SOME CURRENT COMMENTS ON VIETNAM

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090006-3
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 10
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 20, 2005
• Sequence Number: 6
• Publication Date: July 22, 1966
• Content Type: OPEN

July 22, 1966
DOZENS OF GIFTS
Shortly after I was first elected, my wife
and I received dozens of gifts, some quite
valuable. These came from people whom we
scarcely knew and from people we had not
known at all. We packed them up and
shipped them back.
I remember in a major debate on the steel
basing point price system, I was taking a po-
sition essentially against the steel industry
when it crossed my mind that I owned a few
steel shares and that if the fight were suc-
cessful my own shares would decline in value.
This did not deter me, but the mere fact that
I thought about it warned me, and I sold
the shares and since have put what small
holdings I have into mutual funds where no
legislation could affect the value.
On numerous occasions people have offered
campaign contributions while making a re-
quest for a job, privilege or favor. My policy
is to return these and to make certain that
campaign contributions are insulated from
me so that I will not be influenced either
consciously or subconsciously. But these are
precisely the reasons why we need to have
disclosure legislation.
The expenses of holding office are not com-
monly understood. Last year I spent over
$10,000 buying lunches for constituents,
holding receptions for Illinois visitors, going
back and forth to Illinois, for weekly tele-
vision and radio reports to the citizens of my
state, for political contributions and for tele-
phone and telegraph expenses beyond the al-
lowances given a senator. This year I will
.probably spend more. Tremendous demands
are made on the public official, and if he
doesn't pick up the check, people will prop-
erly complain that he is a "freeloader." And
frankly, I regard'contributions to my politi-
cal party and to candidates in whom I be-
lieve as much a civic duty as contributions
to church and charity.
I believe that the full disclosure of a sen-
ator's income and assets Is the best possible
insurance to the people that he is not en-
gaging in conflicts of interest. I believe that
the people who elect us at least have a right
to know about our income and holdings as
well as expenses. For this reason, first as an
alderman in Chicago and more recently as a
senator, I have made a public disclosure of
income, assets and expenses of myself and
my wife, Also for this reason I have a rule
'for myself and my staff of returning any gift
the value of which exceeds the arbitrary fig-
ure of $2.50.
What is the solution to these problems of
requiring personal financial disclosure? The
best solution would be for all citizens to take
their civic duty seriously and contribute a
few dollars to their party and its candidates.
This would adequately finance campaigns
and leave no candidate indebted to anyone.
But this obviously does not happen and will
not happen.
The system that has grown up recently of
having dinners where a guest gets a $5 dinner
for $50 or $100 is a. great improvement as a
campaign fundraising device. No office-
holder can feel that anyone can influence
him for amounts as relatively small as this.
Even the larger sums from the trade unions
represent the dimes and dollars of Ordinary
working men and women. It is much
healthier to have a large number of people
giving $50 and $100 than a handful giving
$5,000, $10,000 or $15,000 apiece. People who
give large amounts expect, and generally get,
favors in return. And in the end, the public
pays for these contributions because the cost
18 absorbed in the defense contract or de-
posit insurance of the sugar quota received
in return.
FLAT FEE PER VOTER
In. my judgment, the best solution is that
put forward more than a half-century ago
Np.118-10
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by Theodore Roosevelt and more recently by
the late Sen. Richard Neuberger of Oregon.
They believed the best method of financing
campaigns was for the federal treasury to pay
to the major candidates for federal office a
flat fee such as 100 per prospective voter.
Campaign expenditures would be limited to
these amounts. In this way, campaigns
would be adequately financed, candidates
freed of any obligation and the public pro-
tected.
Some may say that with the present level
of taxes and of government expenditures
this would be just another unnecessary ex-
pense. But the fact is that under our pres-
ent system the public generally pays anyway.
This proposal is a better method of doing it.
