pelled from Switzerland for espionage.
September 14, 1955: An Australian Royal
Commission on Soviet Espionage released its
report. The commission, created after
Vladimir Petrov, third secretary of the Soviet
Embassy, sought asylum from the Russians
on April 13, 1954, declared that two Soviet
spy "apparatuses" had been functioning in
Australia since 1943. At least 120 Austral-
ians, all of whom were Communists, assisted
the Soviet spy rings but because of the
Australian law on espionage and the ad-
missibility of evidence no prosecutions were
undertaken.
March 1, 1956 (diplomatic) : Maj. Anatoll
Kuznetsov, assistant military attache of the
Soviet Embassy in Teheran was expelled from
Iran after being arrested with Iranian Air
Force Warrant Officer Hussein Rejaei Tehrani
Who confessed to espionage.
June 14, 1956 (diplomatic) : Col. Ivan A.
Bubchikov, assistant military attache of the
Soviet Embassy in Washington, was declared
persona non grata for "activities incompat-
ible to his continued presence in this coun-
try."
July 13, 1956 (diplomatic) : Gennadi
Popov, the Soviet second secretary, was ex-
pelled from Canada for spying.
August 24, 1956 (diplomatic) : Victor I.
Petrov, a translator in the languages section
on the U.N. Secretariat, was discharged from
the United Nations after the U.S. delegation
issued a statement saying that Petrov had
sought to get "information vital to the secur-
ity and defense of the United States"
August 29, 1956 (diplomatic) : Rostislav
Shapovalov, second secretary of the Soviet
mission to the U.N., was requested to leave
the United States after it was discovered
that he exerted pressure on a Russian refu-
gee in the United States to become a Soviet
agent.
September 5, 1956 (diplomatic) : Sweden
expelled Peter Mirosnikov for receiving secret
data from Anatole Ericson and sent a formal
protest to Moscow about its spy activities in
that country.
October 5, 1956: Anatole Ericson, a radar
instrument maker, was convicted of giving
military secrets to Russia by a Swedish court
and sentenced to 12 years at hard labor.
October 5, 1956: Jean Joseph Philip, a
code clerk at the Budapest Legation in Paris,
and Roger Dubois, Legation press attache,
were convicted in France of spying for the
Hungarian Secret Service and were sentenced
to imprisonment.
December 18, 1956 (diplomatic) : Mate
Vegh, former Hungarian second secretary,
was expelled from Switzerland for spying.
January 14, 1957 (diplomatic) : Maj. Yuri
P. Krylov, assistant military attach? of the
Soviet Embassy in Washington, was declared
persona non grata for purchasing classified
electronic equipment and attempting to pur-
chase secret military information.
January 28, 1957 (diplomatic) : Vassili M
Molev, a clerk attached to the Soviet Em-
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MAY 18 1960
Prouty
Saltonstall
Sparkman
Robertson
Scott
Stennis
Russell
Smith
NAYS-36
Allott
Douglas
Long, Hawaii
Bartlett
Engle
McGee
Beall
Goldwater
Magnuson
Bible
Gruening
Mansfield
Cannon
Hart
Moss
Carroll
Hartke
Murray
Case, N.J.
Hayden
Pastore
Case, S. Dak.
Hruska
Proxmire
Chavez
Humphrey
Thurmond
Church
Jackson
Williams, Del.
Curtis
Kuchel
Young, N. Dak.
Dodd
Lausche
Young, Ohio
NOT VOTING-26
Anderson
Hennings
Randolph
Bennett
Johnson, Tex.
Schoeppel
Brunsdale
Jordan
Smathers
Butler
Kefauver
Symington
Capehart
Kennedy
Talmadge
Ervin
McCarthy
Wlley
Frear
McNamara
Williams, N.J.
Fulbright
Morse
Yarborough
Green
O'Mahoney
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
9793
any 2 cities within the United States. which the governing agency-the Civil
Currently cities such as New York, Aeronautics Board-has found to be so
Chicago, Miami, Los Angeles, San Fran- vitally in the public interest and in the
cisco, Honolulu, Detroit, and Dallas are interest of our national defense. I urge
served with civilian business and tourist Members of the Senate, and particularly
air travelers who have come to depend members of the committees directly af-
on the unique transportation need filled fected in the study of this problem to
by the supplemental airlines. give their most earnest and painstaking
It should also be noted, Mr. President, study to a_oblem that merits immedi-
that much of the credit for holding the ate attbn.
line on air transportation costs belongs
mental air
l
f th
e
e supp
to the pioneers o
REPORTED CAM OF SOVIET
carrier industry who have contributed ION
greatly to low-fare, air coach travel. M ,-
During a visit to the Supplemental r M r rur'-~ Mr. President, this
Carrier Conference, a national trade as- week in Paris Mr. Khrushchev engaged
sociation, I saw the system and facilities in a global blasphemy by raising his
utilized to respond to the demands of right hand and swearing before the God
the Defense Department for troop move- in whom he does not believe that his
mnent on an around-the-clock basis day hands were clean from the standpoint
after day. The services proved them- of international espionage.
selves able and responsible when acti- To a man who started his services on
So the motion to lay on the table the vated by the armed services. Most im- the House Un-American Activities Com-
motion to reconsider was agreed to. portent, perhaps, is the system of the mittee back in the days when Martin
LEGISLATIVE PROGRAM
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, I
should like to inquire, first, of the acting
majority leader, about the program for
tomorrow and also for the remainder of
the week, insofar as it is possible for
him to inform the Senate now.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, in
response to the question asked by the
distinguished minority leader, I must
admit that I do not have too much in-
formation available. But, as of now, it
is the intention to have the Senate meet
at 11 o'clock tomorrow morning, so that
at about 12 o'clock it will be possible for
Senators who desire to do so to make
speeches on the retirement of our dis-
tinguished colleague, the senior Senator
from Wyoming [Mr. O'MAHOrNEY].
It is anticipated that we shall then
bring up some printing resolutions and
minor money resolutions out of the Com-
mittee on Rules and Administration. If
possible, we may get to the Stella bill,
a bill of some renown. If we do not get
to it tomorrow, we should get to it within
the next several days.
I hope within the next 10 minutes or
so to have a more complete schedule to
announce and to inform Senators
whether we shall meet Friday or go over
from Thursday until Monday.
Mr. CANNON. Mr. President, I am
concerned today about the fate of. the
supplemental air carriers industry in
this country. After years of hearings the
Civil Aeronautics Board, in. January
1959, certificated and authorized sup-
plemental air carriers, recognizing this
unique and essential service as a neces-
sary segment of the Nation's air trans-
portation structure. Today the supple-
mental air carriers have a record of
proven contribution in the framework
of air travel, serving civilian passengers
and cargo and as military carriers.
These airlines are unique in that they
have never been nor are they now sub-
sidized by the Federal Government. In
addition to efficient, alert, and depend-
able day-to-day service supplied to the
military, supplemental airlines were
authorized to fly regular scheduled
flights-10 flights per month-between
supplemental air carrier industry in do- Dies, of Texas, was its chairman, that
ing business with the military in such a event struck a familiar note with me,
fashion that it provides airlift ready to and I have obtained from the Le i 1 tie
take on a military mission in a matter Refer of hours if a national emergency should" g7Y over 6 R des,
arise. We have had altogether too men ed in e s ory of the
many illustrations of the deficiencies in United States, beginning on May 1, 1946.
our airlift potential and I am sure that They include such famous cases as the
the committees concerned with this Allan Nunn May case, that of a British
legislation will bear me out in this scientist who was convicted for espio-
statement. This is a time when we nage, involving people in Canada.
should be doing everything we can to The list includes the Judith Coplin
increase our airlift capabilities rather case.. She was convicted of taking
than to harass and place obstacles be- Justice Department secrets and using
fore an industry which serves so useful them to aid Russia.
and necessary functions for both It includes the case of Alger Hiss, who
civilians and military, was found guilty of lying to a grand
I am sure that Congress and friends jury in connection with his theft of
of aviation everywhere were distressed State Department documents.
at the news last month that the ap- The list includes the case of Valetin
pellate court had upset the Civil Aero- A. Gubitchev, a United Nations employee
nautics Board's certification of these. who was found guilty as Judith Cop-
small pioneering airlines which have Ion's codefendant, and who was caught
contributed so much toward our national redhanded transferring American money
defense and as a convenience for the for spy secrets to be delivered to the
traveling public. Russian Government, for whom he was
I know, Mr. President, that the court then working.
held that the : Civil Aeronautics Board The list includes the case of Harry
had no legal means by which these car- Gold.
riers' important services could be cer- The list includes the case of Julius
tificated under the Federal Aviation Act, and Ethel Rosenberg, about whom noth-
as the statute is now in effect, and the ing further need be said.
court pointed out that the problem is one It includes the Morton Sobell case.
In It includes the David Greenglass case.
ressional action
h i
n
hi
it
.
nv
es co
g
w
c
fact, it is my interpretation that the It includes the case of William Rem-
Congress would be remiss in its historic mington, who was found guilty of
duty to further the cause of safe and perjuring himself at his first trial in
dependable air travel if we failed to act 1951, when he said he never gave any
on this problem. It may perhaps be only secret material of the War Production
a technical change that is required in the Board to Russia.
law, which can be remedied by the Con- It includes the case of Yuri Novikov,
gress, but our failure to act will have a Secretary of the Soviet Embassy, named
most serious and perhaps disastrous ef- as a coconspirator in the Verber-Ponger
indictment.
feet on peacetime air transportation and
national security. It includes the case of Igor A. Amo-
I hope, Mr. President, that my col- sov, Assistant Naval Attache at the So-
leagues will recognize the necessity for, viet Embassy in Washington.
coming to the immediate rescue of the The list goes on and on for more than
supplemental airlines and enact legisla- 65 specific cases of spies serving Mr.
tion during this session which will pre- Khrushchev, his predecessor, Mr. Stalil i,
serve the certificates granted to the in- and the Government of Russia, all hav-
dividual carriers of the industry during ing occurred within the-territorial limi-
this critical time in our national defense tations of the United States.
airlift. I believe that after some 12 years I think the RECORD should show those
of proven ability the very least that Con- cases, and I ask unanimous consent to
gress can do is to make permanent that have printed in the RECORD the entire
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9796 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE May 18
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, will be: President on this day 100 years ago. Mr. President, I wish to join also with
the senator yield? This only enhances the joys of the day the minority leader, the senator from
Mr. DIRKSEN. I yield. for me, and I know it does also for my New York, and others, in noting that
Mr. GRUENING. In regard to the re- colleague, Mr. KEATING. this is the 100th anniversary of the
ference to what took place 100 years ago :1 have one other thought which I wish nomination of Abraham Lincoln to be
in the Republican convention, history to share with my colleague from Illi- President of the United States. One
has certainly recorded that the Republi- nods. We have had a bad international hundred years ago our country faced a
can Party made a wonderful choice in blow in the last day. I have thought great problem, the problem of whether
its nominating Abraham Lincoln for about it a great deal today. One does this country would remain united. We
President, but I invite attention to the think about things on one's birthday. survived a great war, a tragic war. That
fact that at that time there was also Perhaps this is a day to gain strength for war, bad. as it was, bound our country
a magnificent second choice whom the what must be the integration of the free together.
Republicans did not choose to call upon. world and Its greater devotion to free- I do not
may not be correct, but I
That was William Henry Seward, who led dom. I wish to state to my own leader which said that today but
are
in the balloting for two ballots and was the gratification which I have in being think can said that Our we are
overtaken by Lincoln on the third, but able to stand in the U.S. Senate and a very difficult
problems situation. look ahead.
who lived on to be one of the great Sec- to fight for the causes which are con- faces veitry m great ayn tors which a we
has been happy
retaries of State in both Lincoln's and ducive to that objective. One the ac the days has been
given tost the few has
Johnson's Cabinets, and to consummate I am very grateful to my colleague for and of helpful factors
wrdays ht of een
the purchase of Alaska, thus making a his affection and the warmth of his Uthe nited States at the summit.
further great contribution to our Nation, greeting.
even greater than those he had pre- Mr. DIRKSEN. I thank the Senator. I will hope tinue and and t believe hat ou that r that scounsuypport
will
viously made as the Governor of New Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I wi unified us a h ahead. York State and as a Member of this wish to join with the distinguished mi- The summit was a test the inten-
body. nority leader in extending congratula-
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, to tions to New York's two famous sons. I tions of the Soviet Union and Mr. Khru-
round out the historical aspects of the believe both the Senator from Illinois and shchev. It may be also a test of the
matter, the President-elect wisely chose I served with them in the House of Rep- determination of the people of the
as his running mate, if it was within his resentatives, and got to know them and United States to take whatever measures
choice, a very redoubtable citizen, a great to recognize their value at that time. are necessary to defend our security and
scholar, I suppose one of the greatest It-is, of course, a sad occasion, as we their determination to pursue whatever
Latin scholars who ever came to the Con- get older to note each passing birth- measures may be necessary toward the
gress. He came from Maine, and his day. There is nothing, we can do about solution of the issues which have brought
name was Hannibal Hamlin. He was It. about the differences between the United
really a great citizen. It is a pleasure to have the opportunity States and the Soviet Union, and also
to join with the distinguished Senator our determination to pursue disarma-
from Illinois in honoring two great mem- ment continuously. All of those things
BIRTHDAYS OF SENATOR JAVITS bers of his party, who have made many may eventually and ultimately bring
AND SENATOR KEATING, OF NEW contributions to the betterment and to peace to our country and to the world.
YORK . the welfare of our country in both Houses But I do wish to say that there is some
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, I of the Congress. similarity between the conditions we face
would like to have my friend the Senator Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, I, too, today and those faced by the country
desire to extend my most heartfelt con- 100 years ago.
rom spechi New oYork liersari I when I oul tnot that gratulations to both the able Senators Mr. ALLOTT. Mr. President, may I
let ts day by safwithout thhe observing not New York. We have had occasion add to the words of the Senator from
this this day e se birthrthdday y of that to listen to eloquence from the heart of Kentucky [Mr. COOPER] my sincere con-
this is the anniversaiy of our colleague, the senior Senator [Mr. gratulations to both senators from New
the distinguished senior Senator from JAVITS] but it is far more than his York on this very unusual and happy
en York [Mr. J. Interestingly the eloquence; it is, in addition, his ability occasion of their birthdays. The junior
enough, it is also the e an anniverrsaressary o of the and leadership in so many public causes Senator from New York [.Mr. KEATING]
bi of Y rrk [Mr. the ING] . Probably, New in the Senate, which mellow the hearts a while .ago spoke almost in a sad tone KEAT York story of the Senate have , there never been in of the rest of us on this occasion-it about the passing of the years and the
the two from who is his own friendship for his friends. addition of years to his age. I take from
natal l day. And same State so I who I should like to say to JACK, and in my own memory a quotation which
have had same the
vr yd the same absentia to his colleague, KEN, that all might serve to hearten him. I believe
frier ends, Senator felicitations to JAVITS my distinguished and d Senator Seator of us in the Senate join in the congratu- it was Tennyson who said:
KEATING. Nations of which our leader on the Re-
EATIN Yet I doubt not through the ages one in-
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, I wish publican side so eloquently spoke and of creasing purpose runs,
which earlier today the leader of the And the thoughts of men are widen'd by the
to express my deep gratitude to my own Democratic side spoke. If I may be par- process of the suns.
leader. I understand the majority lead- Boned for saying so, Mr. President, I am
or, when I was not in the Chamber earlier glad both these stalwart Senators sit on So in achieving age, as we all come to
today, paid a tribute, on our birthday, to this side of the aisle. our birthdays each year, we may feel the
my colleague, Mr. KEATING, and to me. Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, I also weight of years, but I am sure my friends
Mr. President, this is unusual, but it is a join with my colleagues in extending will find heart in the words of Tennyson.
source of deep gratification to me. My congratulations and good wishes to our Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, as a
colleague is not only a colleague, but also colleagues from New York, the distin- native of New York State I am happy to
is a friend. We represent the most guished senior Senator [Mr. JAVITS] and join in the tributes initiated by the dis-
populous, and, in financial and indus- the distinguished junior Senator [Mr. tinguished minority leader in behalf of
trial terms, the most powerful State in KEATING]. the two Senators from New York who are
the Union. I should like to express to We know that both of these men are celebrating their birthdays today. I?had
him my congratulations to him on his men of fine intelligence, with wonderful a very happy contact and experience with
birthday, and to affirm our friendship abilities and great capacities. We know them before I became a Member of the
and the gratification which I have in also that they are men of great integrity, Senate, which was several years ago
serving with a colleague in such close humane spirit and heart. They are when, as a so-called "Tennessee plan"
harness in the interests of so great a splendid representatives of a great State. Senator, I was elected by the people of
State. I know that all of us have treasured- Alaska to come to Washington to pro-
Mr. President, it is a strange and as I have particularly treasured-our as- mote the cause of Alaskan statehood.
fortuitous circumstance that Abraham sociations and friendship with these two The argument was advanced by some
Lincoln should have been nominated to colleagues. Members of the Senate and some Mem-
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bassy in Washington, was declared persona
non grata by the State Department. He was
later named as a coconspirator in the indict-
ment of the Sobles' spy ring.
February 27, 1957 (diplomatic) : The Dan=
ish Government expelled Soviet Lt. Comdr.
Mikhail Ruditchev, assistant naval attache
of the Soviet Embassy, on the grounds that
he was attempting to obtain secret military
information.
March 12, 1957: A Swedish court sentenced
Bedros Zartaryan, a Turkish engineer em-
ployed by a firm which was building Swedish
naval and air bases, to 10 years at hard labor
for grand espionage for the Soviet Union.
March 16, 1957 (diplomatic) : Jiri Stejskal,
third secretary of the Czechoslovak Legation
in Vienna, was expelled from Austria for
attempting to bribe a police official to carry
out espionage work.-
April 24, 1957: Robert Folke Damstedt,
assistant secretary of the Swedish Atomic
Energy Commission, was convicted of steal-
ing secret papers, and was sentenced to 5
years in prison.
May 7, 1957: Three men were sentenced to
death in Greece after being convicted of
treason and espionage for the Soviet Union.
Another man was given a life sentence, and
five other persons were given lesser terms.
July 23, 1957: West German security offi-
cials broke a Communist spy ring headquar-
tered in a Bonn hotel.
August 9, 1957: Myra Soble, wife of Jack
Soble, was sentenced to 51/a years in prison
after pleading guilty to charges of espionage.
August 9, 1957: Jacob Albam was sen-
tenced to 51/2 years in prison after pleading
guilty to espionage in behalf of the Soviet
Union as a member of the Soble spy ring.
September 5, 1957:" A former Japanese
Foreign Office official was fined and sentenced
to prison for selling secrets to a Soviet agent.
September 20, 1957: U.S. Air Force Capt.
George French was convicted and sentenced
to life imprisonment for attempting to sell
military secrets to the Soviet Union.
September 25, 1957: An Austrian customs
service official was arrested for espionage and
confessed that he turned information over
to Czech Communist agents.
October 8, 1957: Jack Soble was sentenced
to 7 years in prison after pleading guilty to
heading a spy ring for the Soviet Union.
November 1957: German officials reveal
that a former first lieutenant in the West
German Air Force has been convicted of
espionage.
November 15, 1957: Col. Rudolf I. Abel, a
Soviet intelligence officer, was sentenced to
30 years in prison and fined $3,000 for passing
U.S. defense and atomic secrets to Russia..
February 21, 1958: M. Sgt. Roy A. Rhodes
was convicted by a U.S. Army court martial
of conspiring to. deliver U.S. secrets to the
Soviet Union and was sentenced to 5 years
imprisonment at hard labor and was dis-
honorably discharged.
May 19, 1958 (diplomatic) : Aleksandr
Solovyev, assistant military attache of the
Soviet Embassy in Rome, after being de-
tained on charges of espionage was asked to
leave Italy.
. June 7, 1958 (diplomatic) : Nikolai I.
Kurochkin, third secretary of the Soviet Em-
bassy in Washington, was declared persona
non grata for the improper procurement of
U.S. Army manuals and other materials.
July 18, 1958: Brian Linney, an engineer,
was sentenced to 14 years imprisonment by
a British court for selling secret informa-
tion to Col. Oldrich Pribyl, a former Czech
military attache in England.
November 20, 1958: Mark Zborowski was
convicted of perjury in denying to a Fed-
eral grand jury investigating espionage that
he had known Jack Soble. He was
sentenced to 5 years in prison.
November 20, 1958: Lt. Hans Berli was
sentenced by a Swiss military court to 4
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SE:
years hard labor for giving classified mili-
tary secrets to Czech agents.
February 21, 1959: Einar Bleckinberg, a
former Danish diplomat, was sentenced in
Copenhagen to 8 years in prison for spying
on behalf of Communist Poland.
January 30, 1960: Horst Ludwig and Fritz
Briesemeister were sentenced by a West Ger-
man court to 4 and 5 years at hard labor, re-
spectively, for treason. Two other defend-
ants, Werner Jaeger and his wife Hanni, were
sentenced to 3 years. and 18 months.
April 1, 1960: Anthony M. Wraight, a
former Royal Air Force officer, was found
guilty in London of having given military
information to Russia and was sentenced
to 3 years in prison.
May 11, 1960 (diplomatic) : The Swiss Gov-
ernment arrested and expelled two Soviet
Embassy officials for attempting to collect
secret information on Swiss army installa-
tions and U.S. rocket bases in West Germany.
May 23, 1960: U.S. News & World Report
(p. 54) described Communist espionage in
West Germany as follows:
"Last year, in West Germany alone, 2,787
Communist spies were caught. -* * * East
Germany sent most of them * * * but 264
were from Russia, 114 from Poland, 63 from
Czechoslovakia, 11 from Rumania, 8 from
Hungary and 2 from Bulgaria.
"During the first 4 months of this year,
820 more Communist agents were arrested,
including 691 from East Germany, 72 from
Russia. Yet only a fraction of all spies sent
from the Soviet block to West Germany are
caught.
"The current estimate is that 17,000 Com-
munist spies are operating in West Ger-
many. * * * Red agents also make West
Berlin the kidnaping center of the world.
Since the war they have tried 340 kidnap-
ings, succeeded in 255.
"West German estimates of 17,000 active
agents do not include either the silent group
(Polish, Czech and Rumanian spies posing as
refugees) or the 35,000 members of the out-
lawed West German Communist Party.
"Over the years, more than 15,000 Red
agents have been arrested in West Germany.
Of these, fewer than 2,000 have been con-
victed. Many were let off because they con-
fessed, voluntarily, not long after they en-
tered West Germany. Others showed they
were coerced into spying by Red threats to
their families."
Sourr_.PS ? > a - nr i New York Times:
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to correct the CoN-
GRESSIONAL RECORD Of May 16, 1960, at
page 9605, in the third column, in the
eighth line from the bottom. The word
"peak" should be "pack."
On page 9606, in the last line in the
fifth paragraph, the word "will" has been
repeated. It appears twice in the sen-
tence. One of the words "will" should
be deleted.
Also, in the RECORD of May 17, 1960, on
page 9671, in inserting a letter from Mary
Lee Council, administrative assistant to
the Senator from Alaska [Mr. BARTLETT],
the printer inadvertently printed the sec-
ond page which was on the back of the
letter. This was an intrusion in printing
the letter. Therefore, I ask unanimous
consent that when the permanent RECORD
is printed the second portion, dealing
with the Eklutna hydroelectric project,
RECORD.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
corrections will be made.
ANNIVERSARY OF NOMINATION OF
ABRAHAM LINCOLN TO BE PRESI-
DENT OF THE UNITED STATES
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, I do
not want this day to pass without observ-
ing that 100 years ago today Abraham
Lincoln was nominated, in a great struc-
ture in Chicago known as The Wigwalm,
as the Republican candidate for the
Presidency of the United States.
I have read a good many accounts as to
what happened at that' convention, and
particularly those of a New York re-
porter named Murat Halstead, I think it
is one of the most fascinating bits of
reporting I have ever seen.
Abraham Lincoln was 51 years old
when he was nominated on May 18, 100
years ago today.
I think it was one of the statesmen
from New York, Mr. William M. Evarts,
who made a seconding speech, who used
a phrase or two which were not only
interesting, but very . applicable. He
spoke about, "for the suffrages of the
whole country." That is an interesting
phrase. It has been echoed by the dis-
tinguished Senator from Montana [Mr.
MANSFIELD] and the distinguished ma-
jority leader, the Senator from Texas
[Mr. JOHNSON], when they have spoken
of unity. Unity means speaking for the
whole country. That becomes an in-
teresting echo from over a century of
time.
Also in the speech Mr. Evarts used the
phrase, in presenting the name of Mr.
Lincoln, that he was nominating him
to be "the Chief 'Magistrate of the
American Union." There is a rounded
sound about the expression, "Chief
Magistrate of the American Union."
This is a Union. It is American. There
is a Chief Magistrate.. His naive is
ircumstances.
I wish to add one squib from the
Great Emancipator, Abraham Lincoln,
because he had a dedication of spirit
to the cause of peace precisely like that
of the present President of the United
States. On one occasion Lincoln said:
The man does not live who is more de-
voted to peace than I am. None who would
do more to preserve it. But it may be neces-
sary to put the foot down firmly.
So our President is equally dedicated
to the cause of peace, and with that
same devotion and that same firmness
of spirit he has put his foot down, and
in so doing merited the applause of our
people.
I think I am at liberty to say that the
President will return to the Nation's
Capital in midafternoon of Friday of
this week. I hope that all the citizenry
who are available and so disposed will
be able to journey to Andrews Field and
to greet the President as he returns to
his own country.
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9888
I LAY 1 91960
COYtRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
May 19
are able to offer their art in appropriate a For the benefit of Eaton and others, of Hungarian patriots was no different
adequate surroundings. I quote the:, kg e,rovision of the Logan from our sending troops to Lebanon."
rae~swro -4- 4- - _ .
i the United Stotes who
n
existing adequate facility ior tine plebe- he may be, who, without authority carries to the butchery oI the nuLLganau
ion of opera and other forms of the per- on any correspondence or intercourse with patriots by Khrushchev.
Square Opera House, can be
the a
former beauty, elegance,
stor
and it would certainly seem tha
yette of to its which has spent tens of million
utili
coup
restoring foreign opera houses
doll
ubl buildings abroad could aff
other
the sm 1 expenditure required to put
ette square Opera House back
old Laf
a proper d usable condition.
It may v en be that in the Immediate
have a President who will
ture we w
d derive great pleasure fr
pride in,
being able take state guest across
a
opera house for an eve
park to a to
ra or for a recital by s
of ballet or
artist.
great America
Not long ag which wished to
group
f student artists of a
hibit the work
eign country h to take their exhibit
little public lib on upper Connect
Avenue, because
ing in which such; xhibitg could be hel(
The American A League, one of the
merous groups corn ning their efforts v
in the organism of e Citizens Comm
to Save Lafayette S are, has pointed
that either the old oily Madison H
or the Benjamin Tay House would
ideally for exactly su, purposes.
With organizations re
citizens-national organ tions such as
men's Clubs,
General Federation of
ti_ s,
National Federation of M c American National Thea
and Ac
Re
and such local entities as e D.C.
tion Department, the Child Is Theat
Washington, the Washingto' Ballet (
and others-pleading for symp
standing of the wisdom of sav-the b
Lafa
ings and the atmosphere
lttee
Square, we of the citizens co
that in coordinating and sparkin hes
forts we at least are not bringing '
effort to bear.
i
We have been heartened by 'a pro
public hearings before the Senate
Works Committee and by pledges of
ante from many enlightened Membe
yette He accused Secretary Dulles, the Pen- must be curbed. It must be curbed sensi-
feel + ,~ rnnor plc anri Amarinan nnlitici a.ne +. n..
se of cials do not represent the American which we should pay more attention in
Congress. H wever, this is a problemn
which m additional support is needed
and you eaders are urged to assist where
they t k they can help.
CARL Lzvxw,
airman, Citizens Committee To Save
Lafayette Square.
said: "There is more spirit of war in the affection for the Communist system and
United States than in any other country apparently has great admiration for the
in the world and it's dangerous" autocracy and dictatorshop or Russia,
He has , iublicly urged Canada to are not understandable. We should pay
"completely disassociate itself from more attention to his utterances, because
America's stubborn attitude in foreign he happens to be a man of wealth, which
affairs." If he has said in his many pri- fact enables him to indulge in publicity
vate conversations with Canadian offs- of this kind. It can do nothing. and
t i'SYYf LvYY 'letins from Paris was sion of the Logan Act and should be States.
the story.that Cyrus Eaton, a well-known prosecuted. One might go a little farther. Al-
American apologist for world commu- So I direct the attention of the At- though I am not particularly charmed
nism, flew to Paris last night and held a torney General of the United States to with this kind of an attitude, one might
conference with Khrushchev at the air- what Mr. Eaton has done. say, as has been said a few times in the
port before the departure of the Kremlin Mr. Eaton has publicly praised Khru- past, when people do not seem to like the
dictator. shchev's integrity, his popularity, his United States, want to tear down what
This is the latest of many incidents ability, his sense of humor, his honesty we have done, and seem to love other
in which Mr. Eaton has meddled in the and his desire for peace. He described systems, "Why do you not go there to
conduct of American foreign policy the completely phony disarmament plan live? Why do you not join the system
through personal meetings with officials Khrushchev announced to the United for which you seem to have such great
of foreign governments. Mr. Eaton is Nations as the "most statesmanlike ut- admiration, and simply abandon the
only one of a growing number of private terance in my lifetime." citizenship which you do not seem to
citizens who are making a fad out of During questioning before the Na- appreciate and the privileges which you
Mecca-like pilgrimages to the Kremlin, tional Press Club in Washington, D.C., do not seem to appreciate?"
constituting themselves as messengers he said that Russia doesn't really mean I congratulate the Senator.
from the United States to Khrushchev to communize the world; that Dr. Zhiv- Mr. DODD. Mr. President, will the
and from Khruslchev, to the United ago was suppressed because the fanatical Senator yield?
States, and, in general, involving them- young people of the Soviet Union can- Mr. HICKENLOOPER. I yield.
selves in the worldwide propaganda not bear any criticism of their beloved Mr. DODD. I thank the Senator for
operation of the Communist movement. government; that the Russian massacre his kind remarks. I point out that this
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LseLaeeo ulcu ?l, "==e"" "`? agent thereof, with intent to innuence tine General to keep a special eye on Mr.
re: measures or conduct of any foreign govern- e + ?
nd whenever he violates the let-
a
h
as so
t a relation to any disputes or controversies with ter of the Logan Act;, as he
s
of the United States, or to defeat the meas- quently violated its spirit, the Govern-
and ures of the United States, shall be fined not ment of the United States should move
ord more than $5,000 or imprisoned not more promptly against him and against all
h
t
e
into than 3 years, or both. others who unlawfully interfere with the
_ ___ _ _ con` uct. of American foreign policy.
i
me we yuu
take useful tool of the Communist move- carry out his uutiy. It is t
the ment. He has made a habit of exchang- an end to such activity in this country.
M
Q
'E
r. .Si-
i
Mr. HI~pO
R.
ning ing visits and .gifts. with Communist Q Ylt i w1811 LO Say La eiil? bCYIaLUr from
ome Leaders. ne Ilas lllauc N. ~. ~~ Connecticut that he has brought to our
criticizing the United States in Russia -++o?+;,,,, - -, nartinent and imnortant
eA- and prtWU1 i ,uoew lu vast v~=?~~~
for- States. factor in present-day American politics
L--_a,
T think the Sen-
st
Its
the i,...-__ ,,..,. --- ?------ ---- --_ - ----
., freemen. But if you were to take the police the right of free speech. -However, as
emy' of the State and the governmental agencies limit
crea- , -so far as the public good is Cori-
--
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SEN
CRUCIAL VOTES IN CONGRESS
Question. Have there been some occasions
when the opposition party would have pre-
ferred you to be absent on some of those ties,
too?
Answer. That is certainly true because the
eight tie votes In which I did participate were
on important issues. You may remember
that I broke the 47-47 tie on whether or not
the Senate would approve a massive Federal-
aid-to-education bill which would have made
teachers' salaries a Federal responsibility.
My breaking of the tie on that vote was
considered a significant step, and I did not
take it hastily.
Question. Don't you usually know in ad-
'.Stance when some important issue is going to
come up that might result in a tie?
Answer. Exactly. This is another reason
why the possibility of a tie vote should not
keep the Vice President from taking other
assignments. The work of the Senate is gen-
erally so planned that you do not have votes
called on the spur of the moment. Generally
speaking, votes in the Senate are taken at
specified times, particularly on critical issues:
Question. Is most of the work that you do
for the executive branch in Washington
itself, rather than out of town?
Answer. Yes; except when a trip abroad is
involved. However, good-will trips are gen-
erally scheduled for congressional recesses or
for periods when we do not expect any legis-
lation. Otherwise, I are in Washington. I
may be at the White House, for example, and
I might point out that, at the White House,
I am exactly 7 minutes-I know exactly how
long it takes-from the Senate floor. So, if
a vote should occur while I am at the White
House, I am always able to'get there in time
to vote.
Question. In this rather intimate official
relationship with the President for the last
7 years, it is presumed you have gotten to
know each other pretty well. How would
you describe your personal relations with the
President?
Answer. Why, I would say that, thanks to
him, those relations have been friendly, and
certainly very memorable as far as I am con-
cerned. I have been able to see how he
reacts in handling difficult problems-prob-
lems like Lebanon, and Quemoy and Matsu,
for example.- There is nothing that quite
takes the place of witnessing firsthand the
making of great decisions.
WHEN A CRISIS ARISES
Question. Would you say that in crises Mr.
Eisenhower is any different from what he is
in the normal routine of everyday work?
Answer. I think everyone is different in a
crisis. In the case of the President, what
impresses me the most is his complete ob-
jectivity and impersonal approach to a crisis.
You can describe it as coolness in a crisis,
but simply saying that he is cool in a crisis
does not adequately describe his attitude.
In fact, those who have seen him, as I have,
when he has made important decisions, get
the impression that here is a man who is
carefully weighing all the pros and cons of
a particular course of action, without think-
ing at all about the effect that such action
may have on his personal popularity-think-
ing only of what he believes is In the best
interests of the country. And, most impor-
tant, by watching him in these moments of
crisis I was impressed by the fact that the
hotter the discussion became, the cooler he
became. This is probably one of the greatest
lessons that I have learned while working
under the President and with him during
the past 7 years.
There Is one other thing I might say in
this connection which I think is important.:
Once he makes a decision, it is made. He
does not continue to worry about it and to
second-guess it. This, I think, also Is im-
portant in leadership.
No. 92
Question.. What is your feeling as you
watch the President? Is the Presidency it-
self something toward which there is a sense
of awe and perhaps of great reverence?
Answer. Strangely enough, as you were
stating that question the words "awe" and
"reverence"' were exactly the ones that came
into my mind. Whenever I see the President
making a tough decision I recognize how
easy, by comparison, my responsibilities are.
Another thing that is very impressive about
the President is that, no matter how much
he may have on his mind, he seldom gives
the impression of carrying the world on his
shoulders. He has the ability to keep a re-
laxed mind when he makes the important
decisions. Some men, when they have tough
decisions, inevitably tense up right in front
of your eyes. I have seldom seen the Presi-
dent give that impression, if ever..
DBERGH'S SOLO FLIGHT
A OSS THE ATLANTIC OCEAN
Mr. ODD. Mr. President, 33 years
ago to crow the world was electrified by
a singul , act of courage which stirred
the imagil tion of mankind and signified
the entrain into a new era. I refer to
.the first flig across the Atlantic Ocean
by Charles A. ' dbergh.
-Since that h r of triumph, Colonel
Lindbergh has ssed through many
fiery trials. He s been visited alike
by success and disc intment, by trag-
for a rejection of the.mater istic i-
losophy by the free world an or ub-
ordination of politics and scien the
aims of a, philosophy based Z Vernal
I ask unanimous consent at his
article be printed in the bo of e
RECORD.
I grew up as a disciple o ience I know
its fascination. I have fel he godlike power
man derives from his mac nes-the strength
of a thousand horses at 1e's fingertips; the
mind, and mechanis which gives the illu-
sion of life to subst ce until levers move
Now, I have liv d to experience the early
results of scie fic materialism. I have
lives. I have latched pride of workmanship
leave and hl4han character decline as effl-
cal warfa . I have seen the science I wor-
shiped, d the aircraft I loved, destroying
the civi ation I expected them to serve, and
which hought as permanent as earth itself.
In m ory, the vision of my mailplane bor-
ing northward over moonlit clouds Is now
mingled with the streaks of tracers from my
TE
Ic of building a civilization bas (than man,
wh re the importance of an a erprise is
judged less by its financial pr than by
the kind of community it crea ; where the
measure of a man is h)s own aracter, not
his power or his wealth. I F~rre have suffi-
cient desire, we can still b a civilization
whose leadership rests on a respect and
confidence it Instills in hers, and whose
standard of life is the qu ty of life itself.
But time is short. Lo ing at the destruc-
tion already wrought t the materialism
growing on every side t the increasing bit-
terne nd unrest t 6ughout the world, at
the mendous pow of our latest weapons,
war, one which 1 1 end in more dark ages.
There is no in erialistic solution, no polit-
ical formula, w ch alone can save us.
Our salvati and our only salvation, lies
in controllin .; he arm of Western science by
the mind o Western philosophy guided by
the eterna 'ruths of God. It lies in the bal-
anced qu ties of spirit, mind, and body of
TALE OF TWO CITIES
Written by Carl Levin, chairman of
the Citizens Committee To Save La-
fayette Square, the letter points out the
need for adequate facilities in Wash-
ington for the presentation of opera and
other forms of the performing arts.
I wholeheartedly support Mr. Levin
and his committee and hope that the
Subcommittee on Public Buildings and
Grounds will report favorably on this
project following hearings scheduled for
Monday,
I want to commend Senator RANDOLPH,
chairman of the subcommittee, and Sen-
ator CHAVEZ, chairman of the Public
was ered to be printed in the RECORD,
asfoll .s:
Your 11 editorial, "Tale of Two
Cities," b ght out pointedly the sad in-
congruity the relative facilities for the
presentation the arts in New York City
and in our Na 's Capital.
The newly f ed Citizens Committee to
Save Lafayette are, however, hopes that
our effort will either "too little" nor
Though It is tru at we undertook our
effort late-for the t side of Lafayette
Square apparently a dy is lost-we are
convinced that there MCI time to save the
quiet dignity and utilit -ffered by the old
buildings facing on th t side of the
As you pointed out so in your edi-
torial, New York City has rail to save and
Is saving Carnegie Hall. Sim eously, it
is proceeding-to build the Lincol enter, all
of this In addition to numero er fa-
cilities such as the City Center a the
New York City Ballet and other such oups
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
is y Vat partlcu- be present in the Senate today to dis-
egtipnaplg -4 fii ht, a cuss the matter with me.
parentl~y.iurrfedly n.ri t night to Yesterday the junior Senator from
greet Khrushchev aT-We ," xt r Tennessee [Mr. GORE] in a statement
the terrible incident in Paris yesterday, took issue with Vice President orr,
when Khrushchev called the President who disclgseci &&g K VTR
of the United States a thief and said all at the fiery tnne r ev was
these dreadful things about our country making' spi=ech' " before 'tile 1nited
and our President, is to me unconscion- Nations, agefits bf6gfr"abuntt7 arrested
able. It is unforgivable that an Ameri- two Russian spies in this country, one
can citizen would fly to P is and confer of whom at least, I believe, was a mem-
with Khrushchev in tl most cordial ber of the Russian mission to this coun-
manner, as reported this morningry
p,91 . Ws I' -11 The junior Senator from Tennessee
di ensi e end not at [Mr. GORE] took issue with the Vice
President on his disclosure of that fact
all taking the position that anyone yesterday. In turn, I wish to take issue
should be denied his right to criticize with the junior Senator from Tennessee.
his Government or any of us. I am In most fields of national defense, es-
simply pointing out to the Attorney pecially in the field of atomic energy
General that there is a statute on the tests and activities of that kind, the
law books which for"luo junior Senator from Tennessee and I are
fro n entering into c'orrvversatid Or eor- ,in very substantial agreement. I ad-
respondence with the he& ? '"`hoer mire his zeal and his devotion to the
states "concerning" iY a s . @ e? ?"problems involved in international af-
U.S. Government and its relations wi fairs. However, I am sorry that in this
other governments. That is the law of instance l: must disagree with him very
the land. I believe this man is violating definitely,,
the law. Some others may have been Since the U-2 incident was first pub-
doing so as well. I think the Attorney licly discloseiilhad:`f~itztwaS_fii#i"time;
~....... Z~o clg
rheeriio the Senate Foreign Rea ions
Committee?
I Vaoff' attendance at that meeting;
and I asked Mr. Khrushchev quite a
number of questions, and got a rather
curt brushoff when we got around to
the censoring of American dispatches,
when Mr. Khrush hex said:
How da we now they are not all spies?
The U-2 incident was immaterial, and
n _ ` _ a smokescreen. But
I must get back to the crowbar.
On the day Khrushchev arrived in
Paris, Governor Stevenson was quoted in
an interview by the Paris press. It was
first reported to us by
,olle -
Yfgk"
man, a competent, reliable reporter on
the staff of the Chicago Daily News
fopign service. Mr. Stoneman reported
that in this interview Governor Steven-
son made three suggestions. They were
as follows, and they were, he lined in
the., 12-&-h. ,,l,aers on the a
fCirv irs` at he favored concessions on
BMin in return for an agreement with
Russia on cessation of atomic tests.
gagnd, that he favored a reduction of
American forces in West Berlin from
11,000 to 7,000.
I would gather from that suggestion
that the distinguished former Governor
of Illinois wants to close the last remain-
ing hole in the Iron Curtain.
migEtbe sought on the basis of the
Rapachi plan, under which forces
would be reduced by both the East and
the West in the area of central Europe.
Since then avid Lwr. rig in today's
Issue of the or c era d Tribune,
discusses the matter further under the
caption, "Stevenson Is Seen Involved in
Strange Circumstances." Mr. Lawrence
comments at length on the matter, and
then says:
The strangest episode of all, however, is
the interview with Mr. Stevenson, which
Soviet Premier Khrushchev read in Paris-
Presse-l'Intransigeant just after his recent
arrival in Paris. That interview was writ-
ten by Robert Bulay, after a visit to Mr.
Stevenson's home at Libertyville, Ill., where'
he said he spent an afternoon together with
other guests.
The article with a streamer headline
across the page said that Adlai Stevenson
had proposed virtually a retreat from Ber-
lin and American troop withdrawal from
Europe. The published interview was a
shock to Americans abroad coming as it did
just a few days before the summit confer.
ence was to open.
That makes quite a picture. On the
eve of the conference, the man who was
twice the candidate of his party for the
presidency, and in an election year, sug-
say what might happen-shows his hand
in such fashion, Mr. Khrushchev would
have been a fool not to consider post-
ponement of the conference for 6 or 8
months-that is, until after election
day-on the theory that he might be
dealing later with a more gentle, a more
tractable, a more flexible, and a less
firm President. Or could it be with -a
more tractable Secretary of State?
In Mr. Khrushchev's comment to
Mayor George Christopher at the San
Francisco dinner, he rated Mr. Steven-
son "the best among U.S. politicians."
Along with all this was the suggestion
by the Senator from Massachusetts
[Mr. KENNEDY] in Oregon that, no mat-
ter who was nominated, Governor Ste-
venson would be a good candidate for
Secretary of State.
Did Mr. KENNEDY read Governor
Stevenson's interview in the Paris press?
If he did not, how did he come on the
statement that Khrushchev had made in
East Berlin, that for the last 7 years
Chancellor Adenauer has been_the S.1;pSe-
Adla' an }1' Adlai used that hrase,
and it a rs 49 ta- aris in eiview.
8"' _ eiac to e Que cion, Whose
crowbar brought about the wreckage of
the summit? Perhaps it would be more
appropriate to say it was a stick of dy-
namite with a delayed action fuse. Or,
since Adlai is a Navy man, we might
remain in character and say it was a
well-placed, well-timed torpedo that
found its mark.
To make sure that all this is docu-
mented, I submit and ask unanimous
consent to have included in the RECORD
as a part of my remarks the following:
No. 1: The address in full made by
Governor Stevenson to the Cook County
Democrat $1.00 Dinner, on Thursday,
May 19.
No. 2: The dispatch by William W.
Stoneman, under the caption, "Was
Nikita Influenced By Adlai?"
No. 3: The press release of the Ameri-
can Committee for Liberation, which
refers to the U-2 flights.
No. 4: The article by David Lawrence
from the New York Herald Tribune,
dated Monday, May 23, 1960.
No. 5: The article from the Portland
Oregonian in. which Sen o ? JOHN KEN-
NEDY a.tmjn response 'o a~nat
,'5T elen's High School, that:
Khrushchev laid down two conditions to
President Eisenhower for going on with the
summit meeting. One was to apolo i I
tiwmi hte 75?ossiF~io.
That is Mr. KENNEDY suggesting that
the President of the United States
apologize to Mr. Khrushchev. I let this
amazing statement speak for Itself.
