LETTER TO MR. BUSH FROM EUGENE A. HAGGERTY

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP88-01315R000300690001-6
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 29
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 21, 2004
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: December 1, 1976
• Content Type: LETTER

N A T 1 0 N A L P U B L I C B OAR D 0_F E DUCAT 1 0 N
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P U B L I C C H O I C E I N E D U C A T I O N
1290 Bayshore Highway Burlingame: [phone]
Burlingame, California 94010 San Francisco: [phone]
December 1, 1976
Ivt've Pye, g;.aRxy
F:*
I 9i
For your information, we enclose materials on publism, on 400 Public-
esteemed Americans, on the First National Forum on Publism, along with
your Moderator Form. We have reason to believe these materials can
lead to a more harmonic and democratic America, and, through that,to a
more harmonic world society.
We have been encouraged greatly by responses to our original report of
March 1976; the responsiveness of Walter Cronkite, Margaret Mead, Robert
Hutchins, Milton Friedman, Morris Udall and of many other scholars and
public figures was related to quotations we have used or to other aspects
of the report.
On the merits of the enclosed material, we are turning to 400 responsible
American leaders, asking you to bring about thought in America on serious
questions. You can do this without cost or compromise by being informed
on, and by moderating such questions before the public at events like the
forthcoming First National Forum on Publism (please see the enclosed
Moderator Form).
We hope that you find these materials thought-provoking, and that you can
employ publism as a tool in your professional, volunteer and personal
endeavor on behalf on the public, to prevail in your efforts as you intend.
Respectfully yours,
(;, W_rrl~
Eugene A. Haggerty
Superintendent
a nonpartisan, nondiscriminatory, nonsectarian, nonprofit
public--not government-association
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g e rst revision o our report:
Publism: American Democracy-Beyond Capitalism And Communism
(A Declaration of Public Independence
Provisional List
** es gnates t 9o;; receiving our original report o arc 9 ,
responded.)
Abernathy, Ralph
Adler, Mortimer
Agronsky, Martin
Albee, Edward
All, Muhammad
Allen, Steve
Alsop, Joseph
Anderson, Jack
Anderson, Robert
Anderson, Roger
Angelou, Maya
Arness, James
Arrow, Kenneth
Ashbrook, John
Askew, Reubin
Astaire, Fred
Atkins, Orin
Baez, Joan
Bailey, F. Lee
Bailey, Pearl
Ball, George W.
Ball, Lucille
Baraka, Amlri
(Jones, LeRoi)
Barth, John
**Bayh, Birch
Beame, Abraham
Belafonte, Harry
Bell, Daniel
**Bentsen, Lloyd
Bernstein, Leonard
Bathe, Hans
Bike), Theodore
Bishop, Jim
Blackmun, Harry
Blauvelt, Howard
Block, Herb
Bogdanovich, Peter
Bok, Derek
**Bond, Julian
Boone, Pat
Boorstin, Daniel
Borlaug, Norman
Bowles, Chester
Bradley, Thomas
Brando, Marlon
Braun, Wernher von
Brennan, William
Brewster, Kingman
Brinkley, David
Broder, David
Brooke, Edward
Brown, James
**Brown, Edmund G., Jr.
Brynner, Yul
Brzezinski, Zbigntew
Buchanan, Patrick
Buchwald, Art
Buckley, James
**Buckley, William F.
Burke, Yvonne B.
Burnham, D. C.
Burns, Arthur
Bundy, McGeorge
Burger, Warren
Bush, George
Bryd, Robert
Caldwell, Erskine
Campbell, Glen
Carey, Hugh
Cary, Frank
Carney, Art
Carpenter, Walter, Jr.
**Carter, Jimmy
Case, Clifford
Cash, Johnny
Cavett, Dick
Chancellor, John
Chavez, Cesar
Chisholm, Shirley
Chomsky, Noam
**Church. Frank
Clark, Kenneth
**Clausen, A. W.
Commager, Henry Steele
Conant, James
Connally, John
**Cooke, Alistair
Cooke, Terence
Cooper, John S.
Coppola, Francis F.
Cosby, Bill
Cosell, Howard
Cousins, Norman
Cox, Archibald
Cranston, Alan
**Cronkite, Walter
**Crosby, Bing
Daley, Richard
Davis, Sammy, Jr.
**Dellums, Ronald
DeYoung, Russell
Dole, Robert
Douglas, Mike
Downs, Hugh
Dunlop, John
Dunlop, Robert
Durant, Will
Dylan, Bob
Eagleton, Thomas
Eastland, James
Eisenhower, Mamie
Eisenhower, Milton
Ervin, Sam
Farmer, James
Fitzgerald, Ella
Fong, Hiram
Ford, Betty
Ford, Ernie
**Ford, Gerald R.
Ford, Henry 11
Foy, Lewis
Frankel, Max
Frankenhelmer, John
Franklin, W. H.
Freeman, Gaylord
ove r
many o whom have'
Freeman, Nelson W.
Friedan, Betty
**Friedman, Milton
Fulbright, J. William
Galbraith, John K.
Gallup, George
Garagiola, Joe
Gardner, John
Gerstacker, Carl
Getty, J. Paul
Glazer, Nathan
Gleason, Jackie
Glenn, John
Godfrey, Arthur
Goldberg, Arthur
Goldwater, Barry
Graham, Billy
Graham, Katherine
Granville, Maurice
Grasso, Ella
Gray, Harry
Greeley, Andrew
Greenspan, Alan
Gregory, Dick
Griffin, Merv
Griffin, Robert
**Halberstam, David
Harness, Edward
Harriman, Averell
Harrington, Michael
**Harris, Fred
Harris, Louis
**Harris, Sydney
Harris, William, Jr.
Hart, Phillip
Hatfield, Mark
Hauge, Gabriel
Hayakawa, Samuel I.
Haynes, H. J.
**Hearst, William R., Jr.
Heilbroner, Robert
Heller, Joseph
Hesburgh, Theodore
Hess, Leon
Heston, Charlton
Hitchcock, Alfred
Hope, Bob
Hughes, Harold
**Humphrey, Hubert
Huston, John
Hutchins, Robert
Inouye, Daniel
Ives, Burl
**Jackson, Jesse
**Jackson, Henry
Jackson, Maynard
Jamieson, John K.
Javits, Jacob
Jaworski, Leon
Johnson, Lady Bird
Jones, Reginald
Jordan, Barbara
Jordan, Vernon
*This early-draft list includes names representing the broad cross section of American Inter-
ests. Your suggestion of omitted or mistaken names will help inform our search for, and
create a refined, respected Index of those 400 of greatest benefit to the American people
(see Moderator For proved For Release 2004/10/13 : CIA-RDP88-01315R000300690001-6
National Public Board of Education, October, 1976
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Provisional Llst:___400 Public-esteemed Americans continued)
Karnes, William
Kaye, Danny
Kennedy, Edward
Kennedy, Rose
Kerr, Clark
Kilpatrick, James
k*Ki ng, Coretta
k*Kissinger, Henry
Kristol, Irving
Kubrick, Stanley
Kurait, Charles
Kuznets, Simon
Laird, Melvin
Lancaster, Burt
Lapham, Lewis
Larkin, Felix E.
