STEADY COURSE IN VIETNAM

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040011-2
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 12
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 20, 2005
• Sequence Number: 11
• Publication Date: March 16, 1966
• Content Type: OPEN

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March 16, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
Educators sometimes lose sight of the body
in their enthusiasm to develop the mind. A
brilliant mind in a dead body isn't worth
In order to insure healthy minds and
bodies to all Americans, I urge you to
physical education, and recreation.
STEADY COURSE IN VIETNAM
(Mr. ADAMS (at the request of Mr.
MATSUNAGA) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. ADAMS. Mr. Speaker, the news-
papers are frequently filled with doubts
and questions about what this country
is accomplishing in Vietnam. Because
the President very properly refuses to
stir up false optimism, there are many
who mistakenly believe that we are mak-
ing no progress at all.
This morning's Herald Tribune carried
a Washington column by Mr. Roscoe
Drummond, one of America's most dis-
tinguished journalists, which should be
read by all those who are concerned with
Asia. In a few succinct paragraphs, Mr.
Drummond makes it clear that the firm
stand we have taken in Vietnam has
had repercussions throughout Asia dur-
ing the past 12 months-all of them ad-
vantageous to the free world:
LAOS, CAMBODIA CITED: U.S. CAUSE ON OTHER
FRONTS ADVANCED BY VIET SHOWING
(By Roscoe Drummond)
WASHINGTON.-One thing the American
people do not want about Vietnam is false
optimism. We know the road ahead will be
anxious and painful.
But since it became clear that the United
States is prepared to stay the course in Viet-
nam, there have been heartening divdends.
What has happened during the past year
following the strong stand-and success-
ful battles-by the United States and South
Vietnam?
The evidence is showing up in many na-
tions in Asia and the far Pacific. When you
add them up, they begin to show how signifi-
cantly events have begun to move during the
very period the once imminent Vietcong vic-
tory has been moving further away from
their reach.
The record tells its own story:
Laos: Twelve months ago the Latoian Com-
munists were a mounting peril to the Gov-
ernment. Today they are badly splintered.
Cambodia: Twelve months ago it seemed
that Prince Sihanouk was trying to win
merit points with the Communists as a
hedge against the future. Today he is warn-
ing his own people that, if North Vietnam
prevails, they can expect no mercy from their
own communist Party.
Philippines: Twelve months ago the Phil-
ippines were racked with riots in pro-
test against even the small support the
Government was giving to Saigon. Now the
Government is preparing to send troops.
Korea: Twelve months ago Korea had con-
'tributed only token forces to the defense
of South Vietnam. Now it is at the point
of bringing the total of its combat troops
there to 44,000-more, in proportion to its
population of 28,500,000, than the United
States Itself.
Peiping-Moscow: 12 months ago the Amer-
ican and foreign critics of U.S. policy in Viet-
nam' were in unanimous chorus declaring
that one consequence of the U.S. decision to
defend South Vietnam was bound to happen:
it would end the Sino-Soviet feud and drive
Moscow and Peiping back into each other's
arms. It did just the opposite.
Japan: 12 months ago Japan was moving
toward a new modus vivendi with Red China
and was the center of harsh criticism of U.S.
policy. Today the Japanese Government is
helping to focus world pressure on Hanoi to
accept peace talks.
Indonesia: 12 months ago the unpredict-
able Sukarno held total sway; he was sur-
rounded by pro-Communist associates and
buttressed by the third largest Communist
Party in the world. Indonesian policy was
pro-Red China and anti-Western.
Today Indonesian policy is anti-Red China
and less anti-Western. The Indonesian
Communist Party is no more. Sukarno has
either lost most of his power to the anti-
Communist leaders of the army-or all of it.
And on top of these events, not a single
dissident South Vietnamese political leader
who left Saigon for involuntary exile in pro-
test against past regimes has given his sup-
port to the Vietcong.
I am not suggesting that the overturn in
Indonesia or that all of the other events stem
directly from the strong U.S. stand in Viet-
nam. That is honestly arguable. What I
believe is not arguable is that the evident will
of the United States to stay the course in
Vietnam made these heartening dividends
more attainable.
SUGAR INDUSTRY IN HAWAII,
SHOWS FURTHER GAINS
(Mr. MATSUNAGA was granted per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. MATSUNAGA. Mr. Speaker, one
of the solid foundations on which Ha-
waii's economy rests is its durable sugar
industry. It is therefore with pride and
satisfaction that I call the attention of
Congress to the state of robust health of
our island State's major industry.
In the year 1965 Hawaii registered an
alltime record in per-acre sugar produc-
tion. Exceeding the 1964 figure by al-
most half a ton, the 1965 sugar produc-
tion was a record 11.11 tons per acre.
This record tonnage exceeds the previous
record of 10.84 tons per acre which was
set in 1955. One sugar company on the
island of Kauai recorded the highest fig-
ure ever registered by any plantation
with 14.99 tons per acre.
Although comparable 1965 figures for
the other domestic areas are not yet
available, a cursory comparison with the
official 1964 figures of the U.S. Depart-
ment of Agriculture puts Hawaii well
ahead of any other domestic sugar pro-
during area. Louisiana produced 1.76
tons per acre; Florida, 2.61 tons; Puerto
Rico, 3.26 tons; and the beet area, 2.38
tons. Since Hawaii's crop takes 2 years
to mature, while the others mature in 1
year, the Hawaiian figure should be cut
in half for fair comparison. Even then,
Hawaii still leads in per-acre sugar pro-
duction. Hawaii's producers deserve na-
tional recognition.
MSGR. ANTHONY DiLUCA
(Mr. RODINO (at the request of Mr.
MATSUNAGA) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. RODINO. Mr. Speaker, last
5793
week back in my district a joyous
triple anniversary was observed, as the
beloved pastor of the Holy Family par-
ish of Nutley, Msgr. Anthony DiLuca,
celebrated the 60th year of his ordina-
tion as a priest, the 33d year of his serv-
ice to the communities of Belleville-
Nutley and his 85th birthday.
Like so many of all faiths of northern
New Jersey, I have been privileged to
know the monsignor for many, many
years. And though his principal work
has been devoted to our Lord and the
people of his parish, his wise counsel on
all matters has so often been sought by
men of all creeds. As the editor and
publisher of the Nutley Sun, Frank
Orechio, stated in an editorial in the
current edition of his fine paper, the
communities the monsignor "has served
so well express their gratitude to one of
God's greatest servants."
There is little I can add to Mr.
Orechio's editorial accolade. Only the
prayer that we may continue to be
blessed with Monsignor DiLuca's pres-
ence among us for many years to come.
The editorial follows:
MSGR. ANTHONY DILUCA
The high calling of the priesthood is re-
served for very few persons in this world. No
greater privilege or blessing can God bestow
upon mortal man.
The person thus chosen must possess
unique attributes. He can be no ordinary
man. Personal sacrifice is the order of the
day for a priest.
Sixty years ago, there came to the priest-
hood in Italy a young man aged 25 whose
eager face and hopeful eyes reflected the in-
domitable spirit of a later-day Christopher
Columbus.
Anthony DiLuca, the boy, became Father
Anthony DiLuca, never realizing that his
deeds on earth were to exceed his child-
hood's fondest dreams.
A more humble man never walked this
earth or wore the priest's collar.
His love of God and church is equaled only
by his dedication to the people he serves.
In time the fantastic accomplishments of
Father DiLuca, who took over a poor and
insignificant "Italian" parish in 1933, came
to the attention of the Vatican.
And to the gentle man who developed the
"Miracle of Brookline Avenue" came the
high honor of elevation to monsignor.
In the 33 years that we of the Nutley-
Belleville area have enjoyed the special privi-
lege of Monsignor DiLuca's friendship, in-
spiring leadership, and companionship, his
holy family church complex has become one
of the most outstanding parishes in the
American branch of the Roman Catholic
Church.
As Monsignor DiLuca relaxes to meditate
upon his fruitful 85 years this Saturday, the
communities he has served so well express
their gratitude to one of God's greatest serv-
ants. Nutley and Belleville are better com-
munities-because men like Monsignor Di-
Luca have walked among us.
HUNGARIAN FREEDOM DAY
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under
previous order of the House, the gentle-
man from New. York [Mr. ROONEY] is
recognized for 15 minutes.
Mr. ROONEY of New York. Mr.
Speaker, March 16 is a date held dear
by all our friends of Hungarian birth or
descent. This day marks the 117th an-
niversary of Hungary's overthrow of the
Hapsburg rule in 1849.
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CONGRESSIONAL. RECORD- HOUSE March 16, 1966
This anniversary has significance to
all of us whether of Hungarian descent
or not, because it reminds us of one of
the great 19th century struggles for the
type of freedom which America had long
enjoyed and cherished. It is important
to us because of the almost superhuman
fight which a small band of liberty-lov-
Ing, Hungarian patriots waged against
the powerful Hapsburg forces.
We read with deep emotion the story
of Hungary's dramatic emergence as an
independent nation after long cen-
turies of rule by the Turks and Austrians.
We are thrilled with the exploits of the
young leader of the revolution, Louis
Kossuth, who had dedicated his life to
bringing independence to his country.
It is with sadness and regret that we
are reminded that the coveted independ-
ence so loudly acclaimed by the world
and so joyfully accepted by the Hun-
garian people was to be of such short
duration.
For it was only a matter of a few short
months before the Hapsburgs with the
strong help of Russian troops defeated
the defenders of the infant Republic.
When this tragic blow struck, Kossuth
and the other leaders of the new Govern-
ment were forced to flee. In spite of
their efforts while in exile, they could
not summon sufficient strength to re-
establish the Republic.
Mr. Speaker, the Hungarian people
have been suffering a more recent trag-
edy as grave as that which faced them in
1849. Almost a hundred years later the
same powerful Russians who helped them
lose their republic, imposed a new form
of subjugation and enslavement as they
became a part of the area behind the
curtain of iron lowered by the Russian
Communist leadership. It was these
same Russians who moved in with tanks
and superior forces of men and guns to
quell the short revolt of 1956.
This day commemorating the Inde-
pendence of Hungary should remind us
that the mothers and fathers, the broth-
ers and sisters, the friends and relatives
alike of thousands of our loyal American
citizens still suffer the privations and loss
of dignity resulting from Soviet domina-
tion and Communist control.
This important date should remind us,
too, of the debt we owe our American
citizens who are so proud of their Hun-
garian blood and heritage.
Their gifts of art, of music, and of
drama are only a part of the magnificent
contribution they have made to America.
Because of these gifts, Americans must
not cease in continuing every effort to
bring to the people of Hungary a full
realization of our love and admiration,
and an assurance of our determination
to do all In our power to restore the bless-
ings of freedom to them.
TRIBUTE TO HON. JOHN W.
McCORMACK
Mr. MATSUNAGA. Mr. Speaker, I
ask unanimous consent that the remarks
of the gentleman from Oklahoma [Mr.
ALBERT] concerning the Honorable
JOHN W. MCCORMACK, made in the Com-
mittee of the Whole, may be printed in
the RECORD immediately following the
reading of the Journal.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
There was no objection.
BYPASSING THE FEDERAL ADVIS-
ORY COUNCIL ON EMPLOYMENT
SECURITY: A STUDY IN OBTAIN-
ING, CONSENSUS
(Mr. CURTIS asked and was given
permission to extend his remarks else-
where in the body of the RECORD and to
revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. CURTIS. Mr. Speaker, during
the Lengthy Ways and Means Commit-
tee hearings on the administration's bill
to amend' the unemployment compen-
sation program (H.R. 8282) in August
1965, the Labor Secretary's misuse
of proper procedures for administering
the employment security program be-
came evident. Under cross-examination
it was made clear that the Labor Secre-
tary had not consulted the organiza-
tion-the Federal Advisory Council on
Employment Security-established by
the 1933 Wagner-Peyser Act, and sub-
sequent departmental reorganization in
making his Department's radical
changes in the unemployment security
program embodied in H.R. 8282. The
Federal Advisory Council was established
to insure that those who are affected by
the unemployment compensation laws-
labor, business, and the public at large-
were also consulted both in administer-
ing and improving the laws. Thus the
Council was established to make certain
that the laws met the needs of the peo-
ple' they affect. The Federal Advisory
Council has been prevented from per-
forming this necessary and valuable
function. The full Advisory Council has
met only once since October 1963. This
last meeting was held on January 5-6,
1966. At this meeting H.R. 8282 was
discussed, but there was no formal reso-
lution or action of any kind.
