OUR OVERSEA STAFFS REMAIN INADEQUATELY TRAINED

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000600080004-4
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 10
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 1, 2005
• Sequence Number: 4
• Publication Date: April 28, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

April 28, 1965 A p p r o v e d C F O o r _ G OKE & J -RD R0 446R000600080004-4 .8507
DEAN OF SYRACUSE SCHOOL
At 39, Mr. Cleveland became dean of the
Maxwell Graduate School of Citizenship and
Public Affairs at Syracuse University, direct-
ing graduate programs in economics, history,
philosophy, political science, sociology, and
anthropology.
In July 1941, he married Lois W. Burton, a
librarian. Their children are all of college
age: Carol Zoe was recently graduated from
Rollins College, where Mr. Cleveland's mother
was once dean of women; the twins, 20 years
old, are juniors-Alan at American Univer-
sity and Anne at Barnard. Anne is spending
this semester in Florence, Italy, under a pro-
gram her father devised.
The Clevelands have a rented home on Mc-
Kinley Street in Washington, and the Assist-
ant Secretary enjoys his drive at 8 a.m.
through Rock Creek Park to the State De-
partment "without getting involved in the
city."
Mr. Cleveland is an eloquent man with a
far-ranging mind. He seems to some to have
a touch of professorial reserve but it is soft-
ened by a sense of humor that comes through
in intellectual exchange.
U.S. OFFICIAL SEES U.N. VIETNAM ROLE-
HARLAN CLEVELAND SAYS THAT. THANT COULD
HELP SOLVE BERLIN PROBLEM ALSO
(By Irving Spiegel)
Harlan Cleveland, Assistant Secretary of
State for International Organization Affairs,
asserted last night that there was a role for
the United Nations in any future settle-
ment in Vietnam. He also suggested that
the "good offices" of the Secretary General,
U Thant, could be used in the case of Berlin.
Mr. Cleveland, comparing the Berlin and
Vietnam problems, said that "in both cases
the good offices of the Secretary General re-
main available in the event the protagonists
have anything to say to each other; and in
both cases the United Nations might well
have a role in supervising an agreement If
one can be reached."
He made his remarks' in an address pre-
pared for delivery at a dinner of the biennial
convention of the National Council of Jew-
ish Women. Delegates from various parts
of the country attended the dinner of the
72-year-old education and service organiza-
tion in the delegates lounge at the United
Nations.
UNITED STATES SAID TO BE WILLING
Authoritative sources in Washington have
indicated in the past that the United States
has always welcomed the possibility that the
United Nations would provide a channel for
mediation in Vietnam. The difficulty, Wash-
ington sources said, has been that the Hanoi
regime has shown no willingness to end its
aggression or to begin negotiations.
Sources at the United Nations indicated
that this was the first time that the State
Department had suggested that the Secre-
tary General might play a role in Vietnam.
These sources said there had been efforts
by Soviet journalists and East European dip-
lomats to see if Mr. Thant could go to Hanoi
to try to find a solution.
ROLE OF DIRECT DEALING
Mr. Thant, the sources indicated, would
agree to go if there was some tacit agreement
by the Soviet Union and the United States
and if Hanoi would be willing to receive
him.
Another source interpreted Mr. Cleveland's
reference to the "good offices" of the Secre-
tary General as a sign that the State De-
partment would do nothing to oppose a trip
by Mr. Thant.
Mr. Cleveland, who is known as a strong
advocate of greater use of the United Na-
tions for peacekeeping operations, asserted
that "some conflicts have not yielded to
treatment by direct dealings among the par-
ties."
Berlin is "an obvious example," he said,
."and so-so far-is Vietnam."
In neither case, he said, was the United
Nations able to assume the task of enforcing
peace. -
"In neither case," he added, "has it seemed
useful to freeze positions through public de-
bate as long as no basis existed for a nego-
tiated settlement among the powers mainly
engaged."
It was at this point that he suggested there
was a role for the United Nations in Berlin
and Vietnam. -
"Meanwhile," he added, "in our multi-
plicity of machinery for containing conflict
and building up systems for world order, the
residual capacity for dealing with conflict
and containing violence must reside with our
own Armed Forces. Other peacekeeping ele-
ments are clearly preferable to the direct use
of American force."
WHERE NATION'S INTEREST LIES
He said that the use of techniques of
direct settlement was in the national interest,
just as support "for regional peacekeeping
institutions is in our national interest." He
also said that support for the United Nations
was in the national interest.
Earlier in the day, at the session at the
Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, the delegates urged
amendment of the Johnson administration's
school-aid bill, saying that the bill in its
present form opened "the door to Involve-
ment of sectarian educators in decisions af-
fecting public education."
The delegates cited the need for safeguards
that would preclude undermining of "our
tradition of separation of church and state."
HOUSING BENEFITS OF THE KATE
MAREMONT FOUNDATION
Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, I am
happy to bring to the attention of the
Senate the successful efforts of the Kate
Maremont Foundation, in Chicago, to
rehabilitate buildings before they are
turned into slum tenements. The work
of this foundation, assisted by the tech-
nical and financial resources of the
Urban Renewal Administration, has
helped Chicago's renewal program hur-
dle one of its most vexing problems.
When code regulations are enforced,
many landlords will make the necessary
repairs, and then will begin to charge
higher rents. The new rents force out
the low-income tenents, who move into
other overcrowded buildings offering low
rents; and so the cycle continues.
The April 11, 1965, edition of the
Chicago Sun-Times described the work
and results of the Kate Maremont Foun-
dation; and I ask that the article be
printed at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Chicago Sun-Times, Apr. 11, 1965]
REMAKING OF A CITY-FOUNDATION
NOTE.-For want of repairs and moderniza-
tion many a Chicago building is becoming a
tenement and many a Chicago neighborhood
is sinking into a slum.
Now four attempts are being made to
break the downslide and to substitute pre-
vention and rehabilitation for eventual slum
clearance.
One Is the effort of the Kate Maremont
Foundation, another that of the Community
Renewal Foundation.
The other two are a new city project and
the continuation of the city's longstanding
program of conservation and renewal.
If these efforts to upgrade the city's thou-
sands of substandard and outdated buildings.
succeed, urban renewal will move into a
new and different phase.
The Sun-Times is presenting a definitive
-report on these new and varied efforts to
remake a city.
(By Ruth Moore)
The problem was that the deterioration of
thousands of the city's older apartments was
enormous and seemingly -intractable.
And when the Kate Maremont Foundation
was established in 1963 and announced that
it was going to undertake the rehabilitation
of such buildings, it was about in the posi-
tion of Jack the giant killer. -
Only under special circumstances had sub-
stantial numbers of buildings been saved
from a decline into slums, or brought back
from those depths.
One was in conservation areas where the
expenditure of millions for slum clearance
and environmental improvement opened the
way for upgrading the other buildings.
The other was in self-renewing areas
where owners were willing to pay for im-
proving their homes.
Elsewhere in the city buildings generally
went only from bad to worse.
The Maremont Foundation proposed a
bold attack, using newly authorized 100 -per-
cent Federal rehabilitation loans. It hoped
to acquire about 100 buildings a year. The
complexities of the work made this impos-
sible, but the foundation now has rehabil-
sated or is rehabilitating 15 buildings with
about 1,200 units at a cost of $7 million.
Among them are slum buildings, other
units only shabby with age, and "The Rosen-
wald."
The latter, officially the Michigan Boule-
vard Garden Apartments in the block bound-
ed by 46th, 47th, Michigan and Wabash, was
philanthropist Julius Rosenwald's 1930 pri-
vate attempt to solve urban problems with
decent housing. - -
Most significantly, the foundation has
demonstrated that some key older buildings
in a variety of neighborhoods can be remade
into livable, modernized, code-complying
apartments with little or no rent increase.
The demonstration helped persuade city
housing agencies to' move into a building-
rescue operation as part of the renewal of
the city. If the process proves feasible, the
city with its right of eminent domain and
its financial resources could rehabilitate
buildings a private foundation cannot han-
dle and do it on a scale prohibited to a pri-
vate group.
Thus Chicago may be acquiring an effec-
tive new tool for halting slums and rescuing
downgrade neighborhoods. The Sun-Times
will report in another article on the program
the city is organizing.
Arnold H. Maremont established the Kate
Maremont Foundation in memory of his
mother after he had seen the degraded con-
dition in which thousands of welfare families
lived.
As former head of the Illinois Public Aid
Commission, Maremont knew that the State
and Federal Governments in effect were
spending $50 million a year or more to rent
the slums of Chicago.
Technically, the 90,000 welfare recipients
in Cook County who rent private housing pay
their own rent. Actually, the State makes
specific rent grants.
Though the amounts allowed are standard,
ards, many welfare recipients can afford
only wornout apartments. -
Maremont wanted to do something about
this housing and about other substandard
buildings. The Federal program offering
not-for-profit organizations 100 percent loans
at below-market interest rates offered an
opportunity. -
The loans provided for by the Housing Act
actually amount to about 98 percent. It
'takes private funds to get projects started.
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8508. GRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE April 28, 1965
,The foundation provides this money and the
initiative.
The large loans, coupled with a low in-
terest rate-initially the 3ye percent the
Government Itself had to pay for the
money-and repayment over a maximum of
30 years, were designed to permit rehabili-
tation without an increase In rent. But
given these aids, the rehabilitation Is ex-
pected to pay its own way.
Making such loans for the purchase and
repair of derelict buildings was essentially
a new process to the Federal Housing Ad-
ministration. Most of Its experience was
with new buildings. To develop the tech-
niques that would make the program work-
able, FHA set up a special Chicago office
headed by Carl D. Whitney. A staff was bor-
rowed from other FHA offices.
Real estate men thencame In, offering to
sell the foundation their worst buildings
and some others. The FHA staff studied
scores of them.
Many were rejected as being beyond help.
Small buildings with fewer than 30 units,
poorly converted buildings and buildings in
extremely bad neighborhoods also were
judged impossible risks.
Attention turned primarily to aging build-
ings in sound neighborhoods and to build-
ings near renewal areas, where coming de-
velopments would give an improved struc-
ture a chance.
An apartment building at 3034-38 North
Halsted became the foundation's first proj-
ect. Its 92 apartments faced on a green, at-
tractive court, and they had not been abused.
But it was clear that unless the building
were thoroughly modernized, its days were
numbered.
The Maremont Foundation bought the
building for $350,000 and proposed to spend
$252,800 to put it into first-class condition.
FHA approved thetotal $602,600 loan needed.
After a slow start, the foundation began
rehabilitating one tier at a time. - Tenants
were shifted to vacant units and no one had
to leave the building.
The apartments and building now have a
spick-and-span look. Paint Is fresh and the
floors have been sanded. The kitchen and
baths with all their new equipment and out-
lets compare favorably with those in new
buildings.
New closets provide some of the storage
space the apartments always lacked. The
foundation did not try to remove partitions
or change room sizes, though the rooms are
small.
And rents were Increased only about $5 a
month. They now average about $78 for a
one-bedroom apartment.
In some of the other Maremont buildings
rents were lowered or maintained at present
levels.
The "stonefronts" the Maremount Foun-
dation bought and is rehabilitating on the
South Side provided a different test.