Larkin, Frederick, Jr.
Lear, William
Leontief, Wassily
Levi, Edward
Lewis, Jerry
Libby, Willard
Linkletter, Art
Lipset, Seymour
Lodge, Henry Cabot
Long, Russell
Longley, James
Lowell, Robert
Luce, Clare Boothe
Lyman, Richard
MacGregor, Clark
Macl.a i ne, Shirley
MacLeish, Archibald
Mailer, Norman
Manning, Robert
Mansfield? Mike
Marshall, Thurgood
Martin, Dean
Marusi, Augustine
Mathias, Charles
Mauldin, Bill
Mayer, Martin
McCarthy, Eugene
McClaskey, Paul
McColough, C. Peter
McCormick, Brooks
McGovern, George
McNamara, Robert
**Mead, Margaret
**Meany, George
Medberry, Chauncey J.
Menotti, Gian-Carlo
Michener, James
Miller, Arthur
Mitford, Jessica
Mondale, Walter
Moore, William H.
Morton, Rogers
Morton, Thruston
Mott, Stewart
Moyers, Bill
**Moynihan, Daniel
Murphy, Thomas
Muskie, Edmund
Nader, Ralph
Newman, Edwin
Newman, Paul
Nisbet, Robert
N i ven , David
Nixon, Patricia
Novak, Michael
Nozick, Robert
O'Brian, Lawrence
O'Connor, Carroll
Onassis, Jacqueline
O'Neill, Thomas
Paley, William
Pauling,, Linus
Pealle, Norman V.
Peck, Gregory
Percy, Charles
Perelman, Sidney J.
Phillip, Kevin
Platten, Donald C.
Pottier, Sidney
Porter, Sylvia
Powell, Lewis
Procknow, Donald
Proxmire, William
Quinn, Anthony
**Reagan, Ronald
Reasoner, Harry
Redford, Robert
Rehnquist, William
Reneker, Robert
**Reston, James
Rhodes, John
Ribicoff, Abe
Richardson, Elliot.
Rickove.r, Hyman
Riles, Wilson
Rizzo, Frank
Roche, John
Rockefeller, Nelson
Rockwell, Willard
Rodino,,, Peter
Romney, George
Rowan, Carl
ttuckelshaus, William
Rumsfeld, Donald
Rusher, William
**Rusk, Dean
Rustin, Bayard
**Ryan, Leo
Safire, William
Sailinger, Pierre
Salisbury, Harrison
Salk, Jonas
Samuelson, Paul
Sanford, Terry
Sarnoff, Robert W.
Saroyan, Will iarrii
Sawhill, John
Saxon, David
Scala, John
Scihenke l , Chris
Schlesinger, James
Schulz, Charles
Scott, George C.
Scott, Hugh
Scranton, William
Seaborg, Glenn
Seeger, Pete
Sevareld, Eric
Shapp? Milton
Sheen, Fulton
Shore? Dinah
**Shriver, Sargent
Shumway, Norman
Simon,,, William
Sinatra, Frank
Smith, Howard K.
October. 1976
Smith, Margaret Chase
Sommer, Charles
Speer, Edgar
Spivak, Lawrence
Spock, Benjamin
Stapleton, Jean
Steinerrl, Gloria
Stevens, John P.
Stevenson, Adlai, 3rd
Stewart, James
Stewart, Potter
Stokes, Carl
Stokes, Colin H.
Stone, W. Clement
Strausz-Hupe, Robert
Sullivan, Leon
Susskind, David
Swearingen, John
Symington, Stewart
Taft, Robert
Talmadge, Herman
Teller? Edward
Terkel, Studs
Thayer, Paul
Thomas, Danny
Thomas,, Lowell
Thurmond, Strom
Tower, John
Townsend, Lynn
Trautman, Gerald
Truman, Bess
Tuchman, Barbara
Tunney, John
**Udall, Morris
Ullman, Al
Usery, W. J., Jr.
Van Dyke, Dick
Vidal, Gore
Volpe, John
Von Hoffman, Nicholas
Vonnegut, Kurt
Wagner, G. A.
Wald, George
Walker, Daniel
**Wallace, George
Wallace, Mike
Walters, Barbara
Warner, Rawleigh
Wayne, John
Weicker, Lowell
Weinberger, Casper
wellies, Orson
White, Byron
White, Theodore
Whitmore, James
Wilkins, Roy
Williams, Tennessee
**Wilson, F. Perry
Wilson, Janes Q.
Wilson, Thornton
Woodcock, Leonard
Woodward, Joan
Wriston, Walter
Yankelovich, Daniel
**Young, Andrew
Young, Coleman
Zornaw, Gerald
Zumwalt, Elmo
National Public Board of Education
1290 Bayshore Highway
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CONCISE ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS CONCERNING THE FIRST NATIONAL FORUM ON PUBLISM
What .ib the pwtpo4 e o; the 4o4um?
Our purpose, and that of the forum, is to explore the potential
of publism as an ideologically neutral means toward realizing the
goals of people throughout America and the world.
Who .r.4 4ponson.Lna the Aonum?
The National Public Board of Education is Inviting an as balanced
as possible cross section of organizations and individuals to co-
operate in sponsoring the forum, thereby assuring a rigorously
fair discussion of all public issues.
When and where .i4 the 4onum to be head?
The forum is calendared for the week of November 27, 1977, in San
Francisco, the birthplace of the United Nations. We have reserved
accommodations at the Sheraton-Palace Hotel.
Why have you invited 400 pubti -esteemed Americans to mode'uvte. thus and
other. 4onum4 on pubtL m?
We think that the. 400 most respected Americans, the objects of our
search, are people with the greatest likelihood of bringing about
thought on matters of greatest importance to America.
Sa.n
Does moderating the ~onum nece44aniey negaL' e my pkeaence at the
Fnanci.4co dear:bmtion4?
No. We recognize that many of the 400 may be unable to attend the
San Francisco sessions but that they will want to moderate questions
in their area of experience, nonetheless. Special communications
equipment will be on hand for this purpose.
IJ I accept your. invitation, doesn't this .imply cost, commitment, advo-
cacy on endo ement o~ your ongawi.zation4'4 objectives?
Unmistakably, no. Your acceptance serves, rather, as evidence of
your public-spiritedness and your open-mindedness on questions of
importance to the public.
How #4 the ~onum related to other po44.i.b.te 4o& ti.on4 to 4ocJ.etat pnobtemb?
Cooperatively. We are inviting proponents of all possible solutions
to cooperate in the resolution of public problems. We would liken
the forum to a garden of flowers using their differences to show
their beauty.
What quati.{c.iee you to pict on a rat .Drat. {Drum an pubti.bm?