The Wagner-Peyser Act of 1933-sec-
tion 11(a)-provides for the establish-
ment of a Federal Advisory Council on
Employment Security, and for State ad-
visory councils. The function and or-
ganization of the Federal Advisory Coun-
cil is not spelled cut in the Wagner-Pey-
ser Act, nor do the hearings on the
Wagner-Peyser Act and the reports of
the Senate and House committees express
the intent of Congress in providing for
the Council. But Reorganization Plan
No. 2 of 1949 clearly assigns to the Fed-
eral Advisory Council on Employment
Security the responsibility of advising on
the coordination and administration of
the employment security program.
A clear precedent for the function and
organization of the Federal Advisory
Council is provided by the Labor Depart-
ment's published guidelines for State ad-
visory councils. These Labor Depart-
ment guidelines specify both the function
and organization of State advisory coun-
cils:
Function:.
(a) The Federal guidelines provide that, in
general, the functions of the Advisory Coun-
cil should be to advise the administrative
agency in formulating policies, in getting
public understanding of the employment se-
curity program, and in insuring impartiality,
neutrality, and freedom from political influ-
ence in the establishment and implementa-
tion of employment security policies.
(b) Among the specific functions of the
State advisory councils is the requirement
that they advise the State employment secu-
rity agency in developing or revising policies
in connection with the administration of the
State unemployment insurance laws; also, to
assist the State agency in developing a legis-
lative program for improving the State un-
employment compensation law to encour-
age acceptance by the State government of
such a program and to cooperate with the
State agency in promoting greater under-
standing and acceptance of the program by
the public.
Organization :
(a) The Federal guidelines state that
members of State advisory councils should
be appointed for 2 years and that one-half
of the council should be appointed each year.
(b) The guidelines state that the advisory
councils should have regular meeting dates
and should meet at least twice a year.
The Department of Labor's Bureau of
Employment Security has begun non-
compliance proceedings in specific in-
stances where the composition of the
State councils was felt to be improper.
In other cases, where advisory councils
were assumed to be not properly used
by the States, informal pressures have
been applied to secure compliance.
The Labor Department guidelines for
State employment security advisory
councils are a sound basis for evaluat-
ing the Labor Department's conduct of
its official Federal Advisory Council.
The Labor Department's use of its own
Advisory Council is deficient in the fol-
lowing respects when measured against
the Labor Department's requirements of
the States:
First. The full Federal Advisory Coun-
cil has not met between October 24, 1963,
and January 5, 1966. Its Committee on
Employment Service met last on May 11,
1964. This means that the Council had
no part in preparing H.R. 8282.
Second. As of. the Ways and Means
hearings on H.R. 8282 in August 1965, 12
seats on the Federal Advisory Council
were vacant out of a total of 26. When
the terms of five business, four labor,
and three public members ended last
June 1965, new members were not ap-
pointed. Since August 1965 one business
representative has been appointed to the
Council.
Third. And most important, the Fed-
eral Advisory Council was not consulted
in the formulation of H.R. 8282. The
meeting in January 1966 was held after
the fact, and no recommendations were
made to the Labor Department. Mem-
bers of the Federal Advisory Council
have stated that they were never asked
to consider H.R. 8282.
The last point should be explored.
When asked at the Ways and Means
hearings why H.R. 8282 contained a pro-
vision for a new advisory committee when
the existing one had not been used, Sec-
retary Wirtz answered:
I have found it, working with that com-
mittee, almost impossible to get away from
the expression of straight institutional points
of view.
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March 16, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD APPENDIX
The reporter stumbled over a rusty wash-
tub on the porch and trudged back across
the field.
PEOPLE WON'T TALK ABOUT POVERTY
There are no built-in service organiza-
tions in rural areas as there are in the cities
for poverty fighters to work through. The
people themselves resist organization.
The poor might attend a meeting in their
Detroit or Chicago neighborhoods. But try
to get them together to talk about poverty
in a valley in Appalachia.
One of the rural community action pro-
grams is In Grayson in northeast Kentucky.
It serves the six counties of Carter, Elliott,
Greenup, Lewis, Morgan, and Rowan. Mor-
gan and Elliott are among the 82 counties
listed by President Johnson as the poorest
in the country. In the 6-county area there
are 93,364 persons. Of these, 10,668 are poor
according to the standards of the poverty
war. In Elliott 64 percent are poor and
in Morgan the figure Is 67.
The houses, many of them never more
than shacks, have gone to seed.
Most of the families have lived there for
generations. Some of the farms were once
fair-size units, providing a good life in days
when the small farmer could make a decent
living on a few crops.
But the farms have been split up from
generation to generation, with descendants
of the original owners each year getting
smaller and smaller pieces.
The antipoverty project in the area was
funded for $198,000. The director, Lee
Taylor who has an independent Income from
a number of Kentucky oil wells, is paid an
annual salary of $12,000.
HOW TO COOK SURPLUS FOOD
One of the programs is to teach recipients
of surplus food how to make it palatable.
Another involves busing poor youths who
have demonstrated ability to a nearby junior
college. There are 19 in the program.
As in the urban community action pro-
grams, there are paid doorbell ringers who
go out to enlist the poor In self-selp pro-
grams, most of which are not really set up,
and try to get them interested in doing
things for themselves.
The rural poor are suspicious of such
goings-on.
And, in some cases, so Is Taylor. He dis-
covered that nearly 20 of about 30 so-called
subprofessional aid jobs in one county went
to Democratic precinct workers. The pay is
about $300 a month and the Idea is to in-
volve the poor themselves.
Taylor says most of the politically ap-
pointed aids helve been fired. But there are
similar stories in other anti-poverty pro-
grams where politicians find handy machin-
ery for patronage.
It is far more the exception than the rule,
however.
GOOD 'EXAMPLE HARDLY WORKS
Washington officials describe the Grayson
operation as a "good example" of how a rural
program works. Actually, at least so far, it
is scarcely working at all.
And, according to Taylor, not a single rep-
resentative of the Office of Economic Oppor-
tunity, which runs the war an poverty, has
been there to have a look.
"Hell," he said, "most of those people up
in Washington haven't any idea of what
rural area looks like outside of a golf course."
And he complains that the whole war is
"urban oriented."
What does Taylor think about the possi-
bility of success in the rural programs?
"I have grave doubts," he said.
One program popular in Kentucky and
other rural areas has earned the nickname
of "Happy Pappies."
Technically they are called Work Experi-
ence and' Training Programs and they pro-
vide direct payments in poverty funds to un-
employed fathers up to $250 a month.
SOME 23,483 BECOME HAPPY PAPPIES
To be eligible, a man must be out of work
for 90 days, willing and registered to work,
not eligible for unemployment compensation
and have at least one child.
This year there are 59 approved projects
for 23,483 persons at a cost of $44 million.
Taylor uses Happy Pappies in his program.
"Let's say I want some Happy Papples for
a few days," he says. I call Judge Roy Brown
In Elliott County and the Happy Pappies
appear for work."
Why does Taylor telephone the county
judge, really an exalted justice of the peace
in the Kentucky system?
"That's just the way you do it," says Tay-
lor.
The judges, elected officials, have the job
of certifying people as poor in Kentucky. So
apparently they are used because they know
who the poor are. And, in the county sys-
tem, the judge Is an important political fig-
ure, who, among other things, runs the
county highway department.
What do the Happy Pappies do?
In one case, Taylor said they fixed up a
room in a dilapidated house as a demonstra-
tion project to show "what a few dollars
worth of paint can do."
What do the people in the area think, in-
cluding the Happy Pappies?
"It's all political and the politicians run
it."
RACE HOLDS UP PROGRAM SOME
In many areas the South is shortchanging
itself, especially in connection with rural
programs, by failing to set up antipoverty.
Race is often a big factor, since involving the
poor Is tantamount to involving Negroes.
One of the most hopeful programs in the
Deep South is just getting underway in Mis-
sissippi. It is called STAR (systematic
training and redevelopment program) and
is a child of the Catholic Church. It is a
statewide program aimed at jobs, job train-
ing, and adult education. With headquarters
in Jackson, the board has achieved outstand-
ing racial balance.
In Mississippi, 48 percent of all the citizens
over 25 have only an eighth-grade education
or less. Four percent have never been to
school. And 160,000 have less than a fourth-
grade education.
Negroes, it is turning out, are more eager
to participate in the education programs
than whites. And herein lies a major prob-
lem. The illiterate and semiliterate whites
are reluctant to go to classes with Negroes.
"But It is improving all the time" says
Father Lawrences Watts, who the Natchez-
Jackson diocese has assigned to the project
full time,
There are other antipoverty programs for
the rural areas-like loans to poor farmers
to buy simple things like mules and machin-
ery with which to form cooperatives.
But, in the end, the problems of the rural
areas-with poverty often concealed by land-
scape and pride-might be the hardest to
solve. There may not be a solution.
Few, however, are able to look at the chil-
dren who are growing up dirty and neglected
in an increasingly complicated and urban
society and deny that some kind of effort
should be made.
The Northern Bombing
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. J. ARTHUR YOUNGER
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, March 16, 1966
Mr. YOUNGER. Mr. Speaker, I am
sure the readers of the RECORD will be
A1491
extremely interested in Joseph Alsop's
latest column on the Vietnam situation
in which he discusses recommendations
made by the Joint Chiefs of Staff. His
article "The Northern Bombing," pub-
lished in the Washington Post of March
16, follows:
THE NORTHERN BOMBING
(By Joseph Alsop)
The cat is out of the bag. The Joint Chiefs
of Staff have been publicly revealed as
pressing the President to intensify the bomb-
ing of North Vietnam still further, and
especially to permit the destruction of the
vital North Vietnamese oil fuel stores.
As usual in Lyndon Johnson's Washington,
the whole problem of the northern bombing
has been muddled and obscured as much as
possible. So it may be as well to remove
some of the muddle before analyzing the
Joint Chiefs' recommendation.
To begin with, when the peace offensive
and bombing pause came to an end, there
was a report that the permitted bombing
area in the north was much more limited,
by the President's order, than it had been
before the pause began. The report was of-
ficially denied. But it was also used as a
lever for a spate of other reports that the
President's post-pause policy was to "limit
the war," which were not denied.
The realities behind all this were quite dif-
ferent from the public appearance. First,
the military planners in both Washington
and Saigon believed that the highest priority
Immediately postpause, should be given to
bombing the bridges and other useful targets
on the lines of communication directly feed-
ing the Ho Chi Minh trail. These are in the
most southerly provinces of North Vietnam.
And in this manner, the initial bombing area
was in fact temporarily restricted.
Second, however, far from "limiting" our
effort against the north, the President has
already authorized a major intensification.
The approved sortie rate-the number of mis-
sions flown against northern targets-was
tripled after the pause ended. Weather per-
mitting, therefore, we are now dropping three
times as many bombs on northern targets as
we did prepause.
This earlier decision to triple the weight
of bombing points, of course, toward just the
kind of further intensification that the Joint
Chiefs are now pressing on the President.
Two things stand in the way.
One is the fact that the biggest fuel depot
in North Vietnam Is in the outskirts of
Haiphong, and the second biggest is in the
outskirts of Hanoi. The other is a hand-
tailored intelligence analysis concluding that
the truck movement over the Ho Chi Minh
trail would not be seriously hampered, even if
all the fuel depots in North Vietnam were
completely destroyed.
The analysis in question rouses the un-
avoidable suspicion that its preparation was
somehow linked to the President's invariable
hankering to conserve what he calls his "op-
tions"-In this case the option of not bomb-
ing in the Hanoi and Haiphong areas. At any
rate, those who reached the conclusion sum-
marized above must clearly have been taking
lessons from Alice in Wonderland's chum, the
White Queen, who proudly boasted that she
had often managed to "believe six impossible
things before breakfast."
.Notwithstanding the analysis, it is clear
that the President will eventually discover
he has no option whatever, except to follow
the recommendation of the Joint Chiefs.
The facts leave him none, and it Is a bit
shocking that the facts have not been faced
and the key decision has not yet been taken.