The once fashionable 80-year-old row at
1526-50 on East 85th could not have been
in worse condition. The original 48 units
had been cut up into 96 and the building
virtually had been gutted.
The building department had found mul-
tiple violations, and had ordered the owners
to deconvert and make repairs that would
have cost several hundred thousand dollars.
Faced with this inevitability, they agreed
to sell to the foundation for $100,000. The
foundation will spend $375,000 to completely
remodel the buildings. The $475,000 total
was borrowed on a 100-percent loan.
The 96 units with their crash panels and
shared baths will be reduced to 57 apart-
ments of 4 to 7 rooms each. Virtually new
baths and kitchens will be Installed, and the
apartments thoroughly cleaned. In addi-
tion, the foundation will cut courts into the
rear of the buildings to bring light and air
to all the rooms.
With all of this, rents will range from $90
to $125 a month. The Woodlawn Organiza-
tion, a community group, will work with the
foundation on the project and will help to
find tenants.
Strict code enforcement that made it pos-
sible to buy the building for a relatively low
figure was one factor that enabled the foun-
dation to act. The coming rebuilding of
Cottage Grove between 61st and 63d and the
further development of the South Campus
of the University of Chicago changed the
outlook for the neighborhood. Both offered
assurance of an environment in which a re-
newed building could healthily survive for
the 30 years of the mortgage.
The Rosenwald offered still another test.
The block-square buildings with their
beautiful interior gardens had been an oasis
in the generally forbidding area around
them. Under the initial management of the
late Robert R. Taylor and later, of a staff
trained by him, the buildings were well
maintained.
About 8 years ago the Rosenwald Foun-
dation sold the building to private buyers.
The buildings again were well handled, but
by 1964 they were more than 35 years old.
They, and the 450 units, needed major mod-
ernization if they were to maintain their
character.
The foundation is buying them and plans
to modernize them at a total cost of $2,300,-
000. A noble experiment of another era
thus will continue to fulfill Its high purposes.
Without action the anchor buildings and
all that- they stood for on the South Side
might have been lost.
The foundation has been moving slowly
but is gaining experience. It is now con-
sidering a move into one of the most solidly
built areas in Chicago, the "Canyon" in
Hyde Park-Kenwood.
Both sides of Ingleside between 47th and
48th are almost a solid mass of masonry.
Apartments are built almost flush with the
sidewalk and cover virtually every Inch of the
land. The block is one of Chicago's most
notorious cases of overbuilding,
The situation was bad enough when the
apartments were their original size. Then
half of them were cut up Into smaller units,
until now there are 650 units.
Though the Canyon Is in the Hyde Park-
Kenwood urban renewal area, it has largely
been ignored. To clear it would have re-
quired the relocation of a backbreaking num-
ber of families.
Such a solution was rejected by the city
department of urban renewal. However,
under the renewal program for the area the
Canyon must be brought up to code con-
formity.
The Maremont Foundation has indicated
that it would be willing to buy the buildings
and rehabilitate them.
Studies have shown how this might be
accomplished. To break up the solid mass
and bring in light and air, the foundation
would tear down two of the buildings on
each side of the street. The back half of
two other buildings on each side would be
razed.
The way would then be open for a thorough
renovation of the remaining buildings. With
demolition done, rehabilitation would cost
about $1,600,000.
Negotiations to purchase the buildings
have foundered on the high prices asked by
some of the absentee owners.
The department of urban renewal has
the authority under the Urban Renewal Act
to use eminent domain to buy and raze or
rehabilitate the buildings. State laws also
permit the courts to disregard income from
illegal conversions in fixing prices. When
this has been done in other places prices
often have been halved.
What will be done in the canyon has not
been determined. Victor DeGrazia, president
of the Maremont Foundation, said that if the
buildings can be purchased at a realistic price
and rehabilitated according to the proposed
plan the area could be turned into a good,
stable place to live. As part of the renewed
Hyde Park area it could have a bright future.
The Maremont experience has shown that
the prime requirement in rehabilitation is
patience. DeGrazia said. Many buildings and
neighborhoods have to be studied before suit-
able programs are found.
Out of bitter experience, the Maremont
Foundation also has learned that it cannot
subcontract for all phases of remodeling-
the wiring, plumbing, and all the rest. It now
employs a general contractor who makes a
general cost estimate and undertakes to have
the work done for that amount. Foundation
and FHA inspection Insures that the work is
done properly.
The further the foundation goes into
management. DeGrazia said, the more con-
vinced it is that it must have tenant co-
operation.
A staff member is being assigned to work
with tenant councils and with the neighbor-
hood.
A nonprofit foundation has a special ad-
vantage. DeGrazia believes. He hopes that
continued maintenance will reduce costs
and lead to a reduction in rents.
Experience also has shown. DeGrazia said,
that enough buildings in any one neighbor-
hood should be rehabilitated to produce an
overall effect on the neighborhood. Cluster-
ing helps.
Above all. DeGrazia argues, the Maremont
Foundat n' great experiment proves that
rehabiliic is possible as one way of sus-
INADEQUATELY TRAINED
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, in a
series of brief statements to the Senate
over recent weeks-see pages 4059, 4751-
4753, 5276-5281, 6382-6387, and 7599-
7803 of the RECORD--I have attempted to
demonstrate validity in the concept of
the Freedom Academy bill as a most
promising approach toward improving
our capacity to function effectively as
the leading non-Communist power in
what threatens to be a generations-long
struggle to make certain by peaceful ac-
tions that Communist organization does
not become the world's dominant politi-
cal form.
The bill, S. 1232, is sponsored by an
extraordinarily broadly based group of
Senators representing the entire spec-
trum of mainstream American political
thought ranging from liberal to con-
servative. They are not a group of
blustering professional anti-Communists.
They are Senators basically agreed that
this country must develop better de-
fenses against nonmilitary aggression.
Sponsors of the bill, besides myself, are
Senators CASE, DODD, DOUGLAS, FONG,
HICRENLOOPER, LAuscRE, MILLER, PROUTY,
PROXMIRE, SCOTT, SMATHERS, and
MURPHY.
The bill proposes, briefly, intensive
concurrent effort of two kinds: research
and training. Research would concen-
trate on an entirely new academic dish
plane which we have largely ignored but
which has been intensely and deter-
minedly developed for a generation or
more by our Communist adversaries.
This is the field of nonmilitary aggres-
sion-psychological warfare, guerrilla
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April 28, -1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 8509
r
operations, enervating a target society,
and, all that goes with it.
We do not entirely comprehend these
processes in our own Government. As
the principal force of resistance against
Communist and other totalitarian non-
military aggression, we need to compre-
hend these processes fully and we need
to disseminate this understanding to
everyone who has interest in and ca-
pacity for establishing effective defense
against such aggression;
So the Freedom Academy bill (S. 1232)
proposes a training program more am-
bitious by far than our current efforts
and substantially different in character
and purpose. It is a serious and com-
prehensive effort to close the vast man-
power training gap,existing between the
Communists and the free world. Three
categories of persons could participate
in such training. First, of course, would
be American Government personnel who
function in the area of foreign affairs.
These are the individuals charged with
responsibility for our own national de-
fense; and they should be prepared to
recognize, to understand, and to counter-
act nonmilitary aggression in its early
stages when it can be counteracted with-
out fielding an entire army to do the job.
The second category of trainees would
be foreign nationals, citizens of foreign
countries who have an Interest in and
a potential for resisting and stopping
nonmilitary aggression against their own
countries. We have mutual interest with
these people. They seek to defend their
own societies from external aggression
and internal collapse. We seek to pre-
serve their countries as nonhostile en-
tities, societies independent from Com-
munist dominion. Such persons would
be government officials or private citi-
zens in position to act effectively, given
advantage of the sophistication it takes
to stop professional revolutionaries, to
defend their own societies from exter-
nally inspired but internally conducted
attack.
The third category of trainees would
be American citizens employed in non-
Government work whose assignments
station them abroad and who, given the
sophistication which the Freedom Acad-
emy could impart, could act effectively
toward defense against nonmilitary ag-
gression.
The research arm of the. Institution
would be closely coordinated with the
training arms;. and training would be
constantly bolstered by new understand-
ing derived from continuing research,
A great deal of research, I suspect,
would, as the several extensive congres-
sional hearings on Freedom Academy
bills have indicated, concentrate on com-
munication and motivation. We need to
know more and more about what makes
other peoples tick and we need to know
more about how to communicate effec-
tively and persuasively with them in ac-
cordance with their own patterns of com-
prehension. We need to know what our
adversaries already know about various
national 'Psychologies or psychological
processes among different peoples. Al-
ready we know that effective motiva-
tional stimuli vary from one people to
another. We need to know how they
vary and how this information is utilized
by our adversaries and how it can be used
to defend the integrity of non-Commu-
nist societies.
Last week I attempted to demonstrate
from the periodical press that Commu-
nist revolutions occurring all over Africa
are planned and coordinated by experts
trained for nonmilitary warfare in coun
tries which are antagonistic to our own
interests. Today I would like to utilize
the periodical press to show the same
kind of development occurring in Latin
America.
But no responsible person I know con-
tends that all discontent in Latin Amer-
ica is fomented by revolutionary activity.
Skilled revolutionaries, rather, exploit
discontent, turn it to their own ends.
We need better capability to erect good
defense against such activity. The pro-
fessional revolutionaries appear now to
hold to themselves unchallenged the en-
tire field of this effective political
activity.
The Wall Street Journal of March 18,
1965, carried a story from Guatemala
City, written by James C. Tanner, de-
scribing the general topic of Latin Amer-
ican anti-government activity. Of Com-
munist endeavors, he writes:
Observers foresee increasing Latin Ameri-
can terrorism * * * as Red China expands
its revolutionary-minded ideology; the Bind
guerrilla strategy particularly appeals to
younger Latin leftists. One indication of
American concern is that U.S. Latin trouble-
shooters in the State Department now get
regular reports from U.S. Embassies on sabo-
tage and other violence. But terrorism is
not the only weapon being used by Latin
Communists.
The Reds are pushing peasant unrest and
seizing on such issues as the Panama Canal
to stir up turmoil. Though the Communists
were unjustly blamed for starting the Pan-
ama Canal riots in January 1964, they were
quick to capitalize on the friction. Since,
a number of additional Communists have
gone into Panama, and their hand was evi-
dent in the student-sponsored demonstra-
tions this past January in observance of the
"martyrs" who died a year earlier.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the whole text of this article,
"Latin Leftists," from the Wall Street
Journal of March 18, 1965, appear at this
point in my remarks.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
LATIN LEFTISTS-FEW AND DIVIDED, THEY STILL
MANAGE To MAKE TROUBLE
(By James C. Tanner)
GUATEMALA CITY, GUATEMALA.-Minutesbe-
fore midnight on March 30, 1963, army
tanks rammed through a wall around Casa
Creme, the rambling "cream house" residence
of President Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes, leveled
their guns at the front door and waited while
the jaunty Ydigoras packed his bags for a
trip into exile.
Behind the golpe (Latin military coup)
was a taciturn army career colonel with a
penchant for horseback riding, Enrique
Peralta Azurdia. Already defense minister,
Colonel Peralta named himself chief of gov-
ernment and assured Guatemalans he acted
only because Ydigoras was leading the gov-
ernment into corruption and yielding the
land to communism. The 56-year-old col-
onel today still trumpets the Red threat.