No. 6: The translation of the article
by Special Correspondent Ober
ja _based on his interview -M
ernor Stevenson at Libertyville, Ill., and
bearing a Chicago dateline, in which ap-
pear all the questions and answers, in-
May 23
eluding Governor Stevenson's statement
that-
For 10 years there has not really been. a
Secretary of State for foreign policy. Dur-
ing this period, the real American Secretary
of State has been German Chancellor
Adenauer.
No. 7: A dispatch by Douglas Dales,
under the caption "Fa Condemns
Stevenson's Stand," iii'ihi~ h Mr. Farley
called upon the forthcoming Democratic
National Convention to "condem and
repudiate Adlai E. Stevenson's criticism
of the Eisenhower administration over
the U-2 spy-plane incident."
No. 8: An article by Goulcj,,,_Iaincoln,
appearing in the Washington Sitar of
May 21, 1960, under the caption "Would
Adlai Have Banned the U-22?"
No. 9: The expression of viewpoint,
much healthier and more refreshing, by
the Honorable Averell Harriman, former
Ambassador to sie 1'Sov et Union and
former Governor of New York, which
was written especially for United Press
International. The article speaks for it-
self. I am glad to note that Mr. Harri-
man points out what President Eisen-
hower symbolizes to the Soviet people,
and how enthusiastically he was received
in 1945 when invited to Moscow by
Premier Stalin. There w4s no crowbar
in this. a
No. 10: A declaration of confidence
and support by the Western Governors
Conference, adopted at Seattle, Wash.,
May 18, 1960, and subscribed by 12
western Governors.
Mr. President, I fancy we shall he
hearing a lot more about crowbars and
sledge hammers in the coming campaign
if this is the line to be pursued by the
opposition party.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that all of these exhibits be printed
as a part of my remarks.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection to the request of the Senator
from Illinois?
There being no objection, the exhibits
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
TEXT OF ADDRESS BY ADLAI STEVENSON TO A
COOK COUNTY DEivrtrjC Ci'OMMITv5E
DINNER ^ 9_, t t
It appears that is year's' campaign will
be waged under the darkest shadows that
ever hovered over the world-the mush-
room clouds of a nuclear war that no one
wants. This terrible danger-and how to
avert it-will and should overshadow every
other issue.
For the chances of a more stable world,
which seemed to be brightening, have been
rudely reversed by the breakdown of the
summit conference in this historic week.
Premier Khrushchev wrecked this confer.
ence. Let there be no mistake about that.
When he demanded that President Eiseri-
hower apologize and punish those respon-
sible for the spy-plane flight, he was in
effect asking thePr"kerri to punish him-
self. This was an impossible request, and
he knew it.
SERIES OF BLUNDERS
But we handed Khrushchev the crowbar
and the sledge hammer to wreck the meet-
ing. Without our series of blunders, Mr.
Khrushchev would not have had a pretext
for making his impossible demand and wild
charges. Let there be no mistake about that
either.
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CONGRESSIONAL
We wt an espion e I tluto the
Sovi eJnTb ' jus#~e ore ie summit meet-
ing. Then we denied it. Then we admitted
it. And when Mr. Khrushchev gave the
President an out by suggesting that he was
not responsible for ordering the flight, the
President proudly asserted that he was re-
sponsible. On top of that we intimated that
such espionage flights over Russia would
continue. At this point if Khrushchev did
not protest he would be condoning our right
to spy-and how long could he keep his job
that way? Next we evidentially reconsid-
ered and called off the espionage flights.
But to compound the incredible, we post-
poned the announcement that the flights
were terminated-just long enough to make
it seem we were yielding to pressure, but too
long to prevent Mr. Khrushchev from reach-
ing the boiling point.
ALERT CARD NOTED
And ms-If that asn't enou h, on Sunday
nigl when i'w'as ante that de
Gaulle and Macmillan could save the situa-
tion, we ordered a worldw lert of our
combat forces. Is ~sona cflibr sus-
picious Russians to think such a series of
mistakes could only be a deliberate effort to
break up a conference we never wanted any-
way?
We Democrats know how clumsy this ad-
ministration can be. We are not likely to
forget the fumbles that preceded the Suez
crisis on the eve of the 1956 election.
But nothing, of course, can justify W.
Khrushchev's contemptuous conduct, espe-
cially after President Eisenhower had an-
nounced that our espionage flights had been
called off, But his anger was predictable,
if not his violence. dT f if
Soviet s~ planes base n u a .were
ng
over" rape"'iCan Eictge "" lid
also 'e'cot Tit predict with certainty his ef-
forts to use the situation to split the West-
ern Alliance and intimidate the countries
where our bases are situated.
Republican leaders are now saying that in
this grave crisis we must all rally around the
President In the name of national unity.
Our respect for the Presidency will find us
joined in salute to President Eisenhower up-
on his return. We resent deeply and bitterly
the gross affront to the President and his
Office.
NO QUESTION ABOUT UNITY
There is no question about national unity
In a time of crisis. But errors must be cor-
rected, and must not forget that the oppo-
sition party also has an obligation to our
country and to our allies whose security is
also involved. It is the duty of responsible
opposition in a democracy to expose and
criticize carelessness and mistakes, espe-
cially in a case of such national and world
importance as this. We must see to it that
we profit from such grave mistakes and mis-
fortunes.
It it particularly regrettable that this hap-
pened in an election year. And we can al-
ready predict what the Republicans will tell
the people in the months ahead.
They will stay that President Eisenhower's
patience and dignity in Paris scored a diplo-
matic triumph by exposing Khrushchev's
Insincerity. -
They will say that the Russians are hop-
ing that a "softed" Democratic President
will be elected in November. They will tell
the people that a vote for the candidate the
Russians distrust is a vote against appease-
ment.
It will be our duty, it will be the duty of
all thoughtful, concerned citizens to help
the situation and to face the hard, ines-
capable facts; that this - administration
played into Khrushchev's hands; that if
Khrushchev wanted to wreck the conference
our Government made it possible; that the
administration has acutely embarrassed our
allies and, endangered our bases; that they
RECORD - SENATE
have helped make successful negotiations
with the Russians-negotiations that are
vital to our survival-impossible so long as
they are in power.
MUST SEEK UNDERSTANDING
We cannot sweep this whole- sorry mess
under the rug in the name of national unity.
We cannot and must not. Too much is at
stake.. Rather, we must try to help the
American people understand the nature of
the crisis, to see how we got into this pre-
dicament, how we can get out of it, and
how we get on with the business of im-
proving relations and mutual confidence and
building a safer, saner world in the nuclear
age.
For in this age, unprecedented in human
history, all of us, Americans and Russians
alike, have one common enemy. The enemy
is the danger of war. We must defeat the
enemy together. Despite his hysterics last
night, Mr. Khrushchev says he still believes
In peaceful progress by negotiation. Let us
hope he proves it, and let the United States
come into the United Nations not content
with the ordinary speeches, not content
with the usual anti-Russian majority votes,
but with constructive, positive, affirmative
proposals to restore the hope of peace.
To those who will see nothing but Rus-
sian vice and American virtue, to those who
will cry appeasement to any acknowledg-
ment of our mistakes, I say that this is the
toughest kind of commonsense. For there
is no future for any of us in a spiraling
arms race propelled by mounting suspicion
and distrust on both" sides. The fact that
Khrushchev seems to have lost his temper
in Paris makes it all the more important
that we not lose ours-or our heads.
[From the Daily News Foreign Service]
WAS NIKITA INFLUENCED BY ADLAI?
(By William H. Stoneman)
PARIS-A startling st }4 '"'1" Soviet
Premier Khrushchev expressing- hope that
he could do more business with one of Ike's
successors than with Ike himself is being
co_inected by imaginative Europeans with an
intervie cent iven to a French news-
- ...,,,,-..r,"..,.. , r,......_ . .
venson.
'n n erview published by the Paris-
esse?g y-the day
0 rrushchev's arrival here-Stevenson was
quoted as willing to make concessions to the
Russians on a number of points.
One. of Stevenson's - alleged statements
which- startled and disturbed members of
the American delegation to the summit in-
dicated that he favored concessions on Ber-
lin in return for an agreement with Russia
on cessation of atomic tests.
One. concession he was quoted as favoring
was reduction of American forces in West
Berlin from 11,000 to 7,000. -
Of more importance was his suggestion
that a disarmament accord might be sought
on the basis of the Rapacki plan under which
forces- would be reduced by both the East
and West in the area of central Europe.
This has been opposed by the Western
Powers because it might ,involve retirement
of American forces from Europe. -
Stevenson was quoted as being willing to
face this eventuality. -
"I think Europeans-Germans, French and
British-should be in a position to defend
themselves in Europe," he was quoted as
saying'.
KHausHc= KEPT 4-YEAR SILENCE ON U.S.
FLICG:?HTS; SOVIET PREMIER REJECTED PROTEST
TO UNITED STATES IN 1956
(News release from American aommitt.ee 1 r
-- Liber i -
NLVAr Yons.-When did Nikita Khrushchev
first learn of the U.S. U-2 flights over the
Soviet Union? The question assumes impor-
tance in view of the Soviet Premier's temper
tantrum in Paris on Monday.
According to Radio Liberty, Khrushchev
himself has statCa1Tfg"DTEO Enew of the U.S.
reconnaissance flights in 1956. Moreover, by
his own admission, the Soviet Premier refused
at the time to lodge a protest with the U.S.
Government. Instead, he said he ordered
improvements in Soviet rocket power.
It was a Soviet rocket which, according
to Khrushchev, brought down the highflying
Lockheed U-2 piloted by Francis Gary Powers
near Sverdl"vs c'26'BL"'M1 "I.`
"The record thus indicates that Mr. Khru-
shchev first learned about the U.S. overflights
almost 4 years before he raised the issue in
an obvious effort to torpedo the Paris summit
conference," said Radio Liberty. "The ques-
tion naturally arises as to why the Soviet
Premier waited 4 years to protest."
Radio Liberty also noted that it was during
those 4 years-following the alleged 1956
plane episode-that Nikita Khrushchev
roamed the world as a salesman of "peaceful
coexistence." Later, after he succeeded in
being invited to the United States, he began
expounding the so-called spirit of Camp
David.
"There is nothing on the record to suggest
that Mr. Khrushchev ever brought the sub-
ject of these flights to President Eisenhower's
attention during his- U.S. visit last fall," said
Radio Liberty. "Why-if they pained him so
deeply-he waited 4 years to finally broach
the subject in Paris on Monday should be of
considerable interest to the peoples of the
Soviet Union, to whom peace is as important
as it is to the peoples of the free world. Is it
possible Mr. Khrushchev had other consid-
erations in mind when he decided to torpedo
the summit conference?".
Radio Liberty, which is the voice of former
Soviet citizens, is providing thorough cover-
age of the Paris summit developments in its
around-the-clock broadcasts to all parts of
the Soviet Union in Russian and 17 other
languages from powerful transmitters in
Western Europe and the Far East.
According to Gene King, U.S. programing
chief of the network, Radio Liberty is plac-
ing special emphasis on news developments
which official Soviet communications media
appear to be ignoring. For example, Presi-
dent Eisenhower's announcement that the
United States was not going to resume survey
flights over the U.S.S.R. was not immediately
reported by Soviet press and radio.
"We are also transmitting balanced ac-
counts of world reactions to the latest de-
velopments in Paris," Mr. King declared. "We
are fully aware of the Soviet citizens' desire
to be fully informed on matters which con-
cern them as much as they do us."
According to Radio Liberty, a study of
Khr>#Ishchev's recent. speeches indicates that
heltferred -to th a rife U.S. flights over
Soviet territo
IV 7,56 rs aFently oc-
curred on July 2, 1956; the second on April 9,
1960; and the third, Francis Powers' ill-fated
flight on May 1, 1960.
The July 2, 1956,.flight was disclosed by
Khrushchev at a reception in the Czecho-
slovak Embassy in Moscow last May 9. Ac-
cording to the text provided by TASS, the
official press agency, this is what the Soviet
Premier said:
"I shall say further, when Twining, the
then Chief of Staff of the U.S. Air Force,
arrived here we welcomed him as a guest and
entertained him. He left our country by air
and the next day he sent a plane flying at
great altitude into our country. This plane
flew as far as Kiev. -
"The question arose: Should we protest?
I proposed that no protest should be lodged.
Only an animal might act like Twining,
which, eating at one place, might do its
unpleasant business there. From such be-
havior, we drew the conclusion: To Improve
rockets, to improve fighters. Our fighters
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can fly as high as 28,000 meters. But the
difficulties of a fighter are that though it can
rise high, it is not so easy and simple to find
the target in. the air: a plane in the air is
like a needle in the ocean.
"But the rocket. finds its targets itself.
This is the advantage of the rocket and we
made use of it."
The record shows that Gen. Nathan F.
Twining arrived in Moscow on June 23, 1956,
for what the then Air Force Chief of Staff
later termed an 8-day "controlled" inspec-
tion of some Soviet air and military installa-
tions. The day after his arrival, he later
reported, he attended a Moscow, party ten-
dered by the Defense Ministry on Soviet Air
Force Day. At the party, Khrushchev
drunkenly insulted the United States, British,
French, and West German air officials pres-
ent while Nikolai Bulganin, then the Soviet
Premier, vainly shouted, "Shut up."
General Twining left the Soviet Union
on July 1, 1956. According to Khrushchev,
the following day an American plane "flying
at great altitude ? * * flew as far as Kiev,"
the capital of the Ukrainian Soviet Social-
ist Republic, about 500 miles southwest of
Moscow and about 600 miles north of Turkey.
Khurshchev gave no further details.
Last May 5, in his speech before the
Supreme Soviet, Khrushchev dramatically
announced that a U.S. plane, which had
violated Soviet airspace on May 1-May
Day-had been shot down by a Soviet rocket.
But he also disclosed this:
"Previously, an aggressive act was com-
mitted by the United States of America on
the 9th of April 1960. A U.S. aircraft in-
vaded the airspace of our country from the
direction of Afghanistan. Naturally, no per-
son of commonsense could think or suspect
that this violation was carried out by
Afghanistan, a country which is friendly
toward us. We are convinced that this air-
craft belonged to the United States and
was evidently based somewhere on the
territory of Turkey, Iran, or Pakistan.
"When this invasion occurred, some of our
comrades raised the question as to whether
the United States should be warned. We
exchanged views within the Government
and decided not to take any special measures,
not to write notes or memorandums because
from previous experience we knew that this
leads to virtually nothing. We then gave a
stern warning to our military, especially
those who are directly responsible for the
aerial defense of the country, that they must
act resolutely and not permit the invasion of
our airspace by foreign planes to go un-
punished.
"The American military evidently liked
the impunity which they experienced on
April 9, and they decided to repeat their
aggressive act. For this purpose they select-
ed May Day, the most solemn occasion for our
people and for the working people of all
countries."
In his May 9 remarks at the Czechoslovak
Embassy, Khrushchev returned to the April 9
episode. "Even now," he said, "this flight is
denied in the United States. In this case
the thics is: If the thief is not caught, he is
no thief. But this time we caught the thief
and now the whole world knows about it.
"The reconnaissance plane should have
been brought down on April 9, too. But our
military, to put it midly, let a chance slip
by. And we, as one says, took them to task
for it. On May 1 the reconnaissance plane
was shot down. The military splendidly
coped with the task when the opponent grew
bold."
[From the New York Herald Tribune, May
23, 1960]
STEVENSON IS SEEN INVOLVED IN "STRANGE
CIRCUMSTANCES"
(By David Lawrence)
WASHINGTON, a s Niklta Khru-
shchev want to see Adlai Stevenson elected
President of the United States in November
so that he can negotiate a deal at the next
summit conference?
Does Mr. Khrushchev hope that Mr. Ste-
venson, if not nominated, will be consid-
ered for the post of Secretary of State in a
Democratic administration, as Senator KEN-
NEDY hinted the other day?
Why was Mr. Stevenson, in an interview
published in Paris a week ago Sunday
quoted as favoring an Allied retreat on the
Berlin problem?
Why did Mr. Stevenson last Thursday
night tell a political dinner meeting in Chi-
cago that the administration has "helped
make successful negotiations with the Rus-
sians-negotiations thrt are vital to our
survival-impossible so long as they are in
power?,'
A STRANGE SEQUENCE
These questions are prompted by a strange
sequence of circumstances. Thus on March
9 last the New York Times printed a United
Press International dispatch from Moscow
which read:
"Soviet Premier Khrushchev has his own
opinions about he U.S. Democratic Party's
Presidential possibilities, he revealed to-
night. He put Adlai Stevenson at the top of
his list in comments to Mayor George Chris-
topher of San Francisco at a dinner. Mr.
Khrushchev's rating of the Democrats:
"Mr. Stevenson: ? the best among U.S. poli-
ticians.
"Senator JOHN F. KENNEDY, of Massachu-
setts: able, but some reservations about his
youthfulness.
"Senator STUART SYMINGTON, of Missouri:
he's a good man."
No other Presidential aspirants were men-
tioned, not even Senator HUMPHREY, who
had once participated in a marthon confer-
ence of several hours with the Soviet Pre-
mier. Mr. Stevenson also conferred at
length with Mr. Khrushchev in Moscow and
wrote articles about him, but they did net
contain any of the sting that the Minnesota
Senator included in his published remarks.
DIPLOMACY RULE IGNORED
Mr. Stevenson, therefore, apparently is
the favorite of Mr. Khrushchev, who has
brushed aside the old rule of diplomacy
that a foreign government must not inter-
fere in the political campaigns of another
country. The Soviet Premier evidently
thinks Mr. Stevenson, as the titular head
of the Democratic Party, speaks for it.
But James A. Farley, former Postmaster
General in the cabinet of the late President
Franklin D. Roosevelt and a former chair-
man of the Democratic National Committee,
has just Issued a statement urging the
Democratic Party to repudiate Mr. Steven-
son's speech of last Thursday night. Mr.
Farley said in part:
"The unwarranted attack of Mr. Adlai
E. Stevenson on the President's conduct of
the summit negotiations, in my opinion, in
no way represents the thinking of the Demo-
cratic Party. * * * In his few remaining
weeks as titular spokesman of the Demo-
cratic Party has indicated every reason why
the Democratic Party in convention should
select a spokesman who speaks for it in fact.
I can think of no more effective way of
doing so than by a unanimous resolution of
condemnation and repudiation of his absurd
speech in Chicago as representing the views
of the Democratic Party."
HIS TALK OF RETREAT
The strangest episode of all, however, is
the interview with Mr. Stevenson which
Soviet Premier Khrushchev read in "Paris-
Press L'Intransigeant" just after his recent
arrival in Paris. That interview was written
by Robert Boulay after a visit to Mr. Steven-
son's home at Libertyville, Ill., where he
said he spent an afternoon, together with
other guests. The article, with a streamer
headline across the page, said that Adlai
Stevenson had proposed virtually a retreat
May 23
from Berlin and American troop withdrawal
from Europe. The published interview was
a shock to Americans abroad, coming as it
did just a few days before the summit
conference was to open. Evidently Mr.
Khruschev read it carefully, because in his
own speech at East Berlin last Friday he
paraphrased one of the points in the inter-
view to charge that Chancellor Adenauer had
succeeded "in worming his way to the post
of Secretary of State of the United States."
Mr. Boulay, in his interview,, quotes Mr.
Stevenson as having said:
"For 10 years there has not really been
a Secretary of State for American foreign
policy. During that period the real Ameri-
can Secretary of State has been German
Chancellor Adenauer."
ON REDUCING TROOPS
In other parts of the same interview, Mr.
Stevenson is quoted as favoring American
concessions, such as a substantial decrease
in allied troops in West Berlin. He is re-
ported to have declared also that he could
foresee in. the future the pulling of Ameri-
can forces out of Europe. When asked
whether there would be a change in Ameri-
can foreign policy after the November elec-
tions, Mr. Stevenson is quoted as having
said: "There will be important changes in
American foreign policy."
Mr. Stevenson last Tuesday denied ever
having given any interview at all to any
Paris newspaper. But he issued a statement
to the Chicago Daily News the next day ad-
mitting that he had talked with Robert
Boulay but calling the published interview
incorrect. He said it did not represent his
views and that "the most charitable expla-
nation of such irresponsibility, presumption,
and discourtesy is that his English was poor
and my French no better."
In Paris, however, Americans who know
Mr. Boulay say he writes and talks English
very well and is a reliable reporter. Just
what did Mr. Stevenson really say to Mr.
Boulay? Maybe all this is something for
Democrats in Congress to include in their
investigation of recent events. For there is
no doubt that an appeasement faction exists
today inside the Democratic party, and cer-
tainly Mr. Stevenson's speech-just 4 days
before the all important debate at the United
Nations Security Council-helped to wreck
bipartisan unity in this country.
[From the Portland Oregonian]
KENN SAYS SOFTER U-2 STANCE MIGHT
AVE .S AWED SUMMIT TALKS
(By-MorvtrrS?fo il&7cer)
If Senator JOHN F. KENNEDY, of Massa-
chusetts, were President he might apologize
to Soviet Premier Khrushchev for the U-2 spy
incident, but the Pope would keep his hands
out of U.S. governmental affairs.
The Democratic presidential primary can-
didate made these points Wednesday, a day
of appearances spanning St. Helens and
Oregon City which ended with a campaign-
climaxing rally at Benson Tech High School
in Portland.
In Friday's election he is matched against
Oregon Senator WAYNE L. MORSE, who is
campaigning actively, and Senators STUART
SYMINGTON, of Missouri, and LYNDON B.
JOHNSON, who are not appearing in the
State. Senator HUBERT H. IIUMPHREY, of
Minnesota, will have his name on the ballot,
but he has withdrawn from the contest.
It was at St. Helens High School, follow-
ing r 'h!W_ fng for which he arrived
too late, that KENNEDY spoke for a degree of
mollification of Khrushchev in answering a
question on how he would have reacted to
the Soviet Premier's attack in Paris.
POSSIBILITY SEEN
"Khrushchev laid down two conditions to
President Eisenhower for going on with the
summit meeting," said KENNEDY. "One was
to apologize. I thin17"MrTftht have been
possible to do. The other was to put on trial
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
9985
and punish those responsible for the U-2 "In a dangerous time, and we stand on Answer. Yes certainly.
flight. That couldn't be done. The men in- the razor's edge," he answered, "I don't Question. On Berlin?
volved were acting under orders." think we can have any tax reduction." Answer. Yes.
Later KENNEDY modified the word-',wk- In his Benson Tech speech KENNEDY criti- I was surprised and persisted-
giffe;'"did seJd,,tyle 1-Pesi3icfT # express cized the Republican administration for its Question. Do you establish a connection
f failure" in natural resource de- between atomic agreement and Germany and
A
o
regr`er- recor
4Sr' nY told several audiences during the velopment. more particularly Berlin?
Answer. There is no connection. But an
__._
r....
the
so
of _t }e. :2 flight such a short While before
the scheduled summit meeting, "letting the
risk of war hang on the possibility of an
engine failure."
Throughout Wednesday-at high school,
supermarket, and industrial plant-KENNEDY
used a defense against attacks on his
Catholic faith that apparently was developed
after his mid-April visit to Oregon.
He is telling audiences that he "swore an
oath to God" to uphold the Constitution
when he entered Congress, and that the
President takes the same oath. The Con-
stitution, he points out, provides for sepa-
ration of church and state.
When KENNEDY says he would not let the
Pope interfere with his duties as president,
there is more behind the statement than an
Irish Catholic's Independence. The Pope,
it follows naturally, would be asking him
to violate an "oath to God."
KENNEDY says he doesn't think the Pope
would interfere with him as president. any
more than he does with Charles de Gaulle
in France and Konrad Adenauer in West
Germany.
MILL VISITED
The candidate toured the Crown Zeller-
bach paper mill at West Linn, and a sam-
pling of Democratic workmen opinion here
brought nothing of comfort to MoasE,
SYMINGTON, and JOHNSON.
Of 15 men in a lunchroom which KEN-
PEDY had visited, 10 were Democrats, and
7 of them held up a hand to signify he
favors KENNEDY for the nomination. None
responded to a call for a show of hands by
MORSE supporters.
Random Democrats at the papermill, sep-
arated by a sprinkling of Republicans-
Leroy Saulsbury, 41, Milwaukee, a mill-
worker, and Art Goldade, 33, West Linn, a
pipefltter-were mostly for KENNEDY.
One man asked: "What's wrong with
MORSE?" He got no answer.
There is a small chill for Republicans in
one reaction to these questions, which came
from Richard Buse, 33, a millwright.
His wife likes KENNEDY. She Is a Demo-
crat and a Catholic. But Buse likes KEN-
NEDY, too. He's going to vote for him if he
gets the nomination. Buse Is a Lutheran
and a Republican.
There was another party line-crossing in-
cident at Gateway Shopping Center, where
a long queue of persons followed KENNEDY
from shop to shop in the rain.
A girl in a barber shop was a Democrat.
She's for KENNEDY.
"Most of us in here are Republicans," said
one of several men present, "but we're go-
ing to vote for KENNEDY in the fall"
KENNEDY got unusual support from a fel-
low Democrat in another Wednesday inci-
dent, one which dramatized the widening
Democratic Party breach occasioned by the
election campaign.
At a meeting of the East Multnomah
County Democratic Women's Forum, MORSE,
the speaker, vigorously criticized KENNEDY,
and KENNEDYwas defended by State Sena-
tor Monroe Sweetland, Milwaukee, a member
of Kennedy's committee. The unusual part
is that Sweetland is a candidate for Demo-
cratic nomination for secretary of state, and
a candidate for major office does not often
expose himself to the enemies of any other
candidate.
NO TAX CUT SEEN
In the question period at Sandy Union
High School KENNEDY was asked if he would
favor increasing the income tax personal
exemption from $000 to $800.
auuruvr,uau ric:aaay w -J--J .,., -Y._. -
NEDY, who bore down hard on significance cessions on other matters. Since you men-
of the Oregon primary, again contending tion Berlin incidentally, the present situa-
that Democrats should not "waste their tion cannot be maintained.
vote" on a candidate not seriously in the WHY_ 11,000
running for President-meaning MORSE. Question. But the Western Powers are not
KENNEDY was introduced by Representa- the petitioners in Berlin. It is the Russians
tive EDrrH GxsEN, Portland. who seem to wish to force the Western
Powers to leave Berlin?
T1CA ION OF ARTICLE BY SPECIAL CoRRE- Answer, Mr. Boulay, the present situation
SPONDENT BEET BOIILAY in Berlin cannot be maintained. Strategi-
I passed an afternoo~tevenson tally, the presence of 11,000 American soldiers
at his farm at Libertyville, 80 kilometers from is meaningless * * *.
Chicago. This is the man who could be the Question. Must I understand that you are
next President of the United States. Despite prepared to accept a reduction of American
the fact that he has already failed twice forces in Berlin?
against Eisenhower, he still has a chance. Answer. Yes. * * * One could have for
Until now, Stevenson has repeated that he instance 7,000.
was not a candidate. But when interrogated Question. Why 7,000 rather than 11,500?
on what he Would do if drafted, he replied Would you accept 5,000, or 3,000, or none
that he was not a deserter. And having at all?
spent 4 hours with Stevenson and several of Answer. Yes, but not now, later.
his friends I have the definite impression (I once again expressed surprise, and
that the lawyer-farmer of Libertyville has asked Mr. Stevenson to explain himself more
not abandoned hope of succeeding Eisen- fully.)
hower. In any case he is certainly aiming Question. Do you believe it is possible to
at becoming Secretary of State If a Demo- take the political and moral risk of such a
cratic candidate other than himself were decision?
elected next year. Answer. Mr. Boulay, do not be surprised.
It was the Saturday of Easter. Stevenson All I am telling you, I have already said and
had just returned from a study trip of South written several times.
America. Tanned, a little overweight, smil- (This explanation surprised me for to the
ing, he nevertheless appeared to me rather best of my knowledge Mr. Stevenson has
nervous. He had just finished lunch in never gone so far or been so precise in the
the company of his two sons and daugh- direction of seeking an East-West agree-
ter-in-law, his grandchildren and the British ment.)
economist, Barbara Ward. Stevenson moved r WAS AT BERLIN
from one to the other, offering candies, mov- Question. Do you appreciate what would
ing the same! book around three times, and be the reaction of the Berliners and of the
straightening: out the coffee table. Europeans, of the Germans, of the French,
Everyone then left for a tout of the prop- and perhaps even the English and others.
erty. Stevenson lent boots to his visitors and even the Americans? Do you think
and himself ensuring that everything was that-
properly taken care of. For an hour and a (My host interrupted.)
half he showed us his fields, his sheep, his Answer. Mr. Boulay, I have been in Berlin
horses, and the river which was slowly drain- several times; I know the situation.
ing off his Hooded fields. In his corduroy (I permitted myself the following answer) :
suit, bareheaded, a scarf around his neck, "Mr. Stevenson, I have also been in Berlin,
he was the typical American gentleman Less often than you perhaps, but perhaps
farmer. for a longer period. I remained for 5 weeks.
We returned to the house at 5 o'clock. I saw Berlin, even both Berlins; I have seen
Adlai Stevenson helped his grandchildren and listened to the Berliners. I have seen
look for Easter eggs and gifts which he had and listened to the refugees * * * the ref-
hidden himself. He was more relaxed. Tea ugees whose number I believe has not di-
was served. Stevenson then invited me to minished, on the contrary during recent
follow him into his office and f never would weeks. Do you really think one can leave
have believed that he was about to speak 2 million West Berliners 'alone' "?
to me as he did. Answer. I believe that one must first ar-
Question. What, according to- you, Mr. rive at an agreement which will guarantee
Stevenson, is the most important question free access between West Berlin and the
in the political world today? Federal Republic.
Answer. The suspension of atomic tests-
this is a prime question. RUSSIAN GUARANTEES
Question. Can it be achieved? Question. But hour?
Answer. It must be possible to reach agree- Answer. An agreement must be reached
ment through mutual concessions. with Russian guarantees.
Question. I take it that you refer to agree- Question. The experience of the last 10
ment with precise control-inspection? years does not encourage any optimism on
Up till now the Russians have not accepted what you refer to as "Russian guarantees."
the minimum inspection formula proposed Answer. That is true, but a change is
to them by the Western Powers. possible in the future. The agreement must
Answer. Naturally, an agreement with in- be sought and a solution may be found.
spection * * * but I repeat to you that an v (Mr. Stevenson then spoke to me of the
agreement must be possible. This problem necessity and of the possibility of reducing
of atomic tests must be considered as abso- Soviet pressure on Eastern Europe, particu-
lute priority. With mutual concessions * * *. larly by a withdrawal, more or less substan-
Question. Does this problem appear to you tial, of Moscow's military forces. He cited
of such importance as to justify concessions particularly as a happy precedent the Aus-
on other matters? trian Peace Treaty. I pointed out that if
Answer. Yes certainly. it is true that the Russians withdrew mill-
Question. Does this mean that the West- tartly from Austria, as did the Western
ern Powers should make concessions on the Powers, they did so from a country where
German problem? - the political power was not held by the Com-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE May 23
munists. The problem for the Soviets is not Mr. Stevenson. while appearing very satin- that Mr. Stevenson continues to be as mis-
only to withdraw such-and-such military fled with my polite reference, answered me informed on the facts as he is infatuated
force from such-and-such country, but to "Oh no." But I sensed in his voice that he with his own writing style."
envisage the strategic consequences, and had not lost hope of some participating in "it is my experience," the former party
above all the political consequences of even the discussions between the Big Four as leader said, "that adroit phrasemaking does
a localized withdrawal. The Russians must President of the United States, or at least as not necessarily indicate sound policymaking,
fear the consequences for the political power successor to Mr. Herter, or, more exactly, a view which I find fortified by the rejection
of the Communists in any Iron Curtain coun- Chancellor Adenauer. of Mr. Stevenson on two occasions by the
try as well as the example which would be But on the basis of what he said to me, how American electorate."
furnished to other Iron Curtain countries. could he find enough votes to be elected to Mr. Stevenson was particularly out of his
(Mr. Stevenson admitted the great dim- the Democratic Convention if he holds to field, Mr. Parley said, in criticizing the Pres-
culties, but maintained a relative optimism. these statements? If a Democrat other than ident's calling of a military alert on the eve
He insisted in telling me that he believed a he were elected, could he really choose of the Paris meeting. Recalling that the
sort of political decompression might be Stevenson as Secretary of State if Stevenson attack on Pearl Harbor had occurred imme-
possible in the countries behind the Iron holds himself strictly to his statements of diately after negotiations with the Japanese
Curtain.) GI, co HOME this Saturday of Easter? mission had broken off in Washington, he
Baia :
Question. Do you believe, therefore, that PARLEY CONDEMNS STEVENSON STAND-AS- "I feel that the most felicitous use of the
an agreement can be reached on European SAILS SPEECH ON SUMMIT-SAYS His language, even Mr. Stevenson's, would be
disarmament? NOMINATION WOULD BE DISASTROUS totally inadequate to explain away the enor-
Answer. I believe that the Rapacki 1 plan (By Douglas Dales) mity of a magnified Pearl Harbor, in the
could serve as a basis for discussion. J 4 es A. Fare assa e dlai E. Steven- event of a surprise Soviet attack. If Mr.
Question. Your answer surprises me. Up sonar ay o is criticism of the Eisen- Stevenson is suggesting that the C'om-
to the present the Western Powers, and espe- bower administration over the collapse of mander in Chief should refer all measures
cially the Americans, have always opposed the summit conference, of defense to Mr. Stevenson before issuing
the Rapaki plan which is considered by the He warned the Democratic Party that the orders to adequately protect the country, the
Atlantic Powers as the beginning of the nomination of Mr. Stevenson for the idea is both impractical and unconstitu-
neutralization of Europe. This policy could Presidency would be disastrous. tional."
be summarized by the formula G.I. Go The former Democratic National Chair- CHINA SUGGESTION NOTED
Home." Do you really envisage the with- man, in a caustic statement, charged that Mr. Farley's reference to Mr. Stevenson as
drawal of American forces from Europe? the party's standard bearer - in 1952 and an "apostle of appeasement" was based in
Answer. Yes, in the future. 1956 was using the failure of the summit part on the suggestion last September by
Question. You have just made, Mr. Steven- meeting as a vehicle to promote a third Mr. Stevenson that the United States should
son, a very important answer. Does this p
mean that Europe would have to provide for nomination for himself. cease leading the "anti-admission" lobby
its own defenses alone? The basis of his attack was Mr. Steven- against Communist China at the United
Answer. I believe that the Europeans- son's speech Thursday at a party gathering Nations.
Germane, French, English, etc.-must be in in Chicago In which he declared that it "It is part of Mr. Stevenson's appealing,
a position to defend themselves in Europe. was the obligation of the Democrats, as the if adolescent, naivete in international af-
Question. Do you believe, then, that the opposition party, to expose and criticize any airs." the statement continued, "that It ap-
Americans should put atomic weapons at the carelessness and mistakes of the Eisenhower pears not to occur to him that the disposal of European forces? administration. Sion of Red China by the United Nations
Answer. This could be discussed. As Mr. Parley directed his fire at the par- would establish another Red spy nest in New
(During the rest of the conversation Mr. ty's titular head, the Stevenson-for-Prest- York City under full diplomatic protection."
Stevenson gave me no further definition on dent Committee of New York increased its Mr. Parley said that during his recent
this point. He nevertheless reminded me activities with an advertising campaign to travels in the Far East, heads of government
that in the past, he had said and repeated, obtain support for Mr. Stevenson. Scores of had insisted to him that the slightest waver-
especially to General de Gaulle, that in his volunteers were out in the city and suburbs, ing in the country's policy of nonrecogni-
opinion, European forces should concern gathering signatures to petitions urging Mr. tion of Communist China "would result in
themselves only with conventional weapons, Stevenson's nomination, a worldwide diplomatic diseaster for the
the Amves on bwit alone to have at tons, Mr. Parley said he was impelled, as a mat- cause of freedom, not second to an Igno-
disposal atomic weapons.) ter of honesty and in furtherance of national minious surrender of Berlin."
unity, to reject Mr. Stevenson's thesis that Mr. Stevenson has given the National
ADENAUER-U.S. SECRETARY OF STATE the administration had furnished Premier Convention every reason to select a spokes-
Question. Will there be a change in Ameri. Khrushchev with the "sledge hammer and man "who speaks for it in fact," Mr. Far-
can foreign policy after the election? crowbar" to wreck the summit conference. ley said, continuing:
Answer. There will be important changes "On the contrary," he said, "it occurs to "I can think of no more effective way of
in American foreign policy, me that Mr. Stevenson is attempting to use doing so than by a unanimous resolution of
(I persisted.) the incident to 'sledge hammer and crowbar' condemnation and repudiation of his absurd
Question. Mr. Stevenson, you told me there another disastrous nomination for himself speech in Chicago as representing the views
will be important changes after the elec- as the Apostle of Appeasement out of the of the Democratic Party. As a former Na-
tions. Would you repeat this? Do you Democratic Party." tional Chairman and as one who has been
think there will be changes regardless of the Meanwhile, the Republican National Com- proud to be a Democrat for over 50 years.
results of the elections? mittee criticized the Chicago speech as "reck- I all call upon all Democrats to keep the
(Mr. Stevenson slams the table with the less" and declared that Mr. Stevenson was symbol of our party the Democratic mule
palm of his hand to confirm.) falling, "like a ton of bricks for the Khru- and not Mr. Stevenson's umbrella."
Answer. Definitely yes; there will be major shchev line." Mr. Stevenson, who left Chicago for New
changes whatever the results of the election. The statement by Mr. Parley, who often York late yesterday afternoon could not be
(Mr. Stevenson goes on, while severely voices the Views Of the conservative wing of reached for comment.
criticizin
th
d
i
g
e
ec
sions of Foster Dulles and the Democratic Party in the State, foreshad-
those decisions which followed, and this is owed the possibility of a major division in
his categorical conclusion.) the party on the question of foreign policy
For 10 years there has not really been a as a campaign issue.
Secretary of State for American foreign Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt endorsed Mr.
policy. During this period the real Ameri- Stevenson's speech at a news conference
can Secretary of State has been German here Friday. And a substantial group of
Chancellor Adenauer. Democrats in the House of Representatives
DANGEROUS WORDS have framed a series of questions for the
(I prepared to leave.) Republicans on the U-2 plane incident and
Goodby, Mr; -Stevenson. Thank yo u for other developments on the eve of the Paris
summit meeting.
mit conference. Not the next but perhaps UNWARRANTED ATTACK
the following. Mr. Parley, terming Mr. Stevenson's speech
an "unwarranted attack" ?n the President's
< conduct of the summit negotiations, said
'The Polish plan referred to as RapakiH Mr. Steven *n did not represent the thinking
from the name of its author provides prin- of the Democratic Party.
cipally for a partial European disarmament Mr. Parley said that for Mr. Stevenson to
dealing with the production and stockpiling say that the President had provided the tools
ofnuclear weapons, to wreck the conference "indicates to me
[Front the Washington Star, May 21, 19601
WOULD ADLAI HAVE BANNED THE TT-22?
(By GW r.;ncoln)
Adlai Stevenson's blast at President Eisen-
hower and the administration's handling of
the U-2 intelligence flights over Russia
raises some interesting questions-while at
the same time thrusting an issue into the
political campaign, with Mr. Stevenson as its
first and perhaps principal spokesman.
Among the questions raised by the titular
leader of the Democratic Party, who has been
called a willing candidate for a third presi-
dential nomination-if he can be drafted-
is the following: Would Mr. Stevenson, had
he been President during the last 4 years,
have banned U-2 intelligence flights over
Russian territory? These flights have been
called by men intimately connected with the
security of the United States and the free
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
world not only essential but of great value.
Second: Is Mr. Stevenson in any way deny-
ing that we should seek information regard-
ing the intentions and the strength of a
potential enemy-particularly during a pe-
riod of constant sabre rattling and threats
of destruction of the United States by Soviet
Premier Khrushchev and other leading Rus-
sian Communists?
This is a subject which Mr. Stevenson has
not thoroughly discussed in his comments so
far. But it is one that, should he be nomi-
nated by the Democratic Party, he will be
asked many times, and will have to answer.
It is obvious he cannot have It both ways.
Mr. Khrushchev in his recent widely publi-
cized press conference In Paris, when he tor-
pedoed the summit conference, said in an-
swer to a question that he had known for
some time of the U-2 flights over Russia;
that he knew all about them at the time he
visited the United States and President
Eisenhower at Camp David. If he did, his
restraint--.he did not mention these flights
to President Eisenhower in their intimate
conversations-was in remarkable contrast
to his outbursts in Moscow on May Day and
in Paris.
RESPONSIBILITY OF PRESIDENT
Had Mr. Stevenson been President he
would have been told by the country's de-
fenders in all probability that it was of vital
importance to rise above the Iron Curtain
and obtain as much information as possible
regarding Russia's military strength and her
intentions, so that this country could be
alerted before a surprise attack. Presumably
Mr. Stevenson would have agreed. to this
form of espionage. He would have known,
as did President Eisenhower, the need for
our security in the face of the constant
threat of Soviet attack. He would have
known, too, of the Wideflung espionage car-
ried on-and with much success-by the
Soviet, both in this country and in the rest
of the world.
Nevertheless, Mr. Stevenson has under-
taken to thrust this whole subject of intelli-
gence work for national security into the
political campaign. Another question rises:
Have Mr. Stevenson's charges against the
President and his handling of the use of
these intelligence flights tended to create a
picture in Russian minds and In the minds of
our allies of a divided America? The titular
leader of the Democratic Party was careful
in his Chicago speech to denounce the de-
mands of Mr. Khrushchev for an apology
from President. Eisenhower because of the
U-2 flights and for the punishment of those
responsible for launching them. He was
careful to say that this is no time for Amer-
ica to be divided. But what he said, taken
as a whole, may well be interpreted as show-
ing a serious division among the people of
America. It may be interpreted as a back-
handed apology.
Certainly, Mr. Stevenson seems to have in-
dicated that the country must get rid of
the Republicans and Mr. Eisenhower and all
his works if the United States is to be able
in the future to negotiate with Soviet Russia
and the Communist world. This, in a mea-
sure, is exactly what Mr. Khrushchev de-
clared in Paris. If Mr. Stevenson intended
to exhibit himself as a better negotiator for
a peaceful world, he has not given an im-
pression that he would be a stronger one.
SPEECH POLITICAL.
Mr. Stevenson in Chicago was addressing a
Democratic political rally, a Cook County
fund raising dinner. His speech was a po-
litical speech and so intended. The issue of
the U-2 flights, their handling, and all other
implications, so far as Mr. Stevenson is con-
cerned, are firmly in the campaign. It may
be that other Democratic leaders will follow a
similar course. The question naturally
arises: Will this issue gain votes for the Dem-
ocratic nominee for President- whether Mr.
Stevenson, Senator KENNEDY or another?
Will Mr. Stevenson picture the President as
a wrecker of the Paris Summit Conference-
or won't he?. It would be a difficult task to
put that across in the minds of Americans,
in view of Mr. Khrushchev's exhibition at
Paris. In his Chicago speech, Mr. Stevenson
called Mr. Khrushchev the wrecker of the
conference. But he said Mr. Eisenhower had
placed the crowbar in Mr. Khrushchev's
hands by ineptness, by contradictory state-
ments emanating from this Government.
This raises the question: Would Mr. Steven-
son, as President, have denied the whole
business of the U-2 flights, have disclaimed
any responsibility for them?
The American people have learned over the
years that President Eisenhower is devoted
to peace and. the preservation of a peaceful
world. He, however, has never been an ad-
vocate of peace at any price. He has insisted
that the country be prepared and strong and
informed in order to forestall or prevent
Communist attack. Now he is charged by
Mr. Khrushchev with seeking war, with a de-
sire to prevent a successful summit confer-
ence., Mr. Stevenson would not have the
American people believe any such thing. His
contention Is that the President has' been
stupid-more stupid than a Democratic Pres-
ident would have been. That, however, is
still to be proved.
RUSSIANS WANT To HEAR PEACE MESSAGE
FROM IKE
(EDrroa's NoTE.-Probably no living Amer-
ican has known Russia and the Russians
over as many years as Averell Harriman, for-
mer New York Governor and ambassador to
the Soviet Union from 1943 to 1946. He re-
turned several months. ago from a 6-week
tour of the country during which he had a
long series of conversations with Nikita
Khrushchev and leading government offi-
cials.)
(By, erell Harriman)
The s ilure e su it con
tins large y on t e' A s ous of
lure
one man-Nikita Khrushchev. But even
Khrushchev,, powerful as he is, cannot pre-
vent President Eisenhower's visit to the So-
viet Union from being a tremendous suc-
cess, and of lasting benefit to our country.
To the Russian people, Dwight D. Eisen-
hower is not just a President of the United
States. He is the supreme' commander of
the allied forces who with the Soviet armies
fought to victory over the ruthless Nazi
invaders. During the war his reputation
was built up by the Soviet Government,
through the ;press and other ways, as a great
ally and friend of the Soviet Union. In July
1945, Stalin invited him to visit Moscow, and
he was given a, hero's welcome.
He stayed with me at the Embassy, and I
vividly recall his reception by the people,
particularly at the Dynamo football game.
The 80,000 spectators who jammed the stands
raised the sky with their applause when he
and Marshal Zhukov stood up to take a
bow, with their arms around each other's
shoulders.
Then we were invited to review the youth
parade in Red Square. The participants,
100,000 strong, from all over the Soviet Un-
ion, saw him standing with Stalin and Zhu-
kov on top of Lenin's tomb.