Briefly, the revised intelligence estimates
that caused such a panic in Washington and
produced the vaudeville peace offensive, pre-
dict a buildup of enemy regular units in
South Vietnam to a level equivalent to no
less than 18 divisions. The estimates also
predict a rise in deliveries over the Ho Chi
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A1492 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
Minh trail to a level well above 6,000 tons a
month,
The latter is the key figure in the esti-
mates, for without tonnage coming in to sus-
tain them, the addition of new enemy regu-
lar forces in the south would actually be
counterproductive. Given the character of
the Ho Chi Minh trail, the character of the
terrain it traverses, and the distances that
have to be covered, a huge truck movement,
involving 2,000 or 3,000 vehicles, will be
needed to lay down 6,000 tons monthly in
South Vietnam.
Ammunition to be used against our troops
will be the most important commodity car-
ried by those trucks. How then can the
President refrain from doing everything in
his power to halt or at least to greatly dimin-
Ish the truck movement?
For the need is most emphatically not for
area bombing of Hanoi and Haiphong. The
need is for pinpoint bombing to destroy the
fuel depots in the outskirts of these cities
and elsewhere in North Vietnam. It is a
purely military need.
The President constantly proclaims his
worry about "pressure from the hawks."
He ought instead to welcome a public de-
mand to get on with the war by doing what
needs doing. And in this case, he will surely
have to do what needs doing in the end.
The War on Poverty: Boon or
- Boondoggle-N9, 8
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. LUCIEN N. NEDZI
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, March 16, 1966
Mr. NEDZI. Mr. Speaker, under leave
to extend my remarks, the eighth article
of a series on poverty written by Wash-
ington reporter of the Detroit News, Tom
Joyce, follows:
. [From the Detroit News, Mar. 7, 19661
AMERICA'S CULTURALLY DEPRIVED-TROOPS IN
POVERTY WAR SAVE A LOST GENERATION
(By Toni Joyce)
WASHINGTON, March 7.-Poverty leaves its
deepest scars on little children.
If there was ever any doubt about this, it
was dispelled last summer when hundreds of
thousands of preschool youngsters between
4 and 5 from poverty's streets embarked
on a new and exciting experience.
It was Project Headstart, an experiment
that has won much praise and very little
criticism.
The idea was to give culturally deprived
children from poor homes--the youngsters
who begin school under a frightful handi-'
cap-a better chance by providing preschool
experience.
The program, which is now becoming a
major part of the war against poverty, did
much more than this. It provided a deep-
and often disturbing-insight into the chil-
dren who come from the slums, the ghettoes
and the country shacks of America.
SHOCKING NEGLECT
It has been known for years that these chil-
dren, the 4-, 5-, and 6-year-olds, start school
with anything but an equal chance for
success.
The extent of the cultural neglect was
shocking, even to educators who long had
known of its existence. In thousands of
cases, medical neglect was even more dis-
turbing.
A child who had never spoken a word, pre-
sumed to be mentally deficient, did not talk
because he could not hear. And he did not
hear because of massive deposits of wax In
his ears. He had never been taken to a doc-
tor, despite the suspicion of mental abnorm-
ality.
In Tampa, Fla., nearly 10 percent of the
children enrolled in a Headstart program
had eye defects,. About 50 percent suffered
nutritional deficiencies. In Jacksonville, Fla.,
52 percent were anemic.
In Detroit, examinations disclosed that out
of 6,000 children, 80 percent required dental
care.
THE DROPOUTS
It is among the children of the poor, who
start school behind their classmates and keep
getting farther behind, that there are so
many school dropouts.
They are the children, like the millions of
young men and women of today, who will be
the out-of-school, out-of-work youngsters of
tomorrow.
The Job Corps is finding out a lot about
them. And much of the failure is being
traced back to the handicap with which they
began school, in. first grade and kinder-
garten.
It is not so surprising when you look at
some of the things discovered in Head Start.
A little girl in Georgia arrived at the class-
room with only 20 words in her vocabulary.
Simple symbols-at least simple in middle-
class terms-had no meaning to her.
The minds of most American youngsters
respond almost immediately to allusions from
Mother Goose.
But the little girl in Atlanta had never
heard a nursery rhyme. Maybe nobody had
bothered to tell her. Maybe nobody in her
little circle knew one to tell.
A HANDICAP
Other children in her class affectionately
hugged picture books, the kind that are un-
der beds and stacked in closets of most
homes, But they had never had one before.
It is much like the experiences learned in
Prince Edward County, Va., where the public
schools were closed for 5 years to avoid segre-
gation, Children from sharecropper families
there could not understand even the simplest
picture books.
A 9-year-old boy who had never been to
class until the Federal Government forced
Prince Edward to reopen public schools,
looked at pictures in a book and stared
blankly. One of the pictures was of a pair
of galoshes. The word was written under-
neath. But he had never seen a pair of
galoshes so neither the picture nor the word
had any meaning.
The case of the little girl in Atlanta was
not an isolated one. Dr. Curtis Henson, co-
ordinator of Atlanta's Metropolitan School
Council, discovered many cases where chil-
dren entering the program had vocabularies
limited to 20 and 30 words. How do they
communicate? By making sounds and point-
ing to objects. In frustration; they hit and
kick.
Beyond this, in Atlanta, Chicago, Los
Angeles and almost everywhere where there
was a Headstart program, it was discovered
that many of the children did not know how
to live in a world in which adults partici-
pated.
LEFT ALONE
A lot of them simply had been left alone,
among other children, to make their own
way.
This reporter stopped inside dozens of such
homes across the country., The scene repeats
Itself. A hopelss mother is surrounded by
4, 5, 6, or even 10 children in a crowded
tenement. She is present, but not in spirit.
The children have no toys or books or games.
They do not learn to sing songs.
When they are hungry, they eat, if there
is any food. When they are tired, they go
to bed, if there are enough beds.
They have no direction and their world
is a negative one in which the word "no"
March 16, 1966
Is the one most often heard. No one ever
says, "Johnny, would you like to hear the
story of the 'Three Bears'?"
PRAISE PROGRAM
It is usually, "Johnny, shut up," or
"Johnny, don't do that."
These children are not prepared for a world
in which adults really take a part in their
lives, and where they are asked to participate
in decisionmaking processes.
In one Headstart class the children were
asked:
"Do you want to have your picture taken?"
"No," they shouted in a loud chorus. But
when they were told they were going to have
their pictures taken, they screamed with
delight.
School officials everywhere are singing the
praises of Headstart.
And last fall, when the first children of
the experiment headed Into first grade, public
school teachers reported that they "Just
couldn't believe the difference."
The poor children, based on experience
with similar groups over a number of years,
were said to be as much as 90 days ahead.
And a lot of them were ready to begin school
with something closer to an equal oppor-
tunity.
The summer program was a crash one.
And the emphasis was on considerable indi-
vidual attention. For the 561,000 children,
there were 41,000 teachers, averaging out to
1 teacher for every 14 youngsters.
In addition, there were paid teacher aids
and many volunteers, including teenagers,
who helped with the serving of meals and
the setting up of classrooms. Many of these
were themselves poor.
In communities all over the Nation per-
manent Headstart programs have either be-
gun or are now being planned.
REACH PARENTS
Among other things, the programs are
turning up new ways to reach parents, many
of whom distrust the schools as symbols of
their own past failures. Now mothers are
assisting In class and fathers are helping to
prepare buildings and classrooms.
Many educators see Headstart as a pos-
sible way of getting adults involved in edu-
cational programs to improve their lives and
their potentials.
Despite its achievements and Its praise,
Headstart was not spared its share of con-
troversy in a war that rings with dispute and
challenge. in some cases the South was a
problem spot because of the traditional re-
sistance to segregated school programs.
There was trouble in Mississippi. Senator
JOHN STENNIS charged that Headstart funds
were used to rescue civil rights demonstrators
from jail. Nevertheless, the Office of Eco-
nomic Opportunity only a few days ago ap-
proved a new $5.6 million grant to Mississippi
for a 6-month program for 9,135 children.
Last month a group from the State brought
preschool children to Washington to protest
delays in granting the funds.
FUNDS DELAYED
In some other southern areas funds were
withheld, causing loud protestations, because
Washington officials did not think local lead-
ers really tried hard enough to solve segrega-
tion problems.
And, as in most large-scale program where
large amounts of Federal money is involved,
there were abuses.
Under the original plan, up to 25 percent
of the preschool children in programs could
be from outside the ranks of the poor. The
idea was to give culturally deprived children
a chance to have associations with youngsters
from better families. Experts and school of-
ficials generally believe this was an excellent
idea.
But because of pressure, in many cases re-
sulting from abuses, the figure has been re-
duced to 10 percent.
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 March 16, 1966' CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- APPENDIX
Fifth. Training and guidance of guerrillas
to invade America.
Sixth. Creation of a committee to assist
and aid the Vietp . The very same Viet-
cong whom some sympathizers in the United
States wish, to, include in the Vietnam} Gov
ernnent-a proposal which Vice President
HUMPHREY has likgngd to. putting a fox in
the chicken coop.
OAS GIVESWL"AIf`"$ROTEST
The importance of these resolutions is
confirmed in statements made by the dele-
gates from different countries, among them
Pedro Medina of Venezuela, who urged co-
ordination of guerrila movements to achieve
.broader support. The Vietnamese repre-
sentative expressed himself in these terms:
"One Yankee killed in Vietnam is one
Yankee less that our Venezuelan brothers
will have to kill in Venezuela." The Chilean
Communist Party president stated harmon-
ized activity to be the only way to attain
power.
The OAS has limited itself to an academic
protest against the Tricontinental Confer-
ence which is a flagrant violation of the
principles and purposes of the U.N. Charter
and a General Assembly declaration voted
by 109 membei States.
CHALLENGES NOW MET
It is time to admit openly that the Havana
tricontinental meeting accords are a formal
declaration of war, a subversive war; like
those being gverywhere financed by the So-
viet Union and Red China,
Castro's regime has recognized the Viet-
cong and Puerto Rico as free countries.
.Narciso Babel Martinez, a Communist Puerto
RTdzn leader, has been appointed ambassador
to Cuba although Puerto Rico is politically
tied to the United States. This is another
challenge that has not been contested.
At the time of the missile, crisis in 1962,
President Kennedy committed himself with
Prime Minister Khrushchev not to invade
Cuba, and not to allow Cuba to be invaded.
This agreement has made Cuba a Commu-
nist sanctuary. It permits Castro to operate
freely, secure in the knowledge that it is
not possible to develop a Cuban counter-
revolution in the United States which would
liberate Cuba from communism and free
.Latin America and the United States_ from
its threat.
In contrast, Washington, D.C., has denied
us free Cubans establishment of a Cuban
government-in-exile, or any other official
status, which would lend moral support to
our efforts to rescue our fatherland.
LOOMING THREAT
Even if we disregard inter-American
treaties, a nonintervention policy at this
times is not fair or intelligent if it leaves the
Latin American peoples at the mercy of Com-
munist infiltration.
If Castro and the Communists stay in Cuba
exporting their revolution, the downfall of
other governments and nations of Latin
America will be only a matter of time.
Thousands of Latin Americans are being
trained every year in Havana, Moscow, Pei-
ping, and Prague in the techniques of sabo-
tage, terrorism, and revolution. ,
The potential chaos cannot be suppressed
indefinitely by the armed forces of Latin
American countries, nor can their economies
afford it. The cost to the United States of
the Vietnam guerrilla war is more than the
combined budgets of all Latin American
countries.
It is ilnpo sible for me to understand the
present 'Ci.S. position on a Communist Cuba
tinder Fidel Castro, If the. Vnitesl State s felt
justified in throwing its weight against the
.Batista regime, it now would seem to be a
matter of simple self-preservation to
elimi- nate this cancer.that. is. spreading through-
out the hemisphere-not to mention Amer-
loan comll11t1}1! l tS ll a er the inter-Aingrtcan
juridical system and the Monroe Doctrine.
COMMITMENTS TO LATIN AMERICA
If the bombing of North Vietnam by Amer-
ican planes has not provoked a war with Red
China or the Soviet Union, it is extremely
unlikely any military action against Cuba
would bring about such as conflict. The
longer we delay elimination of Castro and
his comrades, the greater the damage they
can do.