Seated on an aging sofa in the national
palace, he blames Castro "hoodlums" and
Communist "bandits" for Guatemala's spas-
modic outbreaks of terrorism. But he con-
fides that the military government is only a
provisional one, that it is bringing political
tranquility and that presidential elections
will be held before the year's end. He in-
sists he will not be a candidate. But might
he refuse to relinquish control to the new
President? Yes; if the leftists win, replies
the colonel. "Under no circumstances will
we permit a movement with a communistic
tint," he says.
Similarly, emerging political leaders in a
growing number of the 2 dozen Latin lands
are taking a tough, hard-line stand against
the Reds. While this would appear cheering
to Uncle Sam, many like the colonel heading
this one-time communistic country are dic-
tators. And even as the United ; States
presses for democracies through such pro-
grams as the Alliance for Progress, it's being
increasingly saddled politically with just
the opposite. The claimed alternative is
communism.
The Latin far left is being fragmented by
the Soviet-Sino split and by the fading hero
image of Castro. In the few countries where
the Communist Party is not now outlawed,
Red politicians are taking a thrashing at the
polls. But the leftists are growing adept at
keeping governments shaky and forcing
golpes. Some observers of volatile Latin
politics insist that dictatorships are in line
with Communist objectives. Even if the
Reds can't twist' a revolt to'their own aims ,
as they did in Cuba, it's reasoned, a military
government that makes a mess of running
things offers more fertile ground than a de-
mocracy for Communist capture.
MAKING MORE NOISE
"The Communists, in Latin America are
weak, but they are making more noise and
working toward the chaos that leads to mili-
tary takeovers," asserts Arturo Jauregui, sec-
retary general of the 28 million-member
Mexico-based Inter-American Regional Or-
ganization of Workers. A Peruvian, Mr.
Jauregui competes against Communists
across Latin America for control of labor
unions. Another Red foe, an astute Latin
statesman, frets the day will come when
perhaps as many as half of the Republics of
Central and South America will be controlled
by Communists. The other half, he reasons,
will be ruled by dictators who have used the
Red threat as an excuse to take over. .
Latin America's Red repercussions pose
more than just `a matter of strategic concern
for Uncle Sam. The United States has a
bigger stake in this region than in any other
area because Latin America is one of the best
world markets for U.S. businessmen. Amer-
ican investments total $1 billion in Chile and
more than $1 billion in Mexico, to cite just
two examples.
Communists directed from Moscow, Pei-
ping, and Havana are after this plum. Red
China recently proclaimed it now is in a
position to increase the export of its ideology
to Latin America. In January, Pravda called
on Latin working classes to join peasants in
breaking the stranglehold of U.S. imperialists.
Specific targets named in the Moscow com-
munique were Panama, Haiti, Guatemala,
Honduras, Colombia, Venezuela, and Para-
guay. Castro exports guerrillas to other
Latin countries.
Until just a few weeks ago, Communists
were well on the way in British Guiana to
a solid toehold on South America's main-
land. Guatemala once fell to the Commu-
nists, Cuba still is Red, of course, and Ar-
gentina, Bolivia, and Brazil have go me close
to capture, And despite their small num-
bers and growing dissension within their
ranks, the Communists are getting some re-
sults.
There are growing hints, for example, of
a military takeover in Colombia. A thorny
issue is leftist-inspired banditry. The com
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 28, 1965
rnander of the armed forces complains In-
creasingly of exploitation of Colombia's prob-
lems by what he calla "unscrupulous agents
of foreign doctrines" President Guillermo
Leon Valencia recently booted out his de-
fense minister, mentioned as the likely lead-
er cf a pending coup.
A sticky situation also shapes up In El
Salvador. though that tiny Central Ameri-
can nation has fewer than 1,000 Communists
by government count. The trouble can be
traced to Pablo Castillo, a physcian turned
talented administrator. A civilian member
of a six-man junta which seized the govern-
ment briefly in 1960. Mr. Castillo is using
the national university he currently heads
as a power base for the presidency, some
Salvadorans claim. He's a recent visitor to
Moscow, and set off a furor in his country
with a proposal to bring in Russian profes-
sors.
Mr. Castillo also has labeled Salvador's
reformed-minded president Julio A. Rivera a
puppet of the United States. Through all
the flap, President Rivera is acting with re-
straint. But this arouses mutterings from
dissident elements of the military and from
intransigent members of the oligarchy who
want a hard-line approach to the leftist-
leaning university. "As a result, the most
serious threat to the political stability of the
country comes not from the left but the
right," notes a foreign diplomat at San Sal-
vador.
If military coups should come in Colombia
and Salvador, they would follow a path al-
ready paved by a swift sequence of goipes
since Colonel Peralta made his move in
Guatemala. The excuse of encroaching com-
munism Is the theme even though the actual
threat may not be clear.
Some 17 months ago In Honduras, Col.
Osvaldo Lopez Areilano, head of the armed
forces, waged a brief but bloody battle to
oust President Ramon Villeda Morales. The
"golpe" came just 10 days before an election
to name a successor for Villeda. Colonel
Lopez, who now becomes constitutional Pres-
ident, says he acted to have the country
from communism. Similar reasons were
voiced by leaders of last year's revolt in
Brazil which toppled the leftist regime of
Joao Goulart.
Recently in landlocked Bolivia, after Presi-
dent Victor Paz Estenasoro courted danger by
tangling with the Red-infiltrated tin miners'
unions, widespread leftist-led student riots
pushed his anti-Communist and American-
backed government over the brink. Heading
the military junta which overthrew Presi-
dent Paz: A crew-cut air force general, Rene
Barrientos, who also is outspokenly anti-Red.
Nicaragua has an elected president but the
Somoza overlords still control that country;
Ecuador is under a military junta, and a ci-
vilian junta rules the Dominican Republic.
REBELLION A POPULAR SPORT
Rebellion, of course, Is the popular sport
among Latins and not much of an excuse
is needed to start one. A clandestine press
conference by a former president sparked the
Guatemalan golpe, for example. Though no
Communist, Juan Jose Arevalo as president
saw no danger from the Reds and permitted
them to infiltrate labor and other groups.
His successor, moreover, was dominated
by Communists. Jacobo Arbenz Guzman
elected in 1951, staffed government posts
with Reds, and Guatemala was controlled by
Communists until a United States-backed
insurrection chased him out. The most re-
cent elected president. Ydigoras. was anti-
Communist, but political conditions grew
chaotic under his regime. Arevalo, in exile,
loomed as his most likely successor. When
Arevalo slipped into Guatemala to outline
his presidential campaign strategy for the
press, the military overthrew Ydigoras in a
bloodless coup. Colonel Peralta justifies the
action by characterizing Arevalo as a pro-
Communist who would once again turn the
country to the left.
A new constitution now is being drafted.
It will prohibit the reelection of a former
president, eliminating from the running such
exiles as Arevalo, Arbenz, and Ydigoras.
Despitesafeguards being written into the
constitution and Into Its laws, Guatemala
so far hasn't been able to legislate the Com-
munists out of existence The Communist
Party is Illegal, but some 1,000 active mem-
bers continue working through a camou-
flaged front group. Castro-trained guerrillas
operating near Lake Izubai In the Interior
and along the Honduras border occassionally
machinegun an army officer, raid banana and
rubber plantations, and sometimes, just to
show the peasants whose side they are on,
assassinate a landowner.
In recent weeks, urban terrorism by Gua-
tamalan Reds-led by an army renegade
trained in guerrilla fighting by U.S. forces
in Panama-has taken a new tack with tar-
gets being U.S.-owned properties. New Year's
Eve celebrations In Guatemala City included
the burning of a U.S. Government garage
along with the 23 cars in it. A U.S. Army
colonel has been shot at, and a U.S. Army
building bombed.
Observers foresee increasing Latin Amer-
ican terrorism of this sort as Red China
expands its revolution-minded idealogy; the
Sino guerrilla strategy particularly appeals to
younger Latin leftists. One Indication of
American concern is that U.S. Latin trouble-
shooters in the State Department now get
regular reports from U.S. embassies on sab-
otage and other violence. But terrorism is
not the only weapon being used by Latin
Communists.
THE CANAL ISSUE
The Reds are pushing peasant unrest and
seizing on such Issues as the Panama Canal
to stir up turmoil. Though the Communists
were unjustly blamed for starting the Pan-
ama Canal riots in January 1964, they were
quick to capitalize on the friction. Since, a
number of additional Communists have gone
into Panama, and their hand was evident in
the student-sponsored demonstrations this
past Janus" in observance of the "martyrs"
who died a year earlier.
The Latin Reds, however, are running into
some sizable setbacks in their more legiti-
mate pursuits. Venezuela is cleaning up its
Red-infiltrated schools, dismissing so far
some 2.000 leftist teachers. A potentially po-
tent leftist labor movement across Latin
America has fallen apart. Not the least of
the Communist troubles is the Peiping-
Moscow rift. Notes a U.S. official long sta-
tioned in South America: "The older Com-
munists that were Moscow-trained are aging.
The younger ones for awhile leaped at Castro
as the rising star. Now, he's out as a hero.
and they look toward Peiping. So really, the
unity of the Latin Communists is shot."
Pro-Soviet Reds still control the parties in
most Latin lands. But their leaders are
mellowing. Vicente Lombardo Toledano. an
aging leftist who heads the Popular Socialist
Party (PPS) in Mexico and long has been
Moscow's chief missionary in Latin America,
traded out with Mexico's ruling political
party last year and backed anti-Communist
Gustavo Diaz Ordaz for President. Now
Mr. Lombardo Toledano is a deputy, spout-
Ing softened Marxist ideology from the con-
gressional floor.
In Chile's presidential election last Sep-
tember. Communists threw all their support
to a socialist, a popular candidate who
looked like a sure winner. He was soundly
trounced by Christian Democrat Eduardo
Frei. Mr. Frei's government further
strengthened its hand in congressional elec-
tions this month by becoming the first to
gain an absolute majority in the lower
house. But experts on Latin Reds caution
that their impact can't always be measured
at the polls. Frei's programs in Chile, for
instance, are being bottled up by the Reds.
Though most citizens back his plans to go
into partnership with the big U.S. companies
In Chile's copper business, the Communists
are teaming with nationalists to accuse Frei
of selling out to the Yankees.
So, despite the emergence of stanchly
anti-Communist leaders in a number of
Latin lands, it is likely the Reds will keep
Latin America in ferment for some time.
Mr. MUNDT. Marguerite Higgins has
also noted the increasing exploitation of
real discontent in Latin America by pro-
fessional revolutionists who work toward
violent overthrow of legitimate govern-
ments. She has written two recent ar-
ticles to which I will allude. One ap-
peared in the Washington Evening Star
of March 22, 1965, where she quotes
Cuba's Che Guevara as having asserted
to an interviewer that:
The armed fight which has already started
in Guatemala and Colombia will develop into
a continental movement.