Although we have discovered publism, and have developed it to a sig-
nificant point, we intend to cooperate with and to learn from every
organization and every individual able to help us put on a publicly
beneficial forum.
W..LL the ne.sttLtb oA the 4onum be made pub!-Le?
Of course. This is our means of valuing people everywhere. It is
our hope that, together, we can contribute to thought in America on
vital public Issues, thus conquering the tyranny of public ignorance.
don Aunthen .in~onmctt on:
National Public Board of Education
1290 Bayshore Highway
Burlingame, California 94010
[phone]
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 PUBLISM REPORTER formerl PU,LA C CH %5j P YZE November 1976
published by PUBL MR16 9% RM ~~q]1tq -~ L~ O 9 R OR M ATION
ThL6 %epont pnea enta {y.indi,ng4 {nom a 4 eaneh eon
pubti.c education and JnbonmatLon beginning with
a counae on "Edueationaf. Vaei.detLea" at San Fnan-
aiAco State UnLveuity in 1968. It .intends to
eL,ah.ijy the di4tinetion between 4etten oneea
(which nepnea ehat pn%vate .in tenea on .c eo og.i,ea I
and the pubtie .inteneat.
PUBLISM: AMERICAN DEMOCRACY--BEYOND CAPITALISM AND COMMUNISM
Toward Checking Seller Society, and Creating a Public Society
(A Declaration of Public Independence)
"The capi.tatiat and Commun"t woAtda are two bankrupt 4yatema
in con?!tct now, neither adequate to the nequ,ucemenata and
po444bititi.e4 of a 4afe and decent woAtd. [Ghat L nequiLed
.c4 a 4oAt o j nadLcat innovation and eeadeAAhLp that rescued
the Amen.ican economic ay4tem #nom the depnea4.ion o6 the 19304."
HENRY KISSINGER, Secretary of State
as reported by columnist James Reston
Dr. Kissinger's statement is part of a rising tide of experience and
information which calls for a new era for humankind: an epoch safely
beyond the profoundly futile and undeniably dangerous capitalist-
communist struggle.
Can there be any possibility, or any realistic method of escaping the
hypnotic spell cast by capitalist, communist and other seller-driven
forces? If a departure were feasible, what would be the agreed-upon
features of the escape engine?
We propose to show that publism can be the engine of public liberation,
and that each and every American and world citizen can easily understand
its value for the survival and betterment of all humankind.
Publism is founded on a series of discoveries which have lain bare un-
examined questions, and that have suggested solutions to several of the
world's most appalling problems. In pursuing an understanding of events
it has been useful to cast aside common assumptions about the nature
of contemporary phenomena in order to reconsider their significance in
fresh ways. Concern has been focused on the public factor and public
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effect, on lobbyism being sold as professionalism, on government school-
ing being sold as public education. Special attention has been given
to describing the seller classes or institutions as they differ from
the public class, and ways sellers oppress and deceive the public--and
themselves. Perhaps most Importantly, publism has issued from inves-
tigation of public principles, values and purposes, whose understand-
ing has brought about a coherent and practical sense of public society.
This report continues with consideration for these discoveries as they
unfold to describe 1) the existence of a seller society, and 2) an ap-
proach to public society (primacy of the public over government and
other private interests).
How real is seller society? How dangerous?
We have become aware of the power the word "public" has through Its
association with ideologies, In determining not only the quality of
education, but also the reliability of Information, the accountabil-
ity of government, and even the success of democratic society itself.
PUBLIC FACTOR AND EFFECT
The action of the word "public" thus constitutes a "public effect"
which may be stated as follows:
Whichever iwteicea.t, pubtic- on, 4 eUen, cont OtA the meaning
and app Lcctt on ob the ward "pubLLc" wilt 0240 cont4ot 40-
cLety-a+t-.ecvcge. Society, zhute4ore, ih ether pubZi,c oA
4C22eh 4ociety.
By this test, seller interests (specifically lobbies and governments)
now control the public.
For example, our exhaustive experience with government-school lobby-
ists establishes their opposition to public hearings for the NPBE's
search for public education. We are Inclined to agree this opposi-
tion illustrates a first law for seller interests: the suppression
of public information.
Their grounds for refusal are "questions in the minds of educational
leaders on the effects of the [public choice] system on the future of
public education."
Obviously, these educational leaders take "public" for granted. We do
not.
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Their assumption, that they speak for the public, is altogether unac-
ceptable, for it Is our principle that each of us be accepted as peo-
ple--as the public, so far as our persons and children are concerned.
We've found that the lobby system really does work--but only for a
powerful (yet short-sighted) minuscule minority who can reach politi-
cians. Lobbyism being sold as professionalism in fact deceives and
disserves both the public-at-large and virtually every seller--with
catastrophic effect. Lobbyism is seller (rather than public) access
to government, and this condition systematically and decisively kills
public information on all-important questions.
GOVERNMENT SCHOOLING
Public information killed? How else can one Interpret easily verified
evidence 1) that "government schooling" is granite-hard fact everywhere
obscured by claims that it is "public education"; 2) that such claims
are extremely unprofessional (being utterly unscientific and, of course,
self-serving); 3) that these same claims result In publicwide decep-
tion? The effect of such duplicity undoubtedly destroys the hope for
public information about public education--and very much more, as we
shall see.
The real question here, of course, is whether government schooling is
in fact either "public" or "education"?
Our experience with government schooling has helped us see into a more
comprehensive and greater question: should seller forces, in either
government or nongovernment sectors (or should the public, as the in-
tended beneficiary) finally decide public policy?
PRIVATE GOVERNMENT
Clearly, the real nature of government may be private, and not at all
public.
We know that governments are used as fronts by lobbyists, often in dir-
ect opposition to interests of the public. We also know governments
have their own very special or private interests which must be either
sold or forced upon the public.
Doubtless, governments represent the seller, which Is to say the busi-
ness, the special, the private Interests of government as well as non-
government lobbyists, Do these pressures (government-school lobbyists,
for example), by presenting themselves as "professional", as "public
school educators", also use, deceive, or in any way misgovern the pub-
lic? Does the lobby system in effect constitute a private theory of
public information? Does it display a basic contempt for democracy?
Is the regularly overlooked fact of lobbyism a cause of catastrophe
for people everywhere?
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Apparently, neither public education nor democracy can flourish insofar
as government serves as the agent of seller forces.
The problem of private government runs very deep, but it has proved to
be the key to our discovery of "seller" and "public" as the two under-
lying classes constructive of a new public order, of a people consciously
building a harmonious and just public society.
SELLER AND PUBLIC CLASSES
Who are the seller*, really?
Since selling Is, of Itself, honorable, why do sellers sometimes fall
to identify themselves?
The seller class includes anyone selling ideas, services, and goods to
the public for- money or other value. Philosophers (superpoliticians?),
politicians, government and nongovernment regulators, professionals,
corporate managers and workers are sellers, and of course, selling
is a natural and potentially most beneficial human activity.