If the United States is now carrying out in
Vietnam the commitments it assumed under
the treaty signed to defend southeast Asia,
is it not equally bound to take similar action
regarding Cuba-by the Treaty of Rio de
Janeiro, the Declaration of Caracas, the Dec-
laration of the American Foreign Ministers'
meeting held in Washington in 1964, and the
Monroe Doctrine?
We may be taking the first steps toward
a more constructive policy with relation
to Communist Cuba: I refer to the Sep-
tember 20, 1965, resolution voted 312 to
52 in the U.S. Congress, which endorses the
unilateral use of force by the United States,
or any other Western Hemisphere country, to
prevent a Communist takeover anywhere in
this hemisphere.
The nations of Latin America want to
aline themselves solidly against their com-
mon enemy, communism-but they look to
the United States for leadership. Resolu-
tions of this sort-while perhaps not very
important inside the United States-are ex-
tremely important internationally.
If the United States vacillates in the face
of the intensified subversion which will re-
sult from the Tricontinental Conference,
Latin America will vacillate too-and the
subversion will bear its bitter fruit in blood-
shed and toppled governments. If the
United States stands firm-so will Latin
America stand firm-and the plans of the
Tricontinental Conference will be thwarted.
ANSWERS TO WRITTEN QUESTIONS FROM FLOOR
Question. (J. C. Russell.) Cuban refugees
wish to return to Cuba, or remain in the
United States? Answer. Hope to get back-
have to think of those left behind.
Question. (R. T. Durbrow.) Cuban Electric
Co. assets all lost to Castro? Answer. Yes.
Question. (John Brickley.) Was Castro a
Communist before gaining power, or was his
coming into power a result of nonrecogni-
tion of him by the United States? Answer.
Castro was Communist before,, and ample
proof exists; 1948 Communists planned
riots in Bogota, Colombia, thousands killed,
$30 million damage. Castro was active there.
.He was caught in a radio station inciting
people to riot. He was jailed and saved by
Cuban ambassador to United States; 1955-
Castro jailed again, but released in general
amnesty. Went to Mexico to train guerrillas,
Raul, Castro's brother, was trained in Mos-
cow. Castro created a secret state police and
declared he's a Marxist-Leninist.
Question. (C. J. Gray.) Missiles now being
installed?
Answer. No proof. Have only information
from U-2 planes which don't show up what is
on ground. Soviets sending tons of concrete
into areas where no Cuban is allowed. At a
gate the Cuban truck drivers turn over their
trucks to Russians who drive off, return with
empty trucks, turn them back to the Cubans.
Question. (Dr. Ed Williams.) Cuba's fu-
ture relations with Soviet Union and Red
China? .
Answer. At Tricontinental Conference
both Soviet Union and Red China repre-
sented-both agree on course of action.
Question. (C. M. Avery.) Would Batista
have supported democratic elections with
U.S. support?
Answer. Main reason why people hated
Batista-no political freedom. Also tremen-
dous graft in government circles. Tremen-
dous propaganda built up for Castro in
VuitecL..States., None of the . III matton
furnished the U.S. State, Department as to
A.1505
Castro's Communist ties ever reached either
Secretary of State or the President. Such
information never got above the fourth floor
of State Department.
Question. (R. Cathcart.) Castro sending
agents to United States among refugees?
Answer. Of course. Offer no harm to se-
curity of United States. He may have a
group give a show-for propaganda pur-
poses-asserting they want to go back to
Communist Cuba.
Question. Best course of action against
Communist Cuba?
Answer. First, a completely enforced em-
bargo. All nations should respect that em-
bargo. (Remember, the United States backs
a Rhodesian embargo.) Second, help the
Cubans-give support. Third, coordinate ef-
forts hemisphere. Only United can
~/YI/
provide
needed hemispheric leadership.
President's Vietnam Policy Supported by
Representative Bob Casey
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
O
HON. ELIGIO DE LA GARZA
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, March 16, 1966
Mr. DE LA GARZA. Mr. Speaker, much
has been said and written about the
President's policy in handling the crisis
in Vietnam and southeast Asia. This is
one of the most difficult problems in for-
eign policy our Nation has faced, and
some of us believe the handful of critics
have been given undue attention by the
press.
Many of my colleagues have repeatedly
expressed full support of our President's
policy, but rarely does it get more than
local attention. Because I feel the Amer-
ican people, and in particular my col-
leagues in Congress, should know that
most of us have great confidence in our
President, and stand with him on the
difficult decisions he has had to make, it
is my pleasure to bring to your attention
the report of a speech made by my friend
and colleague, Representative BOB CASEY,
before the Houston Optimist Club.
The report is from the Southwestern
Argus of March 3, 1966:
BOB CASEY STANDS WITH L.B.J.
Congressman BOB CASEY, who visited Viet-
nam in November, said in Houston Thursday
that President Johnson's war policy has his
full support.
CASEY was sharply critical of recent at-
tacks in Washington on our policy in Viet-
nam.
Speaking before the Houston Optimist
Club in the Rice Hotel, CASEY called the war
"one of the dirtiest wars and also one of the
most vital we have ever fought."
"I hays often differed with the President,
but I am in full accord with his Vietnam
policy," CASEY said.
"The criticism in Washington adds fuel
to the fires of criticism at. home-the talk of
withdrawal appeals to the mother whose
son is about to go to Vietnam and to those
who would have us withdraw into a shell."
CASEY said he had recently received a let-
ter from a constituent, a woman, "who
wanted to .know what we are doing over
there, why we don't pull out and why does
the President refuse to sit down at the con-
ference table."
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-APPENDIX March 16, 1966
"She and others like her are ignoring
the President's every effort to mediate the
the war, including the cessation of bombing,
the. many emissaries he has sent all over the
world and his repeated Invitations to the
Vietcong to meet us at the conference table,"
the Congressman said.
"This lady is willing to take the word of
three men who, against the laws of this
country, visited Hanoi and came back as
mouthpieces for the Communists. She is
willing to take their word against that of
the President of the United States.
"Let's consider what would happen if we
did pull out.
"The coalition Government in South Viet-
nam would fall almost immediately; the
Vietcong would take over and reap revenge
on every man who opposed them. 'You
Would see the worst blood bath in modern
history.
"Our presence in
other Asian nations.
Under unanimous consent, it is my
pleasure to insert Mim Schneider's let-
ter in the RECORD:
To the EDITOR OF THE NEWS:
Would you like to know what I feel about
these misfits who protest the draft? Prob-
ably not, but I'll tell you anyway. These
oddballs who think themselves very self-
righteous are a bunch of lily-livered cow-
ards. Anyone with brain one knows that
Vietnam has gone beyond the talking stage.
I wonder if these dimwits realize that
real live men-our neighbors and relatives-
are out there spilling their precious blood to
save their no good, stinking hides. They
should be the ones to go over. Most of them
aren't fit, however, for military service. The
Army wants men, not pip-squeaks who don't
have the nerve to fight for their country.
We really ought to deport them but that
would be unfair battle tactics. I'd hate to
see even a Communist having to put up with
their atrocious behavior. It would take more
than a psychiatrist to Pure the Commies If
the numskulls got to them.
MISS SHERRIE LYNN SCHNEIDER.
SPRINGFIELD, OHIO.
P.S.-I am 15, attending North High.
Please excuse my writing, but I am so mad I
can't see straight.
(An editor's note following Miss Schneider's
letter read-Please excuse us, too. But it
appears your vision is pretty good.)
"Other countries, not as advanced as our-
selves, gain encouragement to take on a
more democratic government.
"We. may not live to see it, but in time
our sadriflces will bear fruit"
Congressman CASEY said that he Is sure
that President Johnson is sensitive to the
loss of American lives in the war, "more
th4n.arty of us, I imagine, because he has
to make the decision to send our boys over
there."
"It would be easy for the President to
dodge this grave responsibility and leave the
problem for the next President," CASEY said.
"But with leadership comes responsibil-
ity I don't envy the President."
Patriotism Rewarded
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. CLARENCE J.
or OHIO
BROWN, JR.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, March 16,1966
Mr. BROWN of Ohio. Mr. Speaker,
'the Grimes-Kohl Post No. 1031 of the
Veterans of Foreign Wars of Springfield,
Ohio, sponsored a Vietnam Veterans'
Day as a show of support for the esti-
mated TO men from the Clark County
area who are fighting in Vietnam. The
events included a parade through down-
town Springfield In the afternoon, fol-
lowed, by a dinner honoring the fighting
men and their families.
During the course 'of the observance
Miss Sherrie Lynn Schneider, a sopho-
more at Springfield's North High School,
was rewarded for patriotism as a result
of a letter she wrote to the editor of the
Springfield Daily News expressing her
feelings about anti-Vietnam and draft
protestors. Miss Schneider was desig-
nated by the VFW Post as "Miss Patriot-
ism of Clark County" and was honored
with a special presentation in recogni-
tion of this. In addition, she received a
$25 U.S. Government savings bond from
the Local No. 402 of the UAW-CIO. This
local is made up of 4,000 employees of
the Springfield Works of the Interna-
tional ITarvester Co.
Such patriotism as expressed in Miss
Schneider's letter certainly deserves re-
ward, and the reward accorded it by the
union and Grimes-Kohl Post certainly
deserves recognition.
Senate Committee Opens Hearings on
Bank Holding Company Act
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. CHARLES E. BENNETT
or .FLORIDA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, March 16, 1966
Mr. BENNETT. Mr. Speaker, the Sen-
ate Committee on Banking and Cur-
rency's' Subcommittee on Financial In-
stitutions today began hearings on
legislation which would remove the ex-
emptions to the Bank Holding Company
Act of 1956.
I congratulate the Senate committee
and its distinguished chairman, Senator
A. WILLIS ROBERTSON, of Virginia, who is
also chairman of the full committee, for
the work they are beginning on the bills
before the committee, including H.R.
7371, which passed the House in the 1st
session of the 89th Congress.
The bill, H.R. 7371, is a good bill and
it is supported by the Federal Reserve
Board, which has been trying to close the
loopholes and exemptions in the Bank
Holding Company Act of 1956 for the last
decade. I am hopeful for positive and
speedy action by the Senate on this im-
portant legislation. I include in the
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD copies of my tes-
timony before the committee and also
the testimony of the Honorable William
McChesney Martin, Jr., Chairman of the
Board of Governors of the Federal Re-
serve System.
The statements follow:
TESTIMONY OF CONGRESSMAN CHARLES E.
BENNETT, OF FLORIDA, BEFORE THE SENATE
COMMITTEE ON BANKING AND CURRENCY,
M,4RCH 16, 1966
Mr. Chairman, I deeply appreciate the op-
portunity to appear before this committee
in support of H.R. 7371 as it passed the
House or of as much of it as you feel can.
be made law in this session of Congress.
In 1933 banks were prohibited by statute
from also doing nonbanking business, the
purpose of the statute being to eliminate
conflicts of interest and the evils of monop-
oly. In 1956 bank holding companies were
similarly prohibited; but many exemptions
were allowed in the new statute. The Fed-
eral Reserve Board has recommended ending
all of these exemptions and that is what the
House bill before you does. It does nothing
more.
The report on H.R. 6227, 84th Congress,
which became the Bank Holding Company
Act of 1956, outlines the reasons for requir-
ing bank holding companies to divest them-
selves of nonbanking businesses, and I would
like to quote from that report:
"The reasons underlying the divestment
requirement are simple. As a general rule,
banks are prohibited from engaging in any
other type of enterprise than banking itself.
This is because of the danger to the depos-
itors which might result where the bank
finds Itself, in effect, both the borrower and
the lender. It is for this reason, among
others, that statutes limiting the invest-
ments of banks have been passed by both
the Congress and State legislatures.
"The bank holding company is under no
such restriction. It may acquire and oper-
ate as many nonbanking businesses as it has
funds and the disposition to acquire. There
are in the country today, as has been pointed
out previously, bank holding companies
which, in addition to their investments in
the stocks of banks, also control the opera-
tion of such nonbanking businesses as insur-
' ante, manufacture, real estate, mining, and
a number of others.