Last year, when I visited the Soviet Union,
wherever I went-Moscow, or central Asia,
or the wilds of Siberia-people talked to me
about peace, expressed their fear of war,
and asked why we planned to attack them.
It is hard for us Americans to believe that
the Russian people think the threat of war
comes from us. But the propaganda has
been constantly dinned into them that our
Government is controlled by a small indus-
trial clique, and this clique wants war for
profit.
9987
When President Eisenhower gives his mes-
sage of peace and friendship, it will reach
the hearts of tens of millions of Russians.
Peace with the United States is the mes-
sage the Russian people want to hear, and
President Eisenhower is the one living man
who can give it convincingly.
DECLARATION OF CONFIDENCE AND SUPPORT BY
WEST WY 1*NORS' CONFERENCE, SEATTLE,
Resolved, Mrt"`jie Governors of the West-
ern Conference declare their strong and
wholehearted support of the President of
the United States in his dignified and un-
yielding response to the ignoble and out-
rageous demands of Chairman Khrushchev.
We express our hope that the obstacles
placed by Mr. Khrushchev in the path of
discussion of grave international issues at
the summit can be overcome by the leaders
of the free world in furtherance of our deep
desire to build a world where all peoples can
live in freedom and justice, peace and dig-
nity; unmolested and unafraid.
Gov. Grant Sawyer, of Nevada; Gov.
William F. Quinn, of Hawaii; Gov. Al-
bert D. Rosellini, of Washington; Gov.
Mark O. Hatfield, of Oregon; Gov.
Edmund G. Brown, of California; Gov.
George Dewey Clyde, of Utah; Gov.
John Burroughs, of New Mexico; Gov.
J. J. Hickey, of Wyoming; Gov. William
A. Egan, of Alaska; Gov. J. Hugo Aron-
son, of Montana; Gov. Robert E.
Smylie, of Idaho; Gov. Stephen L. R.
McNichols, of Colorado.
Mr. President, I
lis ene wi ii nteerrest to what the dis-
tinguished minority leader had to say
about a speech by the two-time candi-
date of the Democratic Party, Mr. Adlai
Stevenson, which speech was given in
Cook County, I believe, last Thursday.
Evidently the minority leader thinks
that a man high in party councils should
remain quiet when, in all good con-
science, he perhaps feels a deepening
disquiet.
It appears to me that so far as the
Democratic leadership is concerned
there will be an inquiry, which I under-
stand, from reading the press reports
today, has the tacit support of the
minority leader.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield.
Mr.. D One of our distin-
gtfl 1iWcorrespondents grabbed me this
morning as I was coming into the
Capitol and began to ask about a pos-
sible investigation. I think I qualified
my remark by saying, " oing
to be an i ation`, that pro as y
tie `an e a s committee might
undertake it.
I begin to have some doubts about the
merit of an investigation, when we are
dealing with Jllq h a sensitive matter as
country. Once that door is opened, I
doubt whether it will be closed again.
Then who shall say what will be the
repercussions?
So my statement was a qualified
statement.
Mr. M I accept the Son-
atoT s s1 aLement, and of course I believe
it. I was simply referring to a ticker
tape report which indicated that if an
inquiry were to be held the Foreign Rela-
tions Committee.was the place to hold it.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
It happens that after every interna-
tional conference of any significance the
Secretary of State and other interested
individuals almost always appear before
the Committee on Foreign Relations and
gives the committee a report. Although
my knowledge comes from press reports,
I understand from that source that
there may be a suggestion tomorrow,
when the Committee on Foreign Rela-
tions meets, that it conduct not an in-
vestigation but instead an inquiry, to
furnish an opportunity for many inter-
ested Senators to raise questions which
have been bothering them.
Speaking about questions, I dare say
there is not a Member of this body on
either side of the aisle who does not have
at least one question which he would
like to have answered.
If the inquiry is forthcoming, I wish
to express the hope, as I have previously
expressed it, that it will be an inquiry
based upon the facts, that it will not
become a political football and will not
become such a campaign issue that the
welfare and the unity of the country
may well be lost in the shuffle.
. I think Mr. Stevenson had the right
to make the kind of speech he made.
I do not think that speech is going to
disrupt national unity. I would invite
the attention of my colleagues to the fact
that we still live in a free country and
that we still have the right to express our
opinions as we see fit. As a responsible
official of the Democratic Party I can
find no fault with Mr. Stevenson for
making his honest views known in a
speech in Cook County.
The minority leader has mentioned
the fact that a story, so called, came out
during the course of the summit con-
ference, or prior thereto, in which Mr.
Stevenson said something about the fact
that he hoped the nuclear test ban nego-
tiations would continue. Well, I hope
they will continue, also, because I think
what happens at Geneva in regard to
the ban on nuclear testing is going to
have a great effect not only upon this
country, but also upon mankind as a
whole.
The minority leader said that Mr.
Stevenson advocated a reduction in
U.S. forces in Berlin from 11,000 to
7,000. I do not desire to be picayunish,
I assure the Senator, but it is my under-
standing that the forces of the three
Western Allied Powers in Berlin are
comprised roughly of 11,000 men, and
the American forces comprise something
on the order of 4,000 to 5,000 of the
total.
The third thing with which the story
seems to find fault, on the part of Mr.
Stevenson, is the fact that he advocated
consideration of the Rapacki plan, by
means of which there might be created a
neutralized zone in middle Europe.
Others of us have advocated that, also.
I have advocated consideration of the
Rapacki plan, the Eden plan, and the
Gaitskill plan, with the proviso that
there be a quid pro quo in return before
anything definite is done along these
line. I see nothing wrong with that.
I can understand the opposition of the
Republican Party to what Mr. Steven-
son has said, because, frankly speaking,
I think the Republicans look upon him
as a possible presidential candidate.
He may be. He may not be. This is one
way of anticipating something in ad-
vance.
However, I find it extremely difficult to
understand why Democrats should go
out of their way to find fault with Mr.
Stevenson for expressing his honest
opinions. Some of them, in effect, want
to "read him out" of the party. He will
not be "read out" of the party, because
he has made many contributions to our
country in the past, and I anticipate
he will make many more in the future.
Some people say, "Well, Mr. Steven-
son is going to be our next Secretary of
State." He may well be. I have heard
the names of Mr. CHESTER BOWLES and
of the Senator from Arkansas TMr.
FULBRIGHT] mentioned in that respect,
also. That is a matter which will be
determined by the next President, if he
is a Democrat. If he is not a Democrat,
we may rest assured that none of these
three will be appointed. If the next
President is a Republican, of course he
will have to make his own decisions.
The reference to the 6 to 8 months,
laid down by Mr. Khrushchev in the
hope that a new administration will
come into power, carried the implica-
tion by the distinguished minority leader
that if the new President happened to be
a Democrat, and most specifically if he
happened to be Mr. Stevenson, things
were going to be easier, that we were
going to. be "softer." Well, I do not
think we are the ones who have been
"soft" on communism, to revive an old
Republican Phrase. We did not invite
Mr. Khrushchev to America. Mr.
Khrushchev never invited a Democratic
Presidential candidate to visit him in the
Kremlin.
I do not know what Senators mean
when they say that, because of the
statement made by Mr. Khrushchev that
6 or 8 months would be time enough to
hold another conference, if a Democrat
is to go to sizch a conference it would in-.
dicate a sign of softness. It is hard for
me to follow that reasoning.
I would advise my Republican col-
leagues, if I may, not to look too far
ahead and not to arrive at too many as-
sumptionst
oo early.
~
I think tea' O-RFx'a`,,tr }'Q- .Qut.% Matahjing
RWflYfi:' l1 Ag -ffnd
the sle tie ammer~ and the place to Ind
out d !r"'tlr ales and the place
to raise these questions is in the Com-
mittee on Frein Relations."
ve the Foreign Relations Com-
mittee to look into matters affecting the
foreign policy of the United States; and
what has been affected is the foreign
policy of the United States. Mr. Presi-
dent, I have never heard of a statement
attributed to another outstanding presi-
dential candidate, the Senator from
Massachusetts [Mr. KENNEDY] to the ef-
feet that he advocated apologizing to Mr.
Khrushchev. I do not know of j,ny
Dex}i tW d-
vocat olo izin lii or..~o her-
wise to c ev lie Senator
frorrf'Ttissac use ,wili return to the
Senate shortly, and I am sure he will
take care of himself in that respect.
May 23
In respect to the interview, it is my
understanding that Mr. Stevenson
stated, as soon as the news o~i'""thlk'in-
teaview broke, that he had ., ad nothing
to c` o, with it, and that he. 4 ?not give
a i interview of that nature, but I cannot
vTMI-torthat, because I am calling on
memory, and going back to the public
print.
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. MANSFIELD. I wish that the
Republicans would let us take care of
our business and that they would take
care of their own business, but let us to-
gether take care of the Nation's business.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President-
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President-
Mr. BUSH. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield for a question?
Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield to the
Senator from Illinois.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, I try
aldC'd'95""~e are ul about documenta-
tion. Everything I have said this morn-
ing has a documentary article to support
the statement. The interview In Paris
was pretty lengthy. It was a translation
of an article by special correspondent
Robert Boulay. The heading is "I
Passed the Afternoon With the Possible
Successor to Mr. Eisenhower-Adlai
Stevenson Told Me, `The Americans Must
Quit Berlin and Europe if They Wish To
Achieve Atomic Peace."' That Is the
headline. It his a Chicago dateline, and
after the introductory portion the inter-
view was on a question and answer basis.
It is all here. It was done at Adlai Stev-
enson's home at Libertyville, Ill. It must
have appeared in the Paris newspapers
because there is no more reputable
foreign correspondent than Bill Stone-
man on the Chicago Daily News foreign
staff. He commented on it. David Law-
rence also commented on it. I shall leave
the entire question and answer state-
ment to speak for itself as to precisely
what Governor Stevenson said.
Then, of course, there is the factor of
timing. The article hit the papers on
the day Khrushchev got to Paris, and he
had to read it, because he gave himself
away in East Berlin when he mentioned
that Adenauer had been our Secretary
of State for 7 years, and that is pre-
cisely what Adlai Stevenson said to
Robert Boulay at Libertyville, Ill. It
would be amazing indeed to have words
flowing out of- two diffierent mouths
3,500 miles apart, each individual being
insensible of what the other said.
I have only one further comment to
make, because I do not want to preempt
the floor. My distinguished friend
from Montana [Mr. MANS ELD1 said we
had invited Mr. Khrushchev here. That
is correct. We had invited Mr. Koslov.
We had invited Mr. Mikoyan. We got
them on the "home diamond." But I
can remember another period in the his-
tory of this country when the President
of the United States went to Yalta and
when he went to Teheran, to their orbit,
rather than have them here, and so it
was much better to have them on the
"home diamond." But all the articles
are there and all the quotes are there;
they must speak for themselves, includ-
ing the estimate of the whole matter
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 160
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
by the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr.
SCOTT] with respect to the character and
the patriotism of Governor Stevenson
and Senator KENNEDY are most unfor-
tunate. I am consoled by the source
from which they came.
Mr. AIKEN. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, I rise to
a point of personal privilege.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator from Montana has the floor.
Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield to the Sena-
tor from Vermont.
~Mpr IKEN...;,Mr. President, it seems
to me re u Tr-we shoot off any more fire-
works around here, we will not have any
left for the Fourth of July. Our job now
is to make certain that we will have the
Fourth of July from now on, and that
we have the right to celebrate it. It may
be all right to shoot off fireworks, but I
think we are shooting them off too close
to the gas works to be helpful.
Like others, I have no doubt that Mr.
Stevenson might have spoken rather in-
discreetly in his speeches. He appears to
be one of the ever-hopeful variety, so
perhaps we should accept his remarks
in that sort of hopeful atmosphere.
I, myself, do not regard Mr. Stevenson
as being representative of more than one
section of the Democratic Party. I think
Mr. Farley represents another viewpoint
within that party. Perhaps the Senator
from Texas [Mr. JOHNSON] may repre-
sent an element greater than the others
put together. At least, that is what has
been said. Whatever position they have
to take, they probably have the right to
take it.
However, in view of all the verbal
fireworks which have taken place, both
on the Senate floor and around the Na-
tion, during the last few days, it appears
to me that we have gone too far not to
have a discreet, judicious, and careful
inquiry into the events of the last 2 or 3
weeks, in the hope that we may fill in
two or three gaps in our information. I
do not see how this type of inquiry can
hurt anyone. I should think it might
prove helpful in the long run. I wish I
might be present, if that inquiry is made
by the Senate Committee on Foreign Re-
lations, which is the place where it
should be made, to see that there is no
unfairness during the proceedings.
If we undertake to suppress an inquiry
now, it will look to the world as if we
really had something to cover up. I do
not think anyone wants to do that. I
do not think we have anything to cover
UP-
I think Mr. Khrushchev got himself on
one wonderfully hot spot, and he had to
have time-6 or 8 months, or, heaven
knows, probably more than that-before
he could get off the hot spot, and get
out from under the various pressures
which have been bearing down on him,
and which made him scuttle the confer-
ence. I do not say he did not want to
scuttle it anyway, but certainly he came
to the conference intending to scuttle
it, one way or another.
It has been said by the Senator from
not think it was said exactly in that way, RECORD, as a V part of my Tremarks, the
He
that an ICBM certainly cannot tell the sources and every document and every
titular matter. It seems to me some-
thing must be hurting their conscience,
and they seem to be counterattacking
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difference between a Democrat and a Re- report.
publican. Even the ICBM has not got- I said.
1991
ten to the point where it can do that yet, I make this final comment: I am un-
simply by having a person walk past a happy when this matter gets into the
machine. Certainly an ICBM-an inter- political field or in the newspaper head-
continental ballistic missile-could not lines. The headlines in the newspapers,
tell any difference between us, should the particularly those in the Midwest, were
point be reached where any enemy might printed in very large letters, "Adlai
see fit to use it against us. Charges Use of Crowbar"-or something
We have a common job now. It is to to that effect. Obviously, we cannot
assure the security of the United States, "blink" it, because public opinion begins
and to make every endeavor we can to to be manufactured in exactly that way,
lessen international tensions, and to and that is not conducive to unity.
lessen the risk of international conflict, Last week, when the majority leader
which would be so terrible to contem- made such an excellent statement, here
plate that we should not be thinking of on the floor, he mentioned the fact that
getting even with each others. We ought the distinguished junior Senator from
to be getting together, to make certain Arkansas [Mr. FULBRIGHT], the chair-
that the United States will not face any man of the Senate Foreign Relations
cataclysrii in the future. I do not think Committee; Governor Stevenson, the tit-
we will have to face one, but I think it is ular head of the Democrat Party, and
important that we work together; that twice its candidate for the Presidency;
we find some other issues for November; the Speaker of the House of Represent-
and not concentrate on something which atives; and the majority leader had
may prove injurious to all of us on the signed a cablegram which was sent to
international scene. the President, in Paris; and I said it was
I simply want to make certain that we a refreshing note, and I was delighted
have the right to shoot off fireworks on to see it.
Fourth of July, and that we will celebrate But one has to take judicial notice
the Fourth of July for a long, long time when a former candidate for the Presi-
to come. dency-who, first of all, is watched with
AU. W W. ? Mr. President, in interest and, second, travels about South
response to what the senior Senator America, Europe, Asia, and elsewhere,
from Vermont [Mr. AIKEN] has just now and confers with the foreign leaders--
stated, I wish to say that, as always, in makes such a statement. How can one
a few words he reaches the heart of the "blink" it? One has to take account of
matter. I think his statement is one to it. I was only taking judicial notice of
which all of us-Democrats and Republi- what I have seen; and what I was able
cans alike-can subscribe. to put in the RECORD today was by way
I wish to assure the Senator from Ver- of documentation. Obviously, I am al-
mont and the Senate that, so far as I am ways contented to let that speak for
concerned, there are no political impli- itself.
cations and there is nothing picayunish Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
in my attitude. But there is a desire to was not being serious when I said I hoped
find the answers to some questions. In we would receive a little prior notice the
seeking those answers, I hope we try to next time an incident of this sort occurs,
avoid personalities and not raise charges because I recall that I have asked very
or strawrnen against persons such as the serious and delicate questions of the
Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. KEN- minority leader, without giving him prior
NEDY], who is not now in the Chamber, to notice. I appreciate what the Senator
defend himself, or against Adlai Steven- from Illinois has said.
son, who-like every other American- Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President
has a right to state his views. After we Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, I rise to
find the answers, if there then are criti- a question of personal privilege.
cisms, they can be answered. a Mr. President, I
I only hope that the next time some- snail no ong detain the Senate.
thing of this sort occurs, we shall have a I regret that I was not in the Chamber
little prior notice. at the beginning of this debate. I had
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President- no idea that attacks of this kind would
Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield to the Sen- be made at this hour on Monday.
ator from Illinois. Last week, in response to an inquiry
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, I had in regard to the Foreign Relations Com-
no prior notice of the Stevenson speech. mittee, I stated that it is customary for
Mr. MANSFIELD. It was made last the committee to hold briefings and
Thursday. hearings on matters of importance. I
think that, without exception, following
Mr. D And generally I have every international conference which
no nO ice o'f`,~
he statements which has been held since I have been here, al-
from day to day are made on the floor ways upon their return the Secretary of
of the Senate. Therefore, I usually find State and others have come before our
myself in the same dilemma in which committee, to inform it and, through it,
the acting majority leader now finds the Senate and the Nation. I see noth-
himself. ing irregular about that. I think it en
The other point is that today, with the tirely in order.
acceleration of events, it becomes diffi- I am a little surprised that Members
cult to document one's speech. I try to of this body on the other side of the aisle
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
before any attack is made. No one has
attacked anyone, so far as I know-
that is to say, no one in this body. Peo-
pie outside, who have their impressions,
can say what they like, for ours is a
free country.
I do not know enough about all the
background and the reasons and the
explanations of the various statements
made preliminary to the final break-up
of the conference, to be able to reach any
final conclusion. That is why I think a
study and anvinquib the Fore
19tions Co lumorrow r der.
I lif'd~2Sse omorrow morning, at the
regular meeting of our committee, to
submit this question; and I hope that
after thorough discussion, the procedure
the committee will follow will be agreed
upon. I expect the procedure of the
inquiry to be agreed upon by the mem-
bers of the committee of both parties,
because it is entirely in order, and fol-
lows the usual precedent, which I be-
lieve always has been followed in the
past, when anything of importance in
the international field has occurred.
I do not think it promotes the effort
to keep this matter on a nonpartisan
plane, to indulge in such acrimonious
attacks here on the floor of the Senate
on leading Members of either party-
and, in this case, on Members of my
party. I think it is most unfortunate;
and certainly it is premature, because I
do not believe any one of us is now able
to arrive at firm and final conclusions
in regard to the very tragic event which
occurred last week, in Paris.
The only advice I gave to some of my
friends of the Republican Party was that
I hoped they would not try to pretend
that what happened at Paris was a great
triumph. I said that if that were done,
necessarily it would call for rebuttal. I
said I hoped we would soberly approach
this matter, in a serious endeavor to
determine, first, what happened; and,
second, the practices and procedures
which have grown up in our Govern-
ment. I do not mean only the practices
and procedures in the executive branch;
I think the Congress itself has much to
learn in this field, and I believe there are
ways and means by which our pro-
cedures can be improved. Last year, the
Foreign Relations Committee suggested
ways which I think would have been a
great improvement; and from time to
time other Senators make similar sug-
gestions. Certainly I do not believe that
either the Congress or the Executive has
perfected its methods of dealing with
these very complex matters.
So I believe that the purpose of the
proposed inquiry is, in the first place, to
understand just what has happened;
and, in the second place, if the circum-
stances call for it, to make some
changes, in order to tighten up the ad-
ministration.
But I believe the worst thing, from the
national point of view and from the
point of view of the welfare of the Na-
tion, would be to pretend that we have
experienced a great triumph, and that
nothing need be said about what hap-
pened. Everyone knows what happened
is a great tragedy for the entire world.
Who is to blame, and so forth, is a sub-
ject of legitimate inquiry.
But at the moment I do not wish to
indulge in a debate attacking members
of my party or members of the other
party. At this point, I believe that
would be quite premature.
However, if, following inquiry, there
are found to be reasons for criticizing
the conduct of our policies, then, of
course, it will be our duty to do so; and
I do not believe that any plea for unity
should foreclose any justified criticism
based upon an inquiry which is held in
a sober and responsible manner.
I am confident that the members of
the administration, including the Secre-
tary of State, have no objection at all
to coming before the Foreign Relations
Committee and giving their explanation
of what happened. That is appropriate.
That is. what Secretary Dulles did.
That is what Secretary Acheson always
did after international meetings. He
came before our committee and ex-
plained what happened, his reasons why,
and his point of view. Then it was up
to us to draw our own conclusions there-
from. That is the way I expect to pro-
ceed now. I think it will be beneficial at
the proper time to make a report or ob-
servations or, if conditions warrant it,
a criticism of the way things have been
handled.
In the meantime, I think we ought to
be careful in what we say, and ought
not to inflame anyone's thoughts, and
make sure we do not lose a sense of ob-
jectivity in forming our judgment on
what the facts are after we develop
them in a, proper inquiry.
I do not propose at this time to pur-
sue this debate on the substance of the
speeches or what happened in Paris.
Mr. SCOTT and Mr. YOUNG of Ohio
addressed the Chair.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
yield first to the Senator from Ohio.
Then I shall yield to the Senator from
Pennsylvania.
,,of Ohio. Mr. President,
may I say at the outset, I completely
agree with the statement made today by
the distinguished Senator from Montana
[Mr. MANSFIELD], the acting majority
leader, and I admire very much the state-
ment made by the distinguished Senator
from Arkansas [Mr. FULBRrGHT], chair-
man of the Foreign Relations Commit-
tee. I agree with him. Certainly, the
distinguished Senator from Vermont
made a very moderate and very wise
statement with which all of us can agree.
Mr. President, unfortunately for Presi-
dent Eisenhower, and also unfortunately
for the American people, the law of aver-
ages caught up with our President. His
good luck, over the years seemed to have
deserted him, and at a time when he
needed it most.
Without a doubt, President Eisenhower
hoped to end his administration in an
aura of peace and good will. He had
been the supreme commander of the
greatest army ever gathered under the
bending sky of God. He had hoped that
the high point and final public service in
his life would be that, as Chief Execu-
tive of the United States, he would be
regarded by future historians as a peace-
maker. He even envisioned himself as
the father of permanent peace. Instead
May 23
of that, he returned from Paris to Wash-
ington at a time when the increased ten-
sion in the cold war between this Nation
and the Soviet Union has become more
violent. In fact, he returns at a time
when that relationship between our two
nations could not become much worse,
except by the temporary ending of dip-
lomatic relations on the part, of one or
both nations.
He himself did not cause this situa-
tion. Inept officials in his administra-
tion created an appearance of saber
rattling and jingoism that President
Eisenhower had wished to avoid.
President Eisenhower, from the time
of his 1952 campaign for election-that
"clean as a hound's tooth" campaign--
has placed an accent on teamwork on
the part of all his associates. Morality
has been glorified, as is entirely proper,
yet, in an emergency that occurred due
to the downing of an American recon-
naissance plane far within the territory
of the Soviet Union, American people-
and in fact, peoples the world over-
were given conflicting and utterly false
statements by administration officials in
authority in the United States.
Leaders of friendly nations were
startled over the muddleheaded, men-
tally inert, and inept handling of the
controversy by administration officials
over the downing of this plane.
American prestige throughout the
world dropped, and no one is to blame
more than officials of the Eisenhower
administration.
Doubtless, President Eisenhower him-
self must share in the responsibility. It
appears he failed to know personally de-
tails of the work of our Central Intelli-
gence Agency. It may be that had he
been an alert, active, strong President,
he would have been in constant touch
with the actions and activities of all ad-
ministrative agencies and in position to
hold in check any which directly or in-
directly acted in violation of the law
and customs of nations.
arently the, President had no
now edge that our U-2 plane pene-
tra a bdhTric Ehe Iron curtain in an
aerial reconnaissance and was approxi-
mately 1,300 miles within the borders of
the Soviet Union a few days before the
last Big Four summit conference meeting
to be held during his administration.
What should have been feared, oc-
curred. This resulted in a propaganda
victory for Premier Khrushchev, who in-
stantly, violently, and unmercifully
pushed his advantage to the uttermost.
Leaders of friendly nations were
shocked and our Chief Executive was
humiliated by the tongue lashing from
Premier Khrushchev brought on by the
failure of his trusted subordinates.
.It is true President Eisenhower en-
dured with dignity and restraint a
vituperative face-to-face tongue lashing
from the Communist Dictator Khru-
shchev. Personally, I would prefer a
President who would have lashed back
instantly and forcefully with some blunt,
uncensored Texas, Missouri, or Massa-
chusetts language and plain spoken
epithets.
Mr. President, I assert that what
seems to be the Eisenhower concept of
the Presidency of the United States,
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frequently by remote control from
Augusta and Gettysburg, and frequently
altogether at the discretion of subordi-
nates, is not sufficient for 1960 and this
grim period of international anarchy.
Operating the Presidency on a part-
time basis and not in the personalized
manner of Abraham Lincoln, Theodore
Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D.
Roosevelt, and Harry Truman, removed
President Eisenhower from key decisions
and left our allies and our own citizens,
even President Eisenhower himself, in a
state of uncertainty about what was
going on.
In addition, Secretary of Defense
Gates calling the alert of the Armed
Forces for Sunday, May 15, was an ex-
traordinarily reckless act. Bear in
mind, Sunday, May 15, was a bitter
day for us. A mischance had occurred.
Blunder was compounded upon blun-
der. The tension of the cold war be-
tween the Soviet Union and this Nation
was increased.
The slogan of peace and prosperity
was not being uttered in even the softest
whisper. This was the hour and day
picked by Secretary of_lefense Gates for
an exercise to para06 the armed might
of this Nation before the world. This,
added to false statements and deceit and
the confusion of a right-about-face
statement, plus a bristling declaration
that invading the air over the Soviet
Union was necessary, plus an inference
that this practice would be continued-
all of this was just a little too much.
Then, a little too late, came the state-
ment backing down on the previous
statement that aerial spying would be
continued. This despite the fact that
the Vice President had publicly re-
affirmed the policy of continuing aerial
reconnaissance.
Mr. President, we can truly say that
these have not been our proudest hours.
I thank the Senator from Montana for
yielding to me.
Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield to the Sen-
ator from Pennsylvania.
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, would the
Senator from Montana at this time con-
sider yielding the floor?
Mr. MANSFIELD. Does the Senator
have in mind raising a question of per-
sonal privilege?
Mr. SCOTT. No, I do not.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Because, If the
Senator did, I wanted to read rule XIX.
Mr. SCOTT. If the Senator does that,
he may force me into raising a point of
personal privilege. I hope not to be
pressed into doing so.
Mr. MANSFIELD. I had understood
the Senator was going to rise to a point
of personal privilege, but I understand
now he is not, and therefore I am de-
lighted to yield to him.
Mr. SCOTT. I thank the Senator
from Montana.
Mr. President, am I recognized in my
own right?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator from Pennsylvania is recognized.
Mr. SCOTT. I thank the Chair. I
had originally planned to raise the point
of personal privilege, because I wished
to make it crystal clear that I did not
at any time, nor have I ever at any time,
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
Impugned. the patriotism of any other
Member or of any candidate for the
Presidency, and I do not now impugn the
patriotism of any Senator, or of Gover-
nor Stevenson, whose recent unfor-
tunate remarks have infuriated a good
part of our Nation.
Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. SCOTT. If I may do so briefly,
I am glad to yield.
Mr. SYMINGTON. My remarks will
be very brief. I thank the Senator from
Pennsylvania.
The statement issued by Gov. Adlai
Stevenson was issued to the press May
18, and I shall quote it.
My recollection is that the young man
was brought to my home by friends. I never
give exclusive interviews without request.
And he would not have received one had
he asked in such circumstances.
As I recall, he wanted to discuss all of
the problems of Europe; and evidently con-
fused discussion with opinion.
What he reports me as saying have, of
course, never been my views and are not my
views today.
The most charitable explanation of such
irresponsibility, presumption and discourtesy
is that his English was poor and my French
no better.
I thank the Senator.
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, if the
Senator from Missouri had been on the
floor-or, if he was on the floor and had
been paying attention-he would have
heard me read several times part of that
statement myself. I added that Mr.
Boulay, among those who know him, is
known to speak English very well, and
therefore is presumed to be able to un-
derstand English when it is addressed to
him.
I further suggested that the way to
clarify this matter is to have the testi-
mony of Mr. Boulay and to have the
testimony of Governor Stevenson to see
what was really said.
However, I rose for the purpose of
saying that I do not impugn the patriot-
ism of.anyone. I regret that the Senator
from Missouri, who is my very good
friend, used the phrase with reference
to myself of "considering the source." I
am not a candidate for the Presidency.
I hope that "considering the source" has
no reference to Presidential candidacy.
I will leave the remark where it has
been made, since I rose in good faith
and I am proceeding in good faith to
make a certain point, which is that
when I spoke on the floor about a week
ago I praised the distinguished majority
leader [M:r. JOHNSON of Texas] and the
distinguished majority whip, the Sena-
tor from Montana [Mr. MANSFIELD] for
their patriotism and for their true show
of a bipartisan approach to these criti-
cal circumstances.
However, after that speech a certain
speech was made by the former Gover-
nor of Illinois, and a certain speech was
made by the distinguished, patriotic,
and able Senator from Massachusetts
[Mr. KENNEDY]. Those speeches did ap-
pear in the press. An issue was raised
by those Speeches which had not been
raised on the floor, and which all of us
had expressed the hope would not be
raised. That issue was whether Presi-
dent Eisenhower should apologize to
Khrushchev or whether President Eisen-
hower should seek to reopen the nego-
tiations with Khrushchev by retreating
from a previous position.
A further issue raised again, I will say,
by my friend the Senator from Ohio
[Mr. YOUNG] a moment ago, was the.
issue of the action of the Secretary of
Defense in calling an air alert.
Therefore, these matters become legi-
timate subjects of discussion on the
floor of the Senate.
My answer as to whether the Presi-
dent should have apologized is that, in
my opinion, he should not have. My
answer as to whether the President
should have appeased Mr. Khrushchev,
or reopened the negotiations at the ex-
pense of an expression of apology or
regret on our part, is that he should not
have.
My answer as to the calling of an air
alert ought to be familiar to all of the
American people.
The tragedy at Pearl Harbor occurred
immediately after the break up of a
conference with the Japanese leaders.
Lest another tragedy occur in America,
the Secretary of Defense, undoubtedly
with the approval of the President, cer-
tainly as a matter of policy, upon the
breakup of this conference, or observ-
ing that it was about to terminate, in
any event, put this country on an air
alert.
Some have suggested that President
Eisenhower should have met Khru-
shchev with his own kind of attack, that
he should have lashed back, that he
should have assaulted Khrushchev with
similar tactics.
Mr. President, Theodore Roosevelt a
long time ago advised us to speak softly
and to carry a big stick. I do not be-
lieve that President Eisenhower should
have demeaned himself by adopting the
method, the manner, the tactics or the
language of Khrushchev. I believe he
was correct in speaking with dignity at
that time, and I believe he was right in
showing that America had a big stick,
by reason of the calling of the air alert.
I hope, if there is to be an investiga-
tion-if the Committee on Foreign Rela-
tions believes such an investigation
should be had-that an investigation
will be made of American foreign policy
as a whole, if the committee wishes to
do so, and that such an investigation
will also look into the charges which I
regard as being unfounded, as being
politically inspired, as being motivated
by desires to be either President or Sec-
retary of State.
All of these charges-some of which
would appear to be reckless, unfounded,
and certainly unduly deferential to the
leader of the Soviet Government at this
time-ought also to be included in such
an investigation.
Finally, Mr. President, the Russians
have asked for a hearing at the United
Nations, charging the United States as an
aggressor. Surely, the Russian Govern-
ment should not be given ammunition by
any responsible American and should
not have the benefit of being able to argue
that responsible Americans agree with
Khrushchev that he ought to have an
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
apology. The Russians should not have
the benefit of this attitude of some peo-
ple that the Russians were right and we
were wrong.
It would be well, If this Is to become an
issue in a political campaign, that we
have a moratorium on it until after the
issue raised by the Russians has been
fully heard in the United Nations, so that
we do not furnish them with ammunition.
Mr. President, I am very glad that
President Eisenhower, no matter what
any other person may think, did not
crawl on his belly to a bully.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. SCOTT. I am glad to yield.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. The Senator rec-
ommends that there should be a mora-
torium on this discussion. What puzzles
me, and what I still do not understand,
is why the Senator and his colleagues
chose this particular time to precipitate
this violent attack upon certain leaders
of the Democrats. We did not open up
this matter. What is the logic of the
Republicans choosing Monday morning,
immediately before the United Nations
meeting is to consider these charges, to
open up this violent partisan attack?
Mr. SCOTT. I am glad to point out
to the Senator from Arkansas that these
remarks should not be considered violent
attacks. They should be considered as
rebuttal and reply to the very unfortu-
nate statements attributed to at least
two responsible leaders of the Demo-
cratic Party, including the titular head
of the Democratic Party.
I seek to express, as I think surely we
should express, our regret that these
particular statements have been made, if
in fact they were made during the past
week.
I appreciate the blandness of the com-
ment of the Senator from Arkansas, but
it does not conceal who made the state-
ments.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. The statement at-
tributed to Mr. Stevenson he has very
clearly denied he made. I think a great
deal was made of that.
Mr. SCOTT. If the Senator will per-
mit,- Mr. Stevenson has not withdrawn
the statements which he made on other
occasions last week within the United
States in public bodies, which were pub-
licly reported. He has merely refused
to accept the quotations attributed to
him in the article appearing in a French
newspaper.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. I do not wish to
argue the merit of that point. It seems
to me rather ill advised to begin an open
and very strong attack upon the Demo-
crats before any Member of this body,
at least of whom I am aware, has tried
to be critical at all.
I have not been critical. I conscious-
1Y refrained from making critical com-
ments on this subject, both when I ar-
rived.at the airport and later this morn-
ing in order that there might be a proper
inquiry. I did not wish to inspire the
very kind of political attack which has
taken place today. I was taken aback
by it. I do not think it makes it easier
for us to conduct a reasonable, objective,
and quiet inquiry into what has taken
place.
Mr. SCOTT. I say to the - Senator
from Arkansas, for whom I have the
highest respect, that the Senator is evi-
dently not aware of the statement issued
by the Democratic Advisory Council and
approved by the membership, including
a number of Senators, or the action
taken by at least 12 Members of the
other body, all of which contributed to
initiating an unfortunate controversy.
Does the Senator from Missouri wish
me to yield?
Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President, I
understood the Senator was yielding the
floor.
Mr. ANDERSON rose.
Mr. SCOTT. I shall be glad to yield
to the Senator from New Mexico [Mr.
ANDERSON] and then I shall yield the
floor.
Mr. ANDERSON. May I express to
the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr.
SCOTT] the hope that he will take a good
look at his language, because I know he
did not mean it when he said:
It is my hope that neither the distin-
guished Senator from Massachusetts, Mr.
KENNEDY.. nor that other candidate for the
Presidency, Governor Stevenson will-either
of them-brand themselves as turncoats.
Mr. SCOTT. "Turnquotes," Is the
phrase. I shall be glad to examine the
language..
Mr. ANDERSON. I wish the Senator
would, because it comes close to violating
the rule. The transcript reads:
So it is my hope that they will relieve
themselves of the curse of suspicion of ap-
peasement.
I wondered if the Senator intended
that language.
Mr. SCOTT. I appreciate the sugges-
tion of the Senator from New Mexico,
and if my language appears at any point
to be intemperate, I shall be glad to re-
vise it in accordance with my own better
judgment, if it seems necessary.
Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. SCOTT. I yield.
Mr. SYMINGTON. If the Senator will
withdraw his remarks with respect to
Adlai Stevenson and the Senator from
Massachusetts [Mr. KENNEDY], I will be
glad to withdraw mine.
Mr. SCOTT. I must decline the offer
of my friend from Missouri. The re-
marks of Adlai Stevenson and the Sen-
ator from. Massachusetts [Mr. KENNEDY]
appeared in the public press and un-
fortunately cannot now be withdrawn.
Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President, I
then ask unanimous consent that the
reporter read into the RECORD the state-
ment made by the Senator from Penn-
sylvania.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the
Senator from Pennsylvania yield the
floor?
Mr. SCOTT. I wish to address the
same question to the Senator from Mis-
souri [Mr. SYMINGTON] which was ad-
dressed to me by the Senator from Mon-
tana [Mr. MANSFIELD], and that is: Is
the Senator rising on a question of per-
sonal privilege?
Mr. SYMINGTON. W. President, I
am not rising on a question of personal
privilege.
May ,23
Mr, SCOTT. Then I will yield the
floor.
Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the steno-
graphic record be read at this point to
the Senate.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection? The Chair hears none, and
the reporter will bring in the transcript.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
wish to make a parliamentary inquiry.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator will state it.
Mr. MANSFIELD. What particular
part of the transcript is to be read?
Mr. SYMINGTON. The part which
the Senator from New Mexico [Mr.
ANDERSON] and I requested to be brought
to the floor of the Senate with respect to
the remarks about the Senator from
Massachusetts [Mr. KENNEDY] and for-
mer Gov. Adlai Stevenson.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection to the clerk reading the tran-
script as described? The Chair hears
none, and the clerk will read it.
The legislative clerk read as follows:
I might also add, in connection with the
statement of the distinguished Senator from
Massachusetts, Mr. KENNEDY, as reported in
the Portland Oregonian,- that the Senator
himself said:
"Khrushchev laid down two conditions to
President Eisenhower for going on with the
summit meeting. One was to apologize. I
think that might have been possible to do."
Then the quotation goes on to other mat-
ters.
The report in the Oregonian is that.,
"Later KENNEDY modified the word 'apolo-
gize,' and said the President might 'express
regret."'
It is my hope that neither the distin-
guished Senator from Massachusetts nor that
other candidate for the Presidency, Governor
Stevenson, will-either one of them--brand
himself as a turncoat. So it is my hope that
they will relieve themselves of the curse of
suspicion of appeasement, and it is my hope
that the unity, which started out so well in
support of the President and in support of
the administration, may somehow be found
again.
But as Mr. Farley has so well said, he has
no part in the appeasement process as exem-
plified by the unfortunate statement of Gov-
ernor Stevenson.
He said it did not represent his views and
that "the most charitable explanation of
such irresponsibility, presumption, and dis-
courtesy is that his English was poor and
my French no better."
Mr. SCOTT. I believe the clerk is still
reading from my statement, but I call
attention to the fact that the word is
"turn-quote."
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator from Missouri has the floor.
Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President, the
RECORD has been read to my satisfaction
at this point, and unless the Senator
from Pennsylvania [Mr. SCOTT] would
like to have the reading continued, I
wish no further part of the RECORD read.
Mr. SCOTT. I request that no fur-
ther portion of the RECORD be read.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I rise to
a point of parliamentary inquiry.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator will state it.
Mr. MORSE. I have not heard the de-
bate except in the last few minutes. I
shall make some comment on my own
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time shortly. My parliamentary inquiry
is this: Is it proposed that the RECORD
be changed in any way from what was
stated on the floor of the Senate today?
Mr. SYMINGTON. No. In answer to
the inquiry of my friend from Oregon
[Mr. MORSE], I state that the reverse is
now true.
Mr. ANDERSON. I wished to suggest
to the Senator from Pennsylvania that
the term "turncoat" is an unfortunate
term, and also the expression "suspicion
of appeasement" is an unfortunate term,
and I expressed the hope that those
terms might be modified.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I wish
to make a parliamentary inquiry.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator will state it.
Mr. MORSE., May terms spoken on
the floor of the Senate, no matter how
unfortunate they may be, but neverthe-
less spoken in debate, be changed by the
spokesman or withdrawn by the spokes-
man in the absence of unanimous con-
sent?
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr.
CARLSON in the chair). I am advised by
the Parliamentarian that a Senator may
correct an error which may have been
made, but he may not substantially
change the context.
Mr. MORSE. Will the Chair advise
the Senator from Oregon the definition
of the word "error" under the ruling?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Chair will state that such an error would
be a misstatement, possibly a misquota-
tion, as to the form of the statement, but
not as to content.
Mr. MORSE. Not as to content.
Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President,
does the Senator wish me to yield fur-
ther?
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I should
like to have the parliamentary situation
cleared up. So that the RECORD may be
perfectly clear, speaking hypothetically,
if a Senator makes a statement which is
critical of some Government policy or
some Government official and then has
a second thought minutes later which
causes him to wish he had not said
what he had said and asks to have the
matter stricken from the RECORD, does
such request require unanimous consent?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Chair holds that such a request would
require unanimous consent.
Mr. MORSE. I thank the Chair for
the ruling, and I wish to serve notice
now that I shall object to any change
in today's RECORD.
Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President-
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, will the
Senator from Missouri [Mr. SYMINGEON]
yield?
Mr. SYMINGTON. I yield.
Mr. SCOTT. I would like to make
clear, so there will be no misunderstand-
ing concerning the remarks of the Sen-
ator from Oregon [Mr. MORSE], who was
not present when the statement was
made, that I have no intention of chang-
ing the sense or meaning of anything I
have said. If I have made grammatical
errors or. errors of syntax, I reserve the
same right which is available to other
Senators to make such corrections; and
I will, of course, be my own judge. I
No. 93-4
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
say to the Senator from Oregon, as to
what changes or revisions I make, exer-
cising the same privilege as is available
to the Senator from Oregon. But I
wish now to make it perfectly clear that
I reject any inference that I desire to
withdraw the meaning of anything that
I have said.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. SYMINGTON. I yield to the Sen-
ator from Oregon.
Mr. MORSE. I assure the Senator
from Pennsylvania that I made no im-
plication that the Senator had any in-
tention to change any of his remarks.
There was a request or suggestion made
that an opportunity be offered to change
remarks. To that, I object. I merely
wish to say that the Senator from Penn-
sylvania, under the rule, is free to com-
ply with the rule, but when he says he
will be his own judge as to what he will
change, I say the Senate will be the
final judge in case he makes a change
outside the rule.
f Delaware. Mr.
Press en , or e past hour and a half
we have heard a series of nonpolitical,
nonpartisan statements from both sides
of the aisle. All of these remarks con-
tained suggestions about what should or
should not have been done at the sum-
mit, as well as attempted to assess the
blame for what was or was not done.
In making these remarks, many Mem-
bers of the Senate, as well as most of
the presidential candidates, have been
quoted. However, in listening to these
remarks, l: note that one very important
presidential candidate has been ignored.
To my knowledge, he has not been quot-
ed in the Senate today. Yet it is my
opinion that this presidential candidate,
in his speech on the floor of the Senate
last week, made one of the most states-
manlike speeches which have been made
in connection with the summit confer-
ence, and again, in Indianapolis, Ind.,
`last week made another very appropri-
ate comment, one which I believe every
Member of the Senate would do well to
ponder before we get too partisan.
I refer to a statement made by our
majority leader, the senior Senator from
Texas [Mr. JOHNSON], in which, when
he was asked to assess blame for the
Paris fiasco, he observed:
Any jackass can kick down a barn, but it
takes a good carpenter to build one.
[Laughter.]
ONE LESSON FROM THE SUMMIT
Mr. SYM . Mr. President, an
uULL ~o We onsideration at the
summit tragedy was the administra-
tion's fiscal policy of placing expendi-
ture ceilings above military strength.
If this administration had approached
the summit conference from a position
of relative strength over the Commu-
nists, the rude but shrewd Kremlin chief
would have been less belligerent.
The Soviet leader, on the othe hand,
approached the summit with certain
knowledge about:
Our small and relatively immobile
ground forces with their antiquated
equipment:
Their rocket and missile superiority.
Our failure to provide an airborne
alert capability and the consequent vul-
nerability of our retaliatory strength.
Their great numerical, superiority in
submarines, with and without missiles.
Moreover, the Soviet leader knew that
the United States would have been
stronger in all of these respects if our
military experts, rather than our budget
bookkeepers, had been listened to.
Instead major attention . has been
given in this country toward feeding the
American people a diet of complacency,
backed up by appealing slogans.
We cannot afford to waste any time
in abandoning these policies of weakness.
In fact, if we do not act promptly, it may
soon be too late, because, at our present
pace, and under existing policies, we
may find ourselves shortly in a very
critical position.
Therefore, I recommend the follow-
ing program now:
That the Secretary of Defense be au-
thorized and directed, at once, to raise
overall expenditure ceilings in his De-
partment so as to carry out this program.
That the Secretary of Defense direct
the removal of all overtime limitations
on high priority projects and order a
sharp acceleration in those projects.
That the Air Force be authorized and
directed to take the procurement and
crew-training actions for the SAC air
alert capability which General Power
recommended, and that the, Congress
appropriate $415 million above the
budget request for that purpose.
That the Congress appropriate $360
million above the budget request for go-
ing ahead as fast as possible with the
B-70 weapons system project.
That the Congress appropriate $1.3
billion over and above the budget re-
quest for acceleration of the Atlas-Titan,
Minuteman, Polaris, Hound Dog, and
Sky-Bolt programs.