But what of unprincipled and undisciplined activities? Should not
selling deceptively (such as when the seller Issues false claims stat-
ing he serves, accounts to the public) yield to the public?
How can we cope with the most sophisticated and deceptive of all seller
strategies: the iliigitimate claim that the seller is the buyer,
through the use of the word "public"?
The seller-identification problem is aggravated by sellers denying their
true activities, because selling is entirely more difficult when the
buyer understands the pitch. Many if not most sellers are also sin-
cerely unaware of their role, because they are part of low-key systems
-governments, professions, and assorted organizations-all asserting
noble or "public interest" claims. Government, however, goes one step
further, it says it is the public.
Possibly the greatest source of misunderstanding camouflaging the seller
class in every setting results from the misapplication of the terms
"private" and "public''. Is not the "private" sector, when buyer, really
public? The "public" sector, when seller, really private?
To avoid ambiguity we have adopted "government" and "nongovernment" sec-
tors as the two divisions of the seller class. Although "private" and
"seller" are the same in fact, we avoid the term "private" whenever it
unfairly focuses on nongovernment interests. The term "seller", in any
case, accurately describes the operating principle.
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THE SUPERSELLERS
The most effective sellers in the world, dominating the sale of virtu-
ally all Ideas, services, and goods, are undoubtedly those of capital-
ism and communism. Both of these systems reveal remarkable similari-
ties which give testimony to a substructural Ideology, to a deeper,
more certain reality which may be called sellerism or privatism. Each
habitually equates "government" with "people's", "popular", "republi-
can", "democratic" or "public".
Each (as special-interest lobbies, in the case of capitalism; as a
political party, in the case of communism) sells through euphemization,
using highly sophisticated techniques to corrupt language (witness cap-
italist advertising and communist propaganda)-If not through calculated
deception or downright suppression of information.
Neither, directly or satisfactorily, accounts to the public.
It is frightening that both of these supersellers also seriously threaten
thermonuclear holocaust and the resultant incineration of modern human
civilization to preserve their order. Both, Indeed, betoken the seller
society.
SOCIETAL FAULURE
The apparent failure of the present (seller) system is not a secret to
best-informed Americans. How else are we to read Dr. KTssinger's and
the following statements?
"We ate taek.ing to each o.the'i in 4honthand. We are u4.ing
mean.ing.ees4 phtae- c.' Zi.ke "detente" and art the white wi,thdtaw-
.ing ~t'ttket and ~atther 4tom teatity. The truth of the matter
.iA that there no Longer .i.6 any ptaee to hide. We must make a
major eUUott to avoid wait and not be nenvou.s."
DEAN RUSK
Former Secretary of State
under Presidents Kennedy and Johnson
"The Viet Cong and North Vietname4e de6eated u4 with 4upeA-
iot . w.it... An idea .c.4 more powetjut than any m,i,P.i:tat y Sotee
we can being to Vietnam."*
"What we need in this heterogeneous bociety Lo enough o4 a
common punpo4e to 4utvive."
EDMUND G. BROWN, JR.
Governor of California
(*interviewed by William F. Buckley)
"Whiee pre4etv.ing the 6undamen.ta.es of the Amen can RevoLu-
tion, iea4L upon you [Stan6otd Jre4hman] to embank on a
revo.e tLon just a progound ab the one which 4ptit the Amer-
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scan colonies nom Mothex England. The ptesexvation of demo-
atacy demand6 no tesd."
WALTER CRONKITE,
TV news authority
at Stanford University
"Out 4 oc iety -i..6 4a Lira d i.4 matty, mi4 ena.bty to con tAot the
4 plead o4 nuc2eax a4m6 and nuc2eax mater i,at6 . We must do
4o i.j we axe to 4utvi.ve tong enough .to ~otm a better won.Ld."
"In this countxy, advent A ement4 pnov.i de a 4 etting which 44
o4ten unnetated to the 4act6, but tempting and 4educt%ve--
#,iIze the detached white-gneen 4hwtteu in which alt "Amex-
#can6" axe teptebented 4 t ving."
DR. MARGARET MEAD,
anthropologist-author
"They (Ameni,cans ) 6eax that in the pursuit o4 theist otgan-
.izationat goa24, the poUti.ciano and the bu6i.ne64men and
the unions and the pto4a,6ion4 have toot 4i.ght of any tax-
gex obUgati,on to the public and axe i,ndii4exent on won6e
to anything that doe6 not bene~yit--.Lmmediatety and dixectty
-them4 etv e6 on th wt i.n6 .i tutianb . "
DANIEL YANKELOVICH
public opinion analyst
"It i6 .intexe6ti.ng to 4 peculate that both cap.ttatism and
communi.4m may cottap4 a .tope thex, 4on dixect2y oppo4i to tea-
4on6--the Jonmen, because of gto44 neglect of the public
.intexe6.t, and the tattex, because o4 xuthLe64 bup4e64i.on
o, the private need..."
"Potiticat cont ovensi.e6 do not teach to the heaart ab out
modern maLa.i.4e, which -L4 the tobb o4 pensonat deci,4i.on.
ai,gne64, complexity, Lntendepenaence and 4.mpex6on ' m axe
the 6oux horsemen o~ the modexn wot.2d, tunn+ing nough6hod
oven alt o4 u6 a. ke- Ze4t, night, and Centex."
SYDNEY J. HARRIS,
columnist
"Lacking maze coherent phito4ophie,6, candidate6 wit not
&"e above menety competing to puxeha6e the allegiance os
pAivate Lntetest6...Peopte 4hould be citizen6 expxe44.i.ng
then6etve4 a4 a eOpte a community of 4ha4ed vatue4, nathex
than a6 met y a co ect'on o4 competing p4ivate #ntene6t6
inhabiting the flame eountAy."
GEORGE F. WILL
columnist
"I'd be a6taunded i th i4 planet i s 4tc,tt going by 50 years
Prom now. I don't think we Witt peach 2000. It wou2.d be
a miitacte. "
ALISTAIR COOKE
journalist-historian
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"We deapenately need new ideas, great thoughta...Ptati.tude?
Great tnuth4 o ten ate ptatitudea."
DR. GOBIND BEHARI LAL,
Pulitzer prize-winning
science reporter
"The academic community has let the nation down. IJ we want
our young4tena to appreciate thevt heritage, we as panenta
6houtd demand that the academic 4y4tem teach the zeal eeo-
nomic truth o J what hat made thins country as great as it i's...
One o4 the obfectiona I encountered in teaeakchi.nq thin 4ub-
jeet comet sxom aeademiciana who 4ay that i{c we cute to teach
the 4ubject of basic eeonomie4 in out 4choot4 we must not
ju4t teach about the 44ee-entenpnise 6y4tem, but o6 all other
by4tem4, too Ouch a4 communism and 4oc%aWm. Tha,t'4 great,
ab tong as .the teaching IA done aecuxately and objeel ivety."
WILLIAM R. HEARST JR.