"Whenever a holding company thus con-
trols both banks and nonbanking businesses,
it is apparent that the holding company's
nonbanking businesses may thereby occupy
a preferred position over that of their com-
petitors in obtaining bank credit. It is also
apparent that in critical times the holding
company which operates nonbanking busi-
nesses may be subjected to strong temptation
to cause the banks which it controls to make
loans to its nonbanking affiliates even though
such loans may not, at that time, be en-
tirely justified in the light of current bank-
ing standards. In either situation the pub-
lic interest becomes directly involved.
In the course of the Senate hearings, Fed-
eral Reserve Board Chairman William McC.
Martin, Jr., testified that:
"Existing provisions of law, originally en-
acted in the Banking Act of 1933, have
proved entirely inadequate to deal with the
special problems created by bank holding
companies."
Senate Report No. 1095, 84th Congress, 1st
session, on this legislation, said of the Bank
Holding Company Act of 1956: "It repre-
sents a compromise."
In signing the act into law, President
Eisenhower said: "As a result of the var-
ious exemptions and other provisions, the
legislation falls short of achieving these ob-
jectives. * * * The exemptions and other
special provisions will require the further at-
tention of the Congress."
In every annual report to Congress since
the passage of the 1956 act the Federal Re-
serve Board has recommended that the ex-
emptions contained in the 1956 act be elimi-
nated. My amendment to H.R. 7371 accepted
by the House on a rolleall vote does exactly
that and no more. Let me briefly discuss
the exemptions that the House bill, as now
amended, would remove.
1. First, of course, it would remove the ex-
emption for the Alfred I. du Pont estate,
the original sole purpose of H.R. 7371. This
exemption Is in general terms, applying to
testamentary trusts and to community
chests, funds, or foundations for religious,
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March 16, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
recently as one of seven finalists, nation-
wide, to work with various poverty projects
in Europe this summer.
But, after much deliberation, she refused
the offer-and is convinced her decision was
right.
Since January, Mrs. Oleson has worked in
the pharmacy department at Tampa General
Hospital as an assistant for on-the-job train-
ing with Operation ADE (aid to dependent
employables).
Because of her meaningful service in the
community and her exceptional progress, she
was nominated to represent the southeast
in a scholarship program designed as an edu-
cational experience for participants in anti-
poverty programs throughout the United
States.
It serves as a recognition to a person who
best exemplifies the spirits of self-help and
community action so strongly supported by
Sargent Shriver both dome tically through
the Office of Economic Opportunity, and
abroad, through the Peace Corps.
Seven recipients, one from each of the geo-
graphical regions of the Office of Economic
Opportunity, will visit foreign countries for
2 months this summer and base an oppor-
tunity to learn how people live, work, and
face problems of poverty in other parts of
the world as well as how the Peace Corps
performs.
"I stayed up all night trying to reach a
decision because I" felt it was a wonderful
opportunity," she said. "But I believe the
future in America is in my children and in
my home. I know I hated to disappoint a
lot of people but I had to put my family
first."
Mrs. Oleson has three boys, 18 months, 3,
and 4 years old.
She was concerned that two of her children
needed medical treatment right now and
she also would have been forced to hire a
babysitter during the time she was away or
have them placed in a nursery.
"My children need their mother very much
while they're. still so young, and I just
couldn't rationalize the idea of leaving
them," Mrs. Oleson said.
Mrs. Oleson is one of many women who
have had difficulty obtaining employment
because she has`no marketable skill or it has
become outdated.
The program is aimed at teaching women
a skill so they can get off the welfare rolls
or otherwise earn ,a sufficient living for their
families.
Mrs. Oleson, a native of Tampa, was em-
ployed in investigative work out of State,
and When she moved back to this area there
was very little demand for that type of job.
She has been retrained in a more scientific
field and today assists the registered phar-
macists at Tampa General in various duties
around the department. This job does not
include filling prescriptions and other high-
ly trained work.
Mrs. Oleson receives a maintenance al-
lowance of $30 a week during training and
plans are being made to place her in a
permanent job when Operation ADE closes
in April.
In the poverty programs, the training pe-
riod varies from 6 to 30 weeks depending on
-the field.
Two months ago there were 204 people in
training and nearly half of that figure had
been later employed somewhere in the city.
The program works under the welfare di-
vision of _the. hospital and welfare board of
Hillsborough County and operates with a
budget,of $846,000.
Operation ADE was, begun only last June,
but will merge next year with Neighborhood
Service Centers, another poverty program
In Tampa at a saving in administrative costs.
Director Rudy Spoto, of the hospital and
welfare board, said when Operation ADE is
integrated with the larger NSC, within a
year there will be three neighborhood agen-
cies in operation in Ybor City, West Tampa,
and Plant City.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. BOB CASEY
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, March 16, 1966
Mr. CASEY. Mr. Speaker, in the eyes
of the world, according to the Houston
Post, the congressional vote on the Viet-
nam military operations bill was a vote
of confidence on our Vietnam policy.
The policy that was endorsed was one of
resolute firmness and pruduent restraint-
firmness in resisting the Communist effort
to take over South Vietnam by force and
careful limitation of the amount of force
used to resist this effort to what is necesary
to keep the Communists from succeeding-
While trying by every means to bring about
a peaceful settlement of the conflict in
southeast Asia through negotiations.
The view expressed by the Houston
Post is one of many on this subject and
I include the editorial as a part of the
RECORD:
CONFIDENCE VOTE FOR L.B.J.
In the eyes of the world, the congressional
vote on President Johnson's request for an
additional $4.8 billion to pay for military
operations in Vietnam during the remainder
of the current fiscal year was a vote of con-
fidence on the President's Vietnam policy.
The one-sidedness of the vote by which the
money was authorized, 392 to 4 in the House
and 93 to 2 in the Senate, reflected the de-
gree of support that the President has in the
country as a whole, and it Is to be hoped
that Communist leaders everywhere, but es-
pecially those in Peiping and Hanoi, got the
message loud and clear.
The policy issue was much more clear cut
resolute firmness and prudent restraint-
firmness in resisting the Communist effort
to take over South Vietnam by force and
careful limitation of the amount of force
used to resist this effort to what is necessary
to keep the Communists from succeeding-
while trying by every means to bring about
a peaceful settlement of the conflict in
southeast Asia through negotiations.
The policy issue was much more clear cut
in the Senate than in the House, and this
was appropriate since debate and criticism
have been loudest there. Senator WAYNE
MORSE forced a direct vote on presidential
policy by offering an amendment to the
money authorization bill, which would have
repealed the 1964 congressional resolution
approving and supporting President John-
son's actions. The effort to repudiate presi-
dential leadership lost by a vote of 92 to 5.
If the men who control the governments in
Peiping and Hanoi actually were under any
illusion that the American people are deeply
divided on the question of the proper policy
to be followed in Vietnam, the vote must
have come as both a surprise and a shock.
It remains to be seen what, if any, effect
this will have on their policies and courses of
action, but at least the vote helped to offset
any encouragement that they may have re-
ceived as a result of recent senatorial and
other criticism of the President's policy.
Even if the Morse amendment had been
A1519
approved, the President's power to pursue
the policy he is pursuing would not have
been affected, and it Is doubtful that he
would have changed it, because he believes it
is the right policy and one that an over-
whelming majority of the American people
support.
It is true that a few Senators voted to
support the President reluctantly and with
reservations, but the Communists can de-
rive little satisfaction from this. In the first
place, their number is few, and in the second
place, their differences with the administra-
tion are not fundamental. There is little
disagreement on basic objectives.
There are some, of course, who think that
President Johnson should spell out in greater
specific detail what this country ultimately
would settle for in southeast Asia. But this
would mean a loss of flexibility and could
close the door to some opportunities for a
peaceful settlement.
The overriding fact in southeast Asia re-
mains that there. can be peace anytime the
Communists are willing to abandon their
aggression and the use of force in an effort
to obtain their objectives. Or, as Secretary
of State Dean Rusk put it very succinctly
recently, any time they are willing to stop
shooting at and killing their neighbors. Or,
to put it still differently, any time they are
willing to stop being barbarians and show a
desire to become members of a civilized
world society.
Wentworth Town Meeting: A Command-
ing Voice at the Grassroots Reaffirms
Stand Against Proposed Livermore
Falls, Rumney Dams
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF,
HON. JAMES C. CLEVELAND
OF NEW HAMPSHIRE
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, March 16, 1966
Mr. CLEVELAND. Mr. Speaker, 2
years ago to the day, I took the floor of
the House to argue against a $50 million
project In my district-the -high dam- at
Livermore Falls on the Pemigewasset
River-see RECORD of March 16, 1964.
This rebutted the charge often made
against Members of Congress that they
are all for economy except in their own
districts.
I pointed how, after detailed study
as a member of the Public Works Com-
mittee, I found that the objective of
flood control in the valley would be ac-
complished just as well through the con-
struction of small, dry dams on the
tributaries of the Pemigewasset. This
course would also avoid the heavy eco-
nomic damage and - extensive personal
dislocations that would be caused by the
construction of a high dam and the im-
pounding of water.
My position was strongly supported
by the voters of 10 towns in the Pemige-
wasset area. Some of those towns have
reaffirmed their stand. A resolution
unanimously adopted at the last town
meeting on March 8 in Wentworth is
typical.
This resolution is a commanding voice
at the grassroots level. It deserves to be
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX March 16, 1966
listened to in Washington. Too much
time has already gone by without having
this matter settled. The delay renders
planning and economic development
virtually impossible.
The resolution of the Wentworth town
meeting follows:
"Be it resolved that the town of Went-
worth, N.H., go on record as being highly
opposed to the building of dams at Livermore
Falls, on the Pemigewassett River, and at
Rumney, on the Baker River, as proposed by
the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers.
"Be it also resolved that the town of Went-
worth favors the continuation of the build-
ing of the smaller dams in the Baker River
Valley as proposed by the U.S. Soil Conserva-
tion Service."
I certify that the foregoing resolutions
were unanimously adopted by the voters at
the town meeting in Wentworth March 8,
OLIVE M. BELYEA,
Town Clerk.
Architects. The recording service un-
covers buildings of unusual interest or
architectural merit, and then takes
photographs, makes sketches, writes
descriptive material. This material is
then filed in the historic American build-
ings survey 'archives in the Library of
Congress.
The project was founded in 1935, and
has had a considerable impact in pre-
serving for future generations our fine
American buildings.
Mr. Speaker, I believe that the citizens
.of Ovid deserve congratulation for their
effective work in maintaining the Ovid
United Church building. As a mark of
respect for the activities of the citizens
of Ovid and as a recognition of the en-
during value of the church as an his-
toric building, a certificate of recognition
from the national historic buildings sur-
vey project will be sent to Ovid in the
coming months.
I am pleased to Join the project in
honoring the church in Ovid, and I
think it appropriate to insert an article
on the subject published in the Lansing
State Journal:
OVID CHURCH GETS HISTORICAL LISTING
(By William J. Duchaine)
Ovio-The old First Congregational
Church, now known as the Main Street
Building of the Ovid United Church, has
been recorded by the national historic build-
ings survey project.
Pictures, architectural measurements and
history of the nearly century-old edifice will
be preserved in the Archives of Congress.
It is one of about a score of buildings sur-
veyed in the central Michigan project last
summer.
The First Congregational Church of Ovid
was organized March 3, 1871. George Fox,
grandfather of Harold Beardslee, retired Ovid
banker, was the contractor who built the
original church and steeple. Fox, a carpen-
ter, owned a sawmill.
The first minister was Rev. William Mulder.
Charter members were: C. V. Beebe, M.D.,
Marie D. Beebe, R. J. Young, Jennie Young,
Annie Davis, Henry M. Enos, Charlotte A.
Bennett, Susan Beebe, Mary Ray, Mrs. G. D.
Sowers, and Miss Jennie Mulock.
The church, built on a hill on High Street,
was dedicated in 1872. It was moved to Main
Street in 1899, and underwent considerable
remodeling the following year. A parlor and
porch were added, and an excavation was
made for the furnace and dining area.
In 1923, trustees voted to excavate the re-
mainder of the basement to enlarge the area.
Harold Beardslee, Fred Green, A. D. Mosser,
and C. W. Stone were elected as the com-
mittee to organize "work bees." Each man
was to give at least 2 hours to the digging
project.