Noting the newly agreed declaration
by 22 Latin American Communist parties
of support and solidarity for Fidel Castro,
Marguerite Higgins tells how Castro
finally obtained unified support for his
type of revolution:
In exchange, for a Castro pledge of hands-
off in most areas of Latin America, the hemi-
sphere Communist parties promise "active
aid" for violent attempts to overthrow the
governments of Venezuela, Colombia, Guate-
mala, Honduras, Paraguay, Haiti, and Pana-
ma. These countries were named in the
Havana communique as countries where the
"liberation movement is most likely to suc-
ceed."
And the professional revolutionaries are
busily training others In their craft,
With Soviet. Red Chinese, and North Viet-
namese guerrilla experts already In place in
camps near Havana, Castro now has un-
precedented backing from the entire Com-
munist apparatus In the hemisphere.
There is no precedent-
Marguerite Higgins writes-
for such a brazen declaration of guerrilla
warfare against sovereign nations in this
hemisphere. ? * ? It is a measure of world
communism's confidence of America's in-
ability-or unwillingness-to do anything
about it.
My purpose in this series of statements
is to answer just that charge-that our
country refuses to confront this chal-
lenge. Establishment of something like
the Freedom Academy, a concept which
emerged from intensive effort and acute
analysis, would commence improving de-
fenses of the non-Communist world
against nonmilitary aggression.
I ask unanimous consent that this ar-
ticle by Marguerite Higgins, entitled
"United Reds Give Castro Lift," from
the Washington Evening Star of March
22, 1965, appear at this point in my re-
marks.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
UNITED REDS GIVE CASTRO LIFT
(By Marguerite Higgins)
What are the Russians up to on the Carib-
bean front of the cold war? Is all as quiet
south of the border as the Nation's preoccu-
pation with Vietnam would seem to warrant?
The answer, unfortunately, is "No."
And the renewed cockiness of Fidel Castro
& Co., inside Cuba and out, officials here
concede, has a certain basis in fact.
An example of this cockiness was the in-
terview given In Algeria by Cuba's far-travel-
ing guerrilla expert, Ernesto "Che" Guevara,
who declared, "The armed fight which has
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April 28,'1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
already started in Guatemala and Colombia
will develop into a continental movement."
This is in line with the Cuban propaganda
line that these two countries "will form the
embryos for turning all of Latin America
into a vast South Vietnam
MOSCOW'S BLESSING
A new reason for this Cuban cockiness is
the declaration of support and solidarity for
Fidel Castro wrested from representatives of
all 22 Latin American Communist parties in
convention assembled in Havana. The corn-
munique of this Havana convention was is-
sued in late January and immediately dis-
tributed by Tass New Agency, thus giving it
Moscow's blessing.
But there is far more to the communique
than meets the casual eye.
For one thing, it brings. a certain order
out of the interparty bickering and chaos
that has often been a hindrance to Latin
American Communist Parties.
For another, the communique of the hemi-
sphere Communists, who are without excep-
tion under Soviet discipline, marks the first
time in 6 years of power that Castro has
been able to win this group's promise of
coordinated support, not just for himself, but
for his export of armed violence.
"ACTIVE AID" OFFERED
According to intelligence sources, Moscow
engineered a rather remarkable compromise
between the Latin American Communist
Parties, who have resented Castro's meddling
in their spheres of influence, and the Cuban
dictator.
In exchange for a Castro pledge of hand's-
off in most areas of Latin America, the hemi-
sphere Communist parties promise "active
aid" for violent attempts to overthrow-
the governments of Venezuela, Colombia,
Guatemala, Honduras, Paraguay, Haiti and
Panama. These countries were named in
the Havana communique as countries where
the "liberation movement" is most likely to
succeed. -
The communique marks an end to the
previous contention of the Communist par-
ties that revolution ought to be left to locals
inside each country and sanctions export of
terror and revolution to certain predesig-
.nated places.
With Soviet, Red Chinese and North Viet-
namese guerrilla experts already in place in
camps near Havana, Castro now has un-
precedented backing from the entire Com-
munist apparatus in the hemisphere. It will
no longer carp and protest at Cuban med-
dling but will assist Castro.
BAD NEWS FOR UNITED STATES
In light of Castro's all too substantial
successes already, this is bad news for his
intended victims-and for the United States.
There is no precedent for such a brazen
declaration of guerrilla warfare against
sovereign nations in this hemisphere.
Unfortunately, it is not only a measure
of Castro's cockiness : It is a measure of
world Communism's confidence in America's
inability-or unwillingness-to do anything
about it.
Whatever became of those ringing declara-
tions of the Cuban crisis days in which the
United States warned it would never stand
idly by if Castro were to persist in attempts
to export subversion in the hemisphere?
Mr. MUNDT. Miss Higgins continued
a month later. She writes of the same
developments but from the viewpoint of
another month's consequential activities.
And what is the situation in these threat-
ened countries? Violence has flared to some
degree in all. But the situations in Guate-
mala and Venezuela cause the most concern.
American officials estimate that in Guate-
m:.la perhaps 500 well-trained terrorists are
operating under direction from Havana where
Soviet, Chinese, and even North Vietnamese
experts cooperate in training Latin Ameri-
cans in subversion.
In Venezuela * * * guerrilla activities in
the rural areas, which had been conspicu-
ously on the wane, are now rising in inten-
sity. -
I ask unanimous consent that the Mar-
guerite Higgins article "Castro Isn't
Shaken by United States," from the
Washington Evening Star of April 19,
1965, appear at this point in my remarks.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows: -
CASTRO ISN'T SHAKEN BY UNITED STATES
(By Marguerite Higgins)
Fidel Castro is far from being in the corner
into which Uncle Sam has tried to paint
him. In fact, in some things, he is ahead on
points.
This is the most. significant conclusion
to be drawn from careful analysis of testi-
mony, given by top military, intelligence
experts, and State Department officials to
the House Inter-American Affairs Subcom-
mittee.
This country has hoped that policies of
economic isolation would make Cuba impos-
sibly expensive to support-so expensive that
Russia would find reason to cut Castro off
without a ruble.
But according to John Crimmons, coordi-
nator of Cuban affairs for the Department of
State the situation today is that: "Despite
apparent Soviet dissatisfaction with Cuban
economic performance * * * and despite
Soviet resentments of Cuban actions and
attitudes, we estimate that the community
of interest between Moscow and Havana is
currently strong and that the reciprocal ben-
efits of their association override their dif-
ferences."
Time was when the United States threat-
ened the use of force if Fidel Castro attempt-
ed to. export subversion.
But the fact today is that the export of
subversion is a fait accompli and such ex-
perts as Ellsworth Bunker, former U.S, rep-
resentative to the Organization of American
States, believes that "we might well be on
the threshold of an intensified. Communist
effort in this hemisphere."
"Not only has the American -threat of the
possible use of force failed to deter Castro,
it has failed to deter any of the hemisphere
Communist Parties or Moscow.
In November of last year, the Communist
Parties of the hemisphere attended a con-
ference in Havana at which they proclaimed
in a communique they would coordinate ef-
forts with Castro to overthrow by force and
violence ("liberate") Venezuela, Colombia,
Guatemala, Honduras, Panama, Paraguay,
and Haiti.
And what is the situation in these threat-
ened countries? Violence has flared to some
degree in all. But the situations in Guata-
mala and Venezuela cause the most concern.
American officials estimate that in Guata-
mala perhaps 500 well-trained terrorists are
operating under direction from Havana
where Soviet, Chinese, and even North Viet-
namese experts cooperate in training Latin
Americans in subversion.
In Venezuela, the important thing is that
the guerrilla activities in the rural areas,
which had been conspicuously on the wane,
are now rising in Intensity.
The capture last month in Caracas of three
Communist agents carrying $340,000 in
American money is indicative of the high
priority given by the Communist bloc to the
terror and havoc spread by the so-called
Venezuelan National Liberation Front.
Mr. MUNDT. Now let us look a little
more closely how these exercises in non-
military warfare in Latin America are
progressing. There is an article written
8511
by a lieutenant colonel in the Argentine
Army, Mr. Luis Alberto Leoni, which ap-
peared in Military Review for January
1965, in which one method of undercut-
ting legitimate government is described.
Castro's * * * uncanny psychological per-
ception of his people and environment have
enabled him to maintain a somewhat hyp-
notic hold upon his admirers and fanatical
followers. This he has done by the simple
expedient of using grisly beards, field uni-
forms, and the ever present threat of "to
the wall" as symbolic elements of the Cuban
Communist revolution.
Nearly all the subversive' groups which op-
erate throughout South America wear uni-
forms fashioned after those of their Carib-
bean precursors. The experience gained not
too long ago of masses . of people inspired
and agitated by slogans, symbols, and gaudy
uniforms-all characteristic of fascism and
nazism-contained lessons not overlooked
by these new traffickers in fervor and.
violence.
This approach appeals to. the- crowd.
Others go more directly to the individ-
uals.
Among the means employed by Communist
propaganda experts * * * a special technique
has been developed which involves the prep-
aration and wide distribution of letters ad-
dressed to "the fellow peasant."
But look at the intensive work toward
understanding the peasants to whom
these letters are addressed before they
are written. Note the motivational per-
ception.
The technique employed in the preparation
of these letters is proof in itself of the care-
ful and detailed study of the . peasant and
his environment. The writers use a limited
vocabulary, usually one not exceeding 500
words. Numerous comparisons and parables
applicable to such typically everyday prob-
lems as the weather and the soil, which are
common,stock in the life relationships of
agricultural societies, are also employed.
'Statements like the following-taken from a
letter which recently appeared in Brazil?
are typical.
"Together with your fellowmen, you are
the one who makes up almost all of Brazil.
You are the one who feeds the nation, while
you go hungry yourself. You are the one
who clothes us, while you wear only rags.
You provide the soldiers to defend your
country while your country neglects you.
You provide labor and defend the big
landowners who in turn exploit you. You
give offerings to the church, which tells you
to be submissive and turn the other cheek
in. the name of Christ. But Christ himself
was a rebel.
And so on. There follows talks of
Fidel Castro, of Mao Tse-tung, St.
Francis of Assisi, and Christ.
This is powerful potion. It is targeted
exactly at the group to be subverted.
Colonel Leoni says:
It matches perfectly the intellectual level
of the group for which it is intended, and
in a clever manner it simultaneously pre-
sents certain truths and falsehoods.
And here is the warning to us in the
United States who have failed to analyze
nonmilitary warfare in order to prepare
the non-Communist world to meet it.
Colonel Leoni warns, "Right now these
letters are not considered to present an
immediate threat." This is so even
though, in diverse versions, they are
commonly distributed throughout Latin
America.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE April -Z8, 1965
I ask unanimous consent that the ar-
ticle by Lt. Col. Luis Alberto Leoni "Let-
ters to the Peasants," taken from Mili-
tary Review of January 1965. appear at
this point in my remarks.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows;
LETTERS TO THE PEASANTS
(Lt. Col. Luis Alberto Leoni, Argentine Army)
(NOTE.-Lt. Col. Luis Alberto Leoni is
presently assigned to the general staff of the
Argentine Army. He is a frequent contribu-
tor to Argentine military journals and the
winner of several literary prizes. In addi-
tion to his other duties, Colonel Leont teaches
a course in counterinsurgency at the Argen-
tine Army War College.)