That the Congress authorize an in-
crease of Army personnel strength from
870,000 to 925,000, and appropriate $120
.million for that purpose. In addition,
that $800 million be appropriated over
and above the budget request for pro-
curement of new equipment for the
Army.
That the Congress authorize an in-
crease of Marine personnel strength
from 175,000 to 200,000 and appropriate
an additional $40 million for that pur-
pose.
That the Congress appropriate $465
million over and above the budget re-
quest for antisubmarine warfare.
The above recommendations for air
alert, B-70, missiles, Army personnel,
Army procurement, Marine personnel,
and antisubmarine warfare would
amount to $31/2 billion over and above
the budget request for those progams.
This total of $31/2 billion is the equiva-
lent of less than 3 days of our gross na-
tional product, and would seem to be a
small contribution to greater national
security in view of the threat facing the
free world.
It is hoped that the recent failure of
high level negotiations will awaken us
to action and, to that extent, make a
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GRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
W. C. HANDY, "FATHER OF THE
BLUES"
Mr. KEFAUVER. Mr. President (on
May 2 I made remarks and received
unanimous consent to have printed in
the Appendix of the CONGRESSIONAL REC-
ORD a biographical sketch entitled "The
Legend of W. C. Handy, Father of the
Blues."
I ask unanimous consent that my in-
troductory remarks may be expanded to
include, immediately after the sentence
"The general chairman was Mr. Frank
R. Ahlgren, of the Memphis Commercial
Appeal," the material which I send to
the desk.
There being no objection, the material
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
At this point I should like to say that due
recognition should be given to all of those
who participated in making this a memo-
rable event. Because of their untiring ef-
forts on Sunday, May 1, 1960, the city of
Memphis added another page to the history
book of the Nation.
It was not an easy job to make this dream
of Frank Ahlgren's come true. However,
when he told his dream to a group of out-
standing civic-minded men from all walks
of life, they all put their shoulders to the
wheel and gratuitously agreed to shoulder
their respective burdens to make this dream
become a reality.
It took almost 2 years of tireless, unselfish
work. Many details had to be ironed out.
First of all a considerable amount of money
had to be raised.
He began his activities in 1958. Realizing
that the late W. C. Handy was a distin-
guished composer-member of the American
Society of Composers, Authors, and Pub-
lishers (ASCAP), Mr. Ahlgren contacted Paul
Cunningham, at that time the president of
the American Society of Composers, Au-
thors, and Publishers. Mr. Ahlgren Inter-
ested Mr. Cunningham and ASCAP to the
extent that this 'great society, which not
only protects the interests of its members
but never forgets them or their loved ones
after the member passes on, immediately
agreed to allocate a $5,000 gift toward the
erection of the statue that now stands in
Handy Park in the city of Memphis. From
this sizable contribution thousands of oth-
ers gave what they could.
When sufficient funds were raised, Mr.
Ahlgren commissioned the famous Italian
sculptor, Prof. Leone Tomassi, of the Mari-
nelli Foundation at Florence, Italy, to mold
into golden bronze the 8-foot statue of the
never-to-be-forgotten W. C. Handy.
After this was arranged other important
details had to be worked out. Again Frank
Ahlgren, ably assisted by that great civil
leader, Lt. George Lee, and that indefatiga-
ble worker, George Sisler, of the Memphis
Commercial Appeal, immediately arranged
through ASCAP in New York to bring down
to Memphis a galaxy of stars. Among them
were Juanita Hall (of Rodgers and Hammer-
stein's "Flower Drum Song"); Mahalia Jack-
son, great delineator of spirituals; Lonnie
Sattin, recording star of Warner Bros. rec-
ords; Eubie Blake and Noble Sissle, famous
ASCAP composers and a newcomer from the
recording field, Was Damita Jo.
With this array of taleht ASCAP, through
Mr. Cunningham, reached out and arranged
with Mr. Hank Slavick of television station
WMCT to televise an hour-long program
before and during the unveiling of the
statue.
In years to come whenever I bear a W. C.
Handy song, I shall always remember the
city of Memphis on that day of days when
a group of civic-minded men arranged a
lasting tribute, attended by thousands, to
the "father of the blues."
Furthermore, I shall always remember the
fitting climax that came long after the eve-
ning sun went down when from New York
City Mr. Lid Sullivan, on his nationally
televised show, dramatically told the Nation
how the city of Memphis made history on
Sunday, May 1, 1960.
May 23
tions. This warrant is only granted
when the court is satisfied that reason-
able grounds exist that evidence of
crimes will be obtained as a result of the
wiretap.
The inability to introduce these wire-
taps stems from the decisions in the
U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals for the
Second Circuit in the case of People
against O'Rourke, which follows the de-
cisions in the United States v. Benanti
(355 U.S.96).
In its decision, the Supreme Court
ruled wiretap evidence obtained by State
officers under authority of a State law
was inadmissible in the Federal courts.
The language of the decision left a cloud
on the right of States to legally author-
ize law-enforcement agencies to obtain.
court warrants to intercept communica-
tions under proper safeguards.
The lower courts-People against
O'Rourke-have followed the line laid
down by the Supreme Court and have in-
dicated that, while not enjoining the
State courts, the introduction of wire-
tap evidence by State officials in State
courts would be in violation of section
605, Federal Communications Act of
1934, and thus would constitute a crime.
The district attorney pointed out that
the inability to use wiretaps in local
law-enforcement cases is a severe blow
to the side of law and order. He ex-
pressed the hope that Congress would be
able to do something in this session so
that one of our most effective tools
against bigtime racketeers and hoods
would not have been removed.
On January 16, 1958, shortly after the
decision of the U.S. Supreme Court in
the Benanti_ case, I introduced a bill,
S. 3013--85th Congress, 2d session-
amending section 605 of the Communi-
cations Act, to clarify the right of State
law enforcement agencies to use wire-
taps to uncover evidence of the com-
mission of serious crimes.
The Supreme Court in the Benanti
case did not rule an constitutional ques-
tions. The decision was based solely on
the interpretation of the intention of
Congress when it passed section 605 of
the Federal Communications Act of 1934,
which declares:
No person not being authorized by the
sender shall intercept any communication
and divulge or publish the existence, con-
tents, substance, purport, effect, or meaning
of such intercepted communication to any
person.
It is my belief that Congress, in the
enactment of section 605, never intended
to cripple and hamper law enforcement
agencies in their efforts to stamp out
crime and punish criminals.
When I introduced S. 3013, 1 predicted
that the detection, investigation, and
prosecution of crime, particularly or-
ganized crime, would be seriously han-
dicapped and weakened by the Supreme
Court decision that is proving to be
true. In many cases, prosecution and
investigation of crimes would be com-
pletely thwarted and would collapse
were wiretapping to be denied to the
law enforcement agencies.
Recent developments show that the
court decisions have created an in-
ILLEGAL ACTIVITIES ON THE PART
OF LABOR RACKETEERS AND
MANAGEMENT
Mr. McCLELLAN. Mr. President, dur-
ing the course of the hearings of the
Senate Select Committee on Improper
Activities in the Labor or Management
Field, we have on numerous occasions
communicated with local law enforce-
ment authorities when our investiga-
tions have disclosed illegal activities on
the part of labor racketeers or manage-
ment.
I should like to place in the RECORD
an editorial of the Long Island Daily
Press, dated May 17, 1960, entitled "Vic-
tory and. Warning," an editorial of
Newsday of the same date, entitled "A
Big Victory," as well as a letter dated
May 18, 1960, from the district attorney
of Nassau County, N.Y., Mr. Manuel W.
Levine, enclosing these editorial com-
ments on the, successful prosecution of
labor racketeers who operated juke box
Local 266 of the Teamsters Union.
Both the officials of this union and
the owners of a juke box company were
convicted of conspiracy. The officials
of this local were also convicted on
charges of coercion and extortion.
These convictions were hailed by the
newspapers as a great victory on the side
of law enforcement.
I may say that much of the informa-
tion upon which these prosecutions were
based was developed by the Senate select'
committee.
I wish to commend and congratulate
Mr. Manuel W. Levine, the district at-
torney of Nassau County, N.Y., for the
monumental accomplishment of secur-
ing convictions of these racketeers after
a trial which lasted for 31/2 months.
The district attorney in his letter
pointed out that it was unfortunate that
some of the defendants were freed from
prosecution due to inability of the prose-
cutor to introduce into evidence certain
wiretaps which would have proved them
guilty of a crime.
I understand that had they been per-
mitted to use wiretap evidence which
was available to them, in all probability
all these defendants would have been
convicted. Those who escaped, escaped
upon that one technicality.
These were taps made pursuant to
New York State laws and pursuant to a
New York State court order. Some
States, such as New York State, have
enacted laws to enable their enforcement
agencies 'to intercept communications
under proper safeguards and to elimi-
nate the dangers of promiscuous and im-
proper use. In New York, for example,
the enforcement agencies must apply to
the court of highest original jurisdiction
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SEN
grants to public facilities, $10 million for
subsistence payments for retraining, $1.5
million for vocational training grants,
and $4.5 million for technical assist-
ance."
The bill provides the following criteria
in order to define eligibility for de-
pressed-area aid:
First. Unemployment of 12 percent of
the civilian labor force persisting for 12
months;
Second. Unemployment of 9 percent of
this group for 15 out of 18 months;
3. Unemployment Of 6 percent of this
group for 18 out of 24 months"
The proponents of this measure define
their objectives in the preamble of the
bill, as follows:
The Congress declares that the mainte-
nance of the National economy at a high
level is vital to the best interests of the
United States, but that some of our commu-
nities are suffering substantial and persistent
unemployment and underemployment; that
such unemployment and underemployment
cause hardship to many individuals and their
families and detracts from the national wel-
fare by wasting vital human resources; that
to overcome this problem the Federal Gov-
ernment, in cooperation with the States,
should help areas of substantial and per-
sistent unemployment and underemploy-
ment to take effective steps in planning and
financing their economic redevelopment;
that Federal assistance to communities, in-
dustries, enterprises, and individuals in areas
needing redevelopment should enable such
areas to achieve lasting improvement and
enhance the domestic prosperity by the es-
tablishment of stable and diversified local
economies; and that under the provisions of
this act new employment opportunities
should be created by developing and expand-
ing new and existing facilities and resources
without substantially reducing employment
in other areas of the United States 45
The Department of Labor makes regu-
lar reports on 149 communities, in terms
of the percentage of unemployment pre-
vailing among the civilian labor force.
Based on these studies, early in 1959, ap-
proximately 20 of these areas would meet
one of the criteria set forth in S. 722
for depressed-area aid 49 The adminis-
tration, the Republican and Democratic
congressional leadership, as well as the
supporters of the more liberal bill re-
ferred to above, are in agreement that
problem, which justifies some Feder
assistance. At the present time, mo
existing depressed areas fall into on
of the following categories:
Coal-mining towns in Pennsylvania,
West Virginia, eastern Kentucky, and
sections of adjoining States; particularly
hard hit are anthracite mining areas
such as the Wyoming Valley of Pennsyl-
vania-for example Scranton, Pa.
New England towns in which textile
employment has materially declined; for
example, Lawrence, Mass.
Areas where employment in railroad
shops was reduced as a result of diesel-
" Op. cit., Area Redevelopment Act, H.
Rept. 360, p. 7.
94 Op. cit., Area Redevelopment Act. H. Rept.
360, p. 31..
"Bill analysis, American Enterprise Asso-
ciation, Inc., 86th Cong., 1st Bess., Rept.
No. 7, Washington, D.C., Feb. 25_1959, p. 8.
4? Op. cit., bill analysis, p. 2.
ization of the railroad industry, ; for ex-
ample, Altoona, Pa.
Resort and other areas which have
never established a solid industrial base
sufficient to support full-time employ-
ment of the community's labor force;
for example, Asheville, N.C.
Towns in which the economy depended
on a natural resource which has been
largely exhausted-northern Michigan,
Minnesota, and Wisconsin towns former-
ly dependent on copper or iron mining
or lumber; for example, Iron Mountain,
Mich.47
One-industry towns are characteris-
tic of many shipbuilding industries.
Before discarding existing programs
which enable us to maintain necessary
facilities, careful consideration must be
given to the ultimate cost to all taxpay-
ers of creating additional depressed
areas. 'These costs include not only pos-
sible Federal grants, but, in addition, the
loss of existing tax revenues. Most im-
portant is the loss of personal dignity
for the individual directly concerned,
and, for the community, the loss of the
skills he possesses.
Inasmuch as shipbuilding subsidies
are admittedly the only means of meet-
ing the urgent problems of national de-
fense under a series of probable condi-
tions in a future emergency, it is fool-
hardy to attempt to save less than $150
million :in gross outlays and thereby de-
stroy an essential industry. Further-
more, these savings are ephemeral.
The ultimate cost includes a loss of reve-
nues as well as expenditures to support
new nonproductive Federal programs.
Ships or any other necessary ele-
ment in our national defense are prefer-
able to make-work projects which are
implied in all of the depressed area leg-
islation which has been before the Con-
gress. Under existing world tensions,
and with rapid technological progress
on so many different fronts, we cannot
afford to become dependent on other na-
tions to provide advanced designs for
our merchant marine and naval auxil-
iaries.
FOREIGN POLICY PROBLEMS
r. President, I wish
toI~~!!1ments on some of the
foreign policy problems which confront
the Republic. I am not surprised at the
Republican attack which has been made
today on the floor of the Senate on
Adlai Stevenson, because the Republi-
cans very well know that if Adlai Steven-
son should be nominated at the Demo-
cratic National Convention in Los An-
geles, he would be overwhelmingly
elected President of the United States in
November 1960.
This is a typical Republican down-
grading strategy which we on this side
of the aisle must expect in the months
ahead. In fact, we must expect it re-
gardless of which Democrat is nomi-
nated.
Adlai Stevenson is one of the greatest
minds in American public life, and the
White House calls for a great mind.
We have sorely needed one in the White
House for almost 8 years.
As Democrats we have the responsi-
bility in the campaign ahead to discuss
openly and frankly with the American
people the issues of American foreign
policy.
I want the RECORD to show this after-
noon that I stand behind every word
Adlai Stevenson spoke in his Chicago
speech which has been referred to. I am
glad the Senator from Pennsylvania
[Mr. CLARK] has already put it in the
RECORD. It was a typical, statesmanlike
speech from Adlai Stevenson.
It is my opinion and judgment that if
the American people had elected him as
President of the United States in 1952,
we would not be as close to war today as
we are. I wish to say to my Democratic
colleagues I think they ought to stop the
practice of sneezing every time President
Eisenhower coughs about a foreign
policy matter. The Democrats have
themselves to blame, in large measure,
for the plight in which our party finds
itself in regard to the matter of foreign
policy, because we have had too many
Democratic leaders who have been rub-
ber-stamping a wrong foreign policy.
The Democratic Party owes it to the
American people to take the foreign
policy issue to the people and give them
a choice on foreign policy.
It is my opinion that if we continue
to follow the Republican foreign policy
for many more years, we shall be in the
midst of a nuclear war, out of which no
one will be victorious, because, in my
judgment, the evidence is abundantly
clear that neither side can win a nu-
clear war.
Therefore, because this issue has been
raised on the floor of the Senate today,
I wish to make a few statements about
it for the RECORD.
AMERICAN PEOPLE UNINFORMED ON FOREIGN
POLICY
The United States and Russia are
equally feared and jointly feared, and
rightly so, in many parts of the globe, as
the two great threats to the peace of the
world. I know the American people
want peace; we, the people, are dedicated
to peace; but the sad fact is our Govern-
ment is following a foreign policy that
is bound inevitably to end in a nuclear
war, unless the American people make
it very clear to the leadership of the
leadership of the country that they want
that policy changed. How can they
make it clear? The American people are
uninformed on American foreign policy
due to the fact that the Eisenhower ad-
ministration, during the last 8 years, has
taken the people a long way down the
road to Government by secrecy. Gov-
ernment by secrecy does not end up in
freedom. Government by secrecy does
not end up in the protection of the dem-
ocratic processes. Government by se-
crecy frequently ends up in war. And
we are on the way.
The time has come, in my judgment,
when the Democratic Party should offer
to lead the American people back to the
Wilsonian doctrine of open covenants
openly arrived at, and make clear to the
American people, in the historic cam-
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h
i
aments race that cannot be reconciled
by a single moral principle to which we
bow our heads on Sunday. Those prin-
ciples of morality ought to be practiced
the other 6 days of the week, as well as
revered on Sunday.
We are in danger of writing a sordid
chapter in world history by a continua-
tion of an immoral nuclear armaments
race along with a nation the leadership
of which we know to be amoral. Is it
not an historic commentary that the
great, moral Nation of the United States
is permitting itself to be drawn into an
immoral nuclear armaments race, with-
out paying. attention to the other part
of the paradox in which we live?
MILITARY SPOKESMEN ON FOREIGN POLICY
We live in a paradox, Mr. President.
We live in a paradox in which we have
to keep ourselves so militarily strong
that Russia will understand she will
have everything to lose and nothing to
gain by an aggressive action against the
free world. But, Mr. President, if that
is the end of our goal, if that is the sum
and substance of our procedures with re-
gard to foreign policy, then the end re-
sult is bound to be war.
I listened to testimony of an expert,
not very many weeks ago, who was talk-
ing about what would happen in a mod-
erate nuclear war. He made very clear
that there is not such a thing, of course,
as the possibility of a moderate nuclear
war, because the probabilities are that if
a nuclear war should start it would be a
total war, and all the bombs would be
dropped in a relatively short period of
time.
Speaking hypothetically about a mod-
erate nuclear war, this expert said such
a war would result, in the first 10 days,
in the loss of 50 million lives in the
United States and more lives in Russia
and Europe. Let us try to reconcile that,
Mr. President, with moral principles. We
simply cannot forget that history goes
on and on. Nations rise and fall.
Mr. President, it happens to be our
patriotic duty, as I see our patriotic duty,
to do what we can to give the greatest
guarantee of an ever-rising America for
centuries to come, rather than to follow
a foreign policy which, in my judgment,
increases the risks of war month by
month.
We only have to sit and to listen to
the top military brass testify, Mr. Presi-
dent, to know how dangerous is the
period in which we live.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
There is one thing the Democratic
Party ought to make perfectly clear. It
is that if the Democrats are elected to
power in November 1960 the military will
stop issuing; foreign policy statements.
The military, under a Democratic ad-
ministration, will learn once more a les-
son which it seems to have forgotten,
that the job of the American military
group is to administer a foreign policy
determined by a civilian government and
not in any way to interrupt it or usurp it.
Periodically, Mr. President, we listen
to statements by Admiral Burke as to
what is going to happen in the Formosa
Straits or in. the Caribbean, and we listen
to statements by the Chairman of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff in regard to foreign
policy. If we had a President who
thoroughly understood the meaning of a
civilian government, Mr. President, that
top brass would have been removed from
control immediately after it violated its
constitutional duty to stay out of foreign
policy deter:rninations.
]BIPARTISANSHIP DEAD
Mr. President, I point out to my Demo-
cratic colleagues that under this admin-
istration there has been no bipartisan
foreign policy at any time, from the
time the present President of the United
States took his oath of office after his
election in 1952 to date. Oh, there have
been some conferences with leaders now
and then at the White House. I am
afraid some of my Democratic col-
leagues have permitted a little window
dressing to go a long way with them.
The honor of being briefed has taken
the place of real consultation.
The Democratic Party has had no
voice in helping to determine American
foreign policy under the Eisenhower ad-
ministration. There has been, in fact,
no bipartisan foreign policy. That is
why I am always surprised when I pick
up the newspapers and read statements
by Democratic leaders rubber stamping
a foreign policy, after-the fact, of the
Eisenhower administration.
Mr. President, of course, in an hour
of crisis we can always be counted upon
to close ranks behind any President of
the United States, Republican or Demo-
crat. But I am one Senator who is not
going to close ranks behind a President
in connection with a wrong foreign
policy prior to our getting into a situa-
tion where we are at war and before we
have exhausted every possibility of cor-
recting. a wrong foreign policy by a
wrong President. Mr. President, this
President of the United States has been
wrong many times on foreign policy
since he has been in office.
I offer no apology to the American
people. I am proud to let my descen-
dants read my record of dissent with this
President in regard "to foreign policy
time and time again.
Well I remember my refusal In 1955 to
go along with the Formosa resolution
and the warning which the Senator from
New York and the Senator from Oregon
gave the Senate on that historic oc-
casion-that the Formosa resolution
would settle nothing, that the Formosa
resolution 'would increase the danger of
May N3
war. So it has, Mr. President, and that
danger is increasing year by year.
DEMOCRATS FAILED TO SUPPORT UNITED NATIONS
Mr. President, I think it is well under-
stood that within the next few years Red
China will have nuclear weapons. Can
we think that the Formosa resolution,
at that time, is going to be a contribu-
tion to peace? If the Democrats had
not followed Eisenhower on the Formosa
resolution in 1955, if, they had supported
the Senator from New York and the
Senator from Oregon, as we pleaded on
the floor of the Senate, taking a position
of seeking to get the United Nations to
accept a trusteeship over the Formosa
Straits, with the United States guaran-
teeing to the United Nations that it
would militarily defend Formosa and the
Pescadores, we would be nearer to peace
in the Formosa Straits than we are
today.
.But the Democrats rubberstamped
what I consider to be that wrong foreign
policy of this administration, which was
a foreign policy, again, outside of the
United Nations, and which represented
once again the record of the Eisenhower
administration for unilateral action out-
side the United Nations rather than
through it.
History will record that the Eisen-
hower administration has bypassed the
United Nations time and time again on
the major issues which have threatened
the peace of the world. ? The Middle East
doctrine is another example. Once
again the majority of the Democrats
rubberstamped it. More of them stood
with us on that than in regard to the
Formosa Straits, Mr. President, but even
in that instance we heard the pleas for
unity. We heard the plea, "You cannot
let the President down." We heard the
plea, "The President, right or wrong."
That is dangerous doctrine, Mr. Presi-
dent. We have a duty, as Senators-at
least, as I see my obligation, I do-to try
to correct a wrong Presidential policy.
I say, most respectfully, that we Demo-
crats have done a rather poor job of
that under this administration. I am
glad to see that eyes are, at long last,
opening, and at least the Democratic
voters of this country-and I will also
say, many fine independent and Repub-
lican voters of this country-are begin-
ning to recognize that the Eisenhower
administration foreign policy, if long
continued, is going to lead us into war.
That policy has to be stopped, Mr.
President. We have to stop it by stop-
ping our support of the President of the
United States every time he circumvents
the United Nations, every time he re-
sorts to secret diplomacy, and every time
he keeps from the American people the
facts about our foreign policy which en-
danger the people.
DEMOCRATS MUST OFFER ALTERNATIVES
Mr. President, it is one thing to criti-
cize the Republican foreign policy but
it is another thing to tell the American
people a constructive program which
ought to take its place. That is the
responsibility of the Democratic Party,
in my judgment. We must come for-
ward with a constructive program,
are through with
ead, that we
re going to
plomacy, that we a
stop rubberstamping the secret diplo-
macy of the Eisenhower administration.
Therefore, it is time we make clear to
the American people that, as the Demo.
cratic Party, we are through with under-
cutting and undermining the United Na-
tions, and that we propose to return to
a sound democratic policy of seeking to
follow the doctrine of international deci-
sions based upon law, and take our case
to an international organization, such as
the United Nations, with such reforms in
the United Nations as we are sorely
needed.
We are, in my judgment, in an im-
moral nuclear armaments race, an arm-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
rather than constantly be sneezing as
'd' 1senhower coughs, on foreign policy,
A r than constantly standing up in
tI'Congress of the United States to
plead for unity behind the President on
a wrong foreign policy. We have, first,
a duty to lay out what is wrong with the
administration's foreign policy; and
then to offer a constructive program to
replace it.
Mr. President, I like the way Adlai
Stevenson talks. I like the way Adlai
Stevenson thinks.
I like the programs which Adlai
Stevenson has presented to the Ameri-
can people for a number of years. I
remember the courage of Adlai Steven-
son in 1956 in regard to nuclear testing.
That was the act of a great man; and
we all know the smear job that was done
against him by the Republicans in 1956.
They were talking then as NIXON has
been talking in the past few days-"You
are an appeaser if you criticize American
foreign policy."
Let me point out that if we do not
start criticizing the Eisenhower admin-
istration foreign policy, if we do not
bring some reforms in regard to it, and,
if the Democratic Party does not begin
in the Congress by of-lering constructive
suggestions to replace the Eisenhower
foreign policy, I repeat that within a few
years we shall be at war; and out of
that war there will be no victory for
the United States and the Western Pow-
ers, or for Russia. It will not be the
end of civilization; it will merely be the
l of American civilization and Rus-
r `i civilization. There will be much
civilization left, but it will be in Asia,
Africa, and Latin America, because I
am satisfied that a nuclear war would
be bound to result in the simultaneous
destruction of the civilizations in Europe,
the United States, and Russia. I do not
think there, is any way of stopping it
once the trigger is pulled on the first
hydrogen bomb. There would be such
a chain reaction of the pulling of trig-
gers that it would be merely a matter of
days until we had only a remnant of
Western civilization and Russian civili-
zation.
So I say to the Democratic Party that
the time has come for it to come forward
with a constructive program to meet the
threat of war, because if we continue the
program of the Eisenhower administra-
tion, in my judgment our country will
end up with war in a very few years. I
have said before, and I say again, that
if we get into a critical war in which ag-
gression is committed against, us, of
course we will stand united behind who-
ever is the President of the United States
for the duration of that war, if we have
any chance at all of surviving, which I
think is highly remote.
Mr. President, I do not share the
Democratic talk that we must not even
whisper and criticize the Eisenhower pol-
icies with regard to foreign policy. In
my judgment President Eisenhower and
his administration have gotten us into
precarious position we occupy in this
k hour in American and world his
tory. I think the time has come for us
to give some heed to the statesmanship
of a Stevenson and to the statesmanship
that is set out in the point of view ex-
pressed today by the Advisory Council
of the Democratic Party. The time has
also come when we must offer some con-
structive suggestions as to how best to
seek the peace through a total enforce-
able nuclear disarmament program.
MANY BELIEVE WE SHOULD FIGHT RUSSIA SOON
If my major thesis is correct-and I
am satisfied! it is-that this nuclear ar-
mament race is immoral, that this nu-
clear armament race will never stand the
moral judgment of history which follows
us, then we ought to be at work trying
to win the peace, rather than giving aid
and comfort to those within our country
who are trying to sell the sinister propa-
ganda across America, "We must fight
Russia some time anyway; we are prob-
ably in a better position to fight her now:
So let us get on with fighting her."
My heart is heavy when I reflect on
how widespread that sinister prop-
aganda already is. We call it the pre-
ventive war theory, an expression which
I have heard from the lips of the high
brass in this country. In 1955 I argued
against the Formosa resolution because
I knew the testimony before us had dis-
closed that we were considering a pre-
ventative war resolution. I again raise
my voice in opposition to preventative
war propaganda in the United States.
If we continue to follow the policy of
the Eisenhower administration we shall
end with a preventative war, but I do not
think it is too late to win the peace. It
will call for some courage. It will call
for the raising of horizons. It will call
for the return to and the putting into
practice of a great American ideal.
I know that when I raise my voice
lustily and make a plea for implement-
ing a system of international justice
through law my critics are heard to say,
"That is what happens when you put
a professor in politics. He goes idealis-
tic on you. He goes theoretical on you.
He becomes impractical."
I have many answers to the criticism,
but I will give only one at this moment
in the form of a rhetorical question: I
would have these critics tell the Ameri-
can people what is practical about a
nuclear war., What is practical about a
nuclear war'? I can think of no greater
impracticality.
Even when the war would be over such
civilization as would survive for cen-
turies would live in chaos, because if we
stop to reflect for a moment on the
chaotic conditions of this globe following
a nuclear war, the sad thing is that all
the problems which confronted us be-
fore the war would have to be solved by
the world that remained after the war.
The war would solve nothing.
We are told that it would get Russia
out of the way. I am satisfied it would
get Russia out of the way-and the
United States, too; and I do not wish to
see the United States put out of the way.
I think we have the system of govern-
ment, and a system of ideals which come
nearest to making it practically possi-
ble to implement the great spiritual be-
liefs and teachings to which we are all
dedicated as religious men and women
in this country. What concerns me so
much is that the course of action which
10033
we are following cannot be reconciled
with those spiritual principles.
CONSTRUCTIVE ALTERNATIVES NEEDED
So once again I plead this afternoon
for an effort to implement a system of
international justice through law; and
I make these suggestions, which I hope
will be considered constructive.
First let me say, before I submit such
a list, that no one can hold any brief
for the course of action the United States
took in regard to the spy plane, and no
one can hold any brief for the course of
action that Khrushchev took, either.
I am a member of the Foreign Rela-
tions Committee of the Senate; and as
a member of that committee ._the
izatt?alled
inter , is a j orite
npy work. Everyone else ought
to know, and I presume does know, that,
of course, we spend great sums of money
for espionage, and so does every other
powerful nation. Of course, we have
spies in many parts of the world and we
know that other countries do, too, in-
cluding some of our friends in our own
country.
We certainly have no doubt about the
fact that Russia had spies. But I was
highly amused to hear the alibi given
by the Vice President of the United
States, Mr. Nrxorr, in talking about the
spy plane incident. He sought to attract
attention to the fact that there had been
a couple Russian spies detected in
Massachusetts some months ago.
That is no surprise to anybody. But
if I have ever listened to a non sequitur
argument, that is one, and I am accus-
tomed to hear such arguments from the
Vice President of the United States.
What does the detection of intelligence
personnel have to do with a course of
action followed by the United States in
regard to what is interpreted around the
world as a form of constructive aggres-
sion? That is exactly what the sending
of the spy plane over Russia was. It was
a form of constructive aggression. We
can alibi it and rationalize it all we want
to, and we can wave the American flag
into tatters over it, but the fact remains
that our friends and enemies alike
around the world are going to decree that
we cannot justify our course of action
in the spy plane incident under inter-
national comity well recognized in the
field of espionage.
At no time, as I sat in the Committee
on Foreign Relations or on the floor, and
as I voted for the use of funds for intel-
ligence wrok, was there even a whisper
from anyone within the administration,
military or civilian, that any of that
money would be used for the sending of
an instrumentality of war over a foreign
sovereign power.
I am satisfied that if any such sug-
gestion had been made, the result with
respect to the request for authorization
would have been a great deal different,
both in committee and on the floor of
the Senate. The administration did
great damage to the standing and pres-
tige of the United States by following a
policy which has shocked our friends
around the world in sending an instru-
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mentality of war In the form of a spy
plane over Russia.
Let us not forget, in these days of high
hysteria, bordering almost on panic, in
the thinking of many people, one never
knows when such an incident will cause
some misguided, uninformed, emotional-
ly aroused person in some foreign coun-
try to make a false deduction as to the
purpose of such a plane, and a nuclear
war will be started thereby.
It was a risk that the administration
had no moral right to ever run. They
ran it. The plane was shot down. I do
not know what the facts are. We hope
to get the facts after a thorough investi-
gation. I do not know yet how the plane
was shot down.
I am not convinced by any statement
coming out of this administration that
it was not shot down by a land-to-air
missile. There are reasons to doubt the
statement. I am satisfied that this ad-
ministration would like to save face, if
it can, with regard to this unfortunate
and stupid mistake it made. I do know
that one of the pleas made to us for a
long time in the Senate for crash pro-
grams in connection with the develop-
ment of land-to-air missiles was that,
we were told-and I violate no secrecy
by saying this, because this has appeared
in periodicals and press reports through-
out the country-that the Russians were
ahead of us in land-to-air missiles.
The result was that huge sums of
money were appropriated for Bomarc-
over $3 billion. On the basis of the
latest findings, the record of Bomarc is
not so good. Of course we know, when
,not
appropriate huge sums of money for
these programs, that some of them are
not going to be the success we hoped
they would be, and that some of them
are going to be failures. I am not greatly
concerned about the fact that we appro-
priated that money. The program ap-
parently resulted in failure. I would
vote to do it again. I will do it tomor-
row if the administration can come for-
ward with a program that shows an
appropriation may help us speed up a
crash program on land-to-air missiles.
I say that because I have voted in the
past and will continue to vote in the
future for those appropriations which
are necessary to let the Russians at all
times know that they have everything
to lose and nothing to gain by an ag-
gressive course of action against. the
free world.
WEAPONS ARE NOT ENOUGH
What I am trying to bring before my
country is that merely an arms race will
not win the peace. An armaments race
will not do that but, in my judgment,
will surely assure a nuclear war in our
time. That we cannot justify, unless
we know that we have done everything
that possibly can be done by moral peo-
ple to try to set up a system of interna-
tional justice through law which can
enforce a total disarmament program.
Khrushchev shot the plane down.
One would expect it from an amoral peo-
ple. International comity and recog-
nized principles of international morality
dictated that he not follow that course of
action. He has one of the best jet fight-
er armadas in the world. There are
some people who think that they are bet-
ter than our own. I am .not expert
enough to testify on that.
However, I raise the. point that it Is
good enough so that there is great con-
cern on the part of our experts as to the
comparison between our jet fighter ar-
mada and Russia's. All he needed to do
was to send three or four of his jet
fighters to that plane and surround it
and give it orders to ground itself. If
it violated that request, then and only
then, in my judgment, under the rules
of international law, in such a situation,
would he-have been justified in shooting)
it down.
He did not follow that course. I have
a hunch that he.saw a great opportunity.
He knew as well as we did that Bomare
has been no great success, and he seized
the opportunity to make a demonstra-
tion to the world in regard to land-to-air
missiles. I think that is a great prob-
ability. Be that as it may, he did get a
great propaganda advantage over us.
Then, having followed that course of ac-
tion, he went to the summit undoubtedly
with a determination to humiliate not
only the President of the United States,
not only the Presidency of the United
States, but also the American people.
He wanted to bring into disrepute the
President as a man, the position, and the
American people.
PRESIDENT DID WELL AT PARIS
Although I have been highly critical
of President Eisenhower's foreign policy
on many issues, I wish to say that the
President went as far in the Paris con-
ference as he could go with honor. He
deserves credit for announcing at the
very beginning that it was the plan of
this Government to suspend any further
use of spy planes. That should have
been said, and that is all that the Presi-
dent needed to say, if Khrushchev really
wanted to have the summit conference
be a vehicle and a forum for negotiation
and agreement on peace.
Obviously, he did not want that.
Therefore, I wish to say that in my
judgment the President of the United
States conducted himself at the Paris
conference within the proprieties, and
Khrushchev did not.
I listened to Khrushchev's press inter-
view. I could close my eyes at times
during that interview and almost come
to the conclusion that I was listening to
Hitler, because there were sections of
the interview which had many of the
characteristics and overtones and under-
tones of the type of totalitarian propa-
ganda that Hitler preached at his height.
Be that as it may, Khrushchev is a
reality. Be that as it may, Khrushchev
is at the head of a government that
obviously is our potential enemy. There-
fore, I believe that, with honor and
within procedures that will protect the
security of our country, we must proceed
now to find out what we can do and to
answer the question, "Where do we go
from :here?"
I ara not one to cry over spilled milk.
It is better to survey the facts that get
us into a position in which we find our-
selves at any given time.
But after I have surveyed that posi-
tion, then I always ask myself the ques-
May 23
tion: Where do we go from here? The,
Russians apparently thought that t1w, y
having this matter referred to thi`e-
.curity Council. I think we all know that
the Security Council cannot solve it,
and undoubtedly will not solve it.
There is not much hope that the Secu-
rity Council can solve the great problem
which confronts us, the problem of win-
ning the peace, by bringing about a sure-
proof, enforceable, total disarmament
program in our time. I am not an "over-
nighter." I recognize that such a peace
will not be won overnight. It will not
be won in 2, 3, or 5 years.
In fact, to secure such a peace prob-
ably will consume many years. How-
ever, I want to stress that we ought to
be taking forward steps toward winning
the peace, rather than marching in re-
verse, as we are at present. I am satis-
fied we are marching toward war not
toward peace. So I wish to make a few
suggestions this afternoon which I think
we ought to try to implement in the
years immediately ahead.
If we do the negotiating within the
framework that I suggest this afternoon;
if we have the nations of the world nego-
tiating for peace; then, interestingly
enough, we will have a form of mora-
torium on war at the same time, because
if the nations of the world are negotiat-
ing for peace, the probability will be in-
creased that they will not proceed to
fight one another in a war.
ROLE OF RED CHINA NEEDS TO BE UNDERSTOOD
So there are a few reforms whir-
think we ought to stand for in the ?
of foreign policy as it affects all nations.
Let me stress the word "all" for a mo-
ment, because no longer can we divide the
world into those nations with whom we
will converse, and those nations against
whom we will drop an American iron
curtain.
Of course, I refer specifically to Red
China. No one in this body hates the
form of government of Red China more
than does the senior Senator from Ore-
gon. Nevertheless, we are following a
blind, myopic policy with respect to Red
China, because I am satisfied that Red
China will be a nuclear power within 10
years. We cannot possibly start nego-
tiating for peace leading toward a total
disarmament program, and not include
Red China.
This does not mean that the senior
Senator from Oregon advocates the im-
mediate recognition of Red China. I do
not; although I point out to the Ameri-
can people that Red China has never
asked to be recognized. Red China has
never made a request for diplomatic
recognition on the part of the United
States.
However, I hope the time will come
when we can recognize Red China with
honor to ourselves. We cannot do that
now. We cannot do it until we get some
very definite proof that we can rely on
the commitments of Red China which
will show that we can count upon Re
China to keep her international cc -,?
mitments.
There are two such commitments
which we have the right and also the
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mu
ch in the same way that the great
common law was built up. The com-
mon law is a body of judicial precedents;
and we should now be engaged in the
process of building up a body of prece-
dential law for international-law tribu-
nals to apply to disputes which threaten
the peace of the world, as they arise
from year to year.
But more than that must be done.
We also must expand international law
by "a statutory process or procedure."
I suggest that we can do so by calling a
series of extraordinary sessions of the
General Assembly of the United Nations
from time to time, with the agenda
limited to specific questions for debate
and negotiation, the purpose being to
arrive at the adoption of resolutions,
with the understanding that they will
have the force and effect of interna-
tional law until they are repealed. Is
that idealistic? Yes, it is. Is it theoreti-
cal? Yes, it is. Is it practical? It is
highly practical, because, as I have said
before, the only thing that is practical
happens to be to put to work an ideal
in the field of foreign policy and also
in the field of governmental domestic
policy.
But the sad thing is that the Eisen-
hower record on this matter is practically
nil; and the sad thing is that too many
Democrats have rubber stamped the
Eisenhower position on that issue.
it is time for the Democratic Party
either to fish or to cut bait on the mat-
ter of foreign policy, and in the months
ahead to come forward with a construc-
tive foreign program which will lead to
peace, instead of the Republican pro-
gram which rapidly is taking us down
the road toward war.
A series of such conferences over 'the
years-and let it be remembered that
earlier in this speech I pointed out that
I am discussing a program which, in my
judgment, may take as long as 20 years
but, nevertheless, we should get on with
the work, and should have conferences
of the sort I have suggested-through
special sessions of the General Assembly,
will, in my judgment, promote the cause
of peace and strengthen the chances for
peace, and will bring us closer to a total
nuclear disarmament program, without
which, in my judgment, in our time we
shall wind up with a nuclear war.
PEACE OFFENSIVE NEEDED
But for the immediate future-and I
close with this suggestion-I believe we
have a right to look to our allies around
the world to rise to their obligations at
this hour. I believe the heads of great
governments, such as those of Great
Britain, Canada, France, Italy, and In-
dia, those of all the free nations of the
world-ought right now be joining in
focusing attention on the need for the
adoption of a system of international
justice through law for the settlement
of these disputes, leading to a total dis-
armament program.
If ever there was a time when the
United States needed the moral support
and backing of her allies, that time is
now; and I am speaking of the need to
take to Khrushchev a peace offensive
within and through the United Nations.
036
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
But we are not doing so, because time
and time again we have demonstrated
that we are not willing to submt specific
questions to the processes of the United
Nations for final determination. So I
make the plea that our allies join in ask-
ing for an extraordinary session of the
United Nations in the immediate future,
because, in my judgment, it has got to be
done through the General Assembly, not
through the Security Council. In the
first place the Security Council cannot
speak for all the nations in the world,
and only a few nations are on the Securi-
ty Council. But every nation, large and
small, has a stake in peace. Every na-
tion, large and small, has a stake in what
the United States, Great Britain, France,
and Russia do.
SUMMIT MEETING SHOULD NOT BE HELD
AT U.N.
That is why I have been heard to say
before, as I protested the kind of sum-
mit conference that was called in Paris,
that, in my judgment, we should not
proceed in that kind of summit confer-
ence. I think it was a mistake from the
beginning.
Any summit conference in which we
participate, as I have said for a long, long
time, should be conducted under the ju-
risdiction of the United Nations, with the
Secretary General of the United Nations
sitting as permanent chairman of that
conference, and with any arrangements
or agreements reached in that summit
conference going to the United Nations
for approval.
Why? Because if that is not done, in
my judgment we shall return to inter-
natioi al power politics. International
power politics will not produce peace. It
never has. The use of international
power politics, throughout the history of
mankind, has produced only intervals be-
tween wars, because always the nonpar-
ticipants resent the fact that a few
powerful nations decide the fate of the
rest of the world.
I make it a point of getting myself
briefed on broadcasts coming from
southeast Asia, Latin America, and Afri-
ca. I say to Members of the Senate they
had better get themselves briefed on
what is coming out of southeast Asia,
Africa, and Latin America these days.
Those radio broadcasts indicated to me
that loud dissents were already begin-
ning to arise among the nonparticipants
at the summit conference, and questions
were being asked.
One can call it any kind of propaganda
he desires; nevertheless, it is a reality.
One cannot deny that it is being beaten
into the eardrums of millions and mil-
lions of people in that part of the world,
people who in numbers greatly exceed
our population, and people who have to
be won over to freedom if freedom is to
survive. In my opinion, freedom will not
survive if it is limited to the United
States and the Western nations. It will
survive in the decades ahead only if we
win over to freedom the people in those
parts of the world to which I have re-
ferred.
Mr. President, we will not sell inter-
national politics to them. They want
none of it. Why should they? Would
we?
May 23
I heard it said earlier this afternoon
by the Senator from Pennsylvania or the
Senator from Oklahoma-I think it was
the Senator from Pennsylvania-when
he quoted extensively from the Steven-
son Chicago speech, from which I quoted
a few minutes ago, what the reaction
would be in our country in case a Rus-
sian spy plane was over our country.
We know what the reaction would be.
Can we not hear the clamor? There
would be those who would want to break
off diplomatic relations immediately.
There would even be those who would
want us to go to war.
In regard to the matter of interna-
tional power politics, therb are millions
of people who want none of it; but they
can be brought along, and they will co-
operate if we give them a voice. That is
why I made the suggestion, in which I
hope our friends around the world will
join us, and I hope our country will ex-
ercise leadership in proposing, that we
start, in the immediate future, in the
United Nations building in New York
City, a series of conferences open to the
world, to which will be invited the head
of every state in the world, large and
small, for the purpose of laying down
the blueprint for peace, of telling the
world the concessions he is willing to
make in behalf of his country, for the
cause of setting up a system of interna-
tional justice under law, with the im-
mediate goal of total disarmament, to
be enforced by a police system agreed
upon by the United Nations to enforce
such a disarmament program.
I know there are those who will say,
"Too idealistic. Too theoretical and im-
practical." But again I ask the question,
What is practical about a nuclear war?
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. MORSE. In just a second.
I think the world is up against it, and
I think the world has no choice but
either to go to war in our generation or
to give the world a system of permanent
peace, which can be attained only by
bringing to an end this immoral nu-
clear armaments race.
I yield for a moment to the Senator
from Pennsylvania.
Mr. CLARK. I wish to commend the
Senator from Oregon for the fine speech
he is making in support of a peaceful
solution of the world's difficulties. I
thank him for joining me and the Sen-
ator from Oklahoma and a number of
other Senators earlier today, who made
the specific point that our job is to
continue that search for peace, regard-
less of the calamities and blunders which
resulted in the breakup of the summit
conference. While it is important to es-
tablish what went wrong in the summit
conference, and who made the mistakes,
and why, the more important matter is
not to be turned aside from the one
great goal of this generation, which is
peace, and cessation of nuclear testing,
and surrender of nuclear weapons, and
international agreement to bring about
world ? peace through world law.
Our zeal in that cause should not be
abated one iota by reason of anything
that has happened in the world in the
last 6 weeks.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
duty, it seems to me, to ask of her, in
order to demonstrate to the world that
the United States stands upon its prin-
ciples of recognition. One of those cri-
teria is the criterion that a nation must
demonstrate to us or satisfy us that we
can count upon it to keep its interna-
tional commitments.
So I refer to the allegations which we
have made, over and over again, and
which I think were merited, that Red
China has violated the Korean truce time
and time again. The second allegation
is that Red China has not followed the
recognized procedure of civilized nations
in respect to the treatment of our cap-
tured nationals. We must ascertain the
facts.