This basement is now a large dining area,
used for church suppers, Lions Club dinners,
receptions, and banquets. The older part of
the basement is used as the kitchen.
About 1943, the Congregational and Meth-
odist churches were merged as the Ovid
United Church.
Macomb County Community College
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JAMES G. O'HARA
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, March 16, 1966
Mr. O'HARA of Michigan. Mr.
Speaker, those of us who live in Macomb
County, Mich., are very proud of the
rapidly growing community college in
our county. It is already an outstand-
ing educational asset for young people
in southeastern Michigan.
The south campus of Macomb County
Community College was opened just last
fall and now has been expanded to in-
clude five classroom buildings as well as
office and student services structures.
Now plans are underway for the devel-
opment of the college's center campus.
In this connection, I should like to point
out that a model of the first unit of
MCCC's second campus has been cited
for its architecture.
Mr. Speaker, I have received a news
release regarding plans for the new col-
lege campus. Under unanimous consent
I insert the news release from the
Macomb County Community College in
the Appendix of the RECORD:
MACOMB COUNTY COMMUNITY COLLEGE
Cited by national jury as an outstanding
school design, a model of the first unit of
Macomb County Community College's sec-
ond campus was chosen to be exhibited at
the conference of the American Association
of School Administrators, February 12 to 16
in Atlantic City.
The unit,'a self-sufficient learning center
designed as a component of a large commu-
nity college complex, earned praise from
the AASA school building architectural ex-
hibit jury for "sensitivity to human needs
and common interests of,students."
According to the screening jury "this
sensitivity gives character to the plan and
the architecture symbolizes community col-
lege education.
Architects for the unit are Wakely-Ifush-
ner Associations of St. Clair Shores.
The $2.4 million project is the first in the
development of MCCC's Center Campus on a
220-acre site at Hall Road and Garfield, be-
tween Mount Clemens and Utica.
MCCC's South Campus opened in Septem-
Unemployment Compensation Reform Bill
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CHARLES A. VANIK
OF OHIO
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, March 16, 1966
Mr. VANIK. Mr. Speaker, public hear-
ings are currently underway on H.R.
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ber of 1965 and was expanded last month to
a total of five classroom, office and student
services buildings.
The first unit on the Center Campus, one
of a series of five subcampuses housing 2,-
000 students each, is expected to be com-
pleted by fall of 1967.
Each learning center, comprised of three
buildings, will serve as the major identify-
ing-element for the student body. A stu-
dent will be able to receive all of his general
educational instruction in any one of the
learning centers. In addition, each learning
center will house specialized vocational pro-
grams and laboratories.
Each Earning center consists of three con-
nected structures: a classroom building, a
laboratory building and a student commons
building. Emphasis is placed on flexibility
of instructional space, providing areas suit-
able for teaching groups of from 10 to 160
students through the use of movable parti-
tions and varying sizes of rooms.
Science laboratories are organized into
units of 24 student stations but may be
expanded to accommodate 48 or 72 students.
Faculty offices are interspersed among the
teaching areas to make the faculty accessible
to the students.
The student commons building is designed
as a gathering place for the students in each
learning center. Here students can study,
use reference materials, eat lunch or drink
coffee, socialize, view displays, attend a musi-
cal presentation, lecture or dramatic work,
purchase supplies or pursue other college-
related activities.
Plans for the center campus call for two
major areas divided by a meadow commons.
On the north Is the academic core with com-
munity-oriented buildings: the campus com-
munity center, fine arts center, auditorium,
and office-conference center. These build-
ings will be connected to the learning centers
on the south by bridges over the meadow
commons.
Ultimate enrollment for the MCCC south
and center campuses is expected to reach
30,000, about equally divided between the
two.
Historic Church in Ovid, Mich., Gets
National Recognition
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. PAUL H. TODD, JR.
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, March 16, 1966
Mr. TODD. Mr. Speaker, anyone who
has ever been in western and central
Michigan has noticed the fine old build-
ing to be found there. Houses, churches
and other public buildings dating from
the 19th century have attracted national
attention as examples of good architec-
ture and high craftsmanship.
A particularly good example is the old
First Congregational Church in Ovid,
Mich., which I am priveleged to repre-
sent in the House of Representatives.
Recently, it was announced that the
church, now known, as the Ovid United
Church, has been recorded by the na-
tional historic buildings survey project.
I wish to bring this to the attention of the
Members as recognition of the lovely
church in Ovid, and to bring to atten-
tion the activities of the national his-
toric buildings survey project.
The project is sponsored by the Li-
brary of Congress, the National Park
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March 16, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX A1527
haps there might have been 25 years ago, or
even 10 years ago, but certainly not today."
An international conference on theologi-
cal issues raised by the Ecumenical Council
will be held on the campus in March. A
month later philosophers from around the
world, including several from Communist
countries, will gather for a congress in Marx-
1st philosophy.
Notre Dame, like most universities, has
weak departments. Psychology has suffered
there, as at most Catholic schools, from the
church's dislike for Freudian analysis. A de-
partment was just started this year.
Anthropology, sociology and political
science require further bolstering.
Dr. Shuster believes Notre Dame must
have a department or a school of education
"because education is ljound to be one of
the great professional fields in the country"
in the future.
GRADUATE PROGRAM
Much of the graduate program needs to
be strengthened. Notre Dame now has
about 1,000 graduate students in its total
enrollment of 7,100 and offers Ph. D.'s in 17
fields. But several standard doctorates are
not offered-in modern languages, ?for in-
stance-and the increasing specialization in
science means the university must add many
new men.
Philosophy and theology are required
courses at Notre Dame, as they are at almost
all Catholic schools. Their quality is a
source of campus controversy:
The philosophy department has broadened
its interests in recent years. In addition to
the expected experts in St. Thomas Aquinas,
the department now has good men in exis-
tentialist thought, or phenomenology, as
many Catholics prefer to call it, and in the
history of philosophy.
NO PRAGMATISTS
However, there are no American pragma-
tists, and the university has hired very few
non-Catholic philosophers, except on a vis-
iting professor basis.
"This is a rather sensitive area," said the
Reverend Ernan McMullin, an articulate
Irish diocesan priest who heads the depart-
ment. "I would prefer to have a Catholic If
he's competent. It's not that I'm Intoler-
ably restrictive, but I'd want a man who
understands what we're trying to do. He
should see that the existence of God, the
nature of the human soul, are very impor-
tant questions. Not that we prescribe the
answers, but we do believe the questions are
Important."
But some at Notre Dame would like to see
more non-Catholics added to the permanent
philosophy faculty and the curriculum and
range of intellectual inquiry opened up even
more than it has been.
Even greater ferment exists in theology.
A few years ago the theology department
was generally considered to be the weakest
in the university, an irony in a great Catholic
institution. The courses were traditional and
dull-"catechism stuff," critics on the pres-
ent-day faculty call them.
Recently, however, the voices of younger,
more liberal theologians have been heard.
One of these is the Reverend John S.
Dunne, author of "The City of the Gods,"
which George Shuster calls "the best book
anybody has written around here in years."
A recent series of lectures by Father Dunne
on contemporary religious issues drew over-
flow crowds.
"That never happened around here before,"
remarked President Hesburgh.
The students came in such large numbers,
Father Dunne believes, because "these are
the questions that really interest students to-
day. They are questioning the church. They
wonder whether they'are really in the church
any more. They are trying to break away
from that old thou,shalt_not, approach and
find out about Christian love-how to relate
to other persons, how to break through to
autonomy, to real freedom."
In Father Dunne's opinion, no questions
should go unasked in theology courses.
"When the spirit of inquiry enters into the-
ology, it has an effect on the level of living
as well as thought. A kind of quest begins, a
search for the meaning of life which is a very
real thing for young people now."
Father Dunne continued: "What a Catho-
lic university should do is witness to the fact
that the search can go on within the church.
One can question everything from within
aild search for the meaning of life without
breaking with the church."
Like others at Notre Dame, Father Dunne
thinks that when Notre Dame aimed for the
top academically its leaders "might not have
realized this would have a big religious di-
mension," that it would involve "a big break
with the static past."
The right to free inquiry has not been fully
established for younger theologians who do
not have Father Dunne's reputation. Said
one:
"Occasionally, if they hear you're saying
something mildly heretical in class, they'll
mention it. I suppose you could call it a
mild warning. That's all-so far, at least."
INEVITABLE TIDE
These incidents appear to be last, desperate
efforts by conservative theologians to stem
an inevitable tide, however. Notre Dame
will begin a doctoral program in theology
next year and soon thereafter plans to set
up a research institute in comparative re-
ligion, where Protestant, Jewish, and prob-
ably agnostic scholars will work with
Catholics.
Father Hesburgh said he assumes there are
atheists among Notre Dame's students
(though 98.5 percent of undergraduates, and
95 percent of all students, claim to be Cath-
olics).
Years ago Notre Dame might have dropped
such students, the president said, but not
now.
"If a student is going to be an atheist, this
is probably as good a place for him as any,"
said Father Hesburgh. "There are big ques-
tions about God-does he exist? Has he had
anything to say? Is it relevant to life today?
The student should ask these questions.
This is the place to work them out."
Hawaii Second in Nation in 1965 Personal
Income Rate of Gain
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. SPARK M. MATSUNAGA
OF HAWAII
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, March 16, 1966
Mr. MATSUNAGA. Mr. Speaker, Ha-
waii again has clearly demonstrated its
economic vitality. In a recent survey
conducted by the Business Week maga-
zine, the results showed that Hawaii not
only had the second largest rate of gain
in personal income for the month of
December 1965, but it also rated second
highest amogng the 50 Std .tos for the en-
tire year of 1965.
Hawaii's 13.2-percent annual increase
was second only to Idaho's 13.9-percent
rise. The average rate of gain for the
entire United States for 1965 was 8.7
percent.
I am proud to submit for inclusion in
the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, the article in
the March 1, 1966, issue of the Honolulu
Advertiser which contains the Business
Week survey results:
ISLES RATE No. 2 IN INCOME GAIN
Hawaii had the second largest rate of gain
in personal income for 1965 of any of the
Nation's 50 States.
The State also had the second biggest rate
of growth In the December personal income
survey conducted by Business Week maga-
zine.
For the year, Hawaii showed a 13.2-per-
cent increase-right behind Idaho's 13.9-
percent rise.
In December, personal income here climbed
17.5 percent over the some month a year
ago. The leader for December was North
Dakota with a 23-percent jump. Idaho was
third at 17.3 percent.
For the United States, the average rate of
gain amounted to 8.7 percent for the year,
the largest ever recorded by the Business
Week survey. And the December gain for
the Nation was 9.4 percent.
Backing Our Men
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. BOB CASEY
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, March 16, 1966
Mr. CASEY. Mr. Speaker, typical of
many newspapers, which I have seen, the
Houston Post indorses the plan to give
our fighting men in' Vietnam the hard-
ware they need to do their job.
The Post says:
Surely, there are no thinking Americans
who believe we now could withdraw from
South Vietnam without doing ourselves ir-
reparable damage.
And it adds that all patriotic Ameri-
cans would want to supply our men with
the material they need.
The editorial sheds light on issues of
great concern, and with the belief that
this article will be of interest to others,
I offer it for the RECORD:
[From the Houston (Tex.) Post, Mar. 2, 19661
VIETNAM MONEY BILL VOTED
The Nation had more than ample debate on
the administration's $4.8 billion Vietnam
military authorization bill when Congress
approved It Tuesday.
? The bill in no way is a congressional man-
date for increasing the pace of U.S. activity
in Vietnam. It merely authorizes payment
for military hardware for what we now are
doing. Unfortunately, the'debate on it, par-
ticularly in the Senate, became involved in
the hawks versus doves controversy that bal-
looned from the Vietnam hearings conducted
by Senator J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT, chairman
of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
The hearing and the delay in passing the
money bill undoubtedly have been of much
comfort to the Communist leaders in Hanoi
and Peiping. Some of the things said at the
Fulbright hearing by opponents of the
U.S. effort to save South Vietnam from
coming under the domination of the Hanoi
Government very likely will strengthen the
conviction of Hanoi that internal strife in
this country will result in our withdrawal.