Sociological research Into the reasons for
the tremendous popularity of the existential-
ist theory among European youth found form
rather than Intellectual content as the pre-
eminent attraction which led so many to that
particular philosophy.
A similar conclusion could be drawn in
connection with the support which Cuban
Communist subversion has been obtaining
from certain groups of Latin American
youths. Their reaction Is characterized by a
subservient imitation of the outward ap-
pearances of the Castrolte dictatorship-as If
the mere adoption of such extravagant pos-
tures and coarse language would promise to
solve the numberless problems which afflict
the American States south of the Rio Grande.
There is no doubt that Castro's exceptional
ability and uncanny psychological percep-
tion of his people and environment have
enabled him to maintain a somewhat hyp-
notic hold upon his admirers and fanatical
followers. This he has done by the simple
expedient of using grizzly beards, field uni-
forms, and the ever-present threat of "to the
wall" as symbolic elements of the Cuban
Communist revolution.
The emotional impact of these elements
of apparent outward simplicity, but of great
transcendence, is proved by the fact that
nearly all the subversive groups which oper-
ate throughout South America wear uni-
forms fashioned after those of their Carib-
bean precursors. The experience gained not
too long ago of masses of people inspired and
agitated by slogans, symbols, and gaudy uni-
forms-all characteristic of fascism and
nazism-contained lessons not overlooked
by these new traffickers in terror and
violence.
IGNORE DANGER
Men and institutions of current demo-
cratic regimes, who are inclined to look at
these reactions with indifference, seem to
ignore the explosive danger which lurks be-
neath these demagogic efforts for the ideo-
logical conquest of men and minds under
the Marxist yoke.
Among the means employed by Communist
propaganda experts throughout the southern
half of the South American Continent, a
special technique has been developed which
involves the preparation and wide distribu-
tion of letters addressed to "the fellow
peasant."
The lexical, literary, and ideological con-
tent of these letters is a masterpiece of con-
vincing propaganda which seeks to move the
very soul of the peasant by the apparent
truth of the majority of the statements
therein. These statements are made with
the obviously convert purpose of further
transforming the peasants life of misery and
want to one of absolute totalitarian subjec-
tion.
The technique employed in the prepara-
tion of these letters is proof in itself of the
careful and detailed study of the peasant
and his environment. The writers use a
limited vocabulary, usually one not exceed-
ing 500 words. Numerous comparisons and Mr. MtJNDT, Finally, for today, let us
parables applicable to such typical everyday turn to the New Leader. Norman Gall,
problems as the weather and the soil. Which who recently completed a Latin Ameri-
are common stock in the life relationships of can tour for the Washington Post, con-
agricultural societies, are also employed'
State tributed an article called The Con-
a like the following-taken from
a letter which appeared recently In Brazil- tinental Revolutipn."
are typical: Gall wastes no time before identifying
-Together with your fellowmen, you are the major problem.
the one who makes up almost all of Brazil. The fact is ? ? ? in key areas of the coun-
You are the one who feeds the nation, while try, the Venezuelan Government is now in
you go hungry yourself. You are the one who a virtual state or war against guerrilla in-
clothes us, while you wear only rags. You
provide the soldiers to defend your country,
while your country neglects you. You pro-
vide labor and defend the big landowners
who in turn exploit you. You give offerings
to the church, which tells you to be submis-
sive and turn the other cheek in the name of
Christ. But Christ Himself was a rebel, and
that is the reason why He was crucified. Like
Christ, the good Saint Francis of Assisi of
Italy was also like you. Of those who are
still living, Mao Tse-tung, of China, and Fidel
Castro, of Cuba, won because they were like
you and you are like them. You were and
you are; you are and you will continue to be."
This technique for the conquest of the
peasants has been quickly imitated in many
other places of South America. Early in 1964
a similar "letter of proclamation" was widely
distributed among thepeasant population of
the mountainous semijungle region of Salta,
Argentina, near the Bolivian border, by a
group of guerrillas whose activity was dis-
covered in that area.
This particular letter, titled "Proclamation
From the Second in Command to the Com-
rade Peasants" and issued by the Popular
Guerrilla Army, followed the same subversive
approach as the letter circulated In Brazil.
It matches perfectly the intellectual level
Of the group for which it is intended, and in
a clever manner it simultaneously presents
certain truths and falsehoods, This feat is
accomplished by making reference to actual
persons and known facts, although the latter
are distorted in such a subtle way that they
become easily acceptable as unquestionably
true. Thus, the seed of doubt is sown in the
minds of the worker and peasant while. at the
same time, they are offered Marxist solutions
to their problems.
Right now, these letters are not considered
to present an immediate threat. The same
could have been said years ago about the
Communist Manifesto by Marx and Engels.
But we must not overlook the great lessons
to be found along the bloody and tearful
path of history. There is ample evidence of
social inequalities which must first be cor-
rected for the sake of human dignity and to
uphold the spirit of democratic ideals, In
the specific can of Latin America, the action
against Marxist subversion must be under-
taken immediately. This action should con-
sist of a determined and selfless campaign
aimed at the elimination of human misery,
social neglect, disease. and Illiteracy.
The people south of the Rio Grande want
neither pity, offerings, demagogery, nor
Marxism in order to overcome these subver-
sive trends. They need assistance coupled
with dignity, capable government, harmony
between labor and management, and, above
all. justice among men. The placation must
be attained now, not later when it May be
more difficult to convince the people that
their true environment Is not the utopian
life of a proletarian world proffered them
by the terror traffickers full of false promises.
Only then will the peasant firmly realize
that liberty and justice are the true symbols
of a free world. Then, also, the subversive
letters, leaflets, pamphlets, proclamations,
and other propaganda means will lack the
conviction, the sense. and the capability to
undermine his spirit. Then it will be pos-
sible to talk about the true accomplishment
of humanity-the victory of peace, human
rights, and dignity on earth.
surgents who are following a prescribed
course of violence and economic disruption.
This pattern of guerrilla insurgency is a clear
reflection of the proliferating Communist
literature of violence-a literature deeply in-
debted to the writings of Mao Tse-tung-
and points to the adoption, in Venezuela, of
the strategy of the long war, akin to the
conflicts effectively waged in China, Algeria,
and Vietnam. Designed to force large num-
bers of regular army units into antiguerrilla
and security operations throughout the
country and thus weaken the Government's
ability to deal with urban rioting, terrorism,
and barracks revolts, this strategy has al-
ready yielded the Communists a sizable
dividend in political and social havoc.
Their tactics are familiar. Assassina-
tions. Executions of peasants who don't
cooperate. Attacks on small military
outposts. Capture of munitions stores.
The real importance of the Venezuela
insurgency can only be measured against
the increasingly aggressive tactics being
adopted by the Communists in other key
Latin American countries.
In Cuba and Peru, just as in Venezuela,
the Peiping line of violent insurrection pre-
dominates, and in Ecuador, Colombia, and
Brazil it appears to be gaining -rapidly. In
the Peruvian Andes, more than 250,000 In-
dian peasants have been organized into
Communist-led federations to invade haci-
endas and seize land.
The organizers, of course, are trained
professional revolutionaries. Defending
against their actions are personnel who
largely do not recognize tactics used
against them and who do not compre-
hend the challenge they confront. It
would be interesting to know, Mr. Presi-
dent, what percentage of the officer
corps of our own State Department and
related agencies are intimately familiar
with the tactical and strategic writings
of Mao Tse-tung.
The Venezuelan Government, facing
this Immediate challenge of warfare,
Gall says, exhibits a curious policy of
silence.
The government has shown itself to be
particularly lacking in resourcefulness when
responding to the guerrilla Incursions, even
where its own programsaxe at stake.
That is, the officials responsible for
defense do not comprehend the attack.
Gall quotes a police chief who has
tried fighting guerrillas:
When we go out to hunt the guerrillas, we
have only old Mauser rifles, no medicines,
and no money to buy food. We must often
confiscate our meals from peasants ? ? *
guerrillas usually have money to pay for
theirs. Many peasants are abandoning their
farms. ? - ' Our letters asking for supplies
go unanswered. We must arrest people to
find out where the guerrillas are, since they
have many agents in the countryside.
But perhaps most intesting in this
article is his discussion TTf the careful
preparation that I precedes guerrilla
expeditions.
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[A] guerrilla leader in an area where his
father is one of the chief landowners went to
some to study law in the early 1950's; he re-
turned * * * a declared Communist * * * in
late 1950 [he] * * * returned from a'visit to
Caracas with two youths who spent the next
2 months exploring the surrounding moun-
tains. Early in 1959 groups of university
students and professors appeared * * * on
"field trips" to map the zone. It was not
until late 1961 that the first open guerrilla
activity began there.
And again, the failure of responsible
officials to recognize the. threat:
One of the chief advantages in guerrilla op-
erations is that the central government al-
most never recognizes their importance until
it is too late. * * *
Clearly * * * the governments not only of
Venezuela but of other Latin American
countries need to realize that they are in-
volved-and have been for years-in an ex-
tended political-military conflict. All signs
now indicate that violence will Increase con-
vulsively as new insurgencies go unrecog-
nized and uncontrolled, and efforts to
establish constitutional democracy are re-
peatedly aborted.
I ask unanimous consent that the full
text of Norman Gall's article "The Con-
tiental Revolution," appearing in the New
Leader for April 12, 1965, appear at this
point in my remarks.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the REC-
ORD, as follows:
INSURGENCY IN VENEZUELA: THE CONTINEN-
TAL REVOLUTION
("It is difficult, but not impossible, to be-
lieve in the triumph of Socialism In only
one country. For some years now imperial-
ism has been preparing an organized re-
pression against the peoples of Latin Amer-
ica * * *. In response to this Internationale
of repression, we foresee the organization of
a continental front against imperialism. It
will take time to organize this front, but
when it exists It will represent a severe blow,
if not a definitive one against imperialism."-
Ernesto "Che" Guevara, interviewed in the
Algerian magazine Revolution Africaine, De-
cember 26, 1964.)
(By Norman Gall)
SANTA CRUZ DE BUCARAL.-For 2 years now
the successive Accion Democratica govern-
ments of Presidents Romulo Betancourt and
Raul Leoni have been announcing the im-
minent annihilation of all guerrilla activity
in Venezuela. In his televised New Year's
message, Leoni referred to the guerrillas as
"some tens [decenas] of delirious noncon-
formists" engaged In "criminal terrorist ac-
tivities in the cities and an absurd and
impotent rebellion in certain rural zones."
Yet, far from being destroyed, guerrilla war-
fare has spread to wider and wider areas
of the country during the past year. In Tru-
jillo and Falcon, two states where the army
has had to be dispatched for antiguerrilla
operations, the peasants are gripped by fear
of reprisals from both the guerrillas and
the army, and in all the cities and towns
I have visited during a month in Venezuela
the guerrillas have loomed unmistakably as
the prime topic of conversation.