Therefore, I suggest that as a condi-
tion precedent to any proposal that the
United States recognize Red China diplo-
matically, the United States, through
the United Nations, ought to ask Red
China to permit a survey or an investi-
gation to be made by an appropriate
team of the United Nations concerning
the extent, if any, to which Red China
has kept to her international commit-
ments in respect to the Korean truce,
and in respect to her treatment of Ameri-
can nationals whom she has allegedly
tried in her courts and sentenced to
various types of punishment in Red
China.
Does anyone think for a moment that
the United States would object to a simi-
lar survey to be made by the United
Nations in the United States, in case any
sovereign power alleged that we were
violating the well established principles
of civilized nations in the matter of han-
dling prisoners, or in the living up to our
treaty or truce obligations? Of course
we would not?
The point I am making is something
different from that of diplomatic rec-
ognition.. I am simply asking for rec-
ognition of the fact that if an attempt
is made to work out a disarmament pro-
gram, a part of the world cannot be left
out of that distrmament program. It
does not follow that because we recog-
nize the right of Red China to a voice
in negotiations with respect to world-
wide disarmament, we are, in effect,
thereby diplomatically recognizing her.
V.N. VETO POWER SHOULD BE ELIMINATED
So if we expect to establish a system
of international justice through law,
which will promote and attain total nu-
clear disarmament, then we must look
to the existing procedures available to
us. When we do that, we see that many
of those procedures will have to be
changed. We ought to be exercising
leadership in making proposals for a
change in the international rules which
already exist in those organizations of
which we are already members.
Thus I refer to the veto power of the
United Nations. Certainly, that power
must be eliminated. We know the his-
tory of the veto power. There are those
who have written authoritatively and
spoken authoritatively of the San Fran-
cisco Conference and have pointed out
that when the American delegation at
that Conference split over the veto
issue, then the veto became a certainty,
because the Russians were insistent upon
the veto power.
Many persons at the San Francisco
Conference were against the veto power.
But when the American ranks broke
over the issue, then there was no ques-
tion, from that time on, that the veto
power would go into the charter, and it
did. It finally became a part of the
charter, as the record shows, and with
the vote of the American delegation, too.
That was a great mistake.
There were only a few of us on the
floor of the Senate at the time the San
Francisco charter came before this body
for ratification, and who spoke against
the veto power in the charter. It was
obvious at that time that that particular
section of the charter was bound to rise
to plague us, and it has risen to plague
us many, many times.
It will not be possible to have the veto
power removed immediately, but I be-
lieve it can be removed. As we marshal
the leaders of the world behind a request
for a modification of the veto power, in
due course of time the Russian leaders
themselves will come to recognize that
they will have to assume the-responsi-
bility for losing the peace, if they are
unwilling to make a concession in a mat-
ter which makes so much commonsense
as the elimination of the veto power.
I do not know how many years it will
take, but I believe that the very discus-
sion of it, that the making of it the sub-
ject of one or more special sessions of
the General Assembly of the United Na-
tions for world debate, discussion, and
resolution, if possible, will have an effect
on the exercise of the veto during the
period of time the discussion is taking
place.
The discussion of these problems, in
and of itself, will further the cause of
peace -in the international councils of
the world as they are carried on through
the procedures of the United Nations.
V.N. MUST BE CORNERSTONE Or U.S. POLICY
Third, I suggest that the time has long
passed-is long overdue-when the
United States also will serve notice on
the world that we are going to stop our
end runs around the United Nations;
that we are going to stop circumventing
the United Nations, that we are perfectly
willing to lay our cases on their merits
before the procedures of the United Na-
tions, before the tribunals of the United
Nations, before the General Assembly of
the United Nations, for open world sur-
veillance.
Therefore, Mr. President, I think pub-
lic opinion in this country should give
heed to the need of the United States to
notify the world that we are going to
help strengthen the United Nations, in-
stead of continue to weaken in.
INTERNATIONAL LAW MUST BE STRENGTHENED
Fourth, I wish to point out that there
is no existing body of international law
sufficient in depth to be applied to all
the international issues which arise to
endanger the peace. International law,
as it now exists, is, after all, very limited
in scope. Therefore, if we are to set up
a system of :international justice through
law, we must expand the existing body
of international law, so that as each
threat to the peace arises, as each dis-
pute between and among nations occur,
there will be a set of principles which
can be applied for the adjudication of
those disputes, thus eliminating the kind
of policy the United States has been
following, namely, one of threatening
massive retaliation, of proposing to keep
25 percent of our bombers in the air at
all times, loaded with nuclear bombs.
What a shocking bit of news that was
when it went around the world. How
shocking it was to make such a state-
ment, and then profess that we are seek-
ing peace, when people in other parts of
the world know that the nuclear weapons
on any one of those bombers could go off
by accident or by design or by disobe-
dience of orders, and could start a holo-
caust. We have to start to square our
actions with our talk for peace; and such
a proposal as that is not a proposal of
peace, but threatens war. Instead, we
must have something to supplant the
American policy of military threats.
The sad thing is that around the world
we have the reputation-and with
cause-of being threateners, just as
Khrushchev has the reputation of rat-
tling the saber. One of the sorriest
things in the history of this administra-
tion was the proposal for mass retalia-
tion; and the sad thing is that the Demo-
crats as a body did not oppose it. Too
many Democrats went along with that
proposal, and, in my judgment, aided
and abetted the Eisenhower administra-
tion in following the wrong policy for
some 8 years.
If we are to expand international law,
so there will be a body of law to which
we can turn before international tribu-
nals, if rule and reason are to be ap-
plied to international disputes, we must
be willing to submit disputes which are
subject to adjudication under existing
international law to the tribunals of the
United Nations which are provided for
the handling of such cases. But we do
not do so in regard to any matter of con-
sequence. We may do so in regard to
some little fishing dispute or some minor
dispute in regard to a vessel or in regard
to a question about harbor damages.
But when there is a major issue, such
as that over- the Formosa Straits or
that in regard to the Middle East or a
good many issues which have arisen in
connection with our mutual security pro-
gram, we simply lean back and proclaim
our sovereign rights, wave the flag, and
say we are going to decide this for our-
selves. But whenever we do that, we
lose more and more prestige around the
world.
So I suggest that we begin to apply
the judicial articles of the United Na-
tions Charter, and that we carry a peace
offensive against Russia whenever we
have a chance to do so, by calling upon
Russia to join us in submitting disputes
not only to the World Court, but, under
the articles of the United Nations, also
to other tribunals which can be set up
by agreement under the judicial article
of the United Nations Charter, for the
settlement of such disputes. -
That will start expanding Interna-
tional law with a body of precedents,
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
I ask the Senator from Oregon if
that is not the great task which lies be-
fore America as the leader of the free
world, and whether we do not have to
create in the Senate a climate in which
that task can be pursued assiduously,
and in which those who do pursue it get
the plaudits of this body, and not one
in which there is a feeling that they are
doing something unpatriotic or being
soft on communism.
Mr n ).USE. I could not agree more
wit" ` h~the Senator from Pennsylvania.
That is the burden of my whole speech
this afternoon.
NATIONS SHOULD PUT BLUEPRINT FOR PEACE
BEFORE U.N.
This is not the first time the Senator
from Pennsylvania and the senior Sen-
ator from Oregon have stood shoulder to
shoulder on the floor of the Senate in
the interest of permanent peace. But
I want to stress the fact that we have got
to come forward with what I consider to
be constructive, practical proposals for
establishing that procedure. I have made
specific references to those goals. The
one point I was on-and I reiterate it-
when I gladly yielded to the Senator
from Pennsylvania, who has been so
helpful on this speech, was that we
should invite, and others must join us,
the heads of all States, large and small,
to participate in an extraordinary ses-
sion of the United Nations, which has
nothing to do with membership in the
United Nations at all. I would like the
head of every nation, large and small,
whether that nation is a member of the
United Nations or not, to have an op-
portunity to take a world platform in
the United Nations Building in New York
City and lay down his nation's blueprint
for peace, and the concessions that na-
tion is willing to make in order to estab-
lish what the Senator from Pennsyl-
vania, I, and others in the Senate have
been urging for many, many years in the
Senate, namely, the establishment of a
system of international justice through
law for the purpose of enforcing peace.
Mr. President, that is going to take
weeks and perhaps months. I am all in
favor of taking as much time as we need,
because, I repeat, if we have the heads
of state around the world' devoting
themselves to the consideration of pro-
grams for peace, in my judgment, we
shall have an unwritten moratorium on
war. These nations are not going to be
fighting each other so long as they are
seeking to work out a peace program. I
think we need that time, Mr. President.
I happen to think a tremendous
amount of good can come from such a
program as I am outlining, because I am
satisfied there is not a spot on the world
today in which the people are not
greatly concerned about the danger of
a nuclear war. The hearts of mankind,
generally speaking-including, I am
satisfied, the overwhelming majority of
the rank and file people of the Soviet
Union of Russia-want peace.
We know we are dealing with some ir-
responsible leaders in various parts of
the world, but they happen to be a
reality. We must stop, it seems to me,
trying to escape from reality in this field
of working for peace. We have to recog-
nize that at least those leaders whom we high for us to climb, the great heights
consider to be irresponsible have to be which I believe God intended for us.
drawn out into the open. We have to But God also intended that we do our
carry to them and to the world, through share, and that share calls at this his-
the United Nations, the great ideals of toric hour, in my judgment, for our try-
the United States for peace. ing to lead the world into putting into
I happen to think that even at the implementation and practice the great,
head of state level we might be in for divine teachings which I think God in-
some very pleasant surprises as to the tended us to follow.
amount of progress which could be made Mr. CARROLL. Mr. President, will
in developing a program for peace. the Senator yield?
People would have to come and go at Mr. MORSE. I yield to the Senator
pect would be to have the head of state
come to lay out his program. If a head
of state did not want to come in person
but wanted to send a foreign minister to
speak on his behalf, that should be his
right. I think most heads of state, how-
ever, would come themselves.
After the heads of state had laid out
their programs, Mr. President, it would
be necessary for them to go back to at-
tend to administrative and executive
duties at the heads of their governments.
After the heads of state program had
been laid out before the world I think
the next step should be negotiations and
diplomatic exchanges among the foreign
ministers.
It is at that point, Mr. President, I
think months could be spent, and very
profitable negotiations could be had,
again under the auspices of the United
Nations, in trying to see what agree-
ments and understandings the foreign
ministers could reach.
Third, Mr. President, I propose, after
the foreign ministers have done the best
they can. in regard to trying to reach an
agreement upon the program for the
various phases of this very important
problem of peace, to which I have alluded
this afternoon, that the recommenda-
tions and proposals go back once more
to the General Assembly of the United
Nations for the purpose of a determina-
tion of 'what agreements can be made
within the United Nations, among the
members thereof, at least with respect
to a disarmament program.
Mr. President, highly theoretical as it
may be dubbed, I happen to think this
has a terrific amount of common sense,
because if the leaders of the world
really want peace the road I offer them
is the road they should travel, toward
the citadel and the cathedral of world
peace, rather that the road which I
think they may travel if we do not take
spiritual leadership in the world, before
it is too late-the road toward nuclear
war. I do not think we have much time
left. We have only our generation, at
the most.
Franklin Roosevelt never spoke a
greater truth than the truth he spoke in
the depths of the depression, when he
uttered the words which are more ap-
plicable today than they were in the
depths of the depression, that our gen-
eration has a rendezvous with destiny.
I think our generation, Mr. President,
has a rendezvous with a great decision,
from Colorado.
Mr. CARROLL. Mr. President, I
heard quite by accident a statement by
the distinguished senior Senator from
Oregon on television during the Oregon
primary campaign, which I assume orig-
inated from Oregon. This was long be-
fore the collapse of the summit. I
thought the distinguished senior Senator
from Oregon in 2 minutes made more
sense than any other statement I had
heard on television. At that time the
Senator spoke of the necessity for mov-
ing into the United Nations with this
terribly important problem.
Would not the Senator from Oregon
agree that after some 31/2 years of try-
ing to ease the tensions in the world, of
trying to eliminate fear and suspicion,
we are in a worse situation than we were
in 3 years ago?
Mr. MORSE. There is no doubt about
it. That is part of the burden of my
speech this afternoon.
Mr. CARROLL. Would not the Sen-
ator from Oregon agree with the junior
Senator from Colorado that we went in-
to the so-called summit conference un-
der the most adverse conditions? We
had to have as our bargaining agent Mr.
Macmillan of Great Britain or President
de Gaulle of France. We were not there
on equal terms. How much better would
it have been if we had gone to the United
Nations. Would not the Senator agree
with that?
Mr. MORSE. I do not know what the
record will show, but, as the Senator
knows, I think the record will show that
probably as many as four to six times,
at the very beginning of the talk about
having a summit conference 2 or 3 years
ago, the Senator from Oregon spoke on
the floor of the Senate against a sum-
mit conference held outside the United
Nations.
From the very beginning, I have urged
that all summit conferences be held un-
der the United Nations, with the Secre-
tary General serving as permanent
chairman of the conference and with
the understanding that the deliberations
of such a conference and any proposed
agreements reached would come to the
General Assembly of the United Nations
for approval.
I have said that for some years now
because I think the United States is re-
peating a great mistake of history. We
are participating in international power
politics, in the kind of summit confer-
ence which was proposed. I think those
are always bound to end in historic fail-
ure.
war or peace. If the decision is war, Mr. CARROLL. Mr. President, will
America will be no more. If the de- the Senator yield further?
cision is peace, then mankind will have Mr. MORSE. I yield.
the opportunity to rise to those great A~ }A~Would not the Sen-
heights of civilization which still are a r one time, in June
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
of 1950, I think, when a serious crisis that if the Committee on Foreign Rela-
confronted the world, we met it through tions conducts hearings, as the Senator
collective action through the United Na- from Arkansas [Mr. FULBRIGHT] is re-
tions in Korea? It was an unhappy ported in the press to have predicted,
event. We had to go to Korea. The these questions will be asked. I know
results did not satisfy anyone, but at the Senator from Oregon [Mr. MORSE]
least we avoided world war III. will be at every one of those hearings
Would not the Senator agree that and he will attempt with all his might,
when we had the second great interna- power, and eloquence to determine this
tional crisis, in the Middle East, we again basic question: Why was this spy plane
functioned through the United Nations? permitted to make its flight on May Day
I am no special champion of a theo- and just preceding the conference?
retical United Nations, but I agree with Who was responsible?
the Senator from Oregon when he says Mr. MORSE. I thank the Senator
that we must use the machinery of the from Colorado.
United Nations when we are in a critical Mr (A If the Senator will
situation such as this. The United Na- permit me to make a further observa-
tions should be used because not only tion, I am frightened when I think of
big nations are concerned, but all the the possibilities of trouble arising from
nations of the whole world will be af- one of our outlying bases. We have
fected in, event of an atomic war. I delegated enormous power and author-
should think all nations should be given ity to the military. The military are
a chance to find out what are the facts composed Of human beings, and there-
in this case, fore are not perfect. Some military
May I say to the distinguished Sena- man could make an error in judgment
tor from Oregon [Mr. MORSE] that I read and an atomic bomb might be released.
the wire service reports on some of the That military man might set in motion
,violent attacks that were made today a chain of events that could bring on
upon Adlai Stevenson and the. Senator the greatest man-made disaster in the
from Massachusetts [Mr. KENNEDY]. I history of the world.
was not on the floor at the time the re- We are living in a new age, in a new
marks were made. I cannot understand era, and Adlai Stevenson, the Senator
the motivation. Have we reached the from Massachusetts [Mr. KENNEDY] and
point in America where American citi- the Senator from Oregon [Mr. MORSE]
zens are not entitled to know whether are among those who are saying the peo-
the leadership of their Government has ple are entitled to know our weaknesses
its fingers on the control of the military? and where the imperfections are in our
Have we reached the point in our history society.,
when we cannot determine whether Who initiatgd ie -alight?
civilian authorities are supreme over the Was't.41i.6i]rti`.Oi^,eSiblty? Did our
military? PreL4 = ar it?,,,
I was not on the floor of the Senate It is not enough for the President to
at the beginning of the debate, but I say, "I am responsible." Of course he
heard the able Senator from Montana is responsible because under the Consti-
[Mr. MANSFIELD]. I have withheld any tution he formulates foreign policy. It
criticism of the failure at the summit is not a question of responsibility. The
until the President came back to Ameri- question is Who did it? Who ki'll d
can soil, because I did not want to em- cock robin? Who did this monstrous Mr. President, the Denver Post is a
barrass him while he was on foreign soil. thing? The American public are en- Republican independent newspaper. The
However, I think we now have held our titled to know the answer. Denver Post twice gave its wholehearted
fire long enough. I th' What I have said is not in criticism support to President Eisenhower. It ex-
entitled to knno ,? yrer to this one of the President of the United States. I tolled his virtues day in and day out.
qui?SttaYl"@"~G io mitiated the U-2 flight on wish to make that point perfectly clear. But the editors also have courage. They
May Day? Why was it done on May Such criticism on this issue at this time have had the courage to point out the
Day? Who did it? Did the President of would be premature. Why? We need President's weaknesses time after time,
the United States know the flight was in the facts, and that is why I commend whether they dealt with western recla-
motion? the able Senator from Montana [Mr. mation, water pollution, or the depressed
Mr. MORSE. May Dais one of the MANSFIELD], I commend the Senator area problems which affect the State of
great T#ussiari hoTida" `" from Arkansas [Mr. FULBRIGHT], the
ruri Exactly. Why did Senator from Washington [Mr. JACK- the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr.
this flight take place. virtually on the soN] and others who say, CLARK] so vitally.
out-
eve of the conference? Over 10 years to have a hearing." But let us nare going ot wait standing Denver Post has provided out-
ago when I was in the Congress I knew too long. States ing against lest the he manner the Western
that there were forces within this Nation Following up the statement of the administration has arunr in the, which this
which believed in preventive war. I ask able Senator from Oregon [Mr. MORSE], Powr Commission. on. run The Denver r Post
Power ver Post
today whether th
i
ht b
ere m
g
e persons in I suggest that only a fool today would
has charged the FPC with failure to
the military who wishari to torpedo the beli
th
t
?
eve
a
or l
in
IXUL, is s p1 V ne w paper s> .
summit conference. there someone age which has been done will be re- Th
out-
in the Central Intelligencnee e" tilYltrs=- -tnrorl an +ha foo,..,.,,~ +w,...,------ , _ newspaper then is one of the out-
---- ------ a~aiiuni5 iuuepenuenu tUepumican news-
Per- that existed during the Stalin regime) papers in the Nation, standing most or
haps there are people within these de- has now been greatly accelerated. It the time, in my opinion, in the public
partments who do not desire to ease the will not be 6 months, 8 months, a year interest. The reason I cannot give it a
tensions and have peace in the world. or 2 years. 100-percent rating is that it did not sup-
. These are the questions to which we I can see only one course ahead and port me all the time.' But it is a very
are entitled to have answers, and as that is working together in. the General fine newspaper, even though it did not
representatives of the people we are en- Assembly of the United Nations. We support me in the last election.
titled to have our committees investigate cannot rely on the action of the Security Mr. MORSE. It even opposed me in
and determine the answers. The Sena- Council because of its veto power. The Oregon before the last election.
tor from Oregon sits on the important General Assembly in discussing these Mr. CARROLL. I am not under any
Foreign Relations Committee. I hope issues can discuss surveillance of planes, political obligations to the Denver Post,
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May 23
disarmament, and perhaps through this
medium we can again remove some of
the fear and suspicion. If we do not do
so history will record that if this great
Nation and the other leaders of the
world among our allies do not get to-
gether to settle this question, there will
not be much history left.
Mr. MORSE. Those who write will
not be American historians. Perhaps
some in Asia may write the history.
Mr. CARROLL. The Senator is ex-
actly correct.
If the Senator will yield for one fur-
ther observation, I have just had placed
before me a news ticker dispatch which
comes from Denver. This is a UPI dis-
patch.
DENVER.-The Denver Post said editorially
today that Adlai Stevenson had a perfect
right to criticize the administration's inept-
ness before the summit meeting and that
"it is a proper subject for the political
campaign."
The Post, which has supported the Repub-
lican candidate in the past two presidential
elections, also said that former Democratic
National Chairman James Farley "should
know better about the proper role of the
opposition in a democracy."
After Stevenson had criticized the admin-
istration's presummit activities Farley in
turn criticized Stevenson for making the
matter a political issue.
Stevenson had said the administration
gave Khrushchev a crowbar with which to
wreck the summit meeting through the U-2
plane incident.
The Post said in an editorial headed "Come
Off It, Mr. Farley," that Stevenson "neither
implied that the administration deliberately
helped wreck the summit, nor did he hint
that Americans were anything but united
behind the President in his humilitating
trials."
"But Stevenson did say that GOP tactics
were very inept before the summit, which is
true, and he did say that this is a proper
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
but I am pleased to tell my colleagues in
the Senate that once again it. puts its
finger right on the issue. The issue is
not an attack upon President Eisen-
hower. The issue is not an attack upon
the President of the United States. The
issue is crystal clear. The issue is
whether the American people are en-
titled to know who is running their Gov-
ernment. If the President Is running
the Government, then who has sabo-
taged the cause of peace? We are not
concerned especially with Khrushchev.
We will take care of Khrushchev in our
own time, but I agree with the Senator
from Oregon that we ought to take care
of Khrushchev and all his cronies in the
forum of the United Nations and let the
people of the world participate.
We do not have to give up our sov-
ereignty. We have only one short op-
portunity left. The main point is that I
am in support of the able Senator from
Oregon. As I say, we have only one
short opportunity left before some fool
launches us into atomic war. I thank
the Senator for yielding to me.
Mr. MORSE. I thank the Senator
from Colorado very much for his wonder-
ful contribution to my discussion on the
floor of the Senate this afternoon.
I agree with almost everything he said.
I certainly agree with his thesis. I am
not at all surprised to find that there is
opposition to Stevenson by the Republi-
cans and the Farleys. We have opposi-
tion to Stevenson within our own patty,
as well as opposition by the Republicans.
There are those who are very anxious
to see that he be not nominated at the
Democratic convention. They recognize
that, if nominated, unquestionably he
will come out the victor. They have the
right to oppose any nominee they wish
to oppose. I am not at all surprised by
Mr. Farley's criticism of Mr. Stevenson,
because I am well satisfied as to where
he stands in the fight within our party so
far as the Democratic nomination is con-
cerned.
The second thing I wish to say is that
I reserve only one dissent from the obser-
vations the Senator from Colorado has
made, and that was with respect to the
course of action we followed with rela-
tion to the Middle East doctrine. In my
judgment we did not make use of the
United Nations procedure, as we should
have. I made pleas at the time that we
ought to take to the United Nations cer-
tain proposals for commitments from
countries of the Middle East prior to ex-
ercising our right-and we have the
right-to enter into agreements with
those countries.
I felt at the time that we would have
greatly strengthened the cause of peace
if we had required or sought to require
an agreement through the United Na-
tions with respect to certain conditions
before the fact, before we made the
agreement under the doctrine.
But other than that the Senator from
Colorado has expressed the thesis of the
Senator from Oregon. Our difference is
that I would have made greater use of the
United Nations in that instance than we
did. I am grateful indeed to the Sen-
ator from Colorado for strengthening my
record this afternoon as history will read
it on the subject which I rose to discuss.
Mr. CARROLL. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. MORSE. I yield.
I ought to say, to
keep the REco ear, that Jim Farley
is my friend. We must remember that
there are some political differences in
the State of New York. For example,
Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt and former
Senator Herbert Lehman support
Stevenson. In 1956 Jim Parley was a
strong Stevenson supporter. Now he
may have another candidate. However,
that is no reason for him to speak as
harshly as he has about Adlai Steven-
son. My able friend from Oregon, who
is on the floor today, if he does not
read it tonight, will probably read to-
morrow morning, that another friend of
mine, former President Harry Truman,
is on the news wires today. He wrote
an article for Look magazine, on Adlai
Stevenson. This current article has
nothing to do with the statement on the
summit by Stevenson. However, he is
not speaking in any commendatory
terms about Adlai Stevenson. It is obvi-
ous that he has a candidate too. He has
a right to have one. Therefore, I be-
lieve that people must look at these
statements-
Mr. MORSE. I had one until last
week.
Mr. Yes. The Senator
fro regonlaa very good candidate.
Many times good horses do not run
strong for a short stretch. The junior
Senator from Colorado has been that
type of candidate. I have to have a
longwinded campaign, sometimes last-
ing 6 or 8 years before I am successful.
Some runners are not sprinters. I wish
to say to the Senator from Oregon in
conclusion, if I may, with respect to
these statements, that I am absolutely
convinced that Stevenson has a deep-
seated feeling that this issue affects the
survival of this Nation, and that he feels
that we must raise this issue with the
people of the Nation. I am confident
that Stevenson did not raise this issue
as a partisan political issue, but because
he believes we must discuss these
matters.
For more than 2 years the junior Sen-
ator from Colorado has been trying to
stir up interest in Stevenson as a candi-
date. I do not know Governor Steven-
son well. He is more an acquaintance
of mine. I have met him only a few
times. However, I look upon him as
a great political and philosophical
leader. He represents a new era in
politics. I believe that is also true of
JOHN KENNEDY. I think it is true of
the new group that is emerging in the
Democratic Party. I think it is true
of other candidates. It is true of the
distinguished Senator . from Oregon.
And that is nothing new about him.
He has been ahead of the field for years.
That is true of Senator SYMINGTON and
Senator JOHNSON. I look about the
chamber to see if there are any other
candidates. [Laughter.]
We are moving into a new era. My
friend the able Senator from Montana
has advocated-and I supported his
resolution in 1957, when only a few of
us stood here with him on the floor of
the Senate-some supervision over the
Central Intelligence Agency. I do not
like the idea of voting money for an
agency and not knowing a little about
what it is going to be used for. Only
a selected few Members of the body know
what CIA is doing. I do not like that.
I represent a million and a half people,
and I am entitled to be able to go home
and say to the people a little something
about what the CIA is doing.
j~ t me correct the Sen-
ators statement on that point. There
is not any select group in the Senate
that knows what CIA is doing. I am
a Member of the Committee on Foreign
Relations. There are many things I
cannot find out about what they are
doing. They use the top secret label
against us, too.
M ^ ROLL, I can understand
tli' sod me ~ught to be kept secret.
But we ought to have general knowledge
about the guidelines and about the con-
trols and about who gives orders ancO who
makes reports.
Mr. M I should like to make
thb co neaten a this point. I do not
think anything should be kept top secret
without a check, under our system of
government. It cannot be spread out
worldwide, but at the same time I do not
believe in vesting any branch of our
Government with police-state power and
top secret power, where there can be no
check upon its administration.
That is a step in the direction of police-
state powers. I have always opposed it.
I happen to think that the elected repre-
sentatives of the people can be trusted
with the type of top secrets that any
President or any head of the CIA can be
trusted with. Most of the people who do
have access to top secrets have never
been elected to political office in their
lives. So I do not buy the argument that
we should not have a check on the Presi-
dent of the United States in respect to
this matter of top secrets.
We can have - a check on it without
having it known throughout the coun-
try and known throughout the world. I
am not going. to give any man, even the
President of the United States, un-
checked power, because that is what
brings about tyranny in times of crisis..
Mr. CARROLL. Mr. President, of
cottrae'?f agree-4 h that. The Consti-
tution provides for that. I wish to make
this personal reference. I had per-
sonal knowledge at one time that Presi-
dent Truman, _when he was President.
a report fro I irate ige ce la report f ro I e 16 . 1i oni so
thttinow `'" at was-going -on.
He got those reports every morning. I
assume that this is being done with
President Eisenhower.
Mr. MORSE. Let us hope so.
Mr. CARROLL. There may be some
things withheld from him. I reiterate
this because I think it is very important.
I think that all Americans are entitled
to know, of course, who gave the order
for the May Day flight. Why was it done
on May Day? What was its purpose?.
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Was it done stupidly, blindly; was it
merely a colossal blunder, or was it some
force working even against Eisenhower
and against the administration, to blow
up this conference? I think we are en-
titled to know what the facts are.
I thank the Senator for yielding.
Mr. MORSE. I should like to say to
the acting majority leader that I am
about to yield the floor. Would he like
to have me suggest the absence of a
quorum?
Mr. MANSFIELD. Not at this time.
Mr. MORSE. I yield the floor.
GRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
May 23
21ST FINANCE DISBURSING SECTION,
APO 381, San Francisco, Calif.,
August 22, 1959.
Eon. RALPH W. YARBOROUGH,
Senator from the State of Texas,
Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C.
HONORABLE DEAR SIR: I am writing to in-
quire whether it would be possible for you
to give me assistance in securing a special
bill for the admission to the United States
of a Korean national whom I plan to adopt
in order that I might give him an education
and other opportunities for 'development
which I feel that I am in position to offer.
For your preliminary consideration, I sub-
mit the following information:
I am 48 years of age, married (22 years),
wife 49 years old. Both are in excellent
health. We have one child 13 years old.
Unfortunately after the birth of our daugh-
ter, we found that we could have no other
children. I am a Methodist minister, of the
Southwest Texas Conference; I served as a
chaplain in the Air Force from March 1943
to February 1958, at which time I became a
victim of the reduction-in-forces program.
I still hold my Reserve commission in the
grade of lieutenant colonel. After the
reduction-in-forces, I enlisted in the Air
Force in order to qualify for retirement.
Upon retirement (1963) I will again resume
my place in the conference as a pastor or
missionary. I feel that I am financially able
to undertake this project (if one can call an
act of love for another a project) without
any strain on either my financial or physical
well-being.
The young man, whom I plan to adopt (or
sponsor), is 18 years old. He has lived
with or worked for Americans since the age
of 10. He is the third son in the Korean
family. Although both his parents are liv-
ing, they are agreeable to both the adoption
and his emigration from Korea. This boy
has worked for me during my tour in Korea,
and from observation-and closely at that-
I can honestly say that I have never met a
young man with a higher character quality
than this lad. In spite of the many tempta-
tions which have presented themselves to
him while in his status as houseboy to the
GI's, he has never adopted the profanity or
loose moral habits so common to many of
the other "boys" who find it profitable to
cater to the wishes of the man they work
for. His habits and character bespeak the
excellent family background from which he
comes. Both his mother and father are
practicing Christians-Methodists. His older
brother, who is now in the Republic of
Korea Air Force, hopes to become a Methodist
minister, if the opportunity could be found
to further his education in that direction-
which assistance I may be able to secure
through the help of some local church which
may sponsor his training. As for my boy, I
plan to place him=first in a special school or
private tutor to prepare him for entrance
into Lon Morris Junior College, Jackson-
ville, Tex., and then to Southern Methodist;
University. Because of the extreme poverty
of the family all the sons, except the
youngest, have had to stop school at the end
of the free-school period, which roughly is
equivalent to our grammar school. I have
checked his school record and find that he
stood sixth in the class of almost a hundred
children. He has a ready and eager mind.
and I feel that he will have no difficulty in
pursuing his studies.
I shall appreciate you advising me of the
proper steps.I should take in this matter. I
am due to return to the United States in,
March of 1960, and I should like very much
to be able to take the boy with me as I go.
If I have to await the normal quota for
Korean immigration the time would be a
minimum of 5 to 6 years, since he does not
qualify for a student visa or passport. By
YI YOUNG AN
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the pending
business be temporarily laid aside and
that the Senate proceed to the consid-
eration of Calendar No. 1289, S. 2681.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill
will be stated by title.
The LEGISLATIVE CLERK. A bill (S.
2681) for the relief of Yi Young An.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection to the present consideration
of the bill?
There being no objection, the Senate
proceeded to consider the bill, which
had been reported from the Committee
on the Judiciary, with an amendment,
in line 8, after the word "said", to strike
out "Yin" and insert "Yi", so as to make
the bill read:
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assembled, That, for
the purposes of sections 101(a) (27) (A) and
205 of the Immigration and Nationality Act,
the minor child, Yi Young An, shall be held
and considered to be the natural-born alien
child of Staff Sergeant and Mrs. John L.
Brown, citizens of the United States: Pro-
vided, That the natural parents of the said
Yi Young An shall not, by virtue of such
parentage, be accorded any right, privilege,
or status under the immigration. and Na-
tionality Act.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent to have printed
at this point in the RECORD the pertinent
parts of the report as they relate to the
desirability of this measure.
There being no objection, the excerpt
from the report (Rept. No. 1252) was
ordered to be printed in the RECD^D, as
follows:
PURPOSE OF THE BILL
The purpose of the bill, as amended, is
to grant to the minor child adopted by
citizens of the United States the status of
a nonquota immigrant which is the status
normally enjoyed by alien minor children
of U.S. citizens. The bill has been amended
to correct the spelling of the beneficiary's
name.
STATEMENT OF FACTS
The beneficiary of the bill is a 19-year-
old native of Korea, presently, residing there,
who was adopted in Korea on February 22,
1960 by citizens of the United States. He
receives his full support from them. His
adoptive father has served continuously with
the Air Force since 1943 as a chaplain. Af-
ter attaining the rank of iieutenent colonel
he was retired under a reduction-in-forces
program, and thereafter enlisted and is pres-
enly serving a tour of duty in Korea which
terminates in June 1960. After retirement
in 1963 he plans to resume his ministry in
the Southwest Texas Conference of the
Methodist Church. The adoptive parents of
the beneficiary were married in 1938 and
have a 13-year-old daughter. Information is
to the effect that they are financially able
to care for :him.
A letter? with attached memorandum,
dated December 16, 1959, to the chairman of
the Senate Committee on the Judiciary from
the Commissioner of Immigration and Nat-
uralization with reference to the bill reads
as allows:
DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE,
MIGRATION AND NATURALISATION
SERVICE,
Washington, D.C., December 16, 1959.
Hon. JAMES 0. EASTLAND,
Chairman, Committee on the Judiciary,
U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: In response to your re-
quest for a report relative to the bill (S.
2681) for the relief of Yi Young An, there
is attached a memorandum of information
concerning the beneficiary. This memo-
randum has been prepared from the Immi-
gration and Naturalization Service files re-
lating to the beneficiary by the Houston,'
Tex., office of this Service, which has custody
of those files.
The bill would confer nonquota status
upon the 19-year-old alien to be adopted
by U.S. citizens. It also would provide that
the natural parents of the beneficiary shall
not, by virtue of such parentage, be ac-
corded any right, privilege, or status under
the Immigration and Nationality Act. It
is noted that there is a difference in the
spelling of the beneficiary's name in lines
5 and 8 of the private bill. According to
the records of this Service the correct spell-
ing is Yi Young An.
As a quota immigrant the beneficiary
would be chargeable to the quota for Korea.
Sincerely,
J. M. SWING,
Commissioner.
MEMORANDUM OF INFORMATION FROM IMMI-
GRATION AND NATURALIZATION SERVICE FILES
RE YI YOUNG AN, BENEFICIARY OF S. 2681
Information concerning this case was ob-
tained from Mr. and Mrs. John L. Brown,
foster parents of the beneficiary.
Yi Young An, a native of Korea, was born
on July 18, 1940. He has never been in the
United States. He presently resides in Ko-
rea with Mr. Brown and is fully supported
by him. The foster parents intend to adopt
the beneficiary under the laws of the State
of Texas when he arrives in the United
States. The beneficiary is the son of Yi
Man Sok and his wife, Pak Pun Sik, both
residents of Korea. They have agreed to
his adoption.
-Mr. and Mrs. John L. Brown are U.S.
citizens by virtue of birth in Athens, Tex.,
on Otcober 30, 1912, and Calcasieu Parish,
La., on February 28, 1910, respectively.
They maintain theit principal residence in
Nome, Tex. Mr. and Mrs. Brown were mar-
ried in Georgetown, Tex., on August 6, 1938,
and have testified that this Is their only mar-
riage. They have a 13-year-old daughter,
Doris Kay Brown. Mr. Brown has served
continuously in the U.S. Air Force since
March 3, 1.943, and he plans to make the
Armed Forces his career. His present rating
is staff sergeant, and his annual income is
$4,200. Mrs. Brown is employed as a teacher
in the public-school system at Nome, Tex.,
with an annual income of $4,250. Their
joint assets consist of $14,200 in U.S. savings
bonds, insurance with a face value of $17,000
a checking account of $6,000, and other real
and personal property valued at $5,00U.
Senator RALPH YARBOROVCH, the author of
the bill, has submitted the following infor-
mation in connection with the case;
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10232 COIESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE May 25
to stop the expenditure of the money if
the head of the agency says, "We need
it. We want it. We are going to spend
it.,,
This throws a little new light on a dif-
ferent budgetary procedure of the Ap-
propriations Committee, and someone
should bring it to the attention of the
Senate, because it may happen again
upon a contingency basis. I am de-
lighted, indeed, that the very distin-
guished chairman of the Committee on
Appropriations is presently occupying
the Presiding Officer's chair. This is a
matter, I am sure, of great concern to
Mr. Khrushchev is right and whether these now there seems to be almost unanimous
are the reasons for the conference breaking condemnation of him as the one solely re-
up. I will give you my own opinion, and I sponsible for this action. This was his first
am not alone in this opinion; It is that AV_- mistake in judgment.
Uincident was not a reason for the br His second was in misjudging the Presi-
~n up of #1ie conference by Mr. rus1ichev, dent himself. Apparently Mr. Khrushchev
u a- exc~I_~e. I talked to the President by thought that he, in effect, would be able to
p Boni, yin Paris and he indicated blackmail the President, to bully him, by
that was his view and the view of other threatening to break up the conference un-
allied leaders to whom he had talked when less the President apologized for attempting
he said, in effect, that the conference was to defend the United States through sur-
broken up by Mr. Khrushchev for apparently veillance by aerial activities and also pun-
contrived reasons. ished those who were responsible. The
What were the real reasons, then? We President would not pay this price, In my
can only guess; I can only report to you opinion properly could not pay such a price.
what many of those who are experts In this He refused to a
olo
iz
d
h
p
g
e un
er t
e circum-
fleld have ~ro~ iected aS ss rim ea p for stances which Mr. Khrushchev had laid down
- --" -
VICE PRESIDENT-MULON DDRESSES
ANNUAL CONVENTION OF THE
NATIONAL SALES EXECUTIVES
ASSOCIATION IN BUFFALO, N.Y.
Mr. KEATING. Mr. President, New
York State recently welcomed distin-
guished visitors when Vice President and
Mrs. Nixon appeared in several upstate
cities. In a notable address before the
annual convention of the National Sales
Executives Association in Buffalo, the
Vice President discussed the causes and
aftermaths of the breakup of the sum-
mit conference.
More importantly, perhaps, he dealt
with what all of this may mean for the
future and with what America's role
must be in leading the world to peace
and security. Of particular pertinence
were his remarks on the need to extend
the mutual security program without
serious cuts.
Mr. President, so that this address
may reach the wide readership it de-
serves, I ask unanimous consent that it
be printed at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the speech
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
TEXT OF ADDRESS DELIVERED BY VICE PRESIDENT
RICHARD M. NIXON BEFORE ANNUAL CON-
VENTION of TH ATIONAL SALES EXECUTIVES
ASSOCIATION ON MAY 1f;, 1960, AT BUFFALO,
N.Y.
Tonight I want to talk to you about a
major problem, certainly the problem that
is in the mind of every person in this room
and most of the people in this Nation and
probably in the world. You have read and
heard that the summit conference is over,
Mr. Khrushchev has decided to return to
Moscow and President Eisenhower, after his
visit to Portugal, will return to the United
States. And so people are asking questions:
What does it mean? Why did it happen?
Who was at fault? Mr. Khrushchev's answer
Is that the United States is at fault. He
says President Eisenhower personally must
assume responsibility because he ordered the
flights which have occurred over the Soviet
Union over the past 4 years for the purpose
of obtaining information to guard against
surprise attack against the United States
and the free world.
efef t,haa?gad,-,# at because of heU
dent, and because he was so shocked to learn
that some of these flights had occurred and
that the President had ordered them, t Ie
su c9,Uf@Tence could not go forward.
Then he went on'to say he felt that no
conference should be held now until the
American people should have an opportunity
to vote for another President and then
possibly the climate might be changed.
Having said these things, of course, specu-
at oon immediately comes up as to whether
summit conference as he did. the conference. And so he misjudged the
Filf,j,,,,,there is the possibility that he may President and the President's determination
be under ressure economically in his own in this area.
coupr r Mat ' lie needed a "foreign In addition, Mr. Khrushchev, I believe,
devil," so to speak, to blame for the distress misjudged the character of the American
that may have been developing, and to ex- people. And I speak now not as a Republi-
cuse his government from failing to provide can, or as a party leader, but as on official
more consumer goods for his people. of this Government and as an American
or ?there are those who believe that a citizen. When he tried to imply, as he did,
possible reason for his acting as he did was that by waiting for 6 or 7 months to pass
pressure that he was under from Stal stn and for the American election to occur, that
or- extren Isi within the Soviet Government, the American electorate then might select
who had never liked his line of so-called as President of the United States another in-
"peaceful coexistence" and "peaceful com- dividual who would take a different line
petition" and believe that a more aggressive with regard to his threats than President
line should be adopted. Q" rd, there are Eisenhower was taking, I think he misjudged
those who believe that he may even be the American people and he misjudged both
under some pressure from his Chinese ally, the great American political parties.
Mao Tse-tung, who publicly has indicated Because, my friends, we know that the
that he does not agree with Mr. Khru- great majority of Americans-regardless of
shchev in the "peaceful coexistence" line their partisan affiliates-resents any at-
which Mr. Khrushchev had been following tempt by Mr. Khrushchev, or anybody else
prior to the summit conference. There are outside this country, to interfere in an
others who believe that one of the reasons American election in such a flagrant and
why he broke up this conference was that arrogant way. And second, I think we would
he was convinced, by reason of what Presi- all agree that regardless of party, Americans
dent Eisenhower, President de Gaulle and believe in the cause of peace with justice
Prime Minister Macmillan had said in the which the President was representing at
past few weeks, that he, Mr. Khrushchev, Paris; and Americans believe that the Presi-
would be unable to get his way on the Berlin dent of the United States was fully justified
question; and that believing he was not go- in adopting a course of action to protect this
ing to get his way on the Berlin question; country from another Pearl HftT prise
because of our firm position, in which we attack through aerial surveillance.
would be joined by our allies, he felt it was I-tto not suggest that the conduct of the
best not to participate in the conference at administration in this-or any other area-
all, so that he would be free to act unilater- has been without mistakes. I only suggest
ally, that as far as the basic policies and the basic
These are some of the reasons that have attitudes of the American people are con-
been suggested. But whatever the reasons cerned, we stand united against attempts by
are, I will again repeat what I said at the outsiders to interfere with our elections and
outset: That the majority opinion seems to for the principles of freedom, peace with
be that the real reason does not lie in the justice, and the right of self-determination
fact that the U-2 incident wag%T hocking to for the 2,500,000 people of Berlin and others
him. th
h
Now if r may go to a second point. I be-
lieve that Mr. Khrushchev, in making his
announcement that he was going to break
up the summit conference, and in attempt-
ing to convince the world that he was doing
it because of the U-2 incident, made three
major mistakes in judgment.
One, he misjudged the intelligence and
sophistication of the leaders of the world
r
oug
out the world.
And so, having analyzed the events to
date, may I turn to the future. What will
happen now? What will Mr. Khrushchev
do-and what should we do? Again, we are
in the area of conjecture. I would first say
that as far as Mr. Khrushchev Is concerned,
no one can predict what he will do on Ber-
lin, or with regard to the disarmament con-
ferences that have been
i
n
go
ng o
, or with
and the people of, the world. These leaders regard to the conferences on atomic tests,
and people could certainly not be taken in until at least a few days have passed and he
to believe that Mr. Khrushchev, who to put it is able to assess world opinion. Because one
in understatement Ts fg5'C2'F of espionage thing I have noted about Mr. Khrushchev,
activities, would be so shocked to find that and one thing other observers have noted, is
the United States was attempting to obtain that he is very sensitive to world opinion,
information with regard to surprise attack particularly the opinion in the so-called un-
in any method by which that information committed areas of the world. I think Mr.
could be obtained. Certainly, I would think Khrushchev will have to have his assessment
that most impartial observers would say he of that opinion in mind as he develops his
was the last person who would show shocked course of action for the future. If he does
surpr'i ayes activities. And so he not have that in mind, he could lose many
116judged the action and the temper of the of the gains and the advantages that he
world's leaders and people. Dispatches from presently thinks he has in the ideological
all over the world indicate this because, al- conflict going on in the uncommitted coun-
though for a few days after the U-2 incident tries of the world-between communism on
first hit the world's headlines there was sup- the one side and the forces of freedom on
port for Mr. Khrushchev, when he used this the other.
incident as an excuse for breaking up the Second, does Mr. Khrushchev want war?
conference, then that support drifted away; My answer is: I do not believe so. I share
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
Dr. Galbraith minimized the risk of bad
faith in these words: "Some of our estimate
of the danger of bad faith, we must agree, will
be the residue of the bad feelings of recent
years."',:,With this sweepingly simple analysis
of the cd14 war Professor Galbraith not mere-
ly succeeds in equating communism with
democracy, but ignores the essential amoral-
ity of commurlsm, its long record of perfidy
and violated tt aties. For my own part, I
take it for grant?d,, that if there is enough to
gain from cheatin~t and il' the cheating can
be made reasonably afe, the Kremlin will
cheat.