Nothing, of course, Is further from the
truth. The misguided individuals who speak
for withdrawal overlook the fact that we
have made a solemn promise to defend the
people of South Vietnam against aggression,
and that to break this promise would end
the trust of our allies in the mutual defense
agreements we have with them.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX March 16, 1966
Secretary of State Dean Rusk spoke the
blunt truth when he told the Fuibright com-
mittee that we are in Vietnam to fight Com-
munist aggression and "because we must
make clear that the United States keeps its
word whenever it is pledged."
Indeed, the consequence of breaking our
word to South Vietnam undoubtedly would
have serious repercussions throughout the
free world.
As for the military necessity of U.S. par-
ticipation in Vietnam, Gen. Maxwell D.
Taylor, former U.S. Ambassador to that coun-
try and certainly a man thoroughly familiar
with all aspects of the conflict, told the Ful-
bright committee that the Communist ag-?
gression in South Vietnam is a test of the
theory that so-called wars of liberation can
be won cheaply and safely. If the Commu-
nists were to win in South Vietnam, he add-
ed , the war of liberation technique "will be
used widely about the world."
More than $3 billion of the money au-
thctrized by the bill would be used for pro..
curement of aircraft. Surely, there are no
patriotic Americans who would deny our
forces all the planes they need to do their
job.
Our pledge to defend South Vietnam was
first made in the SEATO treaty of 1954, dur-
ing the Eisenhower administration. It has
been reiterated since then by Presidents Ken-
nedy and Johnson. Surely, there are no
thinking Americans who believe we now
could withdraw from South Vietnam without
doing ourselves irreparable damage.
Bravery Cited
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. ANDREW JACOBS, JR..
OF INDIANA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, March 16, 1966
Mr. JACOBS. Mr: Speaker, a young
soldier in far off southeast Asia wrote
down on a pad of notebook paper,
The cowards die a thousand times, the
brave die but once.
That quotation is contained in a letter
Pfc. Hiram D. Strickland, of Graham,
N.C., wrote to his parents before he was
killed in Vietnam.
His letter was reprinted in a recent
editorial in the Indianapolis Star. The
paper titled the editorial, "He Under-
'stood," and said it could make no com-
ment which could add to the eloquence
of the letter.
Because I feel sure that many will
want to read this moving letter, I place
it the RECORD at this point:
[From the Indianapolis (Ind.) Star,
Mar. 11, 1966]
HE UNDERSTOOD
Pfc. Hiram D. Strickland, 20 years old, had
his own personal feelings about Vietnam.
He put them in a letter to his parents,
Mr. and Mrs. Donald A. Strickland, of Gra-
ham, N.C. It was written in ink on a pad of
notebook paper.
Private First Class Strickland, like other
young men in combat, had fears he might not
come back and he expressed them. lie wrote:
"I'm writing this letter as my last one.
You've probably already received word that
I'm dead and that the Government wishes to
express Its deepest regret. Believe me, I
don't want to die, but I know it was part of
my job. I want my country to live for bil-
lions and billions of years to come.
"I want it to stand as a light to all people
oppressed, and guide them to the same free-
dom we know. If we can stand and fight for
freedom, then I think we have done the job
God set down for us. It's up to every Amer-
ican to fight for the freedom we hold so dear.
If we don't, the smells of free air could be-
come dark and damp, as a prison cell.
"We won't be able to look at ourselves in a
mirror, much less at our sons and daughters
because we will know we have failed our God,
country, and our future generations.
"I can hold my head high because I
fought, whether it be in heaven or hell. Be-
sides, the saying goes, 'One more GI from
Vietnam, St. Peter, I've served my time in
hell.'
"I fought for Sandy, Nell, Gale (his sis-
ters), mom, and dad.. But when the twins
and Sandy's kids get old enough, they'll
probably have to fight, too. Tell them to go
proudly and without fear of death, because
it is worth keeping the land free.
"I remember a story from Mr. Williams'
(Thomas Williams, a teacher at Southern
High School in Alarnance County) English
classes when I was a freshman that said,
'The cowards die a thousand times, the brave
die but once.'
"Don't mourn me, mother, for I'm happy
I died fighting my country's enemies, and I
will live forever in people's minds. I've done
what I've always dreamed of. Don't mourn
me, for I died a soldier of the United States
of America.
"God bless you all and take care. I'll be
seeing you in heaven.
"Your loving son and brother, Butch."
The letter was undated. It was never sent.
Before Private First Class Strickland could
mail it, he was killed by a burst of enemy
gunfire which struck him in the head. His
parents were notified of his death in a tele-
gram delivered by a taxidriver. The letter
was found in a package containing his per-
sonal effects.
No comment we can make will add to its
eloquence.
Democracy: What It Means to Me
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. CLARENCE D. LONG
OF MARYLAND
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday? March 16, 1966
Mr. LONG of Maryland. Mr. Speaker,
I am delighted to bring to the attention
of the House a speech delivered by Mr.
Thomas E. Wisniewski of Baltimore,
Md., entitled "Democracy: What it
Means to Me." Mr. Wisniewski's speech
was chosen as the winning Maryland
entry in the 1966 Voice of Democracy
Contest, sponsored annually by the Vet-
erans of Foreign Wars of the United
States and its Ladies Auxiliary.
The speech follows:
DEMOCRACY : WHAT IT MEANS TO ME
(By Thomas E. Wisniewski)
Today someone--some soldier-dies in
Vietnam, and the scent to touch his nostrils
is either that of burnt gunpowder, some rare
jungle flower, or the stench of another sol-
dier's coagulating blood. Today someone
dies trying to cross the Berlin wall, and the
last sight that he sees is broken glass and
broken hopes-but not broken people. To-
day someone enters this country to someday
become one of its citizens, and the first sight
that he sees, the first sensation he perceives,
the first smell to touch his nostrils is that
of-is there a word for it?
The first immigrants to this Nation used
to be processed at an area on Ellis Island.
They would step ashore and fill out the re-
quired forms and recite the required oaths
and they would fear. They were soon led
into a large hall. They were there-together.
Here was the world's greatest collection of
cowards and heroes. They were cowards be-
cause they ran. They were heroes because
they ran. Many ran away from something.
Many ran toward something. But they did
run. They ran away from petty dictators
and petty incomes. They ran toward hope.
They had a simple faith in a new land-they
had a simple belief in democracy. They had
a simple hope to live.
To them democracy was not a theory-a
government-a philosophy. It was a hope.
At times it was naive, ignorant. At times it
was brilliant-giving them the answer to the
relentless question of "Why did I come?"
Democracy is no longer the great experiment;
it is the great reality. It is a reality that has
no easy explanation, but nevertheless some-
thing that can be understood by the most
ignorant and something that can be died
for by the most cowardly.
To the immigrant democracy offers only
one thing. It has no unpronouncable name,
but some wish that it never be pronounced.
All of democracy and all of the well-inten-
tioned philosophy on democracy revolves
about that one oft-repeated and oft-misun-
derstood word of dignity. Democracy offers
man only one right-the right to be him-
self-the right of his dignity. From this all
other rights proceed. But there can be no
democracy if people do not want it. Democ-
racy is not something that you put down in
law books and point to it and say "There is
our democracy; enforce it." It is something
whose fragile existence is put into the hands
of the individual. The individual decides
whether to exercise it. If there is no respect
for dignity in an individual's soul-he has
no democracy. Democracy can be and is no
more than a group of individuals acting to-
gether in respect of dignity and integrity---
in respect of-the individual.
Throughout the world there are those who
die for it. May it be said of us that we live
for it-that we live for democracy.
To the soldier, to the man on the other
side of the Berlin wall, to the immigrant,
and to me democracy is not a mere theory
or philosophy. It is a simple reality whose
essence is the respect, dignity, and integrity
of the individual.
Wars of National Liberation
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. DONALD RUMSFELD
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 28, 1966
Mr. RUMSFELD. Mr. Speaker, at the
American Bar Association's House of Del-
egates meeting in Chicago last month,
the association's standing committee on
education against communism submitted
a report of its programs of education on
Communist tactics, strategry, and objec-
tives. The chairman of this committee
is Mr. Morris I. Leibman, a member of
President Johnson's Panel on Interna-
tional Affairs and National Security.
Among the activities conducted by the
committee are summer training insti-
tutes for high school social studies and
political science teachers, involving in-
struction on the contrast between com-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX March 16, 1966
validity'of his tactics, but neither makes a
secret of his strategy.
Perhaps you have heard the persuasive and
cleverly presented thesis that Communist
China is the biggest threat to peace because
It is more militant, and that the Soviet
Union is less dangerous because it says it
wants to live in peaceful coexistence with
the West, And perhaps you have also heard
the theory that the Soviet Union, as it pro-
gresses economically, and as it becomes more
and more like the United States, will gradu-
ally abandon its revolutionary goals.
But what does "peaceful coexistence"
really mean? To us, it means "live and let
live." To the Communists it means, in the
words of Khfushchev, "a form of intense
economic, political, and ideological struggle"
between communism and capitalism. It
means expansion of the worldwide revolu-
tionary process with every means short of
nuclear war; it means going to the brink,
and then retreating when we respond; In
plain language, it means warfare, a peculiar
kind of warfare which we have never fought.
It is the warfare of the "national liberation
movement."
What, then, can we expect from wars of
national liberation in the future, and what
can we do about them?
First, we can almost certainly expect that
there will be many more of them in the years
ahead. Operating under its umbrella of nu
clear weapons, the Soviet Union will con-
tinue to use its rapidly expanding power to
support them whenever and wherever pos-
sible. Few of us realize the dimensions of
Soviet economic strength, and the strategic
implications of that strength.
While the Soviet people are denied the
necessities of modern life, huge sums are
devoted to subversion, propaganda, espio-
nage, and infiltration.
The Soviets posses the largest airline In
the world, and have extensive airline routes
to all'the underdeveloped countries. Their
.commercial planes carry agents disguised
as technical advisers to Africa, and on the
return flights are loaded with students and
cultural exchange delegations.
As of Januar3? 1 of this year the Soviet
Union has one of the largest commercial
maritime fleets in the world, and those ships
ply the troubled waters of Africa, Asia, and
Latin America, delivering cargoes of weapons,
cutrate oil, and revolutionaries.
While the Soviets continue to supply the
Vietcong by rail, sea, and air, they look to
expanded trade with the West for the pur-
pose of augmenting their military and pro-
ductive strength. They continue to build
up bases of subversion in Cuba and in Zan-
zibar, and hope to capture other strategi-
cally located islands to act as steppingstones
in the chain of subversion.
We have said that we welcome economic
competition. Do we in fact welcome it?
Why should we? Should we promote trade
with the Soviet Union when we know that
American goods and know-how will be used,
directly or indirectly, to support wars of
attrition such as that in Vietnam? Are not
the Communists asking us to give them the
bullets, load the gun, and show them how
to aim it?
Finally, our second question: What can we
do to stem the tide of Communist "wars of
liberation?" What I have presented here is
an essentially pessimistic picture of the
world. But I would ask you to keep in mind
that this discussion has been devoted to a
very important question-one that we are
hard pressed to answer.
I do owe you a positive alternative; and
it can be s%uumed- up in a few words: We
can win, any battle with any adversary if we
male the decision to commit our unmatched
strength and our own revolutionary Ideals
to winning wken and where it counts; this
will be done if we steer the path of realism
and avoid the twin dangers of complacency
and unfounded optimism.
Tomorrow, as we celebrate the birthday of
our first President, millions of Americans
will repeat the pledge of allegiance. We
will recite it with pride, because it is the
embodiment of the spirit of democracy.
Elsewhere in the world, Communists will be
taking another pledge, one quite different
from our own. This Communist pledge of
allegiance might sound something like this:
"I pledge allegiance to the destruction of
your society, to the values for which it
stands, and to the goals which it seeks to
attain;
"I pledge allegiance to your destruction
not because I feel hatred of you, but be-
cause you represent the decaying forms of
the past; not because you have committed
a crime against me, but because the system
you represent, and seek to, perpetuate is in
itself criminal; not because you want to live
in peace and harmony, but because your
way of life can never bring peace and har-
mony;
"I pledge allegiance to the new world or-
der which I will help to create, and if you
attempt to stop me, I will crush you."
Clearly, this is a challenge we must be
prepared to meet. And if we cannot do it,
who can?