The fact is, not only in the states of
Trujillo and Falcon but elsewhere in key
areas of the country, the Venezuelan Gov-
ernment is now in a virtual state of war
against guerrilla insurgents who are follow-
ing a prescribed course of violence and eco-
nomic disruption. This pattern of guerrilla
insurgency is a clear reflection of the prolif-
erating Communist literature of violence-a
literature deeply indebted to the writings of
Mao Tse-tung-and points to the adoption,
in Venezuela, of the strategy of the "longk
war," akin to the conflicts effectively waged
in China, Algeria, and Vietnam. Designed
to force large numbers of regular army units
into antiguerrilla and security operations
throughout the country and thus weaken the
Government's ability to deal with urban riot-
ing, terrorism, and barracks revolts, this
strategy has already yielded the Communists
a sizable dividend in political and social
havoc.
The apparent aim of the guerrillas is to
divide Venezuela militarily during an up-
rising. With that end in view, there is now
a chain of overt or incipient guerrilla activ-
ity from the first continental outcropping of
the Andean Mountain system near Cabure,
about 30 miles from the Caribbean coast, all
the way south to the Colombian frontier.
Using the principal waterways of the region
as their points of contact, the guerrillas in
the mountains are able to coordinate their
operations with those of their urban counter-
parts, the Unidades Tacticas de Combate
(UTC), who function in a great many
municipalities.
The significance of these operations cannot
be judged either by their'present strength or
by current battle reports, which for the most
part list only attacks on six-man police posts,
assassinations of peasants accused of be-
traying the guerrillas, and assaults on mili-
tary checkpoints on highways approaching
the mountains. The real importance of the
Venezuela insurgency can only be measured
against the increasingly aggressive tactics
being adopted by the Communists in other
key Latin American countries.
In Cuba and Peru, just as in Venezuela,
the Peiping line of violent insurrection pre-
dominates, and in Ecuador, Colombia and
Brazil it appears to be gaining strength rap-
idly. In the Peruvian Andes, more than
250,000 Indian peasants have been organized
into Communist-led federations to invade
haciendas and seize land. Shipments of
Communist arms have been entering Peru
across the altiplano frontier with Bolivia, and
in 1964 the Peruvian Communist Party was
purged to give control to its pro-Chinese
faction; leaders who favored cooperation with
the regime of President Fernando Belaunde
Terry, whom the Communist organization in
the Peruvian sierra helped elect, were ex-
pelled. Similarly, in the northeast region
of Brazil, which contains the most widely
publicized peasant leagues in Latin Amer-
ica, a Maoist insurgency has split the Com-
munist Party in two.
As an area of potential revolutionary activ-
ity, then, the Andean highlands of Peru, Bo-
livia and Ecuador look fertile indeed. Com-
prising more or less what had been the old
Inca empire, this region forms a single geo-
political unit whose more than 10 million
Indian inhabitants have scarcely been
touched by Western culture. Like the peas-
ants of prerevolutionary China, they speak
vernacular tongues (Quechua and Aymara)
divorced from the official language; they are
subject to aristocratic exploitation and re-
pression, deep communal allegiances, and
extreme scarcity of land among the mass
of subsistence farmers. Peonage and primi-
tive farming methods continue unchanged,
landlords collect rent in the form of labor,
and the per capita ratio to cultivated land is
virtually the same as that which existed in
old China.
The beacon for this pattern of revolu-
tionary activity is Cuba, which, after over-
tures last year toward better relations with
the United States, has begun to formulate
what appears to be a new hard line. "Che"
Guevara's recent journey to Africa and Asia
produced many statements supporting the
Chinese attempt to divide the world into
white and colored camps, and in Algiers he
specifically mentioned the organization of a
"continental front against imperialism" in
Latin America to oppose the "Internationale
of repression" being formed by the United
8513
States. Castro himself, faced with increas-
ing economic hardship and the possibility
of curtailment of Soviet aid, used the oc-
casion of his sixth anniversary in power, in
January, to warn that Cuban Communists
needed no meddling advice from other Com-
munist parties-presumably a reference to
the restraining hand of Moscow-and voiced
faith in the ability of his people to subsist
without foreign aid.
But Cuba's role involves more than rhet-
oric. Last November 14, Venezuela's Fuer-
zas Armadas de Liberation Nacional (FALN)
opened its international headquarters in
Havana with ceremonies attended by the
Russian, Chinese and North Vietnamese Am-
bassadors. In a New York interview a month
later, Guevara declared: "The road to the
liberation of peoples, which will be the road
to socialism, will go through bullets in al-
most all countries * * *. We have much en-
thusiasm for the freedom fighters in Ven-
ezuela. We have taught some of them to ac-
quire military knowledge."
The majority of young Latin Americans
now being schooled in Cuba in the tactics
of rural and urban guerrilla warfare are,
in fact, Venezuelans and Colombians, and
the insurgent movements in both countries
remain in frequent contact across an un-
guarded border which traditionally has been
an open door for heavy smuggling in arms,
cattle, and consumer goods. Colombian guer-
rillas have been operating for months now
in the eastern mountain range along the
Venezuelan frontier, and are said to have
enlisted the bandits of the area in their
service.
It is against this background of rising
guerrilla warfare along Maoist lines through-
out Latin America that the activities of the
Venezuelan insurgents must be seen. Even
in Venezuela itself, however, exact informa-
tion about both guerrilla and antiguerrilla
operations is not easy to come by. Commu-
nist journalists who remain infiltrated in
the press, together with their still powerful,
reactionary bosses, are alike in wanting to
discredit the Accion Democratica govern-
ment. As a result, news of the antigovern-
ment operations strays from secrecy to exag-
geration to confusion.
For example, a girlie magazine called Vene-
zuela Graflca, owned by the rightwing Ca-
priles chain, recently published a long pic-
ture story eulogizing the guerrillas. But it
turned out that the pictures accompanying
what were purported to be on-the-scene in-
terviews were from another area of the coun-
try. The magazine was suspended for print-
ing the story, and both left and right
accused the government of resorting to
dictatorial methods.
The source of a good deal of exaggerated
reportage on guerrilla activities in INNAC,
a news service owned by the rightwing news-
paper El Universal, whose owner was the
Communist-backed candidate for the presi-
dency of the Venezuela Press Association last
year. Venezuela as a whole relies greatly
on INNAC for news of the interior, though
the organization is said to be heavily in-
filtrated by Communists.
The government further confuses the
problem by pretending at times that it
doesn't exist. Last October four peasants
were kidnapped and murdered by guerrillas
near the village of Guaramacal in the Andean
state of Trujillo. After the bodies were ex-
humed and identified, investigating officials
reported the murders to Caracas, but the
news remained a secret. For months now
600 troops have been engaged in antiguerrilla
operations in Trujillo,.begun in response to
the Guaramacal killings, yet there are no
official reports on their activities. In Febru-
ary, the Caracas press reported the crash of
an army helicopter in the Falcon state guer-
rills zone, but denied that the helicopter
had been brought down by ground fire. On
the following day, though, the Army rushed
a company of reinforcements Into the area.
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Only last month, 30 guerrillas captured the
police headquarters and telegraph office in
the Falcon state town of Aracua. They sized
a supply of weapons and ammunition, took
over the town for 3 hours, and fled before
any troops arrived. The following day the
Minister of Defense, Gen. Ramon Florencpo
Gomez, said the guerrilla activities were "in-
significant."
In addition to its curious policy of silence,
the government has shown itself to be par-
ticularly lacking in resourcefulness when re-
sponding to the guerrilla Incursions, even
where its own programs are at stake. The
following incident provides a graphic illus-
tration of Its ineffectiveness.
In November there was a public execution
carried out by the guerrillas in Tapatapa.
about 20 miles from the village of Santa
Cruz de Bucaral. The trip takes 2 hours by
jeep or 6 hours by burro-and the chilling
winter rains often turn the dirt roads into
swamps so that only burros can get through.
The. roads wind through the rugged moun-
tains and forests of Falcon state to connect
caserios of mud-splattered adobe dwellings
like Tuy and Tapatapa and Macuquita,
which do not appear on the map.
Three years ago, the government bought a
large hacienda at Tapatapa and called a
meeting to tell the squatters that they could
continue living on their parcelas. Without
further ceremony or improvement, the In-
stituto Agrarlo National added Tapatapa to
the list of agrarian reform sites in which
nearly 60,000 peasant families are said to
have been "resettled" In the past 6 years.
The secretary general of the peasant sin-
dicato at Tapatapa, Rodolfo Romero. was
also the local leader of the government's
Accion Democratica Party. Neighbors
claimed that Romero "tried to make himself
big" by falsely accusing his enemies of col-
laborating with the guerrillas then being
sought by the direction general de policia
(Digepol, the state security police) and the
army. In any event, when Romero was in-
formed that Douglas Bravo and his guer-
rilla followers were In the neighborhood, he
set out for the army post In Santa Cruz to
inform the commander.
When he arrived at the camp, another
farm expropriated for the agrarian reform,
the soldiers said they could not go to Tapa-
tapa without permission from the command
post 100 miles away. Romero waited for the
orders from 10 a.m. to 4 p.m.; they did not
come, and he started back.
On the lonely burro trail Romero was in-
tercepted by guerrillas, who had been wait-
ing for him. They marched him back to
Tapatapa with his hands tied behind his
back, hung him from a tree by his armpits
and threw broken bottles at his face to make
him bleed. They read an execution decree
accusing Romero of betraying the cause of
national liberation, then shot him as the
whole community watched. About 30 fam-
ilies abandoned their parcelas In Tapatapa
in the next few days.
One Accion Democratica congressman from
the area commented: "When their leader
dies this way, how will the others act?
Through bribery and terror the guerrillas
are steadily winning our peasants. The area
is ideal for guerrillas. It has corn, cattle,
abundant fresh water, and many mountains
and caves. They are led by local boys who
know the land far better than the army.
The number of guerrillas in the hills is not
important now. What is important is the
number of collaborators in the villages and
firms beside the roads.
The guerrillas use money stolen from
stores and factories and banks in the cities,"
the congressman continued. '"They buy food
from peasants at two or three times the reg-
ular price. They call their robberies 'revo-
lutionary confiscations' and give away the
money as 'advances on revolutionary agri-
cultural credit' which the FALN says it will
bring them In a future agrarian reform.
The peasants voted for us by force of habit,
but they are giving up hope and are co-
operating more and more with the Com-
munists. When Is the Alliance for Progress
coming to these mountains to meet Its
enemy? I asked the political officer of the
U.S. Embassy this question, and he merely
said there already are appropriate institu-
tions handling these problems."
The situation of the peasants. caught In
the crossfire of guerrilla and government
forces, has now become extremely grave.
"When the army came to these mountains,
things become rough for the peasants." said
one farmer In Santa Cruz de Bucaral. "When
the guerrillas were relatively unknown{ a
peasant could coexist with them, getting good
prices for his corn and hens, though most of
those cooperating did so for fear of being
killed. When the army arrived the peasants
had two governments to deal with. The dige-
pol is very badly trained. They often jail
a peasant for a week or 10 days when he
comes to give Information, so that his whole
neighborhood knows he has informed when
he gets back home. The peasant then just
stops giving information. The guerrillas pay
for what they take and respect his women,
while the army and the digepol often do
neither. To top all this, people go around
making false accusations to the army and
police about their neighbors to settle old
grudges."
The difficulties facing those assigned the
task of suppressing the guerrillas were ex-
plained to me by Rafael Antonio Garcia. the
young police chief of Santa Cruz de Bucaral.