.~"
FACING CI ICE
What would the Kremli z ain from cheat-
ing? If the Kremlin were t et there first
on the antimissile missile o he neutron
bomb or on any. other major hnological
breakthrough in nuclear weaponr my con-
viction is that we would in short o er find
ourselves confronted with a choice b weep
yet proposed would provide detection capa-
bilities only down to the level of a 20-
kiloton (Hiroshima) blast. For the life of
me I see no point to any detection system
which would cost several billion dollars to
install and probably another billion dollars
a year to operate, and which would leave the
Communists free to sner.k test any device
up to the size of a Hiroshima-type bomb.
Even at levels much. .lower than 20
kilotons it is possible to do a tremendous
amount of significant testing. Such testing
would not merely be immediately applicable
to the entire range of clean, tactical nuclear
weapons but would be applicable, by extrapo-
lation, to the development of improved or
radically different strategic weapons.
RISKS INVOLVED
My estimate of the relative risks differs
fundamentally from Professor Galbraith's at-
titude. I believe that the greater our nu-
merical and technological preponderance in
nuclear weapons, the smaller the chance of
war. I believe that an effective nuclear test
ban, if such a thing were possible, would not
decrease the danger of war by one iota. I
believe that a test ban or moratorium ob-
served only by the open societies would great-
ly increase the danger of a thermonuclear
holocaust.
I believe that the opinion of mankin
free world served by an agreement based Oh
President Eisenhower's proposal of Febrry
11. This called for a ban on all test that
contaminate the atmosphere and det table
tests in space and underground, for joint
research program on detection, anfor the
extension of the test ban to oth -areas as
improved means of inspection wee developed.
Unfortunately, we have now 4arted from
this position and agreed in prim iple to a ban
on undetectable space shots'nd a morato-
rium on undetectable u./de ound tests.
I fear that by these csions we have
placed the free world in jepardy.
MAS J. DODD,
U.S. Senator.
CONFLICT OF INTERESTS
Mr. DIRKSEI Mr. President, a very
interesting editorial was published in the
Wall Street Ournal of May 17, 1960,
under the cation "Conflict of Interests."
I thought the significant statement in
the editorii`t1 was the last, which is:
It is really a matter of determination of
charactee't' For a conflict of interest is to be
found bt in a man's bank box, but in his
heart. ',-
I think the editorial is worthy of repro-
duction and wider dissemination, so I ask
No. 9e-2
unanimous consent that it be printed in
the RECORD at this point.
There tieing no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
CONFLICT OF INTERESTS
Mr. Edward K. Mills, Jr., an attorney, has
requested President Eisenhower to withdraw
his nomination as a member of the Federal
Communications Commission. It is impos-
sible, Mr. Mills said, for him to divest himself
of an interest in stock in the communications
field to a degree that can be "regarded as suffi-
cient."
It is impossible because the stock is held
by a bank acting as trustee for a trust fund
established by his family with Mr. Mills as
beneficiary some years ago. It is impossible
for Mr. Mills to sell his stock-as Mr. Wilson
sold his General Motors stock at great per-
sonal sacrifice, as it turned out-because he
doesn't own it or control it. But he could
benefit from a rise in its value, or suffer
If ever a situation could point to the up:'
alistic policy of expecting men to diy,st
he was go far afield in his.,,- oposals to
raise the "s dards" of TV radio pres-
entations by vernment "pe Iasi on."
But the iron that if t were to be done
on a broad eno scalee TV and radio
industries believe y uld have lost reve-
nues. So if anyone eves Mr. Mills might
have acted in a way t would influence the
value of the comm c ons investments in
his trust, :they ma very ell be right. Mr.
Mills might, wh a raisin he standards of
the industries be was too see, have suc-
ceeded also i ",lowering his n revenues.
We don't can that the ba ought to be
so lowered. fiat no attention ou to be paid
to possibe conflicts of interest. ut there
are oth Lnd surer guides in our vi What
is a s reputation for honesty an integ-
rity?" seems to us the better y to
remain honest no matter what he owns or
what temptations are placed in his way.
It is not really a matter of divestment. If
it were, we ought to require all Secretaries of
the Treasury to get rid, even of their dollar
bills-on the ground that a man might in-
duce the Government to follow policies that
could make the dollar more valuable and
thus benefit himself.
It is really a matter of determination of
character.. For a conflict of interest is to be
found not in a man's bank box but in his
heart.
AGRICULTURE AND FARM CREDIT
ADMINISTRATION APPROPRIA-
TIONS, 1961-CONTINGENCY LAN-
GUAGE
Mr. D:[RKSEN. Mr. President, in the
welter of things happening yesterday I
had hoped to invite attention to one item
in the department of Agriculture ap-
propriation bill, but I was in and out
of the Chamber so much during the day
that I did not quite get around to it.
However-, I talked with some members
of the committee and with other Sen-
ators with respect to the matter.
My comments relate to two items.
First, in. regard to the so-called Farm-
ers Home Administration there was an
appropriation provided and, in addition,
10231
there was language to the effect that the
Administration would be entitled to
spend an additional $40 million if it were
required. It was my notion that per-
haps the language ought to be safe-
guarded by requiring approval of the
Bureau of the Budget; but there was some
objection to doing so. Therefore, I did
not offer the amendment.
I understand,'however, that under the
language as row carried in the bill, if
the Administrator feels it is necessary to
spend the 1>,lbney and goes to the Bureau
of the Budget and insists upon having
the addiinal money made available, the
money ;must be made available.
Th;nteresting thing about this mat-
ter Simply that we enlarge the expendi-
tu's for fiscal year 1961, but the enlarge-
tal for that particular department.
A comparable provision was carried
in the bill with respect to the Rural Elec-
trification Administration, and made
available an additional $60 million for
telephone loans and $60 million for elec-
trification loans, or a total of $120 mil-
lion. The Budget Director has told me
that if the demand is made it is virtually
impossible for him to resist it, so the
money may be expended. -
This is a total of $60 million plus $60
million plus $40 million, or $160 million.
If the $160 million is expended, then
instead of the so-called $135 million re-
duction in the budget figure as reported
by the committee, actually there will be
an excess expenditure over the budget
figure.
This is not exactly back-door financ-
ing. This is a contingent appropriation.
I become a little concerned about it, be-
cause instead of a back door it might
become a trapdoor.
I did not want the legislative record
to be closed on this matter without allud-
ing to this. I am sensible of the fact that
the language was incorporated in the
bill as it came from the House of Regre-
t language and did not modify the
a unts provided, but simply concurred
in action taken by the House.
I a pretty confident that those who
are be with budget problems and an
effort to aintain a balanced budget are
looking u ' n this with dubious eye, be-
cause the ay feel the budget is in
balance an uddenly discover the de-
mand for th contingent amounts will
be made. If s' a demand is made and
the money is ex nded in the fiscal year
to come, then of urse what now looks
like a budget cut 1 really be an addi-
tion to the budget.
Perhaps, Mr. Presidknt, I should read
into the RECORD the t'lpntingency lan-
guage in one of these ps agraphs. It is
after the regular appropriation:
* * * and additional amounts, not to ex-
ceed $60 million for each program, may be
borrowed under the same terms and condi-
tions to the extent that such amount is
required during the fiscal year 1961 under
the then existing conditions for the expedi-
tious and orderly development of the rural
electrification program and rural telephone
program.
There is, therefore, no authority in the
Bureau of the Budget or in the executive
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CORESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE May 25
they were shouting and at least a third of
them were crying.
Why? We were the Vice President of the
United States and his wife. Why? We rep-
resented a powerful country, but Mr. Khru-
shchev had been there just a month before-
he represented a powerful country, and he
had not received a welcome like this. Why?
Because to the people of Poland behind the
Iron Curtain under totalitarian government
since World War II, America stood for some-
thing more than military strength and eco-
nomic strength. It stood for freedom, for
the hopes of people everywhere, for the
right to be free, and for moral and spiritual
values which have always been the great
heritage of our Nation. This is something
we should never forget.
And so tonight, may I tell you that in this
hour of difficulty in this Nation's and the
world's history, we can and should have
faith-faith in our country, faith in our
principles, and faith in our future. We
should have that faith because of our
strength, our military strength and our eco-
nomic strength; but we should have it main-
ly because we're on the right side, the side
of freedom, the side of justice, the side of
peace with honor, the side of a nation that
wants not an acre of territory nor an eco-
nomic concession for any other person in
the world. Standing for these things,
America can and will, I am sure, help lead
the forces of freedom and justice and peace
K to victory in the years ahead.
Thank you.
MOTION PICTURE BASED ON RICH-
ARD FREDE'S BOOK, "THE IN-
TERNS"
Mr. MURRAY. Mr. President, a mo-
tion picture based on Richard Frede's
book, "The Interns," depicting the func-
tion and duties of interns in hospitals, .
is being made in Hollywood by Producer
Robert Cohn for Columbia Pictures. I
believe this picture will create consider-
able discussion of the manner of opera-
tion of modern hospitals and the way in
which interns are treated.
I ask unanimous consent to have
printed in the RECORD a brief review of
Mr. Frede's novel by Robert Cohn.
There being no objection, the review
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
Hollywood and the motion picture indus-
try and Producer Robert Cohn are making a
motion picture out of Richard Frede's book,
"The Interns." While the book, which is,
now in its third printing, will reach many
thousands of readers, the screen as a mass
medium will bring the message of the novel
to many millions in this country and abroad.
The sotry of what goes on behind scenes in
a hospital will unquestionably cause many
hospital boards and administrators to cast
a searching look at their own domains. The
beneficiaries of this will be the sick and
injured of the country and everyone who
requires hospitalization at any time in the
future.
TRIBUTE TO JAMES W. MURPHY
Mr. O'MAHONEY. Mr. President, the
entire Senate is saddened by the death
on April 11, 1960, of James W. Murphy,
senior member of the corps of the official
reporters of the Senate.
As a Member of the Senate I feel
deeply the loss of a dedicated, able pub-
lic servant who, by his patience, his
painstaking efficiency and his excep-
tional fund of knowledge in reporting
and editing an accurate account of the
proceedings of the Senate, has been of
immeasurable assistance to me and to all
my colleagues in our work. And as an
individual I grieve the loss of a friend, a
friend whose loyalty, kindness, good
humor, wit, and unfailing courtesy have
enriched my daily life during the nearly
half century I have known him.
James Murphy came to the office of
the official reporters on December 7, 1896,
and from that day on, for close to 64
years, he gave unstintingly of his time
and his very considerable talents to serve
the Senate. , I am convinced that no re-
porter ever gave better service to any
parliamentary body in the world.
With Mr, Murphy's passing there
ended 108 years of continuous official
Senate reporting by his family. The
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD itself, the Senate
section of which our esteemed friend and
his most capable staff so carefully pre-
pared every day the Senate was in ses-
sion, was established largely through the
efforts of the first Murphy to serve as
Official Reporter. Dennis F. Murphy, the
uncle of James W. Murphy, was selected
in 1848 by Senator John C. Calhoun to
of the summaries by which debates and
proceedings of the body had been re-
corded up to that time; 25 years later
.the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, as we know
it today, came into being.
Dennis Murphy served as Official Re-
porter of the Senate until 1896, the year
his 17-year-old nephew, James, joined
the corps as an amanuensis. He was the
fourth member of the family to enter
the employ of the Official Reporters' Of-
fice; at that time his father, Edward V.
Murphy, had, been a reporter since 1860,
and the elder Murphy served until his
death in 1911). Another uncle, James J.
Murphy, had, been an Official Reporter
from 1854 to 1874. In all, the four mem-
bers of the Murphy family served the
Senate as Official Reporters for a total
of 191 years, a record I doubt any other
family can approach in any line of gov-
ernment service.
In the nearly 64 years James Murphy
reported the colloquies, debates and
other proceedings of the Senate he re-
corded a wealth of American history and
gave generously of his counsel and as-
sistance to many of our,Nation's leaders.
In 1917, when I came to Washington as
secretary to the late Senator John B.
Kendrick, of Wyoming, I first became
acquainted with Mr. Murphy, and he was
most helpful to me in my new duties.
He was a good friend of Wyoming's senior
Senator Francis E. Warren, and soon
Senator Kendrick, as well as his secre-
tary, also came to regard him as a valued
friend. Mr. Murphy's and my friendship
strengthened down through the years,
with the result that the loss I feel today
at his death is personal and deep. I
shall miss this scholarly gentleman, this
great American, during the remainder
of my days.
To the members of Mr. Murphy's
family I extend my most sincere sym-
pathy. They may be comforted by the
realization that he served his country
well and that his memory will live long
and honorably in the hearts and minds
of countless men and women who con-
sidered him their friend.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Is
there further morning business? If no,
morning business is concluded.
Without objection, the Chair lays be-
fore the Senate the unfinished business.
SERVING OF OLEOMARGARINE OR
MARGARINE IN NAVY RATION
The Senate resumed the considera-
tion of the bill (S. 2168) to amend the
Navy ration statute so as to provide for
the serving of Oleomargarine or mar-
garine.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, the
bill which is the pending business merely
amends the Navy's ration statute to in-
sert the words "margarine" or "oleomar-
garine." It gives the Navy permissive
authority to use margarine for table use,
which authority is not now explicit in
the statute.
The Navy Department itself for some
time has indicated it wanted this au-
thority. In many cases it is not possi-
ble to secure butter and margarine can
be used with no loss of nutrition and at
less cost.
As I said at the time of the introduc-
tion of this bill :
There is no valid reason why the Navy or
any other branch of the armed services
should not be given simple freedom of choice
to buy what foods it wants or that necessity
requires it to use, within the structure of
the present ration statute. The omission
of margarine from the ration statute is a
simple discrimination against a perfectly
good pure food product made from American
farm products.
The bill S. 2168 is only permissive. It
does not require the Navy to buy any-
thing.
The bill limits this permissive authority
by section 2, which provides that, except
where the Secretary of Agriculture finds
and certifies that there is a surplus of
either soybean oil or cottonseed oil, mar-
garine may not be used by the Navy for
table use if surplus butter stocks are
available to the Navy through the Com-
modity Credit Corporation.
It is apparent, therefore, that this bill
is in no sense a restriction of or injury
to the dairy or butter industries. It goes
far to protect surplus butter's disposition
channel in the armed services. It puts
both butterfat and vegetable oils on the
same level of treatment, insofar as those
commodities may be in surplus.
I am now informed that there is no
uncommitted stock of surplus butter.
The great majority of CCC butter goes
into the school lunch program.
S. 2168 is, therefore, a bill that seeks
to remove a discrimination and to put
two American farm products on the
same basis in respect to use in Navy
messes. I urge the Senate to approve
this bill,
HE COMMUNIST INFILTRATION IN
THE NUCLEAR TEST BAN MOVE-
MENT
ODD. Mr. President, in his
sta ement of January 22, J. Edgar
Hoover warned that Nikita Khrushchev's
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
the view, in this respect, which I think was
very well stated, by Chancellor Adenauer
who told me while visiting my house a few
weeks ago, that Mr, Khrushchev without
"11" question-being a dedicated Communist-
wanted communism to rule the world; that
this was his objective and would continue
to be his objective regardless of the means
or the shifts in policy which he might
adopt. But on the other hand, as Chancellor
Adenauer put it very graphically, Mr. Khru-
shchev does not want to rule a world of
ruined cities and dead bodies. And he
knows, as we know, the terribly destructive
force of atomic weapons; he knows, as we
know, what a war would do to the countries
which he may want to rule and what it
might also do to his own country. And there
is another argument Mr. Khrushchev might
have in this respect: He firmly believes, I
think, based on the conversations I've had
with him-as well as other statements he
has made-that he can gain his objective of
domination of the world more effectively and
more surely at less cost without war.
This brings us, then, to the key problem
of the future. In the massive 2; -hour press
conference that Mr. Khrushchev held in
Paris today, I think that the most significant
line in it was. one that perhaps will go un-
noticed in most areas of the reporting of
that conference, or relatively unnoticed. It
was this: Referring to this whole problem
of elections in the United States, he said,
well, if the next President doesn't take the
right line, we'll wait for the next President
and the next one after that. Then he said
this significant thing: "Because we can af-
ford to wait, we can afford to wait."
There is nothing that I think is more
typical of the Communist attitude and the
Communist line, and more a challenge to us,
than what Mr. Khrushchev says in this re-
spect. The Communist has a sense of his-
tory. He thinks in terms of not 5 years, but
')f a century, or 2 centuries if necessary;
and he is willing to wait. He believes that
he and his cause have the stamina and the
strength to outlast the decadent societies
of the West among which we, of course, are
classified. So this is the challenge to us.
Do we have the stamina, do we have the
strength, do we have the determination in
this nonmilitary struggle, which is going
on now and which will continue to go in the
years ahead: One, to resist further Com-
munist gains; and two, to win the uncom-
mitted areas of the world, who hold the
balance of the power, to the side of freedom
and away from those who would win it for
communism. This is the key question of the
next 10 years of the sixties and even beyond
my day. I'd like to direct my remarks just
briefly to this question in the time that
remains tonight.
Let us look at this area. A billion people
live in Asia, in Africa-a billion people who
are unlike in many respects, but who are
alike in that most of them are desperately
poor and all of them need economic progress.
Prime Minister Nehru put it very graphi-
cally to me when he said that the per capita
income in India is one-twentieth of what it
is in the poorest State in the United States.
You have never seen poverty until you have
seen it in Asia and in parts of Africa, as I
have seen it and my wife has seen it. You
can see why the leaders of these countries
say, "We must have progress." And so the
question is, How are they going to get it?
Which way are they going to turn? Some
say, "Well, will they take progress without
freedom?" The answer is that they would
prefer not, and this is one of the main cards
we have in our hands. Believe me, the lead-
ers of these countries in Asia and of the
newly developing countries in Africa, despite
what you may hear to the contrary, want to
be on our side. They prefer to have their
progress and retain their independence and
retain an opportunity to develop free insti-
tutions, not like ours, because they need
different institutions since they have differ-
ent types of development that we have, but
institutions which at least give them the
right of self-determination. But make no
mistake about it: If the terrible choice left
to these people is progress without freedom
or staying where they are, they will take
progress without freedom.
The Communists tell them, "Come our
way." . They don't tell them, of course, that
the cost is freedom, but these people know
that the cost is freedom. But the Commu-
nists say, "Look at what we've done in
the Soviet Union, look at what we're doing
in China; come our way, for this is the way
to progress for the teeming millions who do
not now have an adequate standard of liv-
ing." There must be an alternative in which
it can be shown that there is a way to have
progress without giving up freedom; unless
there is that alternative, the battle for the
world will be lost in this area just as surely
as if a war were fought in which we were
the loser as well as civilization itself.
That brings me to a very unpopular sub-
ject. There now is a bill before the Congress
for appropriations for the Mutual Security
Act. Part of it goes for the purpose of main-
taining adequate defenses abroad. Part of it
goes also for technical assisstance, for loans,
for other programs designed to -see to it that
the people in these uncommitted countries
that I have mentioned, who hold the balance
of power in the world, are not faced with
this terrible alternative of going the Com-
munist. way or staying where they are. Yet
this is a bill which has no constituents at
home; this is the one that is damned always
as a give-away; this is the one where people
say, "Cut it down and spend it here in the
United States." Particularly at this time,
when in my opinion there is no question but
that Mr. Khrushchev will step up his activi-
ties in the nonmilitary aspects of the world
struggle, the United States should support
adequate programs in the mutual security
area and particularly in the technical and
economic aid areas of the program provided
by this bill.
I could say many things that would be
much more palatable to you, but this needs
to be said and that is why I wanted to say
it at this point.
One other point I would like to develop in
that connection. In the years ahead, we will
have to maintain adequate military strength
so that we are never in an unfavorable posi-
tion or an unequal position at the bargain-
ing table. We also must maintain our mu-
tual security programs, as I have pointed out,
and we must maintain our programs of eco-
nomic assistance abroad. How, this means
that, the United States must have an econ-
omy which is strong, and sound, and produc-
tive. There is another point about the econ-
omy which, I think, should be made before
this audience.
Mr. Khrushchev, in selling his wares
around the world, constantly says: Ours is
the way to the greater progress. He says, we
are moving faster than the United States;
the America economy used to be a pretty
good one, but it isn't as good as it once was
and, therefore, ours is the way of the future.
I think he put it best, perhaps, with one of
his very clever analogies, when he was speak-
ing in India a few months ago. You may
have read what he said. He likened this
competition between the American economy
and the Soviet economy, to a horse race.
And in referring to the American economy,
he said: "There was a horse, but now it's old
and tired and limping, whereas our Socialist
steed is young and vigorous and vital and
moving faster; we will soon pass it by and it
will never catch up." Is he right? My
answer is, he is wrong, but only provided we
stay on our horse and don't try to get on his,
as far as the economic system 1s concerned.
We hear a great deal about growth these
days in this country. How are we going to
have adequate growth, they say, how is our
economy going to grow fast enough? There
are those, some very well intentioned, who
say: The way to growth in the United States
is to increase the size of Government and to
spend more in Government, and that spend-
ing by Government of and by itself is a way
to make the economy of the United States
grow at a fixed level which the Government
can set.
Let's understand exactly what we're talk-
ing about here. Government has some real
responsibilities for spending-in the military
area, in the national security area, in the
economic-assistance area to which I referred
in the area of space, and in the necessary
areas at home with which we are all familiar.
But let us never forget that in our system
Government should spend only what it needs
to spend, and that Government spending
should never be an end In itself. Or if I can
put it another way: If we are going to have
maximum growth of the American economy,
that will keep us ahead of the Soviet Union
as we are ahead of it today, the way to get
that maximum growth is not to increase the
size of Government or to increase Govern-
ment spending; rather, the way to achieve
this growth is to expand the opportunity for
creative action for millions of individual
Americans in the private enterprise system.
If we bear that lesson in mind in these
years and months ahead, I am confident that
we will win this struggle. We will be betting
on the right horse, a horse that has served
us well, and one that can continue to serve
us well if we give it a chance, the chance that
It can and should have.
Now, if I can bring one final thought to
you, which is perhaps as important as any-
thing I have said, if anything has been im-
portant in your minds up to this point.
I've been speaking about our military
strength, about our economic strength, about
the battle for the uncommitted nations and
the prospect ahead. I believe all of these
are highly important parts of this struggle
in which we are engaged. But they are not
all of that struggle. There is another part
which is even more significant and one which
I can best illustrate by an example.
People have often asked, Why did the
President get the magnificent reception he
did in Asia and in South America? Part of
the reason certainly is because he is a world-
famous man and people in that part of the
world-as here-like to see world-famous
people. But it could not all be ascribed to
that; certainly, part of it also was because
of the country he represented. To prove
the point, may I tell you how my wife and
I had a reception which could not have been
due to the fact that the people were trying
to receive a world-famous man-nor his
wife-but which, nevertheless, was the most
moving experience of our life.
It occurred after our visit to Russia last
year. We went to Poland on a Sunday
afternoon from Moscow. The Polish Gov-
ernment, before we arrived, had tried ap-
parently to discourage any crowds in the
streets by not printing our route into the
city and not indicating the time of arrival;
but the-word some way had gotten around.
After the plane landed, we drove from the
airport; as we went through the suburbs of
Warsaw into the city, increasingly large
groups of people came to gather on the
streets, and they were singing, they were
throwing bouquets of flowers onto our cars.
When we got into the heart of the city-
and understand, no notice by the Govern.
ment, no attempt to get a crowd out-when
we got into the heart of the city, a quarter
of a million people were.there, stopping the
caravan eight times so that we had to move
them out in order to move on. And when
the caravan stopped, we were able to look
into their faces, and they were singing and
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
Ater hearing the feasibility of the lower
ag'q for social security retirement, those
oplnents could see their way clear to
joinle in the urging of a reduced age
limita 'on to 62.
Colun ist Walter Lippmann wrote
recently:
The cent" issue of the world struggle is
whether the let system or a liberal system
can deal best h the problems that beset
mankind. In th struggle we shall surely
lose if we tell the R ld that, though we have
the richest economy all history, our liberal
system is such that cannot afford a sure
defense and adequate p vision for the civil
needs of our people.
It is in this spirit that rge revision
of our social security syste A volun-
tary retirement age of 60 fo oth men
and women is amply justified Half a
loaf is better than no loaf at a how-
ever. A proper step toward thi oal
would be to lower the age for men to'62,
so to equal the retirement age for women,
and pay full benefits at 62 to both.
THE SUMMIT CONFERENCE
a0 Mr. WILEY. Mr. President, some-
where rook of Books, there is.the
statement that "a little child shall lead
them." It was my privilege yesterday
to speak to a group of more than 42 chil-
dren from a high school in, as I recall,
Oshkosh, Wis. Then I submitted my-
self to questioning.
One of the questions was related to
the recent U-2 plan incident and went
something like this: "Senator, if we have
agreed not to continue the exploratory
missions w7tf-6ffr O~ how are we_gping
to know what is goi g n ns' side ussia?"
That/ t"stion was as e e ore'-Midas
was thrown into space-our recent won-
derful demonstration that we are not
behind, but that we are ahead, of the
Kremlin. So perhaps that is the answer.
But I could not answer the question ex-
cept to say that in this age of explora-
tion, we will find the answer or we will
continue the U-2 exploratory plane mis-
sions. To me, that makes commonsense.
But the little child had the answer,
because what are we going to do if we do
not know what is going on back of the
Iron Curtain? My mail indicates clearly
that that attitude exemplifies the atti-
tude of a good many people. They re-
alize we have got to be on our toes, that.
we cannot fall asleep, that as I have said
many times, we have got to be adequate,
that we cannot put ourselves in the posi-
tion of running the risk of another Pearl
Harbor. So that little child had the
wisdom that some grownups do not have.
Tomorrow, or on Friday, as everyone
knows, we expect to have the Secretary
of State before the Foreign Relations
Committee, and, of course, a great many
questions will be asked him. Some of
the questions were submitted on the floor
of the Senate by the Senator from Ohio
yesterday. Let me say that practically
all of the questions have been answered.
The people know the answers now, be-
cause of the discussions over the radio
and over television. As a matter of fact,
one of our great American reporters,
whom I heard last night, intimated that
the people in Europe are not a bit upset,
that they understand the situation. We
want to know what the Kremlin is up to.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The
time of the Senator has expired.
Mr. WILEY. I ask for 3 more min-
utes..
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. WILEY. They recognize the sit-
uation. They recognize also that
rng sas been going Qn from > s,
and that there is a difference when one
goes into a country in uniform, goes into
that country armed, as a spy, and when
a,_pl otQgrapherwith_ the.. .U.-2 instru-
ment, covers the space about which he
wants to know what is going on. In
other words, because we could not get
behind the Iron Curtain, we had to go
over it. When we got over it, we got,
as many of us know, excellent pictures
of what the Kremlin has built up.
One of the questions that has been
asked is, "What was the underlying cause
of Mr. Khrushchev's action in Paris?"
Fundamentally, I believe there were a
number of factors, including:
The Soviet Premier did not want a
conference, because it was evident that
the allies, standing shoulder to shoulder,
were not going to make concessions to
the demands of the Communists.
Mr. Khrushchev, too, has troubles at
home, economic and military, with the
proposed reduction of armed forces, as
well. as political unrest.
Mao Tse-tung, opposing the relatively
conciliatory line adopted by Khrushchev,
needled him for a tougher policy.
The Kremlin, I frankly believe, was
afraid of the tremendous impact which
Mr. Eisenhower's visit would have upon
the Soviet people. After all, Ike has
demonstrated his salesmanship over a
great deal of this earth. The people
know he speaks with conviction and that
he speaks honestly. The people have
faith in him. Khrushchev was afraid
of the impact of his visit, there is no
question about it.
One of the things I was particularly in-
terested in was what was stated by this
Russian youngster of 28 or 29 years of
age, who recently left the Kremlin's
espionage force. He said:
You know, there is a new generation of us
youngsters in Russia. We are not satisfied
with our standard of living. We are not
satisfied with our voice in the government.
We want something more to say.
That all intimated to me, at least, that
Khrushchev is not having such an easy
time.
Mr. President, all added up-they
called for Khrushchev's grabbing at
straws, in this case, the U-2 incident-
to call off Soviet participation in a con-
ference that. would not give them what
they were expected to demand.
Is there any known explanation of
Khrushchev's personal attacks on Presi-
dent Eisenhower?
While it is only speculative, it seems
reasonable to deduce that the pressures
on Khrushchev were so great that he
found himself in a position not only of
denouncing U.S. policy, but because of
previous past, relatively friendly rela-
tions with the U.S. President, now found
it necessary to denounce him personally.
Mau 25
If there had been no U-2 incidebi,
would the conference have been held?
From all evidence available, it appears
that if Khrushchev.ld not used the U-2
flight as an excu5.e, he_would klave found rea, anQ er ,,for refusing to hold the
conference,
What was the significance of Malinov-
sky's attendance at the conference?
The presence of the general-looking
over Khrushchev's shoulder-may well
indicate a stronger voice of the military
in Soviet affairs. In the past, military
chaperons have proved far more omi-
nous than just a,)-raveling companion
for leaders of communism.
What is the situation now inside
Russia as a result of the blowup of the
conference?
For the Communists, the hard core of
Stalinists apparently have won a point.
For the general population, however, all
evidence points toward a great uneasi-
ness-including fear of war from the
blowup of the conference. A major ob-
jective of the U.S. policy now must be
aimed toward stemming this uneasi-
ness-insofar as possible-and separat-
ing the acts of the Communist leader-
a 4-690 minority in the Soviet Union-
from. the people.
What was the reason for the U-2 flights
beh'rl l'roii Curtain?
The arts of is simple. We were gath-
ering in n to prevent a sneak
attack upon ourselves or any other coun-
tries of the world which are targets of
Communist aggression. Until now, there
has not, unfortunately, been developed
any ways of obtaining information in
specific detail, on activities behind the
Iron, as well as the Bamboo Curtains, to
provide us with the knowledge necessary
to be aware of any buildup that might
result in a sneak attack.
The overflights provided us with this
information. They were not military at-
tacks. The planes were not armed. The
flight was an integral part of our policy
of self-preservation.
If the Soviets were willing to adopt
any realistic international agreements
to prevent the possibility of armed ag-
gression or sneak attack, these would not
be necessary; or, if they were willing to
agree to the open skies proposal as rec-
ommended by President Eisenhower, the
flight would not have proved an inci-
dent at all.
We recognize, of course, that the whole
field of airspace law still is relatively un-
explored. The nations of the world have
their job cut out for them to more clearly
define national interests and boundaries
in air and space.
Now, why were there seemingly con-
tradictoxy statements a.lBout'? the U-2
flight?
Following the takeoff of the plane, it
became known that the plane was not
on schedule. However, there was no way
of telling what had happened to it, or
whether the Soviet claims of knocking
it down were correct. Until this could
be established by adequate evidence,
there seemed some question as to
whether or not it would be realistic to
state that the plane had been involved
in an overflight over the Soviet Union.
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 1960
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
10227
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. this change In 1956, even though I did
President, in January 1960, the Social not believe then, as I do not believe now,
Security Administration finished 20 that it went far enough.
years of paying monthly benefits. A recent collective report by the Na-
Checks were mailed to 13% million men, tional Planning Association, entitled
women, alid children in communities "Automation: Its Impact on Business
throughout the country. Since January and Labor," suggests some of the new
1940, when's the first Social Security job displacement problems which are
checks were received, 21 million bene- already taking place and which will be
ficiaries have received benefits totaling multiplied in the future. The older
$50.4 billion. Retired workers and their worker is the target of such changes.
dependents have received $38.1 billion This report points out that many peo-
of this amount. The survivors of work- ple fear that labor will suffer serious dis-
ers who have died received $11.6 billion. location and hardship resulting from
Since July 1957, about $7.50 million has automation. They express deep con-
been paid to eligible disa6bled workers cern that over the next 5 to 10 years,
and their dependents. Ins ddition to when the great changes from automa-
these monthly benefits, lump in death tion will become accentuated, there will
payments of $1.2 billion have n paid.. be a growing surplus of jobseekers.
There should be pride that o social Automation has already produced
security plan, which began as a tem graphic effects in my State. In 1950,
covering only workers in commerce nd West Virginia had 117,000 men employed
industry, has won expansion, so t t in the coal fields. Today, a decade later,
today practically all Americans who ar8 there are less than 40,000 men employed
earning a living are covered. ;, in
West Virginia coal mines, and just,
e
Presently, only 15.1 million persons much, or more, coal can be produce
in America's labor force are not under Vest Virginia is not the only Stateo
the Social Security system. This is out a ted by automation. All States jave
of a work force made up of 70.7 million the ii roblems. It has been estpated
in the United States. A breakdown of that Tengine blocks run thrrtgh the
those not covered is as follows: 4.5 mil- produc n line in an hour, a -fhe Ford
lion are Federal, State, and local gov- plant in eveland, Ohio, re,liring only
ernment employees; 4.1 million are un- 41 worker on the line-4'- production
employed; agricultural Workers total 1.3 which, unde the old mods, required
million; 1.3 million are unpaid family 117 men. Th '.Wall S . `et Journal re-
workers; 1 million are retired railroad ported recently.lhat e Raytheon Man-
workers; 0.9 million domestic workers ufacturing Co.'s T vision and Radio
are not covered; and miscellaneous Division plant is ' le to produce 1,000
workers total 2 million. radios a day, wi ; st 2 workers on the
Liberalizations began in the 1939 line. To mai in t t production rate,
amendments, when Congress recognized standard ha 'assem requires a labor
family need and provided benefits to de- force of 200 ien.. A ne machine, called
pendents and survivors, as well as to the Autofab, n assemble i a little over a
family breadwinners. Amendments ex- minute he same numbs of multiple-
tended coverage and increased benefits part e`ctronic units that ne worker,
in 1950. In 1956, amendments provided usingg~'conventional machine , could do
benefits for people aged 50 and over who in fall day. It requires only wo work-
were so severely disabled that they could and a supervisor, and has a apacity
not work again. more than 200?000 assemblies a onth,
which I shall mention in a moment. I submit that we must, as one ve in-
West Virginia the effect of the portant step in meeting, the probl s
2 in
ceived social security checks. Feb- ment age under our social security sys-
ruary 1959, the number totaled W9,399- tem is absolutely essential.
almost four times the 1950 tal. In Congress must fact up to the chal-
1950, monthly payments i W est Vir- lenge so clearly outlined for us in the
ginia amounted to $294,00 per month, report of the National Planning Associ-
In 1959, the figure Stood $8,836,729 a ation to which I have already referred.
month. This money in s a great deal For, in the words of this report, work-
not only to the recipi ts, but also to ers-and especially older workers-dis-
the communities in w ch they live. placed by automation will not automat-
I would be the I, t to say, however, ically fit into those new jobs which will
that the present s em is perfect. For be created because-
this reason, I ur lowering the eligible Unskilled workers, workers with specialized
retirement age 62 for men, to be the skills whose jobs have been taken over by
same as for w en. Both should, also, machines, and older workers who have spent
receive full b &fits. a working lifetime in a job only to find their
The 1956 amendments skills made obsolete overnight, all have to be
provided full retrained so that they have a chance to ac-
benefits fq' widows at the age of 62, quire the new skills they need to work in an
and wives-And women workers were given automated factory: or office. Older workers.
the option of accepting actuarially re- skilled or unskilled, present a particular
duced benefits at age 62 or waiting for problem. It is not easy for them to learn a
full benefits at age 65. I am one who new skill or, since employees are notably
has gong been an advocate of a lower reluctant to hire them, to find a new job.
and more realistic retirement age for Summarizing Its findings and their
our social security program, I supported implications for the future, the report
points to a lower retirement age as one
of the adjustments which must be made:
The effect of automation is to increase pro-
ductivity, with the result that the problem
of a dynamic balance between the number
of jobseekers and the number of available
jobs is very precarious. The solution is less
work for each person, so that there is some-
thing for everybody to do. This can he
achieved through the shorter workweek,
through a lower retirement age, and through
a raising of the age at which people enter the
labor force. The balai ee can also be main-
tained by limiting the speed at which auto-
mation is introduced: If none of these steps
is taken-or, if dyer are not all taken-the
result will be mass unemployment, depres-
sion, and hursiz suffering.
In the f e of these facts, Mr. Presi-
dent, it id'? y conviction that we should
take inlItlediate steps to lower the retire-
mentte in our social security plan from
ageG5 to age. 62 for men, as is the case
fotwomen.
Opponents of any reduction in the re-
irement age maintain that such a move
would be too expensive. Certainly it
would cost more than the present pro-
gram, but how much does it cost the
Government when X number of work-
ers are without jobs? Would not the
reduced cost of public welfare and un-
employment compensation programs go
a long way toward equalizing the in-
creased cost of lowering the age for re-
tirement?
The Social Security Administration
provided figures recently which indicate
the cost to the employer, the employee,
and the self-employed were the eligibil-
ity are reduced to 62 for men, with just
men receiving full benefits.
The figures are based on the long-term
or level-premium cost. For the em-
ployer and employee combined, the cost
would be a fraction more than two-fifths
of 1 percent of payroll-more easily un-
derstood, approximately $1.4 billion per
year. The self-employed would be re-
quired to contribute a little less than
one-third of 1 percent of the payroll.
Approximately 1.5 million male workers
would be affected immediately.
More feasible would be the plan, as I
have stressed, for both men and women
to receive full benefits at age 62. The
ium cost, the employee and em-
r would each pay approximately
fifths ofx , percent of the payroll. The
total cost the pro gram on an annual
basis woul a about $2?~z billion, with
some 2 millior ' Workers becoming eligible
for retirement.`"?;., .
Theoretically, each person eligible
for retirement wer64o.~ take advantage of
the lowering of thee limit to 62, at
least half of those 4 }t}illion Americans
now unemployed wouldertainly have a
better chance for a job. ,f
Many of those eligible i?or retirement
at age 62 would not retire, bXt it is con-
ceivable that thousands-perhaps over a
million-jobs would be made available.
For years I have advocated the lower-
ing of the retirement age from 65 to 60.
Opposition is strong to this. Perhaps,
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 10230
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
PICTURE OF A BOMB
One of the few reports ever published
about the neutron bomb-in the Washington
Post, July 19, 1959-gives you an idea of
how e live one version would be:
"Too in the maximum range, the bomb
would be loded high enough to reach its
intended v ims without going through
structures, t a, hills, or other barriers
which might sl down the neutrons."
The neutrons uld travel with enough
force, however, s this article, to go
through the walls o uildings and military
The bomb would deli "a lethal dose of
radiation to a distance of mile-about the
range of the 20-kiloton Hiro 'ma and Naga-
saki bombs-yet produce far 1 damage and
only about one-one thousandt Qf the total
Fallout in today's bombs is crew d when
radioactive debris and dust are carry away
from the immediate target area by the ast.
Sometimes this "hot" debris is sucked u , by
winds that carry the fallout where it
not intended to go.
In the neutron bomb, only a small fission-
type explosion would be needed as a trigger.
This would create correspondingly less blast
and fallout.
Now there is talk that TNT or another
ordinary explosive could be used to set off
a neutron bomb. If so, this would create
a weapon with so little blast that not even
the familiar atomic mushroom would appear.
ON THE BATTLEFIELD
Of what use is all this, anyway? some
civilian scientists ask, when there already
is enough destructive power in the world?
Such a weapon, according to one authority,
could be used to great advantage tactically
on a battlefield where two armies faced each
other. It could be used to knock out an
enemy division without contaminating
friendly forces. The bomb would maim or
anihilate enemy soldiers who have invaded
friendly soil without destroying the indus-
try or homes of allies.
That advantage works both ways, this
authority points out: "The reason we think
this principle is so important to the Rus-
sians is that any country that wants to con-
of Europe intact must employ this kind of th, `''texts of these letters be printed & ,
weapon.
`The Russians, with neutron bombs, could tg)IiS point in the RECORD.
objection, the letters
reduce the population of the Ruhr in a war, x There being no
------ - -'-~ .-- --- . '_---- ~'-- .0 were nrr1,-n-r1 to he nrintarl in the T?-non
The danger of a neutron bomb in Yie hands
of Russia alone is understood b. U.S. Gov-
ernment officials, say civilian ^experts, al-
though these officials are beili told not to
of U.S. interest in the p ,6ject=it has been
established that resean$ is going ahead.
Work on the neutrony'-bomb theory in this
country is said to b--centered at the Uni-
versity of California?s Radiation Laboratory
at Livermore, where advanced weapons are
developed for the ,Atomic Energy Commission.
It was at this laboratory that the hydrogen
bomb was perfected.
Livermore e6ientists consider the challenge
of the neut,,i`on bomb in many ways to be
more dem tiding than the hydrogen bomb.
In tod
ry's bombs, neutrons that are re-
leased e slowed down and "captured" in
the b b-blast process before they get very
far and do much damage. A practical way
must be found at Livermore to enable more
neutrons to "escape" more easily and pene-
trate great distances with great speed.
The neutron bomb is more than a scientific
problem, scientists say. It involves the whole
cold-war picture. Against that background
you are told this by non-Government scien-
tists who know the story-
The big reason why scientists from the
Livermore Laboratory, such as Dr. Edward
Teller, its director, have been outspoken
against a, test-ban agreement with the
Soviets is that they are worried about the
neutron bomb and other atomic develop-
ments just ahead.
How, they ask, can you ever enforce a test
ban?
It also explains why Dr. Teller and others
who know the facts have said this Nation
should resume underground testing of
nuclear weapons at the first possible
moment.
They say this Nation has no time to waste.
HOW FAR AHEAD?
Much work is said to remain before the
neutron bomb is perfected.
Scientists see the Russians as moving
ahead with research and possibly even with
sebret tests of the components of a neutron
bomb. There is no way, under the "morator-
ium" supposedly now in effect, to detect what
CONTRO kRSY OVER 0CTCLEAR
Mr. DODD. W. President, on May 13,
the New York Tiffs published a letter
from Dr. John Kenj i Galbraith which
stated the argume, hat the. risks of
continued nuclea`tesg were greater
than the risks of secret'*ussian viola-
On May 19Jthe Times pulshed a let-
ter of mint in reply to Prof sor Gal-
braith. I ielieve that these ti letters
provide _ii brief summary of the lnpor-
tant pg lts put forward by each sf a of
HALTING ATOMIC TESTS-CHOICE OF LEAST
PERILOUS COURSE BELIEVED TO BE NECESSARY
To the EDITOR OF THE NEW YORK TIMES:
The recent hearings before the Joint Com-
mission on Atomic Energy, like much earlier
discussion, suggest the presence of a strik-
ingly unrealistic attitude toward an agree-
ment on halting atomic tests. I do not sug-
gest that this attitude is universal, but it
does seem sufficiently common to merit
comment,
We most surely agree that our task is not
to eliminate all risk from our lives-that is
an impossible goal-but to find the course
of policy that minimizes risk. This requires
that we balance the dangers of different
courses of action. In the present instance
there is, on the one hand, the danger of illicit
violation of any agreement to ban tests and
that the violation will go undetected. On
the other hand, there is the danger of con-
tinued explosions. We must choose the
course which involves the least peril.
Almost everyone must agree-and most do
agree-that the dangers inherent in con-
tinuing the tests are virtually total. The
tempo of competitive development and test-
ing will increase. The countries newly
possessed of atomic weapons will claim their
right to poison their just share of the at-
May 25
mosphere. Obviously those who are making
tests themselves cannot deny then the
privilege. All of these dangers are predicta-
ble and certain in the absence of agreement.
POSSIBLE BAD FAITH
Against this, as noted, we must reckon
with the possibility of Soviet bad faith and
that it will escape detection. Some of our
estimate of the danger of bad faith, we must
agree, will be the residue of the bad feeling
of recent years. And. bad faith that involves
risk of discovery is' not without disadvan-
tage as a practical-policy.
But it is not`my purpose to argue that
this course is riskless. Rather, what is
clear is that Ohatever its dangers, they must
be less than. the dangers of the first course,
which are! certain and total. Yet this is
not the stature of much of the present cal-
culatioijY It holds that the danger of viola-
tion e ust be totally eliminated or we will
congfiue the tests. One is reminded of the
m who insists on suicide unless he is
y y protected against automobile accidents.
fu l
11- Surely we are more logical than that.
Nor is it reassuring that many who advise
against accepting the lesser rislbelieve that
any test ban makes poor military sense. We
have recently heard that our military secu-
rity requires a new series of tests this sum-
mer or autumn. And a high official of the
Defense Department has recently stressed
the need to develop atomic weapons which,
though they burn, blind, disintegrate, muti-
late, and otherwise commit to a disenchant-
ing death, are nonetheless clean,
CONCEALED POSITION
The danger of illicit violation has thus be-
come part of the case against the agree-
ment as such. It has no past of this case.
If we believe an agreement is unwise, we
should say so.. This position should not be
concealed behind arguments over enforci-
bility. We fool no one with such trans-
parent devices.
But I have difficulty in imagining that re-
sponsible military opinion can face with
equanimity a world of uncontrolled tests.
In the annals of armies there have always
been examples of excessive and myopic pre-
occupation with military goals. Yet
thoughtful military leaders certainly agree
that the purpose of the armed services is to
;,.protect the continuing life and civilization
"qf the community. Arn ed services are but
omeans to this end and diplomacy and
dlpiomatic agreements are among the others.
14s to see the problem whole that we have
civilii control of the Armed Forces. This
will on,, occasion require the overruling of
too paroehial a military view. The danger
lies not 14, doing so, but in failing to do so.
JOHN KENNETH GALBRAITH.
[From the Ne '_York Times, May 19, 1960]
RISKS IN BANNIk TESTS-JEOPARDY TO FREE
WORLD FEARED IF gNCESSIONS ARE GRANTED
To the EDITOR OF THE" lEW YORK TIMES:
Prof. Kenneth Galb " th's letter published
May 13 argues that in,oosing between the
test ban and continued testing we must
choose the course which 1pvolves the least
peril. With this general p osition no one
can find any fault. The onlyrouble is that
he failed to specify what kind" test ban he
had in mind.
Is it to be a total ban based bp an en-
forceable system of inspection tit offers
some reasonable chance-let us say- one-
In-ten chance-of detecting and verifying
sneak tests? Or is it to be a total ban with-
out inspection, in which we would have to
rest the security of the free world on nothing
more substantial than the Kremlin's word of
honor? Obviously, it makes a big difference.
I do not see how the comparative risks can in-
telligently be assessed unless you first know
what you are comparing.
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1960 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENTE
}ld Governor Stevenson's actions
have infCuence ` W. Zfirushchev's deci-
sion to "find an excuse" to postpone the
summit conference?
From all indications, from statements
made recently by the Governor, the sit-
uation is as follows: If the Democratic
Party won the presidency in 1960, Gov-
ernor Stevenson, if not President, would,
from all indications, occupy a high
place-perhaps Secretary of State-in
Government.
From Mr. Stevenson's recent state-
ments, it would certainly be reasonable
to deduce that if there were a Demo-
cratic victory, the Russians might have
a better chance to get what they wanted
from the summit conference.
I am not, of course, inclined to say
that the Democratic Party, in any way,
is "soft on communism"; at the same
time, Mr. Stevenson's statements indi-
cate that if he had a voice in things, he
would be far more likely to make conces-
sions to the Soviets.
For example, I cite the tra.n. lotion of
the article by Special Correspondent,
Robert Boulay, which, though Mr. Ste-
~elrysi """suffers from misinterpre-
tation, or mistranslation," was published
in the Paris newspaper, "Paris-Presse-
i'Intransigent," as follows:
Question. What, according to you, Mr.
Stevenson, is the most important question in
the political world today?
Answer. The suspension of atomic tests-
this is a prime question.
Question. Can it be achieved?
Answer. It must be possible to reach agree-
ment through mutual concessions.
Question. I take it that you refer to agree-
ment with precise control-inspection?
Up till now the Russians have not accept-
ed the minimum inspection formula pro-
posed to them by the Western Powers.
Answer. Naturally, an agreement with in-
spection * * * but I repeat to you that an
agreement must be possible. This problem
of atomic tests must be considered as abso-
lute priority. With mutual concessions * * *.
Question. Does this problem appear to you
of such importance as to justify concessions
on other matters?
Answer. Yes, certainly.
Question. Does this mean that the West-
ern Powers should make concessions on the
German problem?
Answer. Yes, certainly.
Question. On Berlin?
Answer. Yes.
I was surprised and persisted-
Question. Do you establish a connection
between atomic agreement and Germany and
more particularly Berlin?
Answer. There is no connection. But an
atomic agreement is basic and justifies con-
cessions on other matters. Since you men-
tion Berlin incidentally, the present situa-
tion cannot be maintained.
WHY 11,000
Question. But the Western Powers are not
the petitioners in Berlin. It Is the Russians
who seem to wish to force the Western Pow-
ers to leave Berlin?
Answer. Mr. Boulay, the present situation
in Berlin cannot be maintained. Strategi-
cally, the presence of 11,000 American sol-
diers is meaningless * * *
Question. Must I understand that you are
prepared to accept a reduction of American
forces in Berlin?
Answer. Yes. * * * One could have, for in-
stance, 7,000.
Question. Why 7,000 rather than 11,500?
Would you accept 5,000, or 3,000, or none
at all?
Answer. Yes, but not now; later.
(I once again expressed surprise, and asked
Mr. Stevenson to explain himself more
fully.)
Question. Do you believe it Is possible to
take the political and moral risk of such a
decision?
Answer. Mr. Boulay, do not be surprised.
All I am telling you, I have already said and
THE NEUTRON BOMB
Mr. DODD. Mr. President, in my re-
marks to the Senate on May 12, 1960, I
indicated that there was a distinct pos-
sibility science could produce a neutron
bomb, which could obliterate life with-
out causing serious physical damage to
property. , I tried to point out that the
nation developing this weapon first would
have a tremendous advantage in limited
war, strategic bombing, and defense
against missile attack, and that a re-
sumption of u12lierground nuclear test-
ing was necessal'y if we were to develop
this weapon ahea' of the Soviets.
I asked the Pre 'dent to inform the
Nation of the posse ity of developing a
neutron bomb so th t our leaders and
our people might r lize the critical
nature of any test ban reement which
foreclosed this develop nt, while per-
mitting the Soviets to wor on it through
Thus far there has been 119 official re-
sponse and last week, News ek maga-
zine, apparently the victim misin-
formation, curtly dismissed t possi-
bility of a neutron bomb and tread it as
News & World Report takes a diff nt
view. It states that United States d
Russian scientists are working on t ; e
neutron bomb and quotes scientists to th
effect that .we have only a million to on
chance of finding out whether Russia is
secretly testing neutron bomb weapons.
I ask unanimous consent that this ar-
ticle from the May 30 issue of U.S. News
& World Report be printed in the RECORD
at this point.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From U.S. News & World Report, May 30,
19601 .
MOST TERRIBLE BOMB or ALL-NEW WEAPON
NOW IN SIGHT
Next-a death ray bomb?
Such a bomb is being sought here-and
in Russia, too.
Once ready, it could destroy human beings
by invisible streams of neutrons, leave
buildings standing.
Detecting tests of this neutron bomb
will be almost impossible. That's why many
U.S. scientists oppose a ban on nuclear tests.
Behind closed doors in the United States
and in Russia, scientists are working on a
weapon that. could alter the cold war. It
is the neutron bomb-the bomb that no
one wants to talk about.
This new 'weapon, when perfected, could
destroy men while leaving machines and
buildings undamaged.
The weapon-in one possibility being dis-
cussed-could be built as a lightweight de-
vice able to send out streams of poison
radiation greater than those produced by
today's big, conventional' nuclear bombs.
This versldn would be so compact, some
sources predict, that a team of soldiers could
fire neutron warheads into enemy concen-
trations from simple launchers. A team of
saboteurs could carry a small neutron bomb
into an enemy country to destroy men at
essential nerve centers.
Some scientists call this the death ray
weapon of the future. The blast it would
almost intact. It would produce almost no
uncontrolled fallout. Yet its radiation-
the real "guts" of a nuclear bomb-would
be a highly effective and invisible crippler
or killer of human beings.
USELESS BANS
At a time when a ban on nuclear tests is
in the news, it is suddenly discovered that a
workable neutron bomb would make mean-
ingless any attempt at enforcing such a test
ban.
The chances of finding out whether Rus-
sia was secretly testing neutron-bomb weap-
ons, civilian scientists say, would be a mil-
lion to one because the blast signals would
be so weak and disguised.
This is the real worry among scientists in
this country who know all the facts about
the neutron bomb. They are convinced, one
of them says, that the Soviets could make a
mockery of any test ban, even if both sides
agreed to numerous inspection sites and
listening posts.
How far both sides have advanced In their
research on the neutron bomb is a closely
held secret. No project in recent years Is
held to be more sensitive. by experts in the
Pentagon.
From the Soviet Union come only broad
hints at interest-and progress-by Soviet
scientists. But some experts have asked
whether the neutron bomb is the fantastic
weapon Khrushchev recently predicted for
the Soviet arsenal.
NO COMMENT
What is known, in fact, about the ability
to produce a neutron bomb comes mainly
from civilian U.S. scientists not connected
with the Government. The Atomic Energy
Commission, by its rules, refuses to acknowl-
edge that the bomb exists even in theory.
It was of this secrecy that Senator THoaiAs
eWher the United States or Russia--might
be ore than 6 months from reality, the
Na n is being kept in the dark about the
neu n bomb.
Se for Donp said that, despite the official
seereo he learned this:
"Suc a bomb can theoretically be pro-
duced tailoring the energy of a fusion
explosion. that, instead of heat and blast,
its prim product is a burst of neutrons."
f5ATH-DEALING STREAMS
The storysehind the neutron bomb in-
volves these faarther details:
When -a nul4ear bomb is exploded, it re-
leases energy several forms, but mainly
as heat and ligli, Heat is what causes blast
and shock and t e big mushroom seen after
Another emana , n from a nuclear bomb
is lethal radiatio always in very small
amounts in presentweapons-about 3 per-
cent of the total ene'y. One primary form
of this radiation is streams of neutrons, the
particles that are kick6~,1 loose from the core
of the atom. Most of ti$;em don't travel very
far-now-but, when they reach human be-
ings, neutrons deform an$,destroy body cells
and, in sufficient dosages,' cause death. A
high percentage of the Hiroshima and Naga-
saki atomic victims died not from blast but
from radiation.
Now it appears possible to build the kind
of bomb that will cut down on the amount
of. blast and "hot" debris and send larger
and more powerful streams of neutrons
shooting out in all directions. -
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 CONGRESSIO pprovEed or Release 20041.05%3: CIIA-RDP90T00782R000100050001-8
THE COMMUNIST INFILTRATION IN
THE NUCLEAR TEST BAN MOVE-
MENT
Mr. President, in
his statement of January 22,
J. Edgar Hoover warned that
Nikita Khrushchevts
Approved For Release 2004/05/13 : CIA-RDP90T00782R000100050001-8
 `visit to this country had resulted in the
reinvigoration of the American Commu-
nist movement and that the FBI was re-
ceiving increasing evidence of stepped-
up Communist activities at many points.
Among other things, Mr. Hoover
warned that non-Communist organiza-
tions dedicated to causes that command
popular support could expect Commu-
nist efforts to infiltrate their ranks.
Evidence that has come into the hands
of the Subcommittee on Internal Secur-
ity indicates that the Communist Party
has made the nuclear test ban movement
the chief target of its infiltration opera-
tions. I think it important that this
evidence be placed before Congress and
before the public so that we may have a
better understanding of the methods by
which the Communists operate and of
the goals they seek to achieve. I should
like to detail to you some of the evidence
of this infiltration, and to suggest the
outline of a self-defense program for all
organizations whose purposes make them
particularly vulnerable to Communist in-
filtration.
I do not accept the thesis that If one
happens to hold a position that enjoys
the support of the Communist Party on
any issue, one is, ipso facto, either a pro-
Communist or a fellow traveler. The
Communists are opposed to the poll tax:
does that make all people who oppose
the poll tax Communists? The Commu-
nists support the Forand bill. Does that
make the many millions of Americans
who have endorsed the bill Communist
sympathizers? Obviously not. But on a
foreign policy issue of overriding im-
portance like the test ban, if ' a legiti-
mate organization adheres to a policy
which coincides with Communist policy,
then It must be prepared to expect a
concerted effort at infiltration by the
Communist termites. The more urgent
the issue, the more respectable the or-
ganization, the more illustrious the
names on its letterhead, the greater the
temptation from the Communist stand-
point.
The Committee for a Sane Nuclear
Policy is headed by a group of nationally
prominent citizens about whose Integ-
rity and good faith there is no question.
Among them are people like Norman
Cousins, of the Saturday Review, W.
Clarence Pickett of the American
Friends Service Committee, Mr. Norman
Thomas, and so forth. They advocate
a point of view which some of us con-
sider unrealistic or utopian, but it is,
nevertheless, a significant point of view
on an issue of life and death impor-
tance. For the personal motivations of
most of those associated with the Com-
mittee for a Sane Nuclear Policy I have
the most sincere respect. The point of
view they represent deserves a hearing-
indeed, it must be heard.
Last 'hxsday evepin~19, the
Committee for a Sane uclear _ Policy
held a rally at Madicnn gm4are r arden
in New York City. Many eminent per-
sons attended this rally. The snealkrs
i c Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, Mr.
A red Landon, Mr. Walter Reuther,
Gov. G. Mennen Williams, of Michigan,
and Dr. Harold Taylor, former Presi-
dent of Sarah Lawrence College. At this
Approved For Release 2004/05/13 : CIA-RDP90T00782R000100050001-8
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
meeting, the speakers urged that an-
other summit meeting be convened for
the purpose of attempting to arrive at
an agreement banning nuclear tests.
Because :1 esteem the sincerity of the
original founders of themtGe for
a Sane Nuclear Policy ari a sincerity
of the speakers I have named, it was
for me an unpleasant duty to have to
notify them that thethe uubl,- ~?cizedef
member o?- n7'C 'ist Party; that
there was also evidence of serious Com-
munist infiltration at chapter level
throughout the Committee for a Sane
Nuclear Policy; that the Communist
Party and its front organizations had
done their utmost to promote the meet-
ing; that the Communists provided
much of the organizing machinery for
the meeting because they planned to use
it as, a pressure instrument in support
of Soviet nuclear diplomacy.
This information was, by
the S1Lk?r, tm;t .ee,pl} Interne oniy several days before the Ipqvqli4ty
adison
Square Garden meeting was scheduled
to take place. Because I wished to be
fair to all the decent and prominent
people who were associated with the
meeting as sponsors or as speakers, I
had some doubt about the advisability
of rushing Into print with my informa-
tion only 4:8 hours in advance of the
rally. Instead, I decided to communi-
cate the information, or at least certain
essential portions of it, to Mr., nian
Cousins, the chairman of the Commit-
tee for a Sane Nuclear Policy. Mr.
Cousins came to Washington to see me
a iMV6' a~ INIWAnl 'anl? discgs?ign
about the,,ijjob1em.
The directors of the Committee for a
Sane Nuclear Policy, it turned out, had
some inkling of the existence of a Com-
munist infiltration and were extremely
unhappy about it. When the Commu-
nist affiliations of the chief organizer of
the Madison Square Garden meeting
were brought to Mr. Qou '' s attention,
he immediate) suspended the o anizer
iii'"~"izes-fion~ -Tlns was-2" cTays`lefore the
n 66=r. - It is my understanding that
the national committee of the organi-
zation intends to take some further
measures against Communist infiltra-
tors.
If I have any criticism to make, it is
that the directors of the organization
have moved so slowly to confront the
problem and that the measures they
have taken have been inadequate. I
was, for example, surprised to discover
that one of the officers of the commit-
tee, Mr. Norman Thom h early
as la's't"Janua expressed - Sus-
picion a gut- tie in aual who later
bee eorga,nizer of the Madison Square
Garden meeting-but that no action had
been taken on Mr. Thomas' warning.
To me it is appalling that the Com-
munists should be able to infiltrate and
manipulate a movement founded on sin-
cere humanitarian and pacifist motiva-
tions, and headed by so many reputable
citizens. Perhaps this is a situation in
which remedial legislation is Indicated,
a situation in which private citizens
must have the assistance of Government
to cope effectively with a movement that
operates by stealth and by secrecy.
In accordance with the subcommit-
tee's mandate from the Senate, it was
clear that our duty required that we do
everything in our power to get at the
facts. In presenting the information we
have gleaned to the Senate, it is my hope
that I will be able to do so in a manner
that will avoid injury to the innocent
and will point the way to a constructive
course of action by Government and pri-
vate organizations.
The test ban has for several years now
been the chief objective of the Commu-
nist propaganda apparatus. Of this
there is ample documentary evidence.
In his speech before the congress of
the Soviet Communist Party on January
27, Nikita Khrushchev, in his most mili-
tant rhetoric, called for a permanent
ban on nuclear tests.
The main political resolution adopted
by the 17th congress of the Communist
Party of the U.S.A. in February 1960
said:
The demand that the administration end
nuclear testing and ban the H-bomb has
found a widening response in community
meetings, peace talks, petitions, and ser-
mons from the pulpit.
On February 16, 1060, seven Commu-
nists foreign language newspapers took
a full-page advertisement in the New
York Times and called on the Presi-
dent-
1. To proclaim the achievement of total,
universal, and controlled disarmament as the
goal of National U.S. policy.
2. To restore the moratorium on the test.
ing of nuclear weapons and to do everything
in your power to insure early agreement on
the banning of all nuclear tests.
3. To oppose the sharing of nuclear war-
heads with NATO allies.
The Committee for a Sane Nuclear
Policy has not solicited the praise of the
Communist movement, and most of its
leaders, I am certain, would be much
happier if they received no plaudits from
Communist sources. The fact, neverthe-
less, remains that the committee in re-
cent years has been the recipient of con-
sistent and generous praise from the
Communist Press. The Communist or-
gan, New World Review, for April of this
year, for example, carried these para-
graphs under the caption "Peace Groups
in the United States":
No amount of conspiratorial silence can
wipe out the forces for disarmament and
peace; but it can leave them isolated from
each other and ignorant of the efforts their
fellows are making.
It is our purpose to bring to our readers'
attention the main groups in our country
working toward these ends, beginning in this
issue * * ? with a description of the main
nonsectarian national organization.
NATIONAL COMMITTEE FOR .A SANE NUCLEAR
POLICY
SANE offers a wide choice of channels for
expression of the American people's desire
for a world without war. Under the co-
chairmanship of Norman Cousins, editor of
the Saturday Review, and Clarence Pickett,
executive secretary emeritus of the American
Friends Service Committee, and with the
sponsorship and support of many noted
Americans, SANE provides an elastic organi-
zation and comprehensive program through
which ordinary people can be effective.
Approved For Release 2004/05/13 : CIA-RDP90T00782R000100050001-8
 Approved For Release 2004/05/13 : CIA-RDP90T00782R000100050001-8
visit to this country had resulted in the
reinvigoration of the American Commu-
nist movement and that the FBI was re-
ceiving increasing evidence of stepped-
up Communist activities at many points.
Among other things, Mr. Hoover
warned that non-Communist organiza-
tions dedicated to causes that command
popular support could expect Commu-
nist efforts to infiltrate their ranks.
Evidence that has come into the hands
of the Subcommittee on Internal Secur-
ity indicates that the Communist Party
has made the nuclear test ban movement
the chief target of its infiltration opera-
tions. I think it important that this
evidence be placed before Congress and
before the public so that we may have a
better understanding of the methods by
which the Communists operate and of
the goals they seek to achieve. I should
like to detail to you some of the evidence
of this infiltration, and to suggest the
outline of a self-defense program for all
organizations whose purposes make them
particularly vulnerable to Communist in-
filtration.
I do not accept the thesis that if one
happens to hold a position that enjoys
the support of the Communist Party on
any issue, one is, ipso facto, either a pro-
Communist or a fellow traveler. The
Communists are opposed to the poll tax:
does that make all people who oppose
the poll tax Communists? The Commu-
nists support the Forand bill. Does that
make the many millions of Americans
who have endorsed the bill Communist
sympathizers? Obviously not. But on a
foreign policy issue of overriding im-
portance like the test ban, if ' a legiti-
mate organization adheres to a policy
which coincides with Communist policy,
then It must be prepared to expect a
concerted effort at infiltration by the
Communist termites. The more urgent
the issue, the more respectable the or-
ganization, the more illustrious the
names on its letterhead, the greater the
temptation from the Communist stand-
point.
The Committee for a Sane Nuclear
Policy is headed by a group of nationally
prominent citizens about whose integ-
rity and good faith there Is no question.
Among them are people like Norman
Cousins, of the Saturday Review, Mr.
Clarence Pickett of the American
Friends Service Committee, Mr. Norman
Thomas, and so forth. They advocate
a point of view which some of us con-
sider unrealistic or utopian, but It is,
nevertheless, a significant point of view
on an issue of life and death impor-
tance. For the personal motivations of
most of those associated with the Com-
mittee for a Sane Nuclear Policy I have
the most sincere respect. The point of
view they represent deserves a hearing-
indeed, it must be heard.
Last Thy,rsdag, evenin 19, the
Ctffnmiee for a Sane uclear Policy
held a rally at M@,dl ,,,k9 s?rg_QArden
in New York City. Many eminent per-
sons attended this rally. The sneakers
. cif lyIrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, Mr.
Ared Landon, Mr. Walter Reuther,
Gov. G. Mennen Williams, of Michigan,
and Dr. Harold Taylor, former Presi-
dent of Sarah Lawrence College. At this
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
meeting, the speakers urged that an-
other summit meeting be convened for
the purpose of attempting to arrive at
an agreement banning nuclear tests.
Because :I esteem the sincerity of the
original founders of the Committee for
a Sane Nuclegis_Policy ailTh 'sincerity
of-the speakers I have named, it was
for me an unpleasant duty to have to
notify them that the lip'1}ief
organizer of t LL., adisp u T ,Oar-
dei rawly, = was i,.7~.Gteran
member of _ ,., _ 1st Party; that
there was-also evidence of serious Com-
munist infiltration at chapter level
throughout the Committee for a Sane
Nuclear Policy; that the Communist
Party and its front organizations had
done their utmost to promote the meet-
ing; that the Communists provided
much of the organizing machinery for
the meeting because they planned to use
it as- a pressure instrument in support
of Soviet nuclear diplomacy.
This information was c 1n by
the $1ib~ep?9 Izterna, Security
only several days before the Madison
Square Garden meeting was scheduled
to take place. Because I wished to be
fair to all the decent and prominent
people who were associated with the
meeting as sponsors or as speakers, I
had some doubt about the advisability
of rushing into print with my informa-
tion only 48 hours in advance of the
rally. Instead, I decided to communi-
cate the information, or at least certain
essential portions of it, to MrL. Oman
Cousins, the chairman of the Commit-
tee for a Sane Nuclear Policy. Mr.
Cousins came to Washington to see me
ad;a_Q 2 ld l nk disc ,s fan
about the roblenl.
The directors of the Committee for a
Sane Nuclear Policy, it turned out, had
some inkling of the existence of a Com-
munist infiltration and were extremely
unhappy about it. When the Commu-
nist affiliations of the chief organizer of
the Madison Square Garden meeting
were brought to Mr. ou ' attention,
he immediate y suspended the organizer
i ues ion: Is was days Before the
metl=: It is my understanding that
the national committee of the organi-
zation intends to take some further
measures against Communist infiltra-
tors.
If I have any criticism to make, it is
that the directors of the organization
have moved so slowly to confront the
problem and that the measures they
have taken have been inadequate. I
was, for example, surprised to discover
that one of. the officers of the commit-
tee, Mr. Norman Thomas ha as early
as las anuar ex resse sd 9rriio - qus-
picion au ,t ' the individual who later
becfM' organizer of the Madison Square
Garden meeting-but that no action had
been taken on Mr. Thomas' warning.
To me it is appalling that the Com-
munists should be able to infiltrate and
manipulate a movement founded on sin-
cere humanitarian and pacifist motiva-
tions, and headed by so many reputable
citizens. Perhaps this Is a situation in
which remedial legislation is indicated,
a situation in which private citizens
must have the assistance of Government
1023
to cope effectively with a movement that
operates by stealth and by secrecy.
In accordance with the subcommit-
tee's mandate from the Senate, it was
clear that our duty required that we do
everything in our power to get at the
facts. In presenting the information. we
have gleaned to the Senate, it is my hope
that I will be able to do so in a manner
that will avoid injury to the innocent
and will point the way to a constructive
course of action by Government and pri-
vate organizations.
The test ban has for several years now
been the chief objective of the Commu-
nist propaganda apparatus. Of this
there is ample documentary evidence.
In his speech before the congress of
the Soviet Communist Party on January
27, Nikita Khrushchev, in his most mili-
tant rhetoric, called for a permanent
ban on nuclear tests.
The main political resolution adopted
by the 17th congress of the Communist
Party of the U.S.A. in February 1960
said:
The demand that the administration end
nuclear testing and ban the H-bomb has
found a widening response in community
meetings, peace talks, petitions, and ser-
mons from the pulpit.
On February 16, 1960, seven Commu-
nists foreign language newspapers took
a full-page advertisement in the New
York Times and called on the Presi-
dent-
1. To proclaim the achievement of total,
universal, and controlled disarmament as the
goal of National U.S. policy.
2. To restore the moratorium on the test-
ing of nuclear weapons and to do everything
in your power to insure early agreement on
the banning of all nuclear tests.
3. To oppose the sharing of nuclear war-
heads with NATO allies.
The Committee for a Sane Nuclear
Policy has not solicited the praise of the
Communist movement, and most of its
leaders, I am certain, would be much
happier if they received no plaudits from
Communist sources. The fact, neverthe-
less, remains that the committee in re-
cent years has been the recipient of con-
sistent and generous praise from the
Communist press. The Communist or-
gan, New World Review, for April of this
year, for example, carried these para-
graphs under the caption "Peace Groups
in the United States":
No amount of conspiratorial silence can
wipe out the forces for disarmament and
peace; but it can leave them isolated from
each other and ignorant of the efforts their
fellows are making.
It is our purpose to bring to our readers'
attention the main groups in our country
working toward these ends, beginning in this
issue * * * with a description of the main
nonsectarian national organization.
NATIONAL COMMITTEE SOR A SANE NUCLEAR
POLICY
SANE offers a wide choice of channels for
expression of the American people's desire
for a world without war. Under the co-
chairmanship of Norman Cousins, editor of
the Saturday Review, and Clarence Pickett,
executive secretary emeritus of the American
Friends Service Committee, and with the
sponsorship and support of many noted
Americans, SANE provides an elastic organi-
zation and comprehensive program through
which ordinary people can be effective.
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 Approved For Release 2004/05/13 : CIA-RDP90T00782R000100050001-8
S0 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- SENATE 10237
ences between the Soviet position and As I have said, I have found no serious fiuence on Congress-as they have every
our own. These differences hinge evidence that the Madison Square Gar- right to do-to make a preliminary,
around the question of inspection. In den meeting was organized and con- cursory check of the persons who are
my own opinion, we have already con- ducted in a manner which would have working in their organizations, especially
ceded too much, especially by agreeing discouraged Communist participation. before they hold such meetings.
in principle to a further voluntary it was not surprising, therefore, that This would not be an easy task. But
moratorium on undetectable under- the Communists and their sympathizers there is much that can be done. It will
ground tests. But for those tests that turned out in force. Although no not always be possible to obtain ac-
are subject to detection, we still take Gallup poll or breakdown was possible, I curate personal information, because
the stand that there should be an in- am convinced from reports that the many Communists operate underground
spection system based on an adequate Communists were responsible for a very as secret party members. But in the
number of fixed stations, with at least substantial percentage of the overflow case of a man like Abrams, who has a
20 or 30 onsite inspections per annum. turnout. A number of well-known public record of membership, the facts
The Kremlin wants a minimum of in- Communists, including Alexander should be available without too much
spection. It wants as few stations as Trachtenberg, a top party member, effort.
possible, and its spokesmen have indi- were observed in the audience. Outside Perhaps this is a situation in which
cated that they would not be willing to the meeting, the Communists brazenly private organizations can in some way be
accept more than a few onsite inspec- distributed literature in their own name. assisted by Government. This is a prob-
tions per annum. If decent organizations like the Com- lem that the Subcommittee on Internal
The Kremlin apparently attached mittee f or a Sane Nuclear Policy wish Security is at present exploring.
major importance to the Madison to protect themselves against the danger Mr. President, in closing my remarks,
Square Garden meeting as' a pressure of Communist infiltration, I cannot I wish to pay my personal tribute to Mr.
operation in support of its nuclear objet- emphasize too strongly the need for an Norman Cousins, t e chairman of the
tives. This, I believe, is conclusively organizational climate that is openly i ee nor a Sane Nuclear Policy, for
demonstrated by the generous and inhospitable to Communists. This is a the manner in which he has reacted to
sympathetic coverage of the meeting in situation where a tepid declaration of the revelations of the subcommittee.
the Soviet press. I think this is in- devotion. to democracy simply will not Mr. Cousins has been a neighbor and a
teresting. According to an AP dispatch suffice, while a neutral silence is an open friend of mine for many years. I have
of May 21st, Pravda headlined its ac-' invitation to disaster. the highest regard for him. That is why
count of the meeting with the words "We I can think of other things that can I called him up and told him what I knew
Want To Live in Friendship With the and should be done by the directors of about Abrams. He was good enough to
Soviet Union," while the Izvestia head- the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy come to Washington to see me.
line read "Rebuff to Advocates of War." and of other non-Communist organiza- I said, "I don't want to release this
I believe that the heads of the Com- tions which must contend with the prob- material 24 hours before your meeting.
mittee for a Sane Nuclear Policy have a lem of Communist infiltration.. At top You have your plans all made. But
serious contribution to make to the great level, control is relatively easy. One can many innocent people will be present,
debate on national policy. But they can more or less assume that the people who and a number of them will be prominent
only make this contribution effectively are- elected to a board of directors or to people. Why haven't you checked on
if they purge their ranks ruthlessly of a national committee have enjoyed pub- people like Abrams? Norman Thomas
Communist infiltration and if they lie visibility over a period of years so said - i n , " y- that he was doubtful
clearly demarcate their own position that their records are known. At the about the man's background. Here it is
from that of the Communists, first, by local level, not even the FBI with all of the middle of May, on the eve of your
stressing .the need for adequate inspec- its resources could offer a 100 percent meeting, and you have not yet done
tion, second, by reiterating at every op- guarantee against infiltration. How- anything."
portunity their opposition to the tyranny ever, I think it is possible- for organiza- Mr. Cousins was upset about the mat-
of communism. - tions to exercise a good deal of control ter. He immediately suspended Abrams.
On the basis of the evidence that has by carefully examining the personal rec- - Not only did he do this, but he told me
to me, I do not believe that the ords and. bona fides, first, of all those who he was glad we had informed him about
come for a Sane Nuclear Policy to help establish local organ- Abrams. Heoffered to open the books
Committee t
taken the necessary measures c yy to. izations; second, of those who are elect- of his organization to the subcommittee
has
create a climate that is isto ed to office in local organizations; third, and to cooperate in every way to rid his
create a fate of all those assigned to organizing activi- organization of Communists.
son Communist t that inhospitable
Garden rally, for example, Madi- to ties. - I assure Mr. Cousins and other persons
soshn If any effort had been made to do connected with his committee that the
there criticism was of mucAmerican h ch direct and policy, inferential ereenti ial al these things, the Madison Square Garden Subcommittee on Internal Security is
cording to the press accounts abut, ac- nd re- situation might have been avoided. But ready to cooperate with them to help to
for 25 years, Henry Abrams has been a prevent a repetition of the Madison
ports from private sources-persons who Communist. Without looking up his Square Garden situation.
were present at the meeting-there was record, the Committee for a Sane Nu- I think it is not too much to say that
almost no criticism of Khrushchev or of clear Policy allowed him to become the the subcommittee is desirous and willing
his arrogant, insulting, gutter-level be- chief organizer of the rally in New York to help any other organization to avoid
havior in Paris. On the contrary, the City. That was not taking the necessary infiltration by subterranean elements
speakers called for an immediate effort precautionary measures. who are not there for any good purpose,
to renew the summit conference. I think it is not too much to ask that and who are certainly not interested,
Let me digress briefly for a comment all such committees, which are headed as are the good people who make up the
on this last proposal, which has, un- by good people and made up of thousands bulk of their membership, in the welfare
f
t
t
l
or
una
e
y, not been confined to the of good people, ought to give considera- of the United States.
Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy. tion to the question whether Communists I yield the floor.
Perhaps I am old-fashioned, but to me like Abrams are taking a part in the
it seems that after the President of the running of their meetings. Many of
United States has had to endure a bar- these committees have been doing good
rage of the crudest insults ever leveled work. But it is little wonder that they
at a head of state, a petition to Khru- become infiltrated by Communists if they
scchev for another summit meeting do not take the pains and the time to
would constitute a total abandonment ascertain who some of their people are,
of national dignity. The only conceiv- before they allow them to become officers
able political consequence of so craven or chief organizers of mass rallies.
an action would be to encourage Khru- I believe it is not too much to ask our
shchev to further arrogance and fur- fellow citizens who are organizing com-
ther demands. mittees for the purpose of exerting in-
THE
N. Mr. President, I
with the leadership on both
aisle.
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 10238
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE May 25
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr.
PROXMIRE in the chair). The bill will be
stated by title.
The LEGISLATIVE CLERK. A bill (S.
3226) to amend section 809 of the Na-
tional Housing Act.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection to'the request of the Senator
from Alabama.
There being no
jection, the Senate
the bill, which had
er of the Federal Housing Administra-
tion that housing is necessary for these
civilian employees and that there is no
present intention to substantially cur-
tail the number of such civilian person-
nel assigned or to be assigned to such
installations. The latter certificate is
conclusive evidence to the FHA Commis-
sioner of the need for housing; but if
the Commissioner determines that mort-
gage insurance on such housing is not
an acceptable risk, he may require. the
Secretary of Defense to guarantee the
armed services housing mortgage insur-
ance fund from loss with respect to the
mortgages in question.
This program has been very helpful
in supplying needed housing to. essential
employees of the armed services in areas
surrounding Cocoa and Eglin Air Force
Bases, Fla. ; China Lake, Calif.; and Red-
stone Arsenal, at Huntsville, Ala.
Administrative jurisdiction over cer-
tain research and development instal-
iations has recently been transferred
been reported from Nie Committee on
Banking and Currency' With an amend-
ment. '
The PRESIDING 0 ICER. The
amendment of the Commit a on Bank-
ing and Currency will be stated.
The LEGISLATIVE CLERK. On page 2, in
line 4, after the word "section," ittiis pro-
posed to insert:
The Administrator of the National )lpro-
nautics and Space Administration, or his de-
signee, is authorized to guarantee and 1iir
demnify the Armed Services Housing Mort- _
gage Insurance Fund against loss to the ex-
tent required by the Commissioner, In ac-
cordance with the provisions of subsection
(b) of this section, in the case of mortgages
referred to in this subsection.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
question is on agreeing to the committee
amendment.
The amendment was agreed to.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. If there
be no further amendment to be proposed,
the question is on the engrossment and
third reading of the bill.
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, will the
Senator from Alabama give a brief ex-
planation of the bill and the amend-
ment?
Mr. SPARKMAN. Mr. President, I
shall be glad to do so.
Senate bill 3226 amends section 809,
of the National Housing Act. Section
809 was added to the National Housing
Act in 1956, pursuant to Public Law 574,
2d session, 84th Congress, to help solve
the housing problems of essential civil-
ian employees of the armed services at
research and development installations.
The establishment of this special pro-
gram was necessary because in some in-
stances homes built for such employees
in towns near or adjacent to such instal-
lations would be above and beyond those
needed for the normal economic growth
of the community. In the opinion of th
Federal Housing Administration, hom
built in excess of those needed for nor) fa1
growth of a community cannot meet the
test of economic soundness requ'i.'ed by
statute as a prerequisite for FN A mort-
gage insurance. Section 809 permits the
economic soundness test to bt waived in
such cases.
In order to qualify for?insurance,. sec-
tion 809 provides that? can individual is
required to hold a certificate issued by
the Secretary of Defense which certifies
that first, the employee requires housing;
second, the emp],o,ree is, on the date of the
certificate, a civilian employed at a re-
search and development installation of
one of the,armed services of the United
States; and third, the employee is con-
sidered by the armed services to be an
essential, nontemporary employee on
such date.
In addition, - the Secretary of Defense
is required to certify to the Commission-
from the Department of Defense to
NASA. While these transfers do not al-
ter the intent of section 809, it has been
conelhded by the HHFA and the NASA
that tl*. program as presently consti-
tuted is lot. available to essential civiliap
t the
NASA has n.o
(1) the terms `Armed Forces', 'one of the
military departments of the United States',
'military department', `Secretary or his desig-
nee', and 'Secretary' when used in subsec-
tions (a) and (b) of this section, and the
term 'Secretary of the Army, Navy, or Air
Force' when used in section 805, shall be
deemed to refer to the National Aeronautics
and Space Administration or the Administra-
tor thereof, as may be appropriate, (2) the
terms 'civilian employee', 'civilians', and
'civilian personnel' as used in this section
shall be deemed to refer to employees of
such Administration or a contractor thereof
or to military personnel assigned to duty at
an installation of such Afininistration, and
(3) the term 'm111targ~V`installatlon' when
used in section 805 shad be deemed to refer
to an installation ofch Administration."
SERVING OF~LEOMARGARINE OR
MARGARI IN NAVY RATION
The PRIDING OFFICER. The
Chair lay 'before the Senate the unfin-
ished btiness, which will be stated by
title.
T LEGISLATIVE CLERK. A bill (S.
216 to amend the Navy ration statute
so*s to provide for the serving of oleo-
FEDERAL AIR POLLUTION LAWS
NEED TO BE STRENGTHENED
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, the ne-
cessity to strengthen the program under
which the United States is assisting ef-
forts to reduce air pollution becomes
more obvious with the passage of time.
From many quarters, there is being pro-
vided evidence that the proportions of
the problem warrant removal of legisla-
tive shackles from the U.S. Public Health
.Service and sister agencies, which have
been charged by Congress with helping
clean up the atmosphere which is essen-
tial to existence.
Earlier this session, in company with
my colleague from California and both
colleagues from Pennsylvania, I intro-
duced a bill, strongly recommended by
the Secretary of Health, Education, and
of
esent authority to~ertify
the question is on the engrossme
third rrA cling of the bill
.
Thee bill '(S. 322'6) was ordered to ;$e Welfare, to allow greater latitude and
engrsed for a third reading, read tlk flexibility in Public Health Service activ-
thi)r,h time, and passed, as follows: - pities in this field. -
f &eprese itativesyof' the United Stateswof s s for enacting such legislation have
America in Congress assembled, That section bee revealed. Among them is a report
809 of the National Housing Act is amended to th it Pollution Control Association,
by adding at the end thereof the following to the` et that the extent Of automo-
new subsection: bile-causal smog has increased greatly
"(g) A mortgage secured by property in the last a:years. This alarming infor-
which is intended to provide housing for a,
person employed or assigned to duty at a motion is Cclqtairied in an article pub-
reearch or development installation of the lished in thy,. Washington Post and
National Aeronautics and Space Administra- Times Herald, ich I ask unanimous
tion and which is located at or near such consent to have p " ted in the RECORD at
installation, where such installation was a the conclusion of t se remarks.
research or development Installation of one The PRESIDING FICER. Without
of the military departments of the United Objection, it is so orderd.
States (on or after June 13, 1956) before its (See exhibit I.)
transfer to the jurisdiction of such Adminis- Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President,. another
tration, may (if the mortgage otherwise
meets the requirements of this section) be illustration of the need to give the Pub-
insured by the Commissioner under the pro- lie Health Service more tools for its air
visions of tills section. The Administrator pollution program is the continuing and
of the National Aeronautics and Space Ad- growing demand for the promulgation of
ministration, or his designee, is authorized standards and the establishment Of cri-
to guarantee and indemnify the Armed teria to govern the discharge of pollut-
Services Housing Mortgage Insurance Fund ants into the atmosphere.
against loss to the extent required by the My Own State of California recently,
Commissioner, in accordance with the provi-
sions of subsection (b) of this section, in by action of its legislature, has taken
the case of mortgages referred to in this steps to reduce contamination of the air
subsection. For purposes of this subsection, by automobiles. Only this week, related
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so 'that essential
installations trans-
 App,roved For Release 2004/05/13 0T00782R000100050001-8
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD *AM_Jw
shadow of fear that a devastating attac
may be launched at arty ;time against
their whole land. That world can be-
come a possibility; and it may be that
our able scientists and our great tech-
nicians and our great leaders in Govern-
ment in their restless and eager quest for
new knowledge may put into our haLnds
instruments that can lead to peace.
success u ,
learn of such an assault would be mate-
rially increased.
Behind the Midas satellite, . there is
the reconnaissance satellite. This in-
strument--still in the future-can give
us accurate information as to what is
happening on the face of the globe.
It seems to me, however, that we must
look upon these developments as. more
than merely weapons added to the mili-
tary arsenal of the United States. If
our vision is limited to methods of de-
struction, we shall not obtain the only
truly worthwhile goal-a world of peace
and a world of freedom.
The reconnaissance satellite, once it
is in operation, will bring to a reality
President Eisenhower's proposal for open
skies. The issues of "overflights" and
c>spionag`e will become dim' eili0es^ out
of the past.
We live in a country which can flour-
-h best in a world where secrecy and
suspicion have been abolished. We have
:t system that can stand up under the
closest scrutiny of other people seeking
to fiind flaws in our way of life.
It is not necessary for our great coun-
try to build walls to keep _ people out or
to shut our own people in. We can exist
confident in the strength of ' our system
txwhii_?h provides both freedom. and pros-
perity to an extent never before known
in history.
For this reason, it would seem to me,
.s I have suggested before,"that it would
be wise for our country. to launch a crash
pro;ram. to-.,develop the reconnaissance
atellite_...Lance' it is in orbit, we should
i -1 faith to tt f' over the in-
ff
easily outmode a great deal of current
thinking, academic
many of the disputes which now diviide
the world.
The immediate objective of the Midas
satellite family, of course, is to provide
e
early warning of any possible missile: attack against the United States.
Should the experiment now underway be
f 1 the time in which we would
o
er n g
tonnatiotl tlitkij 't to the United
SATELL,I,IEs AND PEACE Nations. ;
Mr. JC1F7N N zf 7 aS? Mr. Presi- A nation which is np . an aggressor,
, in light of the current world situ- but; which truly desires t live in peace,
has nothing to lose from
dent
ation, the successful effort to Winch an such a step. It
e iment.at Midas satellite by the Air has, on the contrary, a great deal to gain
Force could easily be one of the most We need a world in which people do
significant events of the year. it could not have to live under the haunting
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 Approved For Release 2004/0141 - SI 8P90T00782R000100050001-8
right to earn a decent living and provi
for their families.
It prevents their full participation in the
life of their country. Any worker that be-
comes unemployed during this period finds
it impossible to get a job of any importance,
or at a wage commensurate his ability and
experience. It robs him under the social
security program of any chance of receiv-
ing worthwhile benefits at 65 years because
at least 90 percent of the covered employ-
ment is contained in industry from which
he is barred.
The fruitless years between 40 and 65
that should be the golden years to which
his industry and good citizenship entitled
him are instead a period of no meaning,
no sense of belonging, and breed discon-
tent and disrespect for our form of govern-
ment.
These age barriers are wasteful because
they rob our economy of the wealth-produc-
ing potentials of a segment of our labor
force whose experience has produced skills
that could be of untold value. To discard
these workers at the very height of their
proficiency is foolish and wasteful.
They are unsound because they remove
from our economy a large segment of poten-
tial consumer-customers. An employed.
worker is an asset to his country because he
pays his own way by paying taxes. An un-
employed worker produced nothing and
therefore is a liability who has to be fed by
the rest of us through taxes.
An employed worker creates his own job
by the alchemy of money circulation.
This practice has been caused by the rigors
of present-day competition and cannot be
corrected by the employers themselves. It
can only be corrected by governmental
action.
Therefore the Fraternal Order of Eagles is
asking all citizens to join with them and
petition Congress to pass legislation to out-
law this unwise practice.
These petitions are now being circulated
in prominent spots throughout the city. If
you see one ask to sign it. If you wish to
sign one and you do not see one, "Mr. and
Mrs. Anacortes Citizen," contact the Eagles'
Hall or one of the committee (Stan Ander-
son, Harley Sutt, Ray Balthazor, or Al
Chonzena).
Thank you.
ecretary of Defense Gates Opens
SEATO Conference
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. L. MENDEL RIVERS
OF SOUTH CAROLINA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, May 25,1960
Mr. RIVERS of South Carolina. Mr.
Speaker, under leave to extend my re-,
marks in the Appendix of the RECORD,
I include therewith an address delivered
by the Honorable Thomas Sovereign
Gate se, on
ay, opening ses-
sion of the 1 Southeast Asia Treaty
Organization (SEATO) Military Ad-
visers Conference, in Washington. I had
the great privilege of witnessing this his-
toric event.
Secretary Gates' speech was a clear,
concise, and dignified greeting and state-
ment of our Government's stand against
the Communist threat to world peace.
With his usual and noteworthy clarity,
SSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
he told the world of the U.S. intention
to honor our commitments in defense of
freedom-loving peoples in this impor-
tant quadrant of the world's surface.
The speech follows:
STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE ' f -' - L
GATES, JR., A76,,QPENING OF THE EATO 12TH
~1TD"VII-S'ERS CONFERENCE, WASHING-
TON, D.C.
Excellencies, military advisers, delegates,
ladies, and gentlemen, it is a unique honor
to address this distinguished group and to
open the 12th .SEATO Military Advisers Con-
ference.
On behalf of President Eisenhower, the
U.S. Government, and the American people
I extend to each of you a most cordial wel-
come.
We meet at a time when the world has
been startled and shocked by the abruptness
with which the hopes for the reduction of
tensions from a successful summit conference
have been shattered. One thing has emerged
of great value to all who are devoted to free-
dom: a new appreciation of the solid basis
on which our relationships with our allies
rests. The people of this country are deeply
grateful for the unity- shown by the nations
of the free world at this time. The bonds
among us have never been stronger.
The purposes, current activities, and fu-
ture tasks of SEATO constitute a vital ele-
ment in maintaining stability in the course
of world events. With communism seeking
to destroy all that the free nations of the
world are striving to build and to maintain,
the stability of the free world depends on
the security of each of us. SEATO is based
on this concept of interdependence, and is
a proud demonstration of its success.
The purposes of the SEATO collective de-
fense to which we have mutually bound our-
selves remain valid. Time moves quickly.
It has been 6 years since eight free nations
pledged their collective resources to maintain
the peace and security of southeast Asia and
southwest Pacific through common action.
It is significant that the Communists have
not challenged its integrity nor tested its
collective strength through direct overt
aggression.
During its short span of life SEATO has
grown from an idea into an effective or-
ganization. National forces of the south-
east Asia countries, backed by powerful
mobile forces contribute to the deterrent
and provide the security behind which the
free peoples of the area live and develop
their resources. Coordinated SEATO mili-
tary plans have been prepared and are
capable of rapid execution to parry any likely
Communist threat.
Through military field exercises, skills have
been developed and refined, operating pro-
cedures established, and command arrange-
ments tested. SEATO exercises have prog-
ressed from simple observer type to the
sophisticated maneuvers of land, sea, and
air units of member nations.
The United States remains dedicated in
its support of SEATO. We are prepared and
will honor our commitments. Our military
forces have never been more powerful. They
are capable of decisive action in general war
if this should be forced upon us. Together
with our allies we can meet lesser military
actions anywhere in the world.
While it is inspiring to note the strides
already made, great tasks still face us. The
military threat of .communism has not de-
clined since SEATO was born in Manila 6
years ago. Communist leaders remain dedi-
cated to the achievement of their goal of
world domination. Their tactics, as you are
aware, consist of threats and blandishments,
warnings, and false promises. They exploit
every opportunity and apply various forms of
pressure. If a government is weak, greater
and increasing pressures are applied in the
A4475
hope that a revolutionary situation will de-
velop. If a government successfully counters
one particular Communist thrust, the Com-
munist tactics change. The recent history
of the southeast Asia and the southwest
Pacific is replete with evidence of such
Communist actions. jag-W-01 giray Se.iort, to
military forcgf,ey Believe it will be
successful.`
The=7Piature of this opposition simply makes
it more difficult for us to accomplish our high
purpose. We can be encouraged, however, by
our success to date.. The collective security
arrangements of the free world have deterred
military aggression. The resolution of the
nations of SEATO, backed by the tangible
assistance rendered by the United States
through its military assistance program, have
achieved an effective defense.
The Secretary of State, the Joint Chiefs of
Staff, and I are convinced of the indispensa-
bility of military assistance as an integral
part not only of our own defenses but those
of the entire free world.
We are strongly supporting the program
of the President. We are determined to
make the maixmum use of the resources
which Congress makes available. Our goal
is to obtain on a worldwide basis the best
possible free world defense.
I have just returned from Paris. Since the
world press featured the Paris events on
their front pages almost continuously for
2 weeks, there is not much I can add to what
you already know. In view of the happen-
ings in Paris, I wish to quote from President
Eisenhower's message to the NATO minis-
terial meeting in Istanbul about a month
ago:
"We approach these Paris talks with a sin-
cere desire to do all possible to reduce the
tensions and dangers that now exist. Yet we
cannot reasonably anticipate any quick or
spectacular results. This meeting will be
one more in what may prove a long succes-
sion of diplomatic exchanges dealing with
some of the most difficult problems of our
era. These are not susceptible to early
solution. We can, at best, hope to make
some modest progress toward our goals."
We did approach these talks with a sincere
desire to reduce world tensions. As the de-
velopments unfolded, however, it became
increasingly clear that the Soviet Union has
decided well in advance to torpedo the sum-
mit. Western firmness did not back down
before Khrushchev's ultimatums.
I would be remiss if I failed to note that
our colleagues from Britain and France, as
well as the other NATO partners, displayed
a convincing unity of purpose and action in
the face of Soviet divisive efforts. The So-
viet conduct both in Paris and at the United
Nations demonstrated that a difficult road
lies ahead as we seek solutions to the most
complex problems of our times.
It is too early to tell what further de-
velopments may take place. The President
of the United States will continue his efforts
toward peace with justice and still hopes to
make, as he put it, "some modest progress
towards our goals" even though the Soviet
actions have increased the difficulties. In
short, we still intend to seek a relaxation of
tensions by all means, short of impairing our
common security. We must always negotiate
from strength.
We recognize that military preparedness
will not by itself meet the challenges fac-
ing southeast Asia. Our multilateral ef-
forts to promote the economic growth of the
area and the material well-being of the peo-
ple must be intensified. Mere survival is
not enough to meet the demands of the fu-
ture. Social and economic progress must
be made. Mature and stable national insti-
tutions are necessary to the structure we
are jointly striving to build.
Each SEATO Military Advisers Conference
has cemented the ties of friendship and co-
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/A4476 COr RESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX May 25
Canal Block-No Aid
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JAMES ROOSEVELT
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE H SE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wed day, May 25,1960
boycotts,
he use of
sistance against other beneficial'
our aid.
as-
of
a positive and firm U.S. policy in the
Near East. In this connection, I would
like to call to the attention of the Mem-
bers of this body an editorial which ap-
peared in the May 4, 1960, issue of the
Statesman, Salem, Oreg.
The text of the editorial follows:
CANAL BLOCK-No AID
The Senate on Monday passed the mutual
aid authorization bill. Its ceiling was only
about $50 million under the budget request
Whereas the House cut was $87 million. The
final amount, however, will be determined by
what is Included In the appropriation bill to
follow. Probably the cut will be consider-
ably larger.
The real battle in the Senate developed over
a provision to withhold aid to any country
which denies free access to international
waterways. This was in the bill passed by
the House, but Senator FULDRICHT, Chairman
Everyone knew that the provision as
aimed at the United Arab Republic ded
by Nasser of Egypt who has barre :ships
from using the Suez Canal if t re carrying goods to or from Israel. he pro-
hibition has been strongly con fned, the
United Nations itself calling Egypt to
open the canal for univers use. Nasser
replies that Egypt I. still instate of war
with Israel, and so is not and to permit
Nasser conveniently f _ ets that United
Nations, led by the Unit States, pulled his
chestnuts out of the irk 1956 when Brit-
ain, France, and Isr had Egypt on the
ropes in their invaMnn and attack on the
canal. He forgets that, to induce the in-
vaders to withdr Dulles gave assurances
for this country expecting the opening of
the canal. He orgets, too, the fast work
under United tions to clear the canal and
thus renew ,,he flow of revenues to the
Egyptian tr asury from the users of the
canal. N er also rejected the intercession
of Dag H, marskjold, Secretary General of
U.N., who was .commissioned to appeal for
openig the canal to Israeli shipping.
If not a breach of faith, it is certainly base
ingratitude toward U.N. for rescuing Nasser
and his regime from probably crushing de-
feat. But the Arab bitterness toward Israel
bars any concession even though the
Egyptian stand is quite untenable.
Nasser knows we aren't going to go to war
to open the canal, so he just thumbs his nose
at us. The administration favors walking
sly in the Middle East. That is under-
andable, but it is hard to justify foreign
aid when a nation is so obdurate in resisting
the pressures of the United States and United
Nations. Withholding aid is a mild alter-
nate to brandishing Teddy Roosevelt's big
stick. We. don't need to be pushed around
all the time by the small nation bidding for
aid while it ignores its obligations to the
international community.
Adlai Still Not Attuned to People
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. LESLIE C. ARENDS
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVI;a
Wednesday, May 25,1960
Mr. 'ARENDS. Mr. Speaker have
the privilege of representing o of the
_~.,,;reign affairs
Midwest t
the May 23. issue
ercial-News, one
seem out of the way, considering his posit
as titular head of the Democratic Party.
the duty of the opposition party to be a
watchdog for the people's interest.
But will the man on the street so interpret
Stevenson's attitude? The chances are great
that he will not. In the first place, the
timing of the criticism was much too. be-
lated. The immediate reaction of the peo-
ple to disclosure of the U-2 plane incident
was indignation. There was a widespread
feeling that we had goofed, that the admin-
istration had committed another blunder in
a long series of diplomatic mistakes dating
back through both Republican and Demo-
cratic regimes. But it soon became clear
that the summit was doomed to failure
under any. circumstances. Legitimate or
trumped up, Khrushchev would have found
an excuse to torpedo the meeting.
Few Americans, regardless of party, doubt
Eisenhower's sincerity of purpose. And
when he and the great Nation he symbolizes
as President were subjected to a vicious, gut-
tersnipe attack, what happened?
An enormous wave of sympathy developed.
A tremendous chain reaction of resentment,
hot as nuclear fission, built up against the
Soviet Union. Our President was being
pushed around by a loud-mouthed, arrogant
bully. Hence, America was being pushed
around. Americans don't like t$' be pushed
around. They don't like to sei other Amer-
Stevenson finds fault w the President
for not lying when Khrus ev "gave (him)
an out by suggesting %JVt he was not re-
sponsible." Is this t of astonishing
faultfinding likely ty endear Stevenson, or
the party which he. presents, with the man
To be sure, m Democrats in high places
disavow any of such criticism. They
rightly re-en hrushchev's intimation that
he could with an administration of
their part But what does Stevenson mean
when rsays that successful negotiation
with t oviet is impossible with the GOP
in p Successful for whom? Does he
sug
t that if he were President-or Secre-
ilo
ta "of State for KENNEDY-that he could
that a Khrushchev happy with the Ameri-
can Government is a Khrushchev who, to
paraphrase a popular song, has the whole
world under his pudgy thumb.
The Democrats certainly must bear a
major share of the blame for the ineptitude
of our bipartisan dealings with Russia over
the years. It is a little late in the day for
a Foreign Relations Committee probe to fix
blame for the spy plane incident. The roots,
if the investigation were fair and complete,
would extend back at least to 1933.
But the responsible Democratic leaders,
motivated both by their American patri-
otism and the realities of practical politics,
cannot help but be chagrined by evidence
that Adlai Stevenson still hasn't learned how
to get through to the man who counts most:
The man on the street.
Memorial Day 1960
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JAMES E. VAN ZANDT
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, May 25,1960
Mr. VAN ZANDT. Mr. Speaker,
within a few days Americans everywhere
will observe Memorial Day.
In keeping with the occasion the fol-
wing statement appeared in my Wash-
i3nton Newsletter May 28 in lieu of my
us %l report on legislative activities:
MEMORIAL DAY 1960
Mem Ial Day is distinctly an American
institut -a deeply significant sentimental
custom a blished by our American people
more than years ago. It is not only ob-
served in evd~y community across our Na-
tion but in y foreign lands and across
the high seas. 111
What the Amerman people do in their local
communities on Memorial Day is actually
symbolic of our contribution to the overall
Memorial Day observance which is being
duplicated by millions throughout our land
and in several foreign countries.
To make the point clear the following
facts must be considered: There are more
thali 1 million names on the honor rolls
of the American war dead. These names
are the men and women who have fought
and died for our country since this Nation
was founded some 185.years ago.
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operation. Conferences have developed ideas
and recommendations which resulted in co-
ordinated plans and actions. This meeting
I am confident will be no exception. I take
pleasure in declaring this conference open,
and I wish you every success in the work
before you.
 Approved F(?6fJ gtiQ, T ~8W;&DPgPR'A,j,$2F 00100050001-8 1033
vital public expenditures could be met. But
if the cost is higher than our present level
of public spending, I frankly believe that
education and health for. our children, dig-
nity and beauty in our civic lives, and se-
curity and well-being in the world at large
are more important than the "things" which
might otherwise have priority.
But ill more important is America's need
to face uarely the facts about its situation.
If freedo is really the organizing principle
of our soci y, then we cannot forget that it
is not illus n, propaganda and sedatives,
but truth, ar` truth alone, that makes us
Under the infl nee of the politics of seda-
tion and the te_% iques of salesmanship, I
believe that in re t years self-deceit has
slackened our grip on reality. We have
tended to shirk the fHcult truth and ac-
cept the easy half-tr . Perhaps it is al-
ways that way. As th old humorist Josh
"As scarce as truth is, supply has al-
ways been in excess of the amand."
ENTAILS HARD CEB
But we know from our n lives that
reality entails hard choices disappoint-
ments: that it measures real "Achievement
not in terms of luck but In terns` of difficul-
ties overcome. I don't believe of r national
life can follow any other pattern:
No preordained destiny decrees that Amer-
ica shall have all the breaks and soft % tions.
Neither greatness nor even freedom lihat
way. So we must surely return to the lity
principle, to the bracing, invigorating;, up-
land climate of +,..,+h it
lf I t'',"'" -__
se
open eyes, eager step and firm purpose
worthy of our great past.
ABOUT THE AUTHOR OF THIS ARTICLE
Adlat Ewing Stevenson, Democrat, was
twice a candidate for the Presidency, op-
posing Dwight D. Eisenhower, Republican,
Mr. Stevenson was born in Los Angeles
in 1900. He received his bachelor's degree
from Princeton in 1922 and his law degree
from Northwestern University in 1926.
After practicing law in Chicago, he was
assistant to the Secretary of the Navy from
1941 to 1944, assistant to the Secretary of
State in 1945, and U.S. delegate to the United
Nations General Assembly in 1946 and 1947.
He served as Governor of Illinois from
1949 to 1953.
Mr. Stevenson Is now practicing law in
Chicago. He Is trustee or director of various
educational and philanthropic organizations.
He Is the author of "Call to Greatness," pub-
lished in 1954, and "What I Think," 1956.
CONSCIENCE DEMANDS MEDICAL
CARE FOR OUR SENIOR CITIZENS
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, I am
sure that we do not think of ourselves as
a'Tation without a heart, or a Congress
without a conscience. Still, in the
minds of millions of older Americans,
such the woman who wrote a letter,
which Now submit, this is what we have
become." 4 ask unanimous consent, Mr.
President;`=hat her letter be printed at
this point irthe RECORD.
There bei " no Objection, the letter
was ordered be printed in the RECORD,
DEAR SENATOR P XMIRE: I am writing to
see if something ca be done for the older
citizens who must-NY on social security
and old-age pensions r a living. I am
of old people. However, since that bee e
law the cost of living has gone up so ery
Portable. They do not have the medical
care they need because hospital and doctors'
fees are so high, not to mention drugs.
I think it is wrong for a country like ours
to forget their old people who have helped
make America the great country that it is
and I think they should have the comforts of
life before we send money for other country's
people.
ARMENIAN INDEPENDENCE DAY
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, this
coming Saturday marks the independ-
ence day of Armenia. This is an anni-
versary of great patriotic significance to
Armenian people throughout the world,
but it unfortunately cannot be celebrated
in the Armenian homeland as it will be
observed by Armenian-Americans and
Armenian peoples elsewhere in the
world. The Armenian Republic was es-
tablished and recognized by the United
States in 19201. But it maintained itself
as a sovereign nation for only a few
months, before the armed might of Soviet
Russia overwhelmed the nation and
overthrew the independent Armenian
Government. In the same year of 1920,
the Soviet Union proclaimed the Soviet
Republic of Armenia, and the homeland
of the Armenians remains within the
Soviet Union today. In February of
1921, Armenian patriots fought a valiant
and temporarily successful rebellion
against the Soviets, but in a matter of
w comprise the Armenian community
ha a deep understanding and apprecia-
tion. the heritage of freedom and de-
In ocr which perhaps too many Ameri-
cans s etimes take for granted. They
or thei descendants have fled their
homelan o escape brutal Invaders or
tyrannous 41 ictators. Their contribu-
tion to our lerican political and social
tradition an o our general culture has
been great. eir opposition to commu-
nism has been. onumenta1 and soundly
rooted. Armen -Americans are anx-
ious now to see a reestablishment of
an independent, emocratie Armenia.
It is appropriate t t Americans there-
fore Join with the fellow citizens of
Armenian descent li~ recognizing the
significance of this ependence date,
and in supporting thei ` opes for the re-
establishment of a lee, democratic
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. P sident, I sug-
The ACTING PRESID T pro tem-
pore. The clerk will call roll.
The Chief Clerk proceede .o call the
Mr. GOLDWATER. Mr. Pr ldent, I
ask unanimous consent that t order
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr.
PROXMIRE in the chair). Without objec-
tion, it is so ordered.
SOURCES OF NATIONAL PRIDE
AWA&L Mr. President, the
as come and gone.
It failed, as many thought It would, and
look back on the Paris meeting and the ?
events surrounding it, I believe that the
American people can be proud of two
things that emerged.
First, we have a great source of pride
in our President. In the face of a bully-
ing and scurrilous attack by the leader of
the forces who will, as long as they exist,
make any summit an impossibility, Presi-
dent w= S d a calm dig-
nityxgnstF03t wlch weaker man
could `not havet?achieved a . He proved
again that there are in his heart a
passion and a desire for peace that we
have not seen equaled in our lifetime.
It was this simple badge of honesty and
decency that accentuated the vileness of
Khrushchev's attack, and made clear to
the world that the real obstacle to peace
is the Soviet Communists-not the Soviet
people, but their leaders.
Our source ids the
,the
act ievemen
oft IJ,; , my co encein
fhls ency was never too high; but this
achievement has caused my opinion to-
ward-.-W to- soar, tamendpusly. Those
whoso tygs&wri%ets have been punching
through a dark ribbon of gloom relative
to our lack of intelligence of our enemy
must now be amazed at what actually
has been going on in this field, as I feel
most Americans must be. Our 94naze-
ment Is coupled with pride as we gather
the secure feeling that we have been
obtaining knowledge of the enemy at a
rate and of a quality that surpasses our
greatest hopes. To the CIA and to the
Lockheed Aircraft Co., to the men who
flew the U-2, and to their ground crews
must go the undying gratitude and re-
spect of the American people. I detect
more, by far, of a feeling such as this,
than the feeling expressed by others-
others who would apologize to the bully;
who suggest it was the fault of the
United States that the summit failed;
who continue to be afraid of the Soviet
and would yield West Berlin to the ty-
rants. Thank God that those timid souls
are in the complete minority in our land,
and that the majority of Americans feel
more secure in the knowledge gained by
this program; knowledge that makes lies
out of much that the Communists and
their sympathizers in our land would
have us believe; knowledge, for example,
that the Soviet cannot, as they have
boasted, shoot down any aircraft flying
over their heartland, regardless of speed
of altitude; knowledge that our deterent
force of more than 2,000 bombers, in-
cluding 1,400 B-47's and 550 B-52's,
could fly against their obviously limited
air defenses with success; knowledge
that, by the same token, our carrier-
based aircraft could carry out attacks
1,000 miles into the Soviet Union;
knowledge that some 1,000 fighter bomb-
ers located around the periphery of the
Soviet borders could drop atomic or
TNT bombs from 500 to 1,000 miles with-
in that country. This is intelligence de-
veloped from the fights of the U-2 and
from other sources, and it is something
we shoal e, pyclq do t4t lot, ashamed
Imam disturbed that some of my col-
leagues have thought it wise to instigate
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 ('c0340 Approved For R
an investigation into this entire matter.
To me what the CIA has done was some-
thing that had to be done, and it is
as integral a part of national defense as
the weapon in the hands of a soldier.
One of the first tenets of war is to know
what your enemy has and what he might
do with it. This is what the CIA and the
military were trying to do, and what they
should always be trying to do. To me
this is the duty of the intelligence gath-
ering agencies, and not the business of
some committee of Congress. To be sure,
it would be a closed-door investigation,
but all of us here know that there are
hundreds of ways for what goes on be-
hind closed doors to become the property
of the press, the radio, the TV, our peo-
ple, and, I might add, the Soviets. I am
hopeful that those who, in the heat of
developments, called for this inquiry
will, in the interest of the country, see
that it does not proceed. Gathering in-
telligence of what the other fellow is do-
ing is practiced by business, by labor or-
ganizations; yes, even by some husbands
and some wives. It is not new. It is not
novel. It must go on at the national
level, and we, as a branch of our Govern-
ment, should not make more difficult a
task which is always a hard one.
The President's suggestion, made
again last evening on TV, that the
United States institute a system of
worldwide surveillance so that every
country could know what every other
country is up to militarily, coincides with
a similar one I made on this floor last
week. I urge that it be done with any
equipment we have, and I hope we will
utilize not only surveillance missiles but
the B-70, with its 80,000-foot-plus, 2,100-
mile-an-hour capability.
Today the errors committed are far
outweighed by the successes achieved.
Instead of carping at our mistakes, we
should forget them and devote our efforts
to stimulating a national pride in the
two successes we have-our President's
actions in face of the enemy and our
N the U-2.
GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER DELIV-
ERS CHALLENGING ADDRESS ON
AMERICA'S THIRD CENTURY
Mr. TMATING. Mr. President, at a
meeting the World Affairs Council of
Philadelph on April 22 Gov. Nelson A.
Rockefeller, New York, delivered the
first of a se s of four addresses on
major issues c ronting the people of
the United Stat The title of this ad-
dress was "TheT d Century," its refer-
ence being to the fa that the third cen-
tury of our history a nation is open-
ing before us.
Governor Rockefeller viewed the his-
torical background in ch we enter
this new century, and h stressed the
tremendous area of challe a that lies
before us on this threshold o new era.
In view of the stirring nature this ad-
dress, of its significance in terff of our
spiritual growth as a nation, nd in
terms of our position of leaderskiP re-
sponsibility in the world of free , I
ask unanimous consent that the address
x tff6VAL9&_M 170WA1'E 100050001-8
and the transcript of the ensuing ques-
tion-and-answer period be printed in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the address
and question~ and answers were ordered
to be printecl'n the RECORD, as follows:
THE THIRD ENTURY-A CONCEPT OF
AMERI N FOREIGN POLICY
(By Gov. Nelson Rockefeller, of New York)
In this city so - rofoundly linked in fact
and in memory th the birth of America,
I appeal to histor o remind us plainly, as a
people, where we nd., for what we stand,
where we may fall, here we dare not fall,
but must prevail.
It rises from the ve history and heritage
and character of the erican people.
As a people, we ha cherished and re-
spected. basic spiritual d religious beliefs
and values proclaiming e supreme worth
Our beliefs about indi ual man have
been rooted in the profo and priceless
truths of Judaism and Chri anity.
These truths define man the supreme
creature of God. They ther re proclaim
the individual the supremely uable being
on earth, and the free fulfill ent of his
destiny the supreme purpose of fe itself.
No state can decree this fulfil ent: God
alone could do that. No state define
Brother to all men and the servan # none,
the free individual is gifted with a li hose
laws and standards and purposes tand
above, not beneath, the state. f
And the true role of the state, theree, is
to respect and to serve the matchless di pity
achieved in the political world in which th
found themselves.
ment of creating in the form of the Amer-
ican Nation a political structure within
which this deep belief in the worth of the
individual, and these spiritual values, could
flourish and find fulfillment.
This action was destined to inspire the
dynamic political forces of democracy
principles have forever inspired us to reach
out beyond the framework of our own Nation.
Accordingly, through the ensuing decades,
we as a people have given testimony by our
deeds to the values we cherish and to our
concern for humanity at large.
We have done this in many and changing
ways: in things religious, through mis-
sionaries to distant lands; In things social,
through charities and foundations; in things
economic, through aid and comfort to the
needy and of licated; in things military,
through lives given in defense of freedom.
This has been the history and this has been
the nature of our life as a people.
Two centuries after the creative work of
our Founding Fathers, the formidable fact is
now emerging that these principles of indi-
vidual freedom and individual worth can
live and achieve universal application only
if we join with other peoples to create larger
political structures binding many nations in
common purpose.
If we fail to do this, in this mid-20th cen-
tury, we will risk not merely national peril
in a conventional sense; we will risk the
death of those values that inspire the strug.
gle for human dignity and freedom through-
out the world.
The task, then, is truly momentous. It is
nothing less than this: to match the politi-
May ,26
cal creativity of our forefathers by devising
new institutions, new associations of nations,
that can give all the world the same tangible
hope for the realization of freedom that our
forefathers gave to a single nation.
In the 18th century, we succeeded as a
people because we had a clear sense of pur-
pose and dedication. In the 20th century we
have not yet succeeded as a people because
we have lacked that singleness of purpose and
dedication-and instead we have improvised.
In the 18th century, we, the American peo-
ple, had an idea of man that inspired and
governed our action and conduct as a peo-
ple. In the 20th century, we have too rarely,
too casually, related our actions to that
idea-with the result that our national con-
duct has been inspired less by our own be-
liefs than by the threats of others.
In the 18th century, we knew that our
idea of man to be realized had to be trans-
lated into concrete and specific political
forms and institutions. In the 20th cen-
tury, we have tried largely to substitute mil-
itary acts or economic acts for the vital and
lacking political acts of creation.
The full gravity of our position in the
world today can be-summarized in simple
questions.
If it has become possible for Communists
to twist and distort our very ideas of de-
mocracy and freedom and justice-and to
exploit these words as if they were their
own-is this not plain proof that somehow
we ourselves have failed to give these ideas
vital and convincing expression?
If the Communists seem forever ingeni-
ous and inventive in promoting chaos, is not
their apparent skill at least partly, perhaps
largely, a reflection of our failure to promote
order?
If the Communists have success in waging
political and psychological war, is not their
success greatly due to our failure to create
larger political structures in which freedom
can flourish?
If communism has an appeal to newly
emerging peoples as a way of life bordering
on a religion, is it not because we have
fre m in the 20th century with devices
less ld, with dedication less fervent, with
pure ess clear than in the 18th century.
Whay needed to serve the dignity and
freedf the individual in many nations
can be less than what was needed in
In the volutionary times through which
we pass, shall be the creators of circum-
stance-or e shall be its victims. And the
issue will n not upon how well we can
counter th - thrusts and inventions of
others-but w well we can express and
convey our o ',conviction.
To carry s conviction on the world
scene demands us the same two creative
achievements o hich the American people
proved themselve apable two centuries ago.
We must bind acts as a people firmly
to our idea of ma he free individual.
And, working wi other peoples and na-
tions, we must tra to this idea into po-
litical forms and i - tutions, so that the
idea becomes not only ght but also relevant
for the lives of free pc lea everywhere.
We face in the worl = a kind of political
wilderness in which the es for freedom of
The scene is more chall ing and perilous
than the wilderness the erican people
We must be pioneers once again-political
pioneers-pioneers of peace.
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 S ON THE
test bans, for enforceable disarmament evening is typical of the very fine atti-
SUMMIT CONFERENCE agreements, and for the tude displayed by our friend from Mon-
peaceful and
Mr. President, the honorable settlement of thos
p , painful e other tang.
The address of the President of the
prt problems which ha d k
sibilities of bringing the people, bordering
on the Atlantic, closer together? I under-
stand such a proposal is now before Con-
gress."
Governor Rockefeller: "Do I support the
idea advocated by Justice Owen Roberts on
many occasions in this room of bringing to-
geth@r the nations bordering on the Atlan-
tic O6aan?
to the
of the
10343
Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield to the Sen-
ator from Arizona.
Mr. GOLDWATER. Mr. President,
s as an American rather than as
a member of either party, I wish to com-
pliment the junior Senator from Mon-
tana for his constant temperance in these
trying days. His has been a.voice which
has spoken out continuously for the
proper American approach to a problem
which involves all of us as Americans
rather than as Democrats or Repub-
licans.
Mr. President, I am hopeful that in the
coming days of the campaign the same
restraint which has been practiced by the
distinguished junior Senator from Mon-
tana will be practiced by the candidates
of both parties and by the conventions of
both parties.
Mr. President, this is not a political
matter. When the United States is
threatened by an enemy, the American
people solidify behind their leader.
Mr. President, I am happy to report
that in my travels around the United
States since j,detof the,U-2_plane
I have found a great admiration and a
great respect for the ?'resident, I find
the Aineiican-peoSIe are solidly united
behind him and solidly in favor of the
program which produced the U-2 plane
and which will produce any other system
of espionage whereby the U.S. Govern-
ment, its intelligence agencies and its
military services,. can acquire intelligence
of the intentions of and the abilities of
the Soviets. It is to me, Mr. President,
as I believe it is to the majority of Amer-
icans, this intelligence, this knowing of
the capabilities of our enemies and the
probable action of our enemies, which is
the most vital thing we have confronting
us today as an object to be achieved.
Once again, Mr. President, I salute the
Senator from Montana [Mr. MANSFIELD]
for his constant temperance in the field
of foreign relations and for his constant
efforts to see that the best interests of
America are served before those of his
own party or of the party in opposition.
Mr. MANSFIELD. I thank the dis-
tinguished Senator.
Mr. KEATING. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield to the Sen-
ator from New York.
Mr. KEAT M. President, I wish
to 8 Ol emendation of the dis-
tinguished Senator from Montana, the
acting majority leader, for the remarks
he has made. It is typical of the atti-
tude which he has displayed from the
outset in this crisis. His commendation
of the President for his address last
associate in
together to
of empires in the world. I
hat it was one of the great
founding fathers-and he
Into the future. I do feel
Atlantic commun
phere nations, all
Atlantic."
very useful, but I would
rider, as members of the
sible that these re
get together into ft
time in the future?
are concerned about S1
do our best to preserve
the Federal system has
objectives on the part of
should not ultimately le
tion."
Question: "Do you have a
China?"
Governor Rockefeller: "Do
for you on China? For us--or
be, at some point,
Certainly the ex-
tates has been one
em. Yet I think
oven its tremen-
ith compatible
e people-they
to confedera-
'ord for us on
have got to be continually lookin
have to be trying to find how
ave a word
the Soviets
can get
ve-and
not into a position of stalemate-
group of extraordinarily able neoni
we do this-how we get from where
to where we need to be with respect to
bril-
great
can-
how
are
ina,
"Thank you very much indeed. I ap-
prplate your coming:"
' THE PRESIDENT'S ADDRES
to the American peop a over all the world. The Presidentrre- United States seemed to me to be a clear
the circumstances s flected the views of a united America in affirmation of America's determination
s to'stand firm and a definite indication
iz~ the t, fife" sworn summit 1i his statement of last night. that this attitude of firmness will con-
he present state of his foreign nnli Mr. MAXr:VrW.TT1 T +V--T, 4-u- c_.._
wy+y+aca AL-Lien bu apparatus.
terests,- in the Interests of humanity, the the Republican Party nor to the Demo-- I was particularly impressed by the
search for a durable peace must go on cratie Party. fact that the President devoted a con-
despite this setback, His administra- Mr. GOLDDWATER. Mr. President, siderable part of his address to and end- It
tion, he stressed, will continue to nego- will the Senator yield?
ed his address by looking toward the
cy with respect to Soviet Russia.: He tinue I think his address wil
emphasized once again what is clear to tor from California. I wish to say that confidence in ohatiodgfexlse this
shibboleth of being soft on rnmm,t_
.
think that it is pos-
onal groupings might
AY 2 6 1960
M
5
/, ~
1U~IiL3 A9201MTE000100050001-8
tiate with, the Communists on disarma-
ment, nuclear testing, and other mat-
ters of vital importance to the entire
world.
In that respect he put the basic prob-
lem of- our foreign policy in- a true pW
spective. The problem is to get Ehe
world out of the corner into which it
has painted itself with the brush of mu-
tual terror. This problem can be dealt
with only by "reason and common-
sense," to use the President's words. It
will hardly be dealt with by political de-
bate which seeks to prove the relative
degree of hardness or softness toward
communism of presidential candidates
of either party. Along with the rest of
the world we are walking too close to
the edge of universal chaos and destruc-
tion to support that childish game any
longer. We will either choose our next
President on the basis of character, in-
tegrity, maturity, and wisdom, or all of
us, regardless of party, will pay the ter-
rible price.-
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield.
se
: _ 1 CQMM.g4 the dis-
acting fiaj city leader for
his comments. The Nation listened to
the President last night. They listened
to him speak as an American, who ex-
pressed the goals and hopes and prayers
of the American people. He went to
Paris as our American leader.
I believe that in the coming election
the representatives of both the Demo-
cratic Party and the Republican Party
who stand before the people as candi-
dates for President and Vice President
of the United States will be in agree-
ment with respect ?to the sharing of the
basic goal of the American people.
There will be no reason for Repub-
licans to accuse Democrats or for Demo-
crats to accuse Republicans of being
soft on Communists because, Mr. Presi-
dent, as you and I and the Senate-and
the country-agree that our goal is
peace with justice in the world. There
is no partisanship or politics in that hope.
We all share It. As the able acting ma-
jority leader said the other day, we are
all In this boat together.
I have the same feeling with respect
to the comments of our Chief Executive
last night that the distinguished junior
Senator from Montana has. The Pres-
ident spoke as frankly as he could. He
spoke temperately and with courage and
with commendable frankness. He in-
dicated once again not only our ever-
ready willingness and our earnest de-
sire to negotiate with the Soviet to try
to find a way for enforceable nuclear
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 /10344
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - S
Senator from Tennessee, on the basis of
the record which he made in the asking
of questions in the Foreign Relations
Committee, that there is ground to state
there was not enough, perhaps, in the
way of preparation, plans, or procedures.
I think the record will bear out that
statement:. from the colloquy which took
place between the Senator from Ten-
future, which is something we all must
do, regardless of anything which may
have happened in the past, He clearly
outlined some of the steps we should
take, including particularly his intention
to assist the United Nations in making
available equipment for satellite recon-
naissance.
I do not know what has been the ex-
perience of other Members of this body,
but my mail has reflected a very great
change in the attitude of the people who
have communicated with me over the
period since the initial incident took
place. This was, of course, before the
President made his address. Originally
there apparently was a feeling on the
part of many that there had been a great
blunder made and that this had serious-
ly damaged our Nation. More recently
there has been an overwhelming indica-
tion in the mail which I have received in
support of the position taken by our
Government. Upon thoughtful reflec-
tion, for the most part, Americans think
this is a sound position.
In the minds of nearly all of these
people, the onus for scuttling the sum-
mit conference rests solely on Mr.
Khrushchev. His motives, of course, are
not positively known but events make
very clear that Mr. Khrushchev came to
Paris with the fixed intention to scut-
tle the conference and if the U-2 inci-
dent had not been seized as a pretext,
something else would have been.
Like the distinguished Senator from
Montana, I found the address of the Pres-
ident informative, clear, and couched
in dignified, nonpartisan language.
That same high level characterized the
Senator's remarks this morning, in
which he joined with Americans of all
parties in expressing the sentiments that
we face this situation together and shall
continue to do so, and also shall continue
to maintain without partisan considera-
tion those policies of firmness and
strength which alone assume a lasting
and a just peace.
Mr. MANSFIELD. I thank the. Sen-
ator.
Mr. GORE. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. MANSFIELD.. I yield to the Sen-
ator from Tennessee.
Mr. GORE. Like the Senator from
Montana, I can find, and did find, praise-
worthy elements in President Eisen-
hower's speech last evening. I was glad
to note his proposal to cooperate with
the United Nations. I was pleased to
hear him say that he ravored business-
like negotiations with the Soviet Union,
and that these must continue.
The lack of careful summit prepara-
tions-the agreement to hold a summit
conference without precise understand-
ings as to what would be discussed, in
what context, and what agreements were
likely or possible to be reached-were,
according to all of the diplomatic ex-
perience of the United States, unbusi-
nesslike in character. Personal diplo-
macy failed; summitry failed. They
failed in part because they were un-
businesslike. Would the Senator from
Montana agree with that?
Mr. MANSFIELD. I would say, in
nessee and the Secretary of State at a
hearing before the Committee on For-
eign Relations.
Mr. GORE. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield further?
Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield.
Mr. GORE. As I have stated, though
th'ei"`d''"' r " binmendable parts, com-
mendable elements, in the President's
statement, I must be frank to say I did
not think the President in the speech
last night faced up to the extremes in
ineptitude! which resulted, in part, in the
worst diplomatic debacle which human
experience affords.
The President made general reference
to an initial covering statement with
,respect to the U-,2 fight. I ask the
Sen L '"I:CO It"%Mritana. if he regards the
later statement by the State Department
as a so-called covering statement. On
May,?, Mr. Lincoln, Whitey of the State
Department, said:
There was no deliberate attempt to violate
Soviet airspace and there never has been.
SERVING OF OLEOMARGARINE OR
MARGARINE IN NAVY RATION
Navy
Senate resumed the considera-
the bill (S. 2168) to amend the
ate, unde
under limit
time.
ELD. Mr. President, I
consent that the morn-
nded for 5 minutes, and
ment.
Mr. MANSFIE
grant me 2 minutes
he controls?
May 26
rom Arkansas [Mr. FULBRIGHT].
Mr. GORE. I am glad the President
has givenhis approval. The many ques-
tions unanswered leave the Senate com-
mittee no oice but to try diligently and
earnestly tinform the American people.
It is only b demonstrating to the world
that we are etermined to learn from our
mistakes an correct them that we can
demonstrate he will of this great Na-
tion to followa path of rectitude, moral
strength, and 4 rrect policy. As a mem-
ber of the co mittee-
The PRES ING OFFICER. The
time of the Se for from Tennessee has
Mr: MANSF D. Mr. President, will
the Senator fro Wisconsin yield 1 addi-
The PRESID TG OFFICER. One
minute additional's yielded to the Sen-
Mr. GORE. As member of the com-
mittee, I will par spate with my dis-
tinguished colleag to this end.
Mr. MANSFIE Mr. President, in
reply, I agree with w ` t the Senator from
Tennessee has just s -id. He has always
been frank in his co ents. He has al-
ways been reasonab% and constructive
this hearing, which wi , be conducted by
the Foreign Relatioilp Committee. I
commend the Senator f m Tennessee for
his remarks not only to'y but on previ-
ous occasions as well. We are all in-
debted to him because has, over the
years, made many real a valuable con-
tributions to our foreign olicy and our
security. He has proved his colleagues
that he is a man of con ction, knowl-
edge, and deep understan ng.
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. Presi t, I ask the
Senator from Wisconsin i e will yield
Mr. PROXMIRE. I yiel d 2 minutes
to the Senator from New ' k.
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. Presid t, in con-
nection with all the world comments
which we .are hearing on the rresident's
address, I believe one thing m be made
clear. This address, coupled ith the
historic event opening tomorr of the
hearings before the Foreign elations
Committee, and the continuing earings
before the Subcommittee on rational
Policy Machinery, of which I ve the
honor to be a member, gives n un-
paralleled opportunity to show t world
I ask the Senator our society operating at its be Be-
The PRESIDING 0
anRE in the chair).
yielded to the Senat
Mr. MANSFIELD.
know definitely, but I
that this was a covering
morning expressed his f
hearted approval of the
is to be undertaken tom
Committee on Foreign
o minutes are
lieve the Sen-
man talked to the people of the 'TI.Tnited
States as the President did last ? night.
He spoke with great frankness, lafing it
on the line as to where we were Wrong
and where we were right.
I have little doubt the same potion
will feature the testimony releas by
the Foreign Relations Committee. '.,The
subcommittee of which I am a meliber
is holding a hearing with George n-
nan in public and at which I am *ire
there will be a most thorough airin of
the policymaking machinery aspects of
this whole difficult situation in which we
found ourselves such a short time ago.
Mr. GORE. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
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its order of yesterday, will
d to the consideration of the
 'Appt6- ed For Release 2004/0 :2rc'AmW90T00782R000100050001-8
Fth;:C()NN.AISSANCE SATEL,I,TTFS
Mr. President, in
tiox i iW lr1 ,, gre s,~vtell tes av.zil-
abl"v t ,Uaaitrejd mu 3bns.
As we all know, the United Stdt:-~s'
~Mte~~'? 9~`~Vlay 4 aiiichett the f it_,t
ctintie, 5s Price aL l2lte; Fast at,.. a thine
when:t Oh ayyr~pr~l4 Are at,a h ail-
ing pC~in n- rpa ~lce the lead now in
easing the I M1 tic. mistrust and sus-
picion witieh per d s the present world
atmosphki rvr efbre: the United
Nations &fid''O i4i( ? ?b that b I the
inforfnat }i gat1 ereu from W11"11, krill
eventually be a tiet: Qt k'~'Corina znce
satellil ca Surely, 'f.here . could l,: no
more ;roncrete and 1ian atic a a: of
effectively-demonstrating to th ;1-
munity of nations our willingn^r;,
a.etn the international atmospiut
such a fleet of satellites encircling i.he
fslobe, the United Nations would a.hw-ws
know whether any nation was pialun+ng
a *rise attack.
The reconnaissance satellite has with-
in its technical facilities one of the great
defensive and protective mechanisms for
the United States of America insofar as
the danger of surprise attack is con-
cerned.!
If the Soviet Union accepts our plan
7,ie,' 'and the world is bet-
ter vetoes our proposal, it is
unmss ed -`world public opinion as
it disr`uptLVekinfluence in peaceful rela-
Lions amongnations.
It is such a proposal as this, for a re-
connaissance satellite as a means of
really policing, so to speak, the open
skies, and policing the Earth's surface.
which offers a great opportunity ftr
world peace and offexs an opportunity
for A,m;eriean initiatiste in: the United
Nation int?iesearch 1 r..woeld peace
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 A"HNG7.UN1 S
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Mansfield Absolves
President in "z.pying
Sici ~e~uocrat ident.., will havei"some
:.: '
of "$ aria, t e assistant. Sen- 1 searching questions to ask
ate majority leader, saI.d last' He,i t eue hat t7i Congress
night "the President is blame
less" in the acknowledged Soviet will noE `orii$~tl' explan=
spying episode but warned that, ation based on the President's
Congress will expect an expla- inquiry; but jtals g1lit'e possible
nation of the affair there will be questions asked
He said in an interview that in the Foreign Relatio and
Armed Services'; Co#nrnlttt S '
whatever was done was done Senator Mapsfi lcd,would"not
d, name the, agent or agencies
ident without the l Eisenhower, webut of die added,
"Under our system of govern- which iriight be responsible.
;m n 1?emocrat.
merit, tue administration in of Alabama em er of the
power does dear? a great re- Foreign Relations Committee,
spoias r r' earlier yesterday said, "I cer-
Senator Ps.ield sii.id the tainly don't believe" the ac
State pupae h nt s announces count of the plane episode gives:
merit ency tpr_ s_,a 2~Where may be by Soviet Premier I~hrushchev,
an erme wgericies in the but after the State Department
Govrnwn res spo__sorisilibility, aly, con- on announcement said: "I think
their own ?.
trary to the President's policies the only thing to do is admit
for peace." If this is so, Sena- the facts and let our people!
or Mansfield continued, "I i know what the true situation' )Vduld assume that the Pres- l is.'
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 A' TIMORE SUN q~
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LEGISLATORS
WOIILD AVOID
`SPY' INQUIRY
Some ' Congressmen
Gravely Concerned
Over Incident
be taken with it."
Dirksen, like others, said it is
"part of reality" that each nation;
Washington, May 8 lR1--United!
States admission tltOMf' .lineri-
can spy plane flew into,.lRussia
brought reaction from Congress w
today ranging from grave cote-,
cern to a so-what attitude. ?,' ,
There were no ringing de-}tads
that Congress'do anything e it pt
get more details behind closed
doors. The view of some tnem-
hers was that it's best .fhr Con
Tess to keep quiet rioW in the We had our lessor; in Pearl
face of a ticklish situation. }{arbor and we can't afford to
Some members, : espgeially ` have a second lesson like that,
Democrats, expressed concernl; :wiley said.
about what effect the affair mighty The characterization of a grave
have on the East-West summa situation was made by 41?
meeting. scheduled to start May B. Johns n of T, xas, Senate Dem-
1.6 in Paris. o , ear er.~ie caul:
Senator Sparkman (D., Ala.), r "We must understand we are in-
a rt5em"-!mof"TAr Senate. Foreign . volved :in a crisis in the making-"
Relations: Committee, said he ' 'T'wo other, senators,' campaign
wants to know more ' about .how ing in West Virginia for t.l'(e Demo-
Francis G- Powers, the captured cratic '-Presidential nomination.
:10-year-old pilot, happened to fly also. v!6,~ed the "situalipn' as
into Russia.'' serious.,
Ile` said he hopes all Govern- 'Senator Kennedy of Massachus-
meat agencies involved, :"will etc jF@i "V:ane incident indi
give a full disclosure of what tStes how. hazardous `are our rela-
took place." dons 'witl the lSovii8t Union."
State Department "Candid" Sena lI mpl re , of Minnesota
Everett M. Dirksen of Illinois. Said
Sedate 7fMTH iron. leader, took "Whatever the facts nlaybbe, Mr.
a different view. He said yester Khrushchev. had better recognize
clay's State Department was can ,that force is not the way to settle
(lid in explaining what, happeneu international disputesrl`
and "I don't think any issue can ,i; ?uU.$. ".slowly Slipping"
partment had, pointed out, that lion.
it is normal for all nations, in r t.ive Bowles (D?,
eluding the Soymet U-..in to carry Conn. ca the flight Irrespon-
on intelligence activ;~._,#. sible and reckless and said it was
' uato __ Wiley of Wisconsin. sTt.ert`or at this time even to allow
sell i.or Repu 1'Mft on the Senate an?American plane to get close
Foreign Relations Committee. enough to the Soviet border to be
took a similar view shot down.
"We know that Russia has got:' Bowles said the incident would
spies all over the world," hc' make it more 4iffictllt to deal with
said. "The 'West can't afford to the Russians at the summit.
fall asleep and it hasn't fallen aoo?aid it is "unfor-
asleep." tunate not dais excursion was
Red Sub Mentioned made, if it was made, on the eve
Asserting that Russia has liad of the summit meeting. It must
submarines off the United St,,have compromis'ed our position."
and South American coasts, Wiley $(M %se said he doesn't ex-