For all these reasons some proposals should
be enacted into law by the Congress. {These
problems can no longer be swept i d r the
SOME CURRENT COMMENTS ON
VIETNAM
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, two
current editorials which led their re-
spective publications-namely, the Na-
tion and the New Republic-express
some dissenting views on our steadily
deepening military involvement in
southeast Asia and as such are useful
in informing the public that there is
another side.
I ask unanimous consent that these
editorials entitled "The War President,"
from the July 16 issue of the New Re-
public, and "Snow Job" from the July
25 issue of the Nation, be printed at the
conclusion of my remarks.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection, it Is so ordered.
(See exhibit 1.)
Mr. GRUENING. Likewise, a thought-
ful article by Murrey Marder, entitled
"Russia Seen Trapping Self in Hard Viet
Line," suggests the alarming possibility
that as a result of U.S. escalation in
bombing the installations around Hanoi
and Haiphong, Russia Is being driven
closer to the position of China. It has
seemed hitherto, fortunately, that the
split between these two great Communist
powers was irremediable-a situation
highly favorable to the United States.
But it may be, as Marder reports, that
our escalation will bring Russia and
China closer together-a dire eventuality
to be obviated at all costs.
It becomes increasingly clear that
that every escalation to date has not
brought about the results which the
President and his advisers appear to ex-
pect. A few of us have sought to point
out the inevitably disastrous results of
the folly of our military involvement
and our undeclared war.
I ask unanimous consent that this
article by Murrey Marder from the
Washington Post of July 22 be also
printed at the conclusion of my remarks.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
(See exhibit 2.)
Mr. GRUENING. Finally, Mr. Presi-
dent, a recent column by James Reston,
the able associate editor and commen-
tator, of the New York Times, entitled
"Washington: Power, Violence, and Pur-
pose," is pertinent, and I also request its
inclusion in the RECORD.
16007
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection, it is so ordered. -
(See exhibit 3.)
ExHn3IT 1
(From the Nation, July 25, 19661
SNOW Jos
As the founding fathers well knew, undis-
torted information about public affairs Is as
vital to democracy as universal suffrage. As
we are now being taught, modern techniques
of management of the news are destructive
of the democratic process. A current example
is the way In which the latest escalation of
the Vietnamese war-the bombing of the oil
installations in Hanoi and Haiphong-was
turned into the most prophylactic combat
operation in history, with domestic protest
effectively muffled in advance.
The present campaign was not entrusted
to underlings like Arthur Sylvester, the ac-
complished juggler of fact and fancy at the
Pentagon. This time it came straight from
Papa at the White House and, from a purely
technical standpoint, one must admire his
performance. Nothing was left to chance
and every possible loophole for truth was
closed off. Top officials received outlines of
the points to be stressed-that the United
States was winning, that Hanoi knew it was
losing, that domestic opposition was negligi-
ble and that the latest bombings were proof
of our peaceful purpose and our carefully
graduated, humane way of fighting the war
which had been forced on us.
Against the protests of C.B.S. and N.B.C.,
the Defense Department withheld films of the
Hanoi and Haiphong bombings. Accounts
in the French press reported the walling of
ambulances and other indications of casual-
ties, but the Administration insisted that
only one or two civilians had been hit. Pre-
cision bombing had achieved miraculous lev-
els of accuracy, and the home folks could
enjoy their vactions assured that our fliers
burned only oil, not people.
Another prong of the news management
operation consisted of a chorus of optimistic
statements by the President, Secretary Mc-
Namara, and acting Secretary of State George
Ball-statements which, without actually
saying so, gave the impression that with these
bombings, and perhaps a few further escala-
tions, we were on the home stretch. In The
New York Times, Max Frankel referred to
these paeans as a "sustained celebration of
progress". designed to persuade Americans
that the war had reached a turning point.
"By blunting the criticism at home," Frankel
suggested, "officials are said to seek not only
political advantage but also a further dem-
onstration to Hanoi that it cannot count on
domestic opposition to inhibit the American
war effort."