Editor-in-chief, The Hearst Newspapers
"More leadeuhip and .involvement in public a46ain4 by ci,t-
izen4 #e needed in the pnea ent eJea o6 economic and p4 ycho-
logAczzl depne44ion."
JULIAN BOND
Georgia State Senator
"Aa o, this moment, the public #a nightly 4fzeptical of our
practices and out preaehing4...Integnity i.4 not 4ome impnae-
tieal notion dreamed up by naive do-goodena. Our integi ty
.ca the 4ou.ndation ion the vent baoi4 o6, out abit i,ty to do
buainea4. IJ the market economy even goes under, our 4avon-
i.te villain won't be to blame. We will.
IA we' ne not coneenned, then we' ne just not 4 enaitive to the
xeatity oJ the ptobtem on today'4 woxtd."
A. W. CLAUSEN
President, Bank of America
"There ib only one boAi.c value, one ba4ie idea, that can
5onm the babia ob our Ameniean 4tJtategy in world aJ6aino and
provide an appeal by Americana to all the other peoples of
the world: the desenae o6 6reedom and the extension o4
demo chacy."
GEORGE MEANY
President, AFL-CIO
"it l.a wrong to 4uborn government o6jjicLalb thxough bribes
and other # Legal activitieb. It la doubly wnonq when con.-
ponate 6und6 are involved. It la management, and paxtLeutaxty
the ehieg exee'Ltive o46ieeh, who 4et the moue and ethical
tone jor a conpokation'4 decision-making pnoceaza. This
commitment cannot be leglatated ox codi4ied, not can the %e-
Aponsibitity be avoided. It cornea with the job."
PERRY WILSON,
chairman, Union Carbide Corp.
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"Panent4, iS you don't actively move you' pubttc 4choot4 S'om
a labor manh.et debate into an organized patent action jot ed-
uca.t onat ke4orm to en4ure a better education Son every ch 2d,
you may 4oon.bee the end os pubt c education."
DR.. HARVEY B. SCRIBNER,
school chancellor,
New York City, 1970-73
"We have the night to go to any 4choo.e in America but we
can't pay the tuLtLon."
REV. JESSE JACKSON,
founder, Operation PUSH
pointing to blatant con-
tradictions within our society
The above cross section of opinion points to our need to embrace a
new and distinctive understanding of current problems.
NATIONAL ENCOURAGEMENT
We've received a most gratifying early response for our efforts from
an entire cross-section of American leadership and citizens. Here
are but a few public-spirited Americans who have selflessly given
their encouragement:
Bing Crosb endo'se your esso4t4 to insonm the Amen-
J.can peop e about public choice? in education."
Congressman Ronald Dellums, offering to assist us: ."in
qe. ng icn oAm on eonce&ni_ng.Public Choice out into the
community bon Su'the' di,4 cue4.ion."
Congressman Leo Ryan: "The only teat an4We' to the eduea-
toff pro nmn that thi4 country Sacu iA to provide the
public w%th an adequate variety o6 choice4 a4 tong as the4e
choice4 are not de4igned to create racial o' Si.nancia( 4 eg-
'egatLon."
Congressman, Civil Rights Leader, Rev. Andrew Youn :
eabe accept my eb wl e4 a' co nue 4uecea4 in your
essort."
"BUT WE ARE THE EXPERTS."
Finally, to understand the perspectives of a bureau official who has
concern for the public-at-large, we cannot improve upon a courageous
letter to the editor of Harper's Magazine (October 1975):
"Pete' Schuch'4 antLce.e (Why Regulation Fa.it4, Septembe') .c4
pe'eeptive, thorough, and balanced. It showed be tequiAed
reading on every founna.U4t and potc,ti,cLan. My only comment
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9
is on the closing paragraph.
It is my .cmprea4.Lon that no program actual y has a .gauge
valid constituency, eon .the s.cmpte reason that it is not
4ea4.ibLe..to subsidize the many at the expense of the #ew.
(1~ the Aew have 4u~(4icient 4esou4ce4 at their dispo4aL,
they ate pnobabt y able to identify and evade .tire 4 hon t end
o& the stick.) U would be better, 1 think, to recognize
that essentially all Large programs subsidize the sew at the
expense o4 the many, and that i4 the nature oS the subsidi-
zation can be made c.Cean to alt the participants, the pto-
gn.am wiU said o J its own weight.
I work so,% a regulatoty agency. We do not, as an .institu-
tion, 1Lnd it palatable to express accutateLy the amount of
harm we do. It is di icutt to tepott to Congnea4 that out
job #4 bas.ica ty .cmpo4s.LbLe, because the people who maize the
economy tun w tt tame Jurthen advantage o? any new set o4
tines that can be conceived. This #4 diiii.cuP.t because we
ate all human, because we really like .to b tieve we are ac-
comp 26hi.ng a net good, because Congress would probably gave
the same job to some leas honest group of bureaucrats, and
because you get along by going along.
But we ate the experts. Whenever an outside skeptic tti.es
to document any of the counter productive ej4ecta we have
we Aimply prove that he doesn't have the 4act4. We can al-
ways count on Congress to believe that we ate goLLow.cng the
on.iginal mandate, and to #ntenpret any attack on out kesutts
as an attack on out worthy purpose.
1s ,there a solution? yea, but not an easy one. It #4 ne-
cessary to dig Sot all the 4acts, not just the ones which
support the agency. Who really pay {nor good stamps? What
drove the independent gad stations out of business? Who
ready bene4its grom price controls on cU and gas? Who
really reaps the beneJi.t os added educational funding? Which
Aanmer prq.cta Jtom gatm subsidies? While .the conatituen-
c.ies on each og these groups #4 the beneiithvuj, the small
constituency will in every case have a Lange and vilol .in-
terest, and resources to match, with the Hutt concuntence
and 4uppott o4 the televent bureauch.acy. The issue, in my
mind, is whether enlightened analysts, journalists, and pot-
it cidn4 can work thew way down to the (acts.
On a mote optimistic note, I do not be Leve that Large num-
ben4 os citizens need to vote against their own 4eL -inter-
est. It is 4uj~.ici.ent (.ij only Got a start) to per4o4m and
publicize some thorough, hard-nosed, independent appraisals
o4, who is reapy paying jot what."
NAME WITHHELD
Kensington, Maryland
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Here we have it; an expert who should know attests to the fact that
government supports the few at the expense of the many.
PUBLIC VIEWS
How do the American people now view capitalism? Government?
A recent poll by Hart Research Associates found 33 per cent polled
"be..Ueve the caps taU4t 4y4 tem ha4 neaehed At4 peak in term o{s pen-
"onmance and Ls now on the decline."
Neither does government appear to be the solution: 81 per cent said
that they think "It would do mon.e. harm than good 'doh, the government
Co .own and nun major. compan.iee. "
"Thought, are but dre.amea t iU .the.ve e~{yee s be tried."
-SHAKESPEARE
Definitive analyses of seller society (and the full realization and
flowering of publism) must necessarily await publicwide discussion.
Nonetheless, the preceding may suffice to establish the fact of seller
society.
The moment we discover seller society we free ourselves to a new uni-
verse of possibilities in public society. We free ourselves from the
complete mercy of domestic lobbies interlocked with totalitarian par-
t eT s of-worldwide scope. Indeed, we are no longer totally dependent
upon governments, whether cruel or well-meaning, which are able to
destroy mindlessly the promise of humankind.
But so long as the public-at-large is kept uninformed of seller and
public realities, all benefits consequent to public society necessar-
ily will remain unrealized. Neither public information, nor public
consciousness, nor public society is spontaneous; each requires the
development of a formula to release humankind from seller society.
Such is the purpose of publism.
What is publism? How can we understand Its full significance? Even
now (before publicwide discussion) we can see the major characteris-
tics of publism:
Publism refers to the values of the public.
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Publism is an ideologically neutral meeting place for people
of every belief and interest.
Publism is a formula rooted in the democratic experience of
the American people.
Publism contrasts vividly with the insufficient and obsolete
formulae originated in Europe for different conditions and
different ages, including the captivating theories of Adam
Smith (The Wealth of Nations, 1776), and of Karl Marx (The
Communist Manifesto, 1848), which have brought the world to
its present unsafe condition.
Through most of the 19th and 20th centuries the world was
created in the images of Smith's or Marx's economic ideas.
Their influence overshadowed, and at times derailed the ear-
lier democratizing tradition of separation of nowers that
had descended from documents such as the Magna Charta (1215),
from Locke's Two Treatises of Government (1689), through
Montesquieu's The Spirit of Laws , down to the Ameri-
can Foundina Fathers and thee. S. Constitution (1789).
Of course, today democracies are a minority among the nations
of the world.
Publism, then, would revitalize the earlier democratic tra-
dition. Let us remember that we can easily create publism,
because as a people we are today heirs to an incomparably
greater array of facts than any of the above theorists.
Publism is a framework for the consideration of questions of
natural importance to the entire public; a basis for a uni-
fied theory of information; a testable standard of knowledge
based in nature, and more certainly true than "knowledge"
based in seller societies. (Seller society, obviously and
inherently, is dependent upon trust and belief in either
lobbyist or totalitarian frameworks. In contrast, belief
in publism, commitment to publism, is not required.)
Publism is a direct means to dissolve the deleterious effects
of capitalism, communism, and other seller systems in a bath
of understanding; in effect, publism is a remarkably simple
tool which both the haves and have-nots can try without de-
tectable detriment to the hones of either.
Publism is not a trade-off (sacrificing one beneficial effect
for another ; if publism doesn't work, we can always an back
to our original feuds.
Publism neither endorses nor rejects seller formulae but
rather encourages public moderators to mediate the claims of
all seller interests. (Public moderators are the self-inform-
ina.public and their elected public - as distinct from govern-
ment-?revresentatives.)
Specifically, publism is a system of public principles, stud-
ies, institutions and boards, designed to nrovide people
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and accuracy of information. Publism strives to realize lev-
els of human understanding, of harmony, of security, of free-
dom and of civilization which the present seller society is
not looking for and therefore can never achieve.
The basic principles of publism below, of Public Choice in Education
(as in the Public Choice Reporter, Vol. 1, No. 1), and of the National
Public Board of Education are the same. In spite of tragic Ideologi-
cal distortions wrought by supersellers, the edeals of public inter-
est are generally agreed upon throughout America and the world. In
behalf of these principles, then, we seek further and-precise defini-
tion for each public verity:
Public: "Public" is the overall subject of this report, and, as
we've see, it is the sovereign principle of public society.
Who, precisely, Is the public?
The public is the consumer, who shope and buys the ideas,
services, and goods provided by the seller. Being such,
the public is complementary to the seller, evaluating the
sellers' claims and ultimately functioning as the employer
of the seller. The public is each person in every commun-
ity regardless of apparent differences of sex, of age, of
race, of belief, of standing in the spectrum of political
opinion. The public consists of all people joining in a
harmonious dedication to human survival and betterment as
a goal for all humankind.
in a very real sense, you are the public.
The public comprises a new class-the public class-that is
contrasted to the worker-management classes (both of whom
obviously sell, and who exhibit characteristics of seller-
focused theories). The public class concept opens up a new
basis for harmony among people everywhere, and encourages
the growth of public institutions: the individual, the fam-
ily, the community, ta public state (see below), and the
world public. The discovery of seller and public roles thus
points to a need to nourish truly public Institutions, that
have so far been neglected, and frankly urges a supportive
role for seller institutions.
All people have a profound yearning to moor with their pub-
lic class. The evidence is Indisputable and worldwide as
can be seen by governments' us of alluring words meaning
people ("public", etc.). Also witness in America the robust
consumer and public-interest movements. (These movements,
however, have yet to mature, for they may lack the clearly
defined purposes and values of public society.)
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What is most Important to consider is that each public Insti-
tution will naturally seek the fullest value among all seller
offerings.
For example--among the people-Who cares which seller makes
the sale--so long as real value is found? In the local com-
munity, Who really cares whether the employee or the employer
Is the seller; at state and national levels Who is concerned
whether government or nongovernment interests vend authentic
value; worldwide, whether capitalism, communism, or other
seller systems prove the value of their claims?
Because the public class is neutral to every seller method,
the public is uniquely qualified to moderate all public ques-
tions and mediate all seller interests.
Information: In our experience, the only way people can check
governments and other seller forces is through information.
Information is the compass which gives direction to all eco-
nomic and political power. Information Is power (as David
Halberstam has found), and public information is public power.
Who controls information? Anyone can observe (as we have)
governments and other de facto private organizations, con-
sciously or not, promulgate lobbied, self-serving "informa-
tion" while unreviewable nongovernment news media respond to
government (as distinct from public) priorities. For in-
stance, it is no secret that news media label the fact of
government schooling "public education" thereby selling gov-
ernment schooling as well as the news. Other instances of
advertising, propaganda or ideology as information may more
readily come to mind.
Clearly, the present system of information is inadequate as
a general theory of information.
Our point is not to disturb the proper role of either non-
government or government media whose business is in fact to
sell Information and policy as they see fit. To be sure, on
a world scale, American media has done a commendably excel--
lent job.
Our point is, rather, to balance seller information with an
unimpeachable quality of public information. Information of
this quality can illuminate all other principles and there-
fore be the key to public consciousness and human progress.
Such information can also constructively regulate the public,
balance the claims of sellers (in order to protect against
demagogic and totalitarian governments), clarify public pur-
poses, and significantly qualify the public to regulate the
seller.
These programs are ambitions, but as we've seen, they are
very possibly imperative to human survival and well-being,
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and, as we shall see, they are remarkably feasible for the
first time in human history by reason of the availability
of unprecedented communications technology.
To underscore our purpose in this matter, we precisely call
our overall approach "informational publism:". To secure the
necessary standard of discussion on public information and
on a public society, we are inviting a balanced-as-possible
list of 400 public-esteemed Americans (see attached roster)
to moderate these questions, and to oversee the development
of the National Public Board of Information. In good time,
the formation of an International Public Board of Informa-
tion seems inescapable.
The role of media leaders being critical, we are inviting
America's greatest media authorities to assist us in devel-
oping an unimpeachable public--not government--information
system (to the extent possible, one without conservative,
liberal, or whatever political connotations).
Community: Public community Is the consummate achievement of hu-
mankind which one day can issue from public fellowship in
concert with societal harmony.
PUBLIC FELLOWSHIP: The most significant achievement of the
NPBE is public fellowship, the voluntary reconciliation of
the interests of a full public spectrum.
SOCIETAL HARMONY: Also, since we all are at the same time
both "public" and "seller", we can naturally achieve societal
harmony, the comity of our seller interests to our public
purposes.
Because we are all sellers our public perspective can never
be anti-seller. While capitalism, communism, and related
ideologies press the classic formula for class conflict, be-
tween business and worker interests, and even between gov-
ernment and nongovernment sellers, ours is a non-violent,
harmonizing formula which permits a natural approach to the
still hypothetical classless society.
Democracy: What is democracy really?
Existing conceptions of "democracy" worldwide are largely
habituated to the Montesquieuan ideal of governments with
separated powers, established in the American Revolution;
or to the Marxiao working-class Ideal, established in the
communist and socialist governments (mostly since 1917).
Today many nations, including the United States, combine
these ideals as the interplay of constitutionalized "checks
and balances" and the worker-corporate class struggle ethic
in the present lobby system. Seen in this way, the present
system amounts to seller-driven democracy (plainly, a con-
tradictory set of terms).
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And yet, the separation-of-powers experiment has served
American government very well. Publist democracy therefore
would extend throughout society, for the direct benefit of
people, this (Montesquieuan) inheritance now limited to gov-
ernment. For example, publism would create three great states
in one society: the public state and two private states
(government and nongovernment), each with powers suited to
its nature, and each checking, balancing, and complementing
one another. (in totalitarian societies, publism is a way
of realizing two states [public and government states].
And globally, publism sets the foundation for a world pub-
lic state, one complementary to the United Nations ideal.)
Two hundred years ago, at a time when publicwide'information
was impossible (or at least unreliable) society naturally
placed its confidence in guided (seller) governments rather
than in the public.
Today, on the other hand, a veritable public democracy is
possible. In fact, in America, the public state can be as-
tonishingly easy to create-no law need be passed or defea-
ted!
What are the mechanics of a public democracy? The extraor-
dinary capability of modern communications technology is
available to serve public as well as seller purposes. For
example, people now can identify public-esteemed leaders and
elect public board members according to refined indices of
benefit to the public and to exactingly scientific opinion
polls, even on a daily and worldwide basis, whenever neces-
sary or desired.
This means the nublic can be empowered through a system of
informed and responsible choices operating on a continuous
basis for the highest number of people, compared to and par-
allel to the present ratificatory system of voices (votes).
Voting at present is exercised by rather few ootiew voting-ace
population (by 53.4%% in the 1976 presidential election, regis-
terinn a gradual decline since a high of 62.8% in 1960) and
on noticeably few occasions (usually every 2 or 4 years).
Professionalism: True professionalism, as distinct from lobbyism,
fearlessly informs, never deceives the public; for such pro-
fessionalism is really self-confident salesmanship fully com-
mitted to public as well as to seller benefit.
In light of human nature, professionalism may always be more
of a challenge than a reality. In any case the professional
standard can be attained most convincingly in the open forum,
not in the obscure lobby.
Because professionalism calls forth the greatness of our na-
ture, the steadfast people in every profession will serve
public society greatly.
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Science: Science, as distinct from arrogant scientism, has fully
proved its value to the people. However, perhaps because
science is now a kind of public hero, sellers are able to use
science to cloak their salables in a not-to-be-questioned
scientific aura.
Ever so little is scientifically known about either public
nature or sales to the public. his is the case despite ha-
bitual claims of communist historians, white-smock TV com-
mercial actors and of eclectic bureaucrats. Even opinion
pollsters can shade statistics into a kind of numerology.
Not only is publism inherently verifiable, but, with publism,
other societal formulae are also finally testable. Publism
creates entirely more rigorous standards for science, avoid-
ing the rampant scientism of lobbies and of totalitarianism.
Education: Unmistakably, public education, as distinct from
government schooling, is impossible unless people have ac-
cess to basic Information on the meaning of public and
"education".
We have discovered a genuine approach to public education.
We have found, for example, that public "choices" In educa-
tion (based on an average annual outlay, in 1975, of $2000
per student) are much more valuable and believable to the
public than "participation" or "Involvement" goals charac-
teristically sought by PTA and other parent networks. These
parent groups are systematically coopted by government boards
on such basic Issues. (That government educators should call
upon the public to "participate" in school programs Is an
astonishing Irony-why not ask government to participate In
the concerns of the public?)
These have been among our most difficult lessons to learn;
having learned them, we can now more realistically and com-
pletely inform the beneficiary public how they can choose
their own sense of public education.
Econom : The principle of economy requires that the seller not
be a welfare recipient who is disguised in the name of tTie
public good. Economy also provides for competition between
sellers, and therefore creates reasonable choices for an
informed public.
In money terms alone, the public can invest billions beyond
comprehension simply by questioning seller doctrine. Limit-
Ing our scope to dollars spent for education in the United
States, people can shift control of up to $119 billion an-
nually (1975 Office of Education figures) from seller inter-
ests direct to the public as intended beneficiary, without
costing a penny beyond the present education spending levell
if our model describes a harmonic public society, as is at
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least possible, we shall the sooner understand how total glo-
bal resources are wasted. Economists can utilize the pub-
list formula as a fresh means toward the fullest development
(education) and employment (jobs) of human capacities.
Can the public afford public information on a public society?
It Is quite obvious that the public can not afford the incal-
culably greater cost of deceptive seller "information". Pub-
lism, therefore, is an investment without comparison.
Choice: Choice is the catalytic principle which tests publism,
and every principle, for coherence and definition. Public
choice naturally tests every seller value. Public and choice
are inseparable values; without either, neither value has
real meaning.
PUBLIC STUDIES
In order to assure an exhaustive study of seller and public society,
we are checking seller studies with an orderly formula for public
studies:
Publism: In the epistemological sense, publism is public philosophy,
complementary to political philosophy. Publism searches for public
purpose and sound, realistic approaches to human survival and bet-
terment. As such, publism is an independent yardstick and a balance
to seller philosophies, to capitalism and communism, for example.
Publology : Publology is public science, a search for objective pub-
nature, complementary to political science which is now subsumed
by, and the logical client to, seller society.
Democratics: Democratics Is the responsible and skillful practice of
public self-government. As such, it is a valid and proper alternative
to politics, the skillful practice of government of the public by the
seller class.
(For information, courses and forums on publism and related studies,
inquire at the Burlingame office of the National Public Board of Ed-
ucation.)
PUBLIC BOARDS AND FELLOWSHIP CLUBS
The public state is composed of a united system of public boards, at
subnational, at national and at world levels, and concerns information
and other public policies. These boards are designed to moderate pub-
lic questions, to account to the public-at-large (rather than to gov-
ernment or nonoovernment authorities) and to assume complementary ra-
ther than adverse relationships to governments and other seller insti-
tutions.
Legitimized by refined democratic criteria, these boards provide pub-
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lic yardsticks and describe real checks, balances and alternatives to
seller systems. As public boards, they can credibly invite all seller
interests to forward information of precisely the same value to the
public and to public boards as are forwarded to government officials.
Obviously, these boards are instruments of extraordinary capability.
They can detect the true effects of detente, nationalism and other is-
sues of greatest national and global consequence. Unified as a public
state, they can generate a third great voice in society, recognized as
clearly as that of any voice Identifiable with seller society-as
clearly as an Walter Cronkite, as any president, or as an possible
world ruler on questions of direct concern to the well-be of the
people.
The National Public Board of Information has the goal of public infor-
mation on public-policy questions in America. (Since Information in
America Is not controlled by the political process, at least directly,
it is not essential that public information boards be developed paral-
lel to government bodies.)
Public fellowship clubs answer a most profound worldwide need for in-
terpersonal (and intergroup) hospitality and conviviality, directly
addressed to the highest ideals of public society. These fellowship
clubs can serve as harmonizing centers, as points of purpose and hope
for our youth, the jobless, the disillusioned, for countless millions
bypassed In every society, whose evergy can otherwise reduce the world
to ashes.
DECLARATION OF PUBLIC INDEPENDENCE
The promise of publism fairly calls for a Declaration of Public Inde-
pendence. In America the surging mood for public independence may be
stronger than that for national independence 200 years ago; world-
wide, It is common knowledge that many people look to America and the
American people for ideas and leadership.
Hence, we have plans for a magnificent, forward-looking celebration
worthy of the highest ideals of the American people-and of people
everywhere-after 200 years of national independence. In this spirit,
we offer this report as a refinable (by the 400 Public-esteemed Amer-
icans) and perfectible (by the public-at-large) Declaration of Public
Independence, as a democratic basis for America's Third Century, and
as information for people everywhere interested In an harmonious pub-
lic society.
The cry for public independence is timely; it can rescue an America
which now Is noticeably dispirited.
THE VERIFICATION OF PUBLIC SOLUTIONS
These are the broad features of publism, of a refined American demo-
cracy. Almost certainly, we have not yet told, nor can we see the full
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potential of publism. To really understand the possibilities of the
program the best we can do at this point is to seek further verifica-
tion of our findings by submitting them to the unassailable rigor of
publicwide review. In this way the public can continuously develop
Its own amply coherent and useful sense of publism.
In view of statements by the distinguished Americans above regarding
the sobering, even terrifying aspects of seller society, the publist
formula can have timely value for all. This applies as well to the
capitalist and communist supersellers, for they, too, may want desper-
ately to extricate themselves from their addiction to mutual terror,
to stupendous waste, to a suicidal struggle. In fact, there is very
good reason for capitalist and communist leaders, finding each other's
ideology unacceptable, to vie for the support of the conscious public
as the unifier, harmonizer and constructor of public society.
To be sure, there are some who will view this perspective as improb-
ably optimistic. This we accept with the awareness that the impossi-
ble has regularly throughout history yielded to the obvious. (We re-
cognize that extrapolations from the present seller society give ample
reason for pessimism; however, the goal of public society is, we sub-
mit, more valid and allows for more positive actions and achievements.)
In any case, the range of opportunities inherent in publism affects
the entire scope of society; any number of benefits could dawn upon
the world. Why not a veritable public-education system featuring
$2000 choices in education? Why not an independent American public
no longer at the complete mercy of unseen lobby forces, no longer to-
tally dependent upon government? Why not a world having public con-
sc usness beyond the divisive habit of nations?
Certainly, we can no longer responsibly withhold information on publism.
Publism belongs to the American People.
NATIONAL MODERATORS
But how can we guarantee the public unfailing Information on all-
important public questions? Without powerfully prestigious moder-
ators heard on a national, and when necessary, international forum,
the facts and merits in publism cannot accurately be heard above the
deafening roar of seller Interests. Ironically, many seller forces
may be unable to open their minds to developments which can really be
in their own best interests.
We have heard the American leaders (above) urging the American people
to take decisive heed of a starkly serious state of affairs. We are
encouraged that our leaders understand our plight. Just In this
spirit, we invite these American leaders to moderate publism for its
potential value for humankind. We also are inviting many others, 400
in all, to balance the experience, including President Ford, Mrs.
Martin Luther (Coretta) King, and anyone else who can help forward a
faultless discussion of nublism and of public society.
Let us understand that we-both the American people and the world pub-
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lic-lose nothing by opening our minds to the proven merits of pub-
lism; that we court ignorance, misunderstandings, and possible so-
cietal failures should we miss its apparent opportunities.
AMERICA NEED NOT DEFAULT...
There's really no need to allow America to default, to drift onto a
foreseeable storm of violence in this country, and multiplying hostil-
ities abroad. Having publism, we have now a single thought, a single
approach reasonably able to unify the interests of every individual
and the world public.
We can even take heart in the vision of a little-known American con-
tributor, D. E. Colores: "I4 mankind cowed ube .itb di4jehenceb the
way 4toweu in a ,garden do, we'd have a baeonced wottd."
Eugene A. Haggerty
Superintendent
National Public Board of Education
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 - ? NAT 1 B L 2C B 0 A R D O F E D U C A T 1 0 N*
1290 ,> rh r ' k4"ase 04/10/13: CIA-R g o000M6 1- $~3
Bun c,ngame, Cat c orna.a 94010 San F.'canc i,a co : [phone]
Eugene A. Haqqerty? Superintendent
Marian E. Hampton, Chair ,
Chair, San Fnancieco Community Cod~ tcon on Education
Eugene E. Bieck, M.D.
Chjtdren'4 +404p.,i tai, StanAord llnLvena.i ty
Fernando Gonzalez
l,i.necton, Bay Area Center 40)t Attenna ve Education
David H. Keyston
Executive VLeP Pnea.i.dent, Anza Paci ji,c Corporo.ti.an
Gertrude Wllks
PreaLdent, Mothena Am Equat Education;
member, Board 04 Supervj-6ora, East Pato Alto, Cc UAonnria
*Vue to the undi aputed ,importance o l( pubtic I,n~onma .i.on, the NPBE -i4 '4 erv-
.ing a. a prou.c a,innal Natinnat Public Board o4 Tn?ouma. i.on (NPBT) .
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