"When we go out to hunt the guerrillas we
only have old Mauler rifles, no medicines and
no money to buy food," he said. "We must
often confiscate our meals from peasants.
This is always a big problem, as the guerrillas
usually have money to pay for theirs. Many
peasants are abandoning their farms, leav-
ing behind their animals and immovable pos-
sessions. The losses in crops are Incalculable:
large fields are abandoned with the corn
unharvested. Our letters asking for supplies
go unanswered. We must arrest people to
find out where the guerrillas are, since they
have many agents In the countryside. In
November and December we arrested 63 peas-
ants as agents."
Meanwhile, the guerrilla movement has
itself given a new Impetus to the Venezuelan
Communists, who had lately been losing
ground. The violence of the Betancourt
years cost the Communists dearly. Many of
their top leaders are jailed. Their support
in the universities, though still strong, has
ebbed significantly. Their once effective in-
filtration of the press, the teaching profes-
sion, and the armed forces has beensome-
what reduced. In terms of both popular and
organizational strength, the Communists are
thus considerably less powerful than they
were following the 1958 overthrow of Dictator
Marcos Perez Jimenez-the period In which
they enjoyed legality. Infiltration, and Influ-
ence. For all their lobbying, terrorism, and
guerrilla warfare-and the prestige accrued
from opposing the dictatorships of Perez
Jimenez and Juan Vincente Gomez (1908-
351-the Venezuelan Communists have yet
to produce a leader comparable in stature to
a Castro or a Togliatti.
Ever since the failure of the FALN to stop
the 1983 election, Internal memorandums of
the Venezuelan Communist Party (VCP)
have been full of reproaches and laments
concerning the sad state of party organiza-
tion. There are, moreover, strong personal
and ideological differences among the ex-
tremist leaders.
The FALN memorandum, "Our Errors."
describes some of its internal dimcultles as
"Exhibitionism, which constantly leads us
to show off ? ? ? before friends, comrades.
and strangers, the tasks we are undertaking.
the secrets we know ? ? ?. Deviations of a
military character [take place] when wcsub-
stitute personal leadership for collective lead-
ership, when we seek to demonstrate that
we are right by raising our voice or by con-
stantly insisting on our positions as 'chiefs.'"
Still, the FALN record for 1964 has not
been barren of success, and its prospects have
been considerably brightened by the activi-
ties of the guerrillas. Thus, a recent memo-
randum of the VCP Politburo outlines a "de-
fensive situation" to last "at least 6 months,"
with a plan consisting of the following oper-
ations: accelerated programs for training
guerrillas abroad to take advantage of "un-
limited" facilities offered; a campaign for
amnesty for jailed insurrectionists; offers
of a truce to the government by the VCP and
the Marxist-Leninist Movement of the Rev-
olutionary Left (MIR); quiet gestation of
more guerrilla activity: and renewed efforts
at Infiltration of the armed forces.
In 1964 the leftist forces, even while ex-
panding their guerrilla operations, were able
to create a political climate propitious to
amnesty for their jailed leaders. Yet the
jails, as so often is the case when they house
political prisoners, have become schools of
revolutionary theory and tactics. Former
Senator Pompeyo Marques, leading ideologue
of the VCP's dominant pro-Chinese wing,
writes his weekly column from his jail cell;
It appears under the pseudonym "Carlos Val-
encia" in the Communist paper Que.
The amnesty campaign Is being spear-
headed through pressure on President Leoni
by two old enemies who have joined Accion
Democratica in a government coalition-the
Union Republicans Democratica (URD) and
a new party led by writer-politician Arturo
Uslar Pietri. Both Uslar and URD have long
records of collaboration with the Commu-
nlats. During the Christmas rush of pres-
sure for amnesty, the jallhouse corridors
were crowded by the comings and goings of
leading URD and Uslarista politicians. To
date 33 political prisoners have been freed.
In the 1958 elections the VCP won 160,000
votes (8 percent of the total), which makes
plausible a recent military estimate that
there are 2,000 rural guerrillas and 3,000
urban U'TC members available to the FALN,
including those trained but not yet used.
The new clandestine tactical manual "FALN
Will Conquer" spells out one of the gravest
political problems of antiguerrilla warfare
in Latin America: "The uncontrolled in-
crease In the armed forces would break the
equilibrium of forces guaranteeing the sta-
biltty of the Government; in other words, a
civil government cannot sustain itself in a
Spartan Venezuela. When revolutionary
operations constantly strike the reactionary
military vanguard, it is probable that the
military will insist on certain political con-
trols for 'pacification' and finally will decide
on a coup d'etat."
One high-ranking Accion Democratica
leader confirmed this analysis when he told
me recently: "The real possibility of mili-
tary overthrow of this Government is from
the right rather than the left. It is likely
that there will be a coup in Colombia soon
and this could produce a strong reaction here.
We are giving away nothing on the political
prisoners. URD and Uslar have promised so
much during the election campaign on this
that we have to let them blow off steam. The
few prisoners we have released mostly are
students whose parents assured us that they
will study at universities abroad. We are
being careful, and no Communist leaders
will be released for a good while."
Probably more significant than the size of
guerrilla operations at this stage is the care
with which they have been organized. The
first guerrilla units in Falcon and Lara States
began functioning near the only two ham-
lets in western Venezuela where the Commu-
nists won a clear majority in the 1958 elec-
tions.
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April 28, "1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 8515
Hipolito Acosta, guerrilla leader in an area
where his father is one of the chief land-
owners, went to Rome to study law in the
early 1950's; he returned to his Falcon vil-
lage of Ourimagua a declared Communist.
His neighbors recall that in late 1950 "Polito"
returned from a visit to Caracas with two
youths who spent the next 2 months explor-
ing the surrounding mountains. Early in
1959, groups of university students and pro-
fesors appeared in Curimagua on "field
trips" to map the zone. It was not until
late in 1961 that the first open guerrilla ac-
tivity began there.
"They spend their first 6 months in the
mountains carefully exploring the land and
acclimatizing themselves to the cold and
rain," one Congressman from Trujillo State
told me. "Many are university students from
the cities and need this preparation. After
months of secrecy they slowly start approach-
ing the peasants, buying provisions at high
prices and sometimes handing out medicines.
They say they want to liberate the country
from Yankee imperialism and its agents, the
leaders . of Accion Democratica. Only when
they are established in the countryside do
they finally attack to draw the army into
the zone, trying to make the peasants feel
the Government cannot protect them and
that there is greater security in siding with
the guerrillas."
One of the chief advantages in guerrilla
operations is that the central government
almost never recognize their importance un-
til it is too late. When will it be too late in
Venezuela? It is a nation of chronic in-
stability-exacerbated by an illegitimate
birth rate of around 50 percent, a steady
migration of peasants to the cities, furious
political hatreds, and a military establish-
ment which has let only one elected gov-
ernment in Venezuelan history, the Betan-
court regime, finish its constitutional term.
In few Latin American nations, moreover,
does there exist so dramatic a contrast be-
tween capital and countryside as between the
opulence of Caracas and the abysmal condi-
tion of the Venezuelan peasantry. The
Betancourt regime contributed major ex-
tensions of education and health facilities.
Yet there are still appalling shortages of
rural electrical and water supply installa-
tions, schools and medical facilities. Most
of the scattered rural population-living in
isolated shacks which cannot be protected
from bands of armed men-suffers from
anemia, malnutrition, and parasite infec-
tions which stunt growth (many male
peasants are under five feet in height).
Some 300,000 eligible peasant families are
still waiting to receive land under an agrarian
reform program which has been ineptly and
sometimes corruptly implemented.
Clearly, then, the governments not only of
Venezuela but of other Latin American coun-
tries need to realize that they are involved-
and have been for years-in an extended
political-military conflict. All signs now in-
dioate that violence will increase convulsively
as new insurgencies go unrecognized and un-
controlled, and efforts to establish constitu-
tional democracy are repeatedly aborted. In
the past the progress of Communist insurrec-
tion in Venezuela has been slowed by its own
indiscriminate terrorism as well as the deter-
mined opposition of a freely elected govern-
ment. After the tumultuous years (1959-64)
of rightist and leftist insurrection against
the Betancourt regime, the people of Vene-
zuela are tired of violence, and yearn for
stability. And at the moment the Commu-
nists show no capacity to seize power
abruptly.
But their popular strength will rise rapidly
if the Leoni Government should lose the
initiative in the political struggle, either
through failure to deliver on its promises of
social advance or by flagging in its deter-
mination to resist Insurrection. Either course
would heighten the danger of a military
coup, for which the FALN has been maneu-
vering in order to produce a polarization in
Venezuelan politics. The result of a rightist
military takeover would almost certainly be a
gruesome reenactment of the Spanish civil
war throughout the region of the Andean
highlands. Thus, the outcome of this politi-
cal struggle has implications for the United
States as well.
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, we need
to confront this _ mounting challenge.
Senate sponsors of the Freedom Academy
bill apprehend that practitioners of the
new art of nonmilitary warfare are well
begun toward asserting world dominion.
And we, upon whom fundamental respon-
sibility for organizing global defense
rests, have not yet determined to com-
prehend the art.
. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
further morning business? If not, morn-
ing business is closed.
VOTING RIGHTS ACT OF 1965
Mr. HART. Mr. President, I move
that the Senate resume the considera-
tion of the unfinished business.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The.
bill will be stated.
The LEGISLATIVE CLERK. A bill (S.
1564) to enforce the 15th Amendment of
the Constitution of the United States.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
question is on agreeing to the motion
of the Senator from Michigan.
The motion was agreed to; and the
Senate resumed the consideration of the
bill (S. 1564) to enforce the 15th amend-
ment-of the Constitution of the United
States.
Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, the
pending amendment, of which I am a
cosponsor, should be adopted. I find it
ludicrous that there is any opposition
to it at all. The arguments that have
been offered against it are superficial,
unresponsive, and irrelevant. In sub-
stance, they represent a negative attitude
approving the status quo, which simply
means that citizens validly casting their
votes in elections in some areas will con-
tinue to have their voice in Government
canceled out by illegal votes or by votes
which have been purchased by those who
wish to perpetuate themselves in office.
The amendment by the Senator from
Delaware [Mr. WILLIAMS] and myself
simply provides as follows:
Whoever knowingly or willfully gives false
information as to his name, address, or pe-
riod of residence in the voting district for
the purpose of establishing his eligibility to
register or vote, or conspires with another
individual for the purpose of encouraging
his false registration or illegal voting, or
pays or offers to pay or accepts payment
either for registration or for voting shall
be fined not more than $10,000 or Imprisoned
not more than five years, or both.
We believe that section 14(d) of the
pending voting rights bill is deficient.
First it limits its coverage to registra-
tion and voting under this act. There
is no reason for limiting such coverage.
Registration under this act or under any
other act should be covered. There
should be no loopholes. We should have
clean elections period-not clean elec-
tions under one act and unclean elec-
tions under some other act. The bill
prohibits fraudulent registration. This
is more difficult to prosecute than false
registration, which is what our amend-
ment prohibits. What cancels out the
registration of an honest citizen is a false
registration-fraudulent or otherwise.
The bill prohibits the payment for il-
legal voting or the receipt of payment for
illegal voting. Our amendment prohib-
its the payment of money for any voting,
legal or illegal, or the receipt of payment
therefor. Whether the voting is legal
or illegal, it is the payment that we seek
to prohibit, because it is precisely this
type of activity which corrupts the elec-
tion process.
In this connection, I would point out
that the word "payment" is intended to
be reasonably construed. It does not
cover giving a person a ride to the polls,
,for example. It certainly does cover the
payment of money. If candidates for
political office are so lacking in qualifica-
tion that they or their supporters have
to resort to the corruption of voters by.
paying for their registration or voting,
they ought to be put in jail instead of
in office. And if voters are so corrupt as
to sell their vote, fairness to the honest
and conscientious voter demands that
they be penalized too.
The need for this amendment is im-
mediate and compelling. The Senator
from Delaware has placed in the RECORD
various newspaper and other accounts of
cheating at elections-dishonest and cor-
rupt practices which have cancelled out
the legal votes of good citizens. I could
spend the rest of the afternoon doing the
same thing. However, I shall not over-
burden the RECORD and instead will in-
vite the attention of my colleagues to
just a few additional examples which cry
out for the Congress to take action.
In the Washington Post for April 19,
Staff Writer Laurence Stern presents the
story of Arkansas vote frauds where, for
example, a migratory voter cast his bal-
lot in at least four counties while travel-
ing through the State last November 3.
I ask unanimous consent that this article
be placed in the RECORD at this point
in my remarks.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
-
PATTERN WIDESPREAD: ARKANSAS VOTE FRAUDS
FOUND
(By Laurence Stern) -
A migratory voter cast his ballot in at least
four counties while traveling through north-
west Arkansas last November 3.
A prominent Little Rock attorney was
warned to get out of town by sundown when
he asked to see public voting records in the
home county of Gov. Orval Faubus.
Signatures of 47 applications for absentee
ballots from residents of an Arkansas nurs-
ing home were -shown through handwriting
analysis to have been forged.
These are a few examples of what a bi-
partisan investigating committee deemed to
be a widespread pattern of election fraud
in Arkansas last November 3. A copy of the
report by the Election Research Council, Inc.,
was placed in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD last
Thursday by Representative MELVIN LAIRD,
Republican, of Wisconsin.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE Apia 28, 1965
The council's findings resulted in a series
of local grand jury investigations but no
prosecution to date. The Justice Depart-
ment has been conducting a 2-month In-
vestigation of voting fraud in Faubus' home
county of Madison found no instances of
fraud but did accuse the council of smear-
ing honest local election officials. A grand
jury in Poinsett County acknowledged that
there had been many voting irregularities
but reported that it could not find the cul-
prits.
Governor Faubus, a Democrat, accused the
council of being a tool of the Rockefeller
political organization since roughly half of
its funds came from Rockefeller family foun-
dation sources.
Winthrop Rockefeller opposed Faubus for
the Governorship last November and got an
unprecedented (for a Republican) 43 percent
of the vote.
But the chairman, John Haley, a Little
Rock attorney, insisted that the election
fraud study was meticulously ' ? * as a
preponderant majority of the civic, business
and church leaders who comprised its board,
are Democrats.
Absentee ballots, which were especially vul-
nerable to abuse In Arkansas last year, were
the council's main interest In its postelection
report.
The statewide absentee ballot count of
30,930 was "bloated with fraudulent and In-
valid votes," the council reported. On the
basis of its own field studies the election
group concluded that more than half of the
absentee votes were invalid.
Until last November, the election council
noted, "anyone could purchase poll tax re-
ceipts for an assortment of gravestones and
then apply by mail for absentee ballots. The
county clerk, seeing that the applicants were
listed III the poll book, would then send the
ballots and voters' statements to the desig-
nated address. The ballots would be re-
turned and counted."
Arkansas voters ratified an amendment last
year setting up a statewide registration sys-
tem. Voters must now register in person and
the poll tax has been abolished. The council
found nursing homes in Arkansas were used
as a means of bloc voting. It cited a letter
from the president of the Arkansas Nursing
Home Association to Its constituent members
urging that they secure poll tax receipts for
'each of your nursing home patients who do
not have a poll tax receipt and ' ? ? for each
of your employees.-
One month after the election the Pine Bluff
Commercial published an article pointing out
that one nursing home paid the poll taxes of
60 inmates, several of whom had been ad-
judged as mental incompetents. Absentee
ballots mailed from the nursing home, the
council found, deviated sharply from the rest
of the county-with an overwhelming vote
for Faubus as well as for a legalized gambling
amendment and heavy opposition to the
voter registration amendment.
The Election Research Council report said
that the high percentage of absentee voting
in Faubus' home county of Madison-about
10 percent of the total vote-indicated "that
the absentee box in Madison County was
manipulated for political purposes." The 91
percent absentee vote for Faubus contrasted
sharply with his Madison County total of 64
percent.
When Chairman Haley asked the Madison
County clerk, Charles Whorton, for permis-
sion to inspect the public absentee voting
lists the day after election, Wharton answered
that the safe was locked. Haley was then
told to get out of town.
Haley and Republican field workers per-
sisted in their efforts to gain access to the
records for more than 2 months. Finally on
January 14 Madison County authorities an-
nounced that the voting records had been
stolen the previous night.
The FBI has been looking into the incident.
Mr. MILLER. In the Washington Post
for March 12 of this year, there is a re-
port indicating that In the April 1964
Democratic primary in Philadelphia the
U.S. Department of Justice found evi-
dence of vote frauds. According to the
advice received by U.S. Attorney D. J. T.
O'Keefe from the Department, there was
evidence of "conspiracy among ward
leaders and committeemen to make false
cancellation of returns."
On the same day the New York Times
ran an article by William 0. Weart on
the same subject. I ask unanimous con-
sent that the Times article be printed in
the RECORD at this point in my remarks.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD.
as follows:
[From the New York Times, Mar. 12, 19651
UNITED STATES CHARGES FRAUD IN PHILA-
DELPHIA DEMOCRATIC PRIMARY VOTING
(By William G. Weart)
PHILADELPHIA.-The U.S. Department of
Justice said today that unquestionably fraud
had been committed in the reporting of elec-
tion returns here in last April's bitter battle
for the Democratic senatorial nomination.
A spokesman for the Department said there
was "evidence of conspiracies among ward
leaders and committeemen to make false
certification of return" it, 12 of the city's 60
wards.
The irregularities, uncovered during a 7-
month investigation by Government agents,
were alleged in the contest between Justice
Michael A. Musmanno of the State supreme
court, the choice of the Democratic orga-
nization, and State Secretary of Internal
Affairs Genevieve Blatt.
After 5 months of legal maneuvering that
reached the State supreme court and a re-
count of the city's 3.300 voting machines,
Miss Blatt was certified as the winner of the
statewide contest by a majority of 491 votes
out of the 921,731 cast.
In the November general election Miss
Blatt was defeated for the Senate seat by
the Republican Incumbent, HUGH SCOTT.
The Justice Department Investigation cen-
tered on "patterns" of errors in the vote tab-
ulation and the large number of absentee
ballots cast in certain wards of the city.
A study of the errors in reporting returns
showed, It was charged, that the same num-
ber of votes subtracted from Miss Blatt's
total In some divisions had been added to
the vote for Justice Musmanno.
The investigators found, for example, that
In the first division of the 42d ward 22 votes
were subtracted from Miss Blatt and 22 were
added to Justice Musmanno for a net loss
of 44 votes for Miss Blatt.
Also in the 42d ward. 302 Democratic ab-
sentee ballots were cast. That represented
one-quarter of the entire total In the city.
The Justice Department, which has juris-
diction because a U.S. Senate seat was at
stake, has turned over to U.S. Attorney Drew
J. T. O'Keefe, a 10-inch-thick file of reports
by agents of the Federal Bureau of Investi-
gation and other investigators.
Nathaniel E. Cossack, head of the Criminal
Fraud Division of the Justice Department,
summed up the information In a 4-page
letter that accompanied the file. The letter
noted it would be dlmcult to prove fraud
although the evidence was "compelling."
Mr. O'Keefe said be could not say what
action might be taken until he had studied
the voluminous file. After he has reviewed
the evidence, he will submit his "views and
recommendations" to the Justice Depart-
ment.
Mr. MILLER. Of course everyone
knows about the vote scandals in Chi-
cago in the 1960 elections, but apparently
there
de,
was some recurrence again last
year.
I ask unanimous consent that an
article appearing in the Christian Sci-
ence Monitor for November 6, 1964, be
printed in the RECORD at this point in
my remarks.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
(From the Christian Science Monitor,
Nov. 6, 19641
VOTE FRAUD CHARGED: EAGLE EYES IN CHICAGO
(By Nobuo Abiko)
CHICAGO.-As in 1960, the Democrats won
in Chicago, and the Republicans are charg-
ing vote fraud.
But in 1960 Democrat John F. Kennedy
carried the State by a tissue-thin 8,858 votes.
This time President Johnson overwhelmed
the Republicans by more than 800,000.
This difference has taken some of the
urgency out of GOP charges of widespread
voting Irregularities in this Democratic bas-
tion. As one Republican says privately,
"When you lose by that much, what differ-
ence does a few thousand votes make?"
Obviously, there won't be any demand
for a recount. But Republicans charge that
irregularities did occur-some right under
their eyes.
WATCHERS ASSIGNED
This year Republicans recruited thou-
sands of volunteers for poll-watching duty
in a project dubbed Operation Eagle Eye.
They assigned poll watchers to some 1,500
Chicago precincts.
Operation Eagle Eye was the biggest but
not the only poll-watching operation in
Chicago this year. Others were run by the
office of the Cook County sheriff (the sheriff
is a Republican), the nonpartisan Citizens
Honest Election Foundation, and the non-
partisan Joint Civic Commission on Elec-
tions.
All of them report having observed numer-
ous irregularities.
Some eagle eyes didn't even get inside
their assigned polling place. Other poll
watchers, who posed as Republicans, beat
them to it, they protested.
Sidney T. Holzman, Democratic chairman
of the Chicago Board of Election Commis-
sioners, called it "the most orderly election
I can recall in my 45 years of public service."
Richard B. Ogilvie, Republican Cook
County sheriff, did not quite concur. "A
typical Chicago election," he snorted,
"widespread vote buying and illegal voting
assistance."
COMMISSIONER QUOTED
Mr. Holzman remained unfazed.
"All precinct captains worth their salt
pay for votes," he was quoted as saying.
"I've done it myself in the days when I used
to be a precinct captain."
When asked if he had been quoted cor-
rectly, the election commissioner told this
newspaper:
"You can ask any precinct captain. You
gotta pay somebody to be a checker, to get
out the vote. Now, you don't pay them to
violate the law. But people are not inter-
ested in their duties to government-I don't
say In all but In many instances.
"Every precinct captain is confronted with
a family * ? * so he's got to utilize one
member of the family as a political worker so
he can get the rest of the family out to vote.
Now if that isn't a form of solicitation, I
don't know what Is. It isn't actually asking
you for compensation."
Many of the volunteer watchers were col-
lege students. Said one of them: "This has
been the most brazen and disgusting ex-
perience of my life."
Despite these experiences, poll-watch offi-
cials found some grounds for satisfaction.
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