It is scarcely likely that except for their
own home propaganda purposes the leaders
in Hanoi ever harbored any such idea. How
often has a great military power been seri-
ously handicapped in the prosecution of a-
war by minority opposition? Even the often
cited French example in Vietnam has been
greatly exaggerated; the French army was
defeated by the Vietminh, not by Mendcs-
France. But in the way of political advan-
tage, and muting such opposition as Mr.
Johnson has encountered in his design for
conquest in Southeast Asia, the campaign
worked perfectly. The President's Harris
rating shot up 12 points, from a pre-bomb
ing low of 42 per cent to 54 per cent. The
President, who reckons in percentages with.
out asking questions when the arithmetic
favors him, was elated. Harris himself was
more discerning and pointed out that the
5-to-1 support for the bombings had to be
interpreted. People are tired of the war.
They want it ended. They hoped that the
bombings might do it, although on the face
of it how could an enemy like the Vietcong,
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without an air force, tanks, and heavy artil-
lery, be greatly handicapped by a shortage
of petroleum?
But this acquiescence, and the entire rec-
ord of management of the news in this war,
only shows that crude methods of manipula-
tion work quite well with the mass of cit-
izens. The intellectuals may be disturbed,
together with politicians like FULSRIGHT,
MossE, GRUENING, AIIiEN, et al., but most of
the people are still committed to the "my
country right or wrong" mores and are glad
to receive the President's assurance that we
are reluctantly combating a godless enemy.
They believe in democracy in a desultory
way, as if it had been established in 1776
and nothing could ever happen to it. These
millions of self-satisfied Americans had bet-
ter learn to read the news, to become sophis-
ticated about news management, and to be
utterly skeptical about anything this Ad-
ministration tells them. Otherwise they will
find themselves with the forms of democracy
but none of the substance.
[From the New Republic, July 16, 1966]
THE WAR PRESIDENT
In Omaha, the day after Hanoi and Hai-
phong were first hit, the President called on
God to forgive his, critics, "for they know not
what they do." All pf us stand in need of
enlightenment; human judgment is fallible.
Just how fallible, Mr. Johnson Illustrates.
"We have made it clear," he said, "that we
wish negotiations to begin on the basis of
international agreements made in 1954 and
in 1966" and, "those who say that this is
merely a Vietnamese 'civil war' are wrong.
The warfare in South Vietnam was started
by the government of North Vietnam in
1959.' God forgive us, we don't think so.
As early as 1956, the then government of
South Vietnam with the backing of the
United States, violated the 1954 Geneva
agreements, which provided, among other
things, for "general elections which will bring
the unification of Vietnam"; it also pro-
hibited "the introduction into Vietnam of
any troop, reinforcements and additional
military personnel." Within two years, Ngo
Dinh Diem, with our military aid, had made
himself a dictator, smashed all political op-
position and spurned elections to bring about
unification. The Viet Cong began as an
armed rebellion against Diem (of whom the
US itself finally tired and in 1963 allowed to
be overthrown and murdered by a military
junta). Intervention from outside Vietnam
has been largely American-so far.
Nevertheless, the President now affirms
that he will accept and abide by those
Geneva agreements. Why, then, don't the
Viet Cong and the North Vietnamese agree
to negotiate on that basis? Our hunch is,
because they don't believe him, and they may
well be right. Actions do speak louder than
words, and Mr. Johnson is acting out his de-
termination to preserve South Vietnam as a
client state, close to China, so that there may
be another link in a solid chain that includes
South Korea, Formosa and Thailand. The
well-being of the Vietnamese is a secondary
concern. They must serve our purpose-the
military containment of Peking. That is
the objective, and it is nonnegotiable. We
therefore cannot, Secretary Rusk Informed
the SEATO conference In Australia irhe end
of June (and later told Congressman FRANIe
HORTON (R. N.Y.) on TV), permit the Viet
Cong to be formally admitted to a peace con-
ference: that would give them a veto on a
settlement; they might haggle over terms,
whereas what Mr. Rusk and the President
really want is unconditional surrender.