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. SAM GIBBONS
OF FLORIDA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, March 16, 1966
Mr. GIBBONS. Mr. Speaker, South
Korea's decision to send 20,000 more
troops to Vietnam to reinforce the allies
"is a mark of solidarity with not only the
United States, but with the United Na-
tions."
This is the editorial opinion of the St.
Petersburg Times, which add:
It is truly heartwarming to have a con-
crete expression of gratitude from one of the
nations which the United States has assisted.
Because this editorial is of such timely
interest, I am offering it for the RECORD,
where others may read it in its entirety:
[From the St. Petersburg (Fla.) Times,
Mar. 2, 1966 ]
SOUTH KOREA CioMEs THROUGH
The vote of the South Korean government
to sent 20,000 more troops to Vietnam to re-
inforce the allies-principally U.S. forces-
Is the best news about that unhappy war In
many a day.
This doubling of the South" Korean con-
tingent is welcome, of course, just for the
addition of that many tough, well-trained
fighting men on our side.
But the importance and significance of the
move goes far beyond that.
One of the best things about it is that this
will ease the Communist charge of "white
men fighting yellow men."
Of course, with South Vietnamese troops
outnumbering our own by more than 3 to 1,
the accusation already was a distorted piece
of propaganda. But it is distinctly helpful
to have Asiatics from another nation present
in such large numbers.
(Incidentally, in answer to the question so
often asked as to why we do not accept
Chinese forces under Chiang Kai-shek, which
he has offered, this is because that would be
almost as great a provocation for Red China's
full intervention as if we were to bomb
Peiping.)
Another point made by the South Korean
action is that it is a mark of solidarity with
not only the United States, but with the
United Nations, which were responsible for
South Korea's independence.
It may begin to dawn on some other mem-
bers of United Nations that this is their
fight, too.
Finally, in the world as it is today, it is
truly heart-warming to have a concrete ex-
pression of gratitude from one of the nations
which the United States has assisted. This
kind of thanks really counts.
Congressman William F. Ryan Asks:
"What Is Our Franchise To Wage War
in the Name of Peace?"
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ROBERT W. KASTENMEIER
OF WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, March 15, 1966
Mr. KASTENMEIER. Mr. Speaker, 2
months ago today, on January 16, WIL-
LIAM F. RYAN, our colleague from New
York, made a major foreign policy ad-
dress at the Sane dinner. On that occa-
sion the National Committee for a Sane
Nuclear Policy presented the annual
Eleanor Roosevelt Peace Award to Sen-
ator GEORGE MCGOVERN in recognition of
his significant efforts in the cause of
peace.
During the course of his remarks Con-
gressman RYAN raised a question which
has special pertinency at this troubled
time. He asked: "What is our franchise
to wage war in the name of peace?" He
suggested:
America's experience in attempting to
bring about peace is a history of efforts to
achieve conditions which often reflect our
aspirations and not, strictly speaking, our
interests.
Congressman RYAN urged that we look
beyond Vietnam to China and our rela-
tionship to Chinese aspirations and
power. He said:
Although we say-for purposes of conven-
ience-that the near collision over the Cuban
missiles was the critical impetus for the test
ban agreement, we must remember that the
lessons learned during long years of negotia-
tions played a significant part in stabilizing
the Cuban crisis. A comparable confronta-
tion with China seems highly likely within
the next decade; yet we have not initiated an
equivalent dialog. In the Par East our real
and attainable interests lie in heading off a
war with China-in meeting the threat of
famine, chaos, and civil breakdown in In-
dia-not in duplicating nature's disasters.
Mr. Speaker, these considerations are
of the utmost importance, now, when
critical decisions are still being made
about our policy in the Far East. Con-
gressman RYAN's speech is a valuable
contribution to the debate that is taking
place, and -I want to bring it to the at-
tention of. my colleagues:
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March 16,. 1966 CONGRESSI L CO A 1 A1529
munism and liberty under law. Eighteen form who is telling you a fantastic tale. ties which met just 4b days ago at the
colleges and universities have cooperated His story goes something like this: Havana Tricontinental Conference. At Ha-
in these training programs. Committee "Today we are faced with a threat to our vana the Communist Parties of the world
publications are distributed to schools, way of life unmatched by any threat in our proclaimed that:
entire history. We have failed to gain an "We are deeply in sympathy with the
professional, educational, and trade as- appreciation of the times in which we live. courageous struggle waged by the peoples of
sociations, as well as religious and civic Three years ago, when the Soviet dictator, Latin America. We express our fraternal
organizations and the press. One of the Stalin, died, we took comfort in the pro- solidarity with the armed struggle being
committee's publications, a teachers' syl- nouncement that the new Communist waged by the Venezuelan, Peruvian, Colom-
labus, "Democracy Confronts Commu- leadership would practice a policy of peace- bian, and Guatemalan patriots for freedom
nism in World Affairs," was purchased fill coexistence with the West. But, our against the stooges of imperialism. We are
by the Department of State for distri- speaker goes on to say, do not be fooled by in solidarity with the struggle being waged
such promises; actions speak louder than by the people of Puerto Rico, which remains
bution to U.S. embassies and consulates words, and when the Communists finally under the occupation of North American
abroad. At the invitation of State and give up their drive for worldwide revolu- imperialism."
local bar associations and other orga- tion, we will know it, for they will have be- This statement along with the general
nizations, seminars on communism and gun to practice what they have preached. I, declarations emanating from that Triconti-
the free society are conducted. for one, do not believe that they have given nental Conference amount to nothing more
At the Chicago meeting, briefings were up; I believe that they are trying to throw than a new unilateral declaration of war upon
held on a variety of subjects. One of the us off guard, that they are seeking to deceive the United States, it allies, and all non-
us until they can muster their forces for a Communist governments in the world.
speakers was Dr. Richard V. Allen, chair- new assault on the free world, and that if Once again the Communists have publicly
man of the study program on comma- we let ourselves be fooled again, we may one declared, for all the world to hear, that they
nism at the Center for Strategic Studies, day wake up and find them on our door- are embarking on a new offensive against the
Georgetown University, Washington, D.C steps." free world. They have said that conditions
Because of the continuing nationwide And then our imaginary speaker makes a are now ripe for the final push, and that they
discussion of the meaning of the term fantastic, and some would say, an insane intend to utilize every weapon in their im-
"wars of national liberation," I am in- prediction: pressive arsenal of conflict techniques. They
"Because I believe that the Communists have promised that they will not give up the
serting Dr. Allen's statement made at have not given up, I will predict tonight that struggle against us, and that with the passage
the February 21, 1966, special briefing within 10 years there will be an armed Com- of time both our will to resist and our capa-
session. munist camp on an island within a hundred bility to resist will be weakened by the
Mr: Speaker, our country is deeply en- miles of our shores; that the Communists pressures of their "national liberation move
gaged in Vietnam today, and our con- will try to place weapons of mass destruc- ment."
duct in that part of the globe will surely tion on that island; and that that island They know that the most cherished de-
will serve as a staging base for the subver- sire of the American people and of free peo-
affect our future and the future of the sion of the entire Southern Hemisphere. I ple everywhere is the establishment of a
entire free world. The people of the will further predict that the Communists just and lasting peace. They have dedicated
United States have the right to be fully will try to take advantage of the instability themselves to denying us that peace, saying
informed on our involvement in Vietnam, and chaos in Africa as the colonial powers of that our kind of peace is aggression. In
what it means and what it entails. To Belgium, France, and Great Britain with- short, they will not let us alone until we
its credit, the Senate Foreign Relations draw their presence there; and I shall pre- have given in, and they will challenge us to
Committee, by its public Vietnam hear- diet that within 10 years, the United States prove that they are wrong.
will have a quarter of a million men in the To put. it another way: the Communists
ings, has made a contribution to the na- steaming jungles of southeast Asia, and that are convinced that we are slowly weakening,
tional dialogue. I believe that a full dis- our boys will be losing their lives to protect and that they are steadily gaining strength;
cussion of all viewpoints on all aspects an obscure and distant nation located there." that our prestige and honor are slipping
of the problems facing the world is valu- With that our speaker concludes his pres- away, and that theirs is rapidly increasing;
able. entation, and is greeted by a mixture of that our will to resist and our willingness to
Dr. Allen's statement follows: polite applause and muffled laughter. And get involved are ebbing away, and that theirs
WARS OF NATIONAL LIBERATION then, a voice from the back of the room cries is reaching its peak; that we are losing, and
V. Allen) out., "Who invited that lunatic to tell us a they are winning.
(Address by Richard fairytale?" Are they, in fact, winning? And are we
Within the last year we have all heard the But as our imaginary speaker rests his losing? From the point of view of the Com-
term "wars of national liberation" used with case, there is a very. real man speaking in munist leaders in Moscow and Peiping there
increasing frequency. Our newspapers, a hall 5,000 miles away. He has just finished is little cause for pessimism. When they
magazines, our television screens, the air- a 3-hour condemnation of his predecessor, compare the map of 1920 with the map of
waves, the documents of Congress, and the the leader of a mighty country. He has 1966, should they feel that they are losing?
speeches of administration spokesmen all proclaimed that war is no longer inevitable, From humble beginnings in the exile capi-
have been filled with news concerning the and that his country seeks to live in har- tals of the world some 50 years ago they have
so-called wars of national liberation. mony with the rest of the world. He prom- created an empire which controls a billion
What, precisely, is a war of national lib- ised peace, friendship, and social progress. people. Putting ourselves in their shoes we
eration? The man was, of course, Nikita Khru- might ask, why should we give up if our
Is it the expression of the legitimate in- shchev; the predecessor whom he had con- strategy has paid consecutive dividends?
terests of people who are on the march to demned was Stalin, and the peace which he But, you may argue, the Communist world
democracy? had promised was the kind which only com- is now divided; Moscow and Peiping are at
is it a kind of "American Revolution" munism could bring to the world; it was the each other's throats, and it is likely that they
designed to free the citizens of countries peace of total domination. In February will soon be locked in a prolonged and bloody
which are ruled by despots, tyrants, and as- 1956 Nikita Khrushchev pledged that kind war. Can't we take some comfort from the
sorted corrupt powerseekers? Of peace by combining the power of the fact that the Communists, like thieves, are
And now for the most important ques- Soviet Union and the rest of the Communist falling out among themselves? No informed
tion: Is it the kind of war which Americans bloc with the "revolutionary forces of the citizen, much less the prudent specialist who
understand, and is it the kind of war which national liberation movement." makes a career of studying the Communist
we are prepared to deal with effectively? So, here we are, 10 years later. Our imagi- movement, would deny that the two Com-
I believe the answer to each question is nary speaker is gone, and so is Khrushchev. munist giants are engaged in an important
"No." And why? Precisely because a war In the place of the imaginary speaker stands and decisive debate.
of national liberation is a war waged by a bespectacled, somewhat overweight young But over what are they debating; strategy
Communists for the express purpose of sub- man; in the place of Khrushchev stands not or tactics? Over whether, or how to con-
trerting, paralyzing, and ultimately over- one, but two men, both bespectacled and tinue the attack against what they call im-
throwing non-Communist governments both overweight. Our Chicago speaker is perialism? Over means or ends? On this
everywhere. It is a form of warfare which not given to making rash predictions, so he point of crucial importance we simply can-
the Communists have sought to legitimize; will not say that, within 10 years the U.S. not afford to make a mistake; for if we do,
it is a form of warfare which they claim is Possession of Puerto Rico will be subjected it will be a profoundly dangerous, perhaps
sweeping the world; and is a form of warfare to a war of national liberation. fatal, mistake.
which we, the greatest and most powerful He will not say that strategically located At the present time, the Soviet Union and
nation on earth, are 111-equipped and un- countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin Amer- Communist China are waging a battle of
inclined to deal with. lea-now heavily infiltrated by Commu- words on one level, and are competing vigor-
Let U.S turn back the clock 10 years, and mists-may pass into the Communist orbit ously at another. What they are competing
let us imagine that we are assembled` in this within a few years. He leaves that to his for is not each other's territory, but for the
room in February 1956. Let us further friends in Moscow and Peiping, and to the leadership of-the international Communist
imagine that there is a speaker on this plat- representatives of 77 other Communist Par- movement. Each is trying to prove the
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