MOROCCO'S SURPRISINGLY HAPPY RETURNS

Document Type: 
Collection: 
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP91-00901R000700060005-3
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RIPPUB
Original Classification: 
K
Document Page Count: 
1
Document Creation Date: 
December 16, 2016
Document Release Date: 
June 17, 2005
Sequence Number: 
5
Case Number: 
Publication Date: 
March 25, 1986
Content Type: 
NSPR
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PDF icon CIA-RDP91-00901R000700060005-3.pdf70.79 KB
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Y Approved For R~42~.'LQ1 : CIA-RDP91-00901R0007000600 WASHINGTON TIMES 25 March 1986 THE ECONOMIST/on Morocco King Hassan, who marked his quarter-century on Morocco's throne with a big party early this month, has something better to cele- brate. He has recovered the smack of authority and has made friends again with America, which began cold-shouldering him two years ago when he made an alliance with Col. Muammar Qaddafi of Libya. Morocco's economy is still in a mess, and the costly war in the West- ern Sahara sputters on. But the three main threats to the king - Islamic fundamentalists, the political left, and ambitious soldiers - all seem to be under control. Fundamentalism, which helped to set off riots against food-price in- creases two years ago, has failed to become the menace in Morocco that it is to governments of both the Ma- ghreb's other countries, Algeria and Tunisia. This is partly because Morocco's Islamic militants have not found a crowd-stirring leader. But even if they had found one, the ruthlessly efficient interior minister, Driss Basri, would probably have kept them on the run. The sting of the political left has been drawn by its members' partici- pation in Parliament (which, the king has made clear, will continue to exercise only limited powers). Even the Communists and socialists have proved gratifyingly nationalistic over the Western Sahara, which Has- san annexed 11 years ago after Spain left its former colony. The army, once a ferment of pan- Arab socialists and admirers of Egypt's Gamal Abdul Nasser, seems smug because of the Western Sahara stalemate. It understandably re- gards this standoff as a victory over the guerrillas of the Polisario Front. The generals are also enjoying the fruits of a $1 billion re-equipment program, which began last year. This will put Morocco's army well ahead of that of Algeria, its great Morocco's surpris happy returns rival in the Maghreb and the sup- plier of the Polisario's increasingly antiquated Russian weapons. Hassan can also breathe easier over his country's relations with America. They went sour after the king formed a-political union" with Libya in August 1984. The Americans began to court Algeria as an alternative North African friend. Both Chadli Bendjedid, Algeria's president, and Tunisia's ailing leader, Habib Bourguiba, were re- ceived at the White House last year. Hassan was told he would not be wel- come. But Chadli Bendjedid, whose professed socialist and non-aligned country always kept its distance from America, was not much moved by these overtures, and the United States seems to have concluded that Hassan is not so bad after all. The United States sent a heavyweight delegation to the king's ce e ration this month. William Casey, head of the CIA, attende& so did en Vernon Walters. America's ambassador to the United Nations. e Americai seem willing to accept that the Libyan tie-up was less of a Qaddafi-booster than they originally feared. The king argues that the "union" was astute politics: it ended Libya's support for Polisario, and hampered Algeria's attempt to isolate Morocco from the rest of the Maghreb. He also hopes that the deal has given Morocco a badly needed outlet for its exports and a cheap source of oil Prepared by the news and feature service ofThe Economist of London. Approved For Release 2005/07/01 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000700060005-3