When the bombing of North Vietnam be-
ban in February last year, the Pentagon
stated that the rate of infiltration from North
to South was about 1,600 men a month; air
strikes, so the logic then ran, would halt
or slow down this infiltration. After 15
months of constant pounding from the air,
the infiltration rate is said to have tripled
to 4,500-5,500 men a month, and the jungle
tracks, according to the President, have be-
come "boulevards." Therefore, the oral
justification had to be discarded and another
,found. It was. In his July 6 press con-
ference, Mr. Johnson acknowledged that:
"We do not say that [the raids] will even
reduce it [infiltration]," but they will make
life "more difficult" for the enemy. And so
they will.
We have been seeing, week after week,
where such logic leads us. The estimate of
Peter Arnett, who has been reporting from
Vietnam for the Associated Press since 1962,
is that by bombing the North and pouring
American, Korean and Austrian troops into
the South, "we can beat the major units of
the enemy," but "in so doing, we make very
little impact on the other two levels of the
war." By "the other two levels of the war,"
Arnett means 'the battles of the "very tired"
Vietnamese army against "local, homegrown"
Viet Cong battalions; and the battles of local
militia forces against Viet Cong guerrillas
in the mountains, in the Mekong Delta price
fields, and along the highly populated coastal.
plains. It is at this third level that "the
real blood of Vietnam is seeping away," and
also "at this level the war could continue in-
definitely." The Viet Cong can go on fighting
as guerrillas for a long, long time.
American forces, who are "beginning to
bear the brunt," according to Arnett, are wag-
ing war on the enemy units with vastly su-
perior air power, modern artillery and such
refinements as the "cluster bomb unit" that
shoots out both napalm and hand grenades.
But he warns that in order to destroy the
main enemy units, the US will have to double
its forces; "certainly at least twice as many
as are here now will be needed." And, he
adds, "it will also probably mean the destruc-
tion of much of Vietnam-both North and
South. As the war grows, the destruction is
getting very considerable over the country-
side. Villages are being devastated as a mat-
ter of course." The end of this road is geno-
cide, with no one left with whom one need
negotiate.
Arnett is a top-flight reporter, but he is
not a professional soldier. General Ben
Sternberg is. Commander of the 101st Air-
borne, he recently returned from 26 months
in Vietnam, where he served on General
Westmoreland's staff. General Sternberg
sees "no stabilization of the military regime,
at least in the near future"; he thinks Pre-
mier Ky eventually "will have to go," but
"civilian government is not possible in South
Vietnam now." He believes that 500,000
more US troops are needed in Vietnam-a
total of about 800,000-to seal off infiltration
and supplies from the North.
But first, the gamble 'of victory through
air power must be played out, with doubled
and redoubled bets even though the sys-
tematic destruction from the air of North
Vietnam, as Richard N. Goodwin, former
Special Assistant to both Presidents Ken-
nedy and Johnson has pointed out, is more
likely to pressure the North into sending into
battle its 300,000-man army, instead of the
12 North Vietnamese regiments thus far en-
gaged. This in turn would bring a million or
more GIs into the war and make it very
tempting to consider landing US troops in
the North.
Politicians in both parties meanwhile press
the President to "get it over with," hit harder
and more often -and hope that a fist in the
face of the North will not provoke too brutal
a counterpunch. At the moment, official
Washington is rather complacent about the
danger of Chinese intervention, believing that
Peking has enough troubles without borrow-
ing more. It is a hazardous assumption in
view of the history of our entrapment in
Vietnam, a history that is littered with
miscalculation..
Who could have foreseen It? The Great
Society exponent, the practitioner of com-
mon sense, compromise and consensus, has
become The War President-sworn to pre-
vent at any cost one set of Vietnamese (un-
friendly, we have guaranteed that) from
overcoming other Vietnamese (who could not
hold power without us).
ExrnsrT 2
RISKS GREATER INVOLVEMENT--RUSSIIA SEEN
TRAPPING SELF IN HARD VIET LINE
(By Murrey Marder)
U.S. air strikes against Hanoi and Hai-
phong oil depots are rebounding diplomati-
cally against Washington.
No one in Washington is advertising the
diplomatic consequences. They are too sub-
tle to draw public attention so far, But to
foreign policy experts, they are at the very
least, disquieting.
There was no great surprise when the So-
viet Union spurned new, personally delivered
appeals, by the Prime Ministers of India and
Britain, to try again for peace talks on the
war in Vietnam. The intensified bombing
was hardly likely to induce the Kremlin to
conclude it was a specially opportune time
to urge Hanoi to start bargaining.
What did cause Western diplomatic sur-
prise, however, was the calculated harshness
of the Soviet rebuff to the pleas of Prime
Ministers Indira Gandhi and Harold Wilson.
Both went to Moscow after having pub-
licly criticized the American decision to bomb
oil supply dumps near Hanoi and Haiphong.
But instead of finding that this gave them
bargaining power to persuade the Soviet
Union to press Hanoi for joint peace talks,
they found the Russians on just the opposite
tack,
The Kremlin sought to convince India and
Britain that such a course was unthinkable,
and that they had better use their influence
on the United States to halt all bombing of
North Vietnam unconditionally, before there
could be any hope of applying diplomacy to
avert international catastrophe.
To a considerable extent, certainly in In-
dia's case, the Kremlin scored a heavy im-
pact. Mrs. Gandhi considerably irritated
the United States by shifting to that posi-
tion, reversing her last, previous stand, which
was that a conference could bring a halt in
the bombing and other hostilities.
But what is potentially more troublesome
to American interests has escaped general
notice. It is that the Soviet Union's public
position on the war in Vietnam has hardened
considerably. The Soviet stand, while still
relatively more moderate than that of the
Chinese Communists who daily denounce
Moscow for traitorous "collusion" with the
United States, is now closer to the Chinese
position, and more inflexible, than ever.
The Russians have publicly assailed British
Prime Minister Wilson for engaging in "sup-
port of the American aggression." To the
Warsaw Pact offers of readiness to send
"volunteers" into the war if North Vietnam
asks for them, the Russians have pledged in-
tensified "effective assistance" for North
Vietnam's defense. The Soviets are now
even airing "suspicion" that a "punitive in-
vasion of North Vietnam" may be "Im-
minent,"
"They have told Mrs. Gandhi that their
basic stand will be guided solely by Hanoi's
desires. The Russians have agreed with
Hanoi that the United States indeed is com-
mitting "crimes" in North Vietnam and that
Hanoi is perfectly justified in treating
captured American pilots as "war criminals."
As one American diplomat put it, "the
Russians have painted themselves into a
corner" But the total diplomatic impres-
sion is that each participant, or critically
interested party, in the Vietnamese struggle,
has put itself increasingly into a diplomatic
dead end.
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A major, but never officially stated, prem-
ise in Washington has been that one way
the war could end would be by reaching
such a high level of great international dan-
ger that some power, meaning the Soviet
Union, would step in for preservation of its
own vital interests, to shove the conflict to-
ward the bargaining table.
The question is whether the Soviet Union
is now in the process of impaling its own
prestige, to make it impossible to maneuver
even if it wants to do so. The Soviet Union
appears to have put itself in a position where
North Vietnam readily can levy demands on
Moscow for a stream of missiles and planes,
and perhaps pilots too, that will- "hook" the
Soviet Union irretrievably to the fortunes of
North Vietnam.
Communist nations have great inherent
`capacity to operate in zig-zags. But they
are not immune from paying the conse-
quences of miscalculations. They too can
be entrapped by their own pledged commit-
ments.
EXHIBIT 3
[From the New York Times International,
July 18, 1966]
~.. WASHINGTON: POWER, VIOLENCE AND PURPOSE
(By James Reston)
WASHINGTON.-Power and violence are now
dominating the headlines. More and more
bombing in Vietnam, Riots and the National
Guard in the streets of Chicago. Most of the
airlines and most of the newspapers in New
York paralized by strikes. And beyond this,
the majority of the American people looking
on in wonder, troubled but helpless.
Is it as bad as it seems? What happened
to all the talk of a few months ago about
peace abroad and a Great Society at home?
Are the problems of the cities and the races,
the contending nations and philosophies, be-
yond rational control?
THE LARGE PERSPECTIVE
Some times it seems they are, but the lar-
ger picture is probably not so dark as the
headlines suggest. Power is being used in
the world but it is also being restrained and
its limitations are being exposed. The
bomber is not prevailing in Vietnam. "Black
Power" is not prevailing in America. They
are dramatizing the problems but demon-
strating that they cannot solve the problems.
The rule of physics tends eventually to pre-
vail in politics: force produces counterforce,
and in the end is likely to create balance.
We are going through a difficult experiment
with power at the moment both in Vietnam
and at home. Power is being used both
places, paradoxically, to prove that power
will not prevail. It is invoking fear, again
paradoxically, to encourage reason, and pow-
' er will probably continue to be used both at
home and in Vietnam until reasonable reme-
dies to those problems begin to be discussed.
Both sides, fortunately, are afraid. In fact,
the only thing we have to cheer is fear itself.
And this is true in the wars at home as well
as in the war abroad. Everybody is using
power but 1s afraid of it. Everybody is
threatening to use more of it, but is holding
back. So there is still a chance that a bal-
ance of power will eventually be established
and lead to common sense.
Unfortunately, there is very little evidence
in Washington that the Johnson Adminis-
tration has an adequate sense of priorities
in dealing with all this violence at home and
abroad. It has a policy for dealing with each
problem-whether it is hands-off on the
newspaper strike or limited intervention in
the airplane strike, or more legislation in
the racial war, or more bombing in the Viet-
nam war-but no sense of relationship be-
tween all these difficult questions.
COST ACCOUNTING
This is odd, too. For the President has
been converted by Secretary of Defense Rob-
ert L. McNamara to the managerial tech-
niques of "cost accounting." He loves to
talk these days about how Mr. McNamara
showed the Pentagon how big business meth-
ods in Detroit applied to big Government
problems in Washington.
Under the McNamara plan, everything
should be put to the test of "cost and bene-
fit." Each purchase of planes or missiles,
each decision about new weapons systems
must demonstrate that the benefits equal
the costs. Yet there is very little evidence
that the McNamara system has been applied
to the Johnson Administration's program as
a whole.
The cost of the Vietnam policy, for exam-
ple, is well over a billion dollars a month
and over 100 lives a week-to say nothing of
the wounded, and the diseased, and the cor-
rupted. The cost to the South Vietnamese
is hard to calculate or even to imagine.
TALLYING THE COST
What is the cost of a "victory" that would
humiliate China? What the cost of a pro-
longed war that would block progress vjth
the Soviet Union in the control of nuclear
weapons? No doubt we can eventually pre-
vail on the battlefield, if the Chinese stay
out, but what benefits will match the hos-
tility of the 700 million Chinese people in
the future? And what would a cost-benefit
test tell us about spending enough money in
Vietnam and on the moon to wipe out most
of the slums and illiteracy in the American
cities.
The Johnson Administration does not give
the impression of having a sense of relation-
ship on all these things. It wants every-
thing: peace in Vietnam on our terms; the
abolition of inequality and poverty; a Great
Society-but it could, the way things are
going, end up first in peace, first on the
moon, and last in the big American city
slums.
It is the lack of skill and scope, of pro-
claiming great goals and raising vast hopes
which is adding to the doubts of the Ameri-
can people today. The demoralization of
disappointed hopes is now fairly evident in
the violence of the slums.
NO CLEAR CONVICTION
"A demoralized people," Walter Lippmann
wrote during the Depression, "is one in
which the individual has become isolated
and is the prey of his own suspicion. He
trusts nobody and nothing, not even himself.
He believes nothing, except the worst of
everybody and everything. I sees only
confusion in himself and conspiracies in
other men. That is panic. That is disin-
tegration. That is what counts when in
some sudden emergency of their lives men
find themselves unsupported by clear con-
victions that transcend their immediate and
personal desires."
There is no such clear conviction in the
country today. The use of power and vio-
lence dramatizes the point. But the vio-
lence may, hopefully, have positive results.
It may, both in Vietnam and in the American
cities, demonstrate its own impotence and
thus finally bring the nation back to a re-
definition of purpose and priority, which it
now lacks.
FARMERS NOT RESPONSIBLE FOR
MILK PRICE RISE
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President, in
recent weeks I have received numerous
letters from constituents complaining
about the rise in retail milk prices and
blaming the increases entirely on a high-
er return for the farmer. I am sure
other Members of the Congress have had
the same experience.
At the same time, I have noticed a
number of press reports in which dairies
and retailers have announced increases
of from 2 to 21/2 cents a quart in milk
prices, attributing the rise entirely to
the increase in farm price supports for
fluid milk.
The rise in price supports was abso-
lutely necessary to improve farm re-
turns for milk and to encourage dairy-
men, who had been culling and selling
off their herds at an alarming rate, to
stay in business. Without it, we were
confronted with declining production
and severe shortages of milk and dairy
products which would have skyrocketed
prices much more than the 50 cent per
hundredweight increase in the manu-
facturing milk support and the 22- to 24-
cent-per-hundredweight rise in the fluid
milk support.
That increase was nominal indeed in
comparison to the prospect of sharp rises
growing out of the potential shortage.
According to my calculations, the farm
price increase should have brought no
more than a one-half cent increase per
quart on the retail end.
Mr. President, I am indignant over the
way retail price rises of much more than
that have been blamed on the farmer.
We are witnessing evidence of the reason
why consumers sometimes view reason-
able increases in farm returns with a
critical eye, and why they tend to blame
farmers every time retail prices go up.
They are being told today that farmers
are responsible for a milk price rise that
has been, in some cases, as much as five
times the amount justified by any in-
crease which got into the farmers'
pockets.
It is extremely important that con-
sumers receive accurate information
about the great bargain they are getting
from farmers. We recognize in rural
America that we must have the support
of consumers to eventually attain the
goal of parity returns for agriculture.
We believe that over the long run there
is no conflict between the farmers inter-
est in parity returns and the consumer's
need for abundant supplies of reason-
ably priced food. The dairy situation
today is ample evidence of that fact.
The new president of the National
Farmers Union, Mr. Tony Dechant, has
today issued a message that I believe
should be read by consumers. It asks
them not to blame farmers for increases
in the retail milk price that have not
gone to farmers. I ask unanimous con-
sent that Mr. Dechant's statement be
printed at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the state-
ment was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
[Press Release from National Farmers Union,
July 22, 1966 ]
DECHANT SAYS FARMERS ARE WRONGLY BLAMED
FOR MIDDLEMAN'S INCREASED TAKE ON MILK
National Farmers Union president Tony T.
Dechant has urged consumers "not to blame
farmers for rises in retail milk prices caused
by an increased take for the middleman."
Dechant said today in Denver, Colo., that
on a nationwide basis, retail milk prices have
gone up by at least three times the amount
justified by the Department of Agriculture's
order earlier this month raising dairy price
supports. And he said that dairies and re-
tailers, "almost without exception, have at-
tributed the entire increase to higher farm
returns.
"These attempts to mislead the consumer
need to be countered by the facts," Dechant
said. ,
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16010 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
The Partners Union leader said that early
in July the minimum price for Class I fluid
milk was raised by 31 cents per hundred-
weight, but that the actual increase in costs
to the processor has been estimated at be-
tween 22 and 24 cents because market prices
had been running above the support.
"With about 23, half-gallons in a hundred-
weight, that would justify a rise of no more
than one cent in the retail price of a half-
gallon of milk. Yet the reports I have re-
ceived indicate that the smallest rise in half-
gallons has been three cents, and that it has
been substantially more than that in some
areas.
"We looked upon the increase in dairy
price supports as a step to protect the con-
sumer as much as to help farmers, because
without it the continuing sell-offs of dairy
herds would have resulted in severe short-
ages of dairy products and an inflationary
spiral in prices," Dechant said. "But the
processors, by using it as an excuse to in-
crease their share, have blunted the benefit
to consumers and are giving the farmers a
black eye in the bargain.
"I don't believe consumers would have ob-
jected to a modest rise in order to prevent
dangerous inflation in the future. But they
have every right to object when retail prices
are increased by three times the amount
justified and more.
`,'And farmers have reason'to object, too,
for once again being made the fall guy for
increased returns for someone else," Dechant
declared.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President, as
anyone who has attempted to gain an
understanding of milk prices in the
United States well knows, the various
facto, c i:ffecting prices in Federal mar-
keting order areas, and the wide varia-
tions in these areas both in farm and re-
tail prices, make it difficult to get an
accurate picture. For this reason, I in-
tend to introduce in the Senate Agricul-
ture Committee a resolution which would
enlist the aid of the Department of Agri-
culture in a survey of the recent increases
in retail milk prices, their relationship
to the increase in farm returns, and the
extent to which the public has received
faulty information with respect to the
farmer's responsibility for it.
For the benefit of members of the com-
mittee who will be asked to consider it,
I ask unanimous consent that the resolu-
tion be printed at this point in the REC-
ORD.
There being no objection, the resolu-
tion was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows :
Whereas members of the Senate Agricul-
ture Committee are receiving protests against
milk price support increases indicating pub-
lic misunderstanding of the extent of April 1
and July 1 rises in supports to farmers, and.,
Whereas scattered newspaper accounts in-
dicates retail price increases of as much as
b times the price support increase to farmers
have been attributed entirely to the increase
in farm return: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the Secretary of Agriculture
is requested to make a survey through the
field office of his Department of the amount
of retail milk price increases since April I
in towns and cities of the Nation, their rela?-
tionship to increases in farm price support
in each instance, and the extent to which
the public was clearly advised, or misin-
formed, as to the reason for such increase.
FOOD FROM NATURAL GAS: LORD
ROTHSCHILD'S DISCOVERY AND
EVALUATION
Mr. HARTKE. Mr. President, the
most important race for the future of
the world is that between population
growth and food production. Recently,
new hope has been offered to the people
of the world: by a discovery of historical
importance made by the Royal Dutch
Shell group. The discovery is that nat-
ural gas can be transformed into raw
protein--the No. 1 nutritional. raw ma-
terial.
The man most responsible for this
great achievement is Lord Victor Roth-
schild, a member of the extraordinarily
talented and creative British Rothschild
family. In an interview with my dis-
tinguished friend, Eliot Janeway, pub-
lished in the Chicago Tribune of July
21, Lord Rothschild explained and,eval-
uated his discovery.
I ask unanimous consent that the
article entitled "Distribution Is Key to
Protein Problem," written by Eliot
Janeway, and published in the Chicago
Tribune for July 21, 1966, be printed at
this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
DISTRIBUTION Is KEY TO PROTEIN PROBLEM
(By Eliot Janeway)
NEW YORK, July 20.-"An army fights on
its stomach," Napoleon said. The contem-
porary world is inclined to believe that if you
can feed people, you may not have to fight
them. Certainly, as the rest of the world
sees it, the most conspicuous success of the
American system is rooted in the prodigious
output of it's food producing resources; while
the most ominous and alarming failure of
the Soviet system has been advertised again
and again, first, by Russia's crop failures,
and- now, now, by China's.
Believing that if the free society can har-
ness the discoveries of the laboratory to pro-
duce abundance for all, it can remain both
free and a society, this column asked Lord
Rothschild, research coordinator of the Royal
Dutch Shell group in London, to describe
his epoch-making findings in the field of
protein nutrition, Lord Rothschild is the
father of one of the senior partners of
London's famed N. M. Rothschild & Sons.
Janeway: We hear a lot nowadays about
the "nutritional gap," about "subsistence
diets" and "protein shortages." -Is there
really a world shortage of protein!?
PROTEIN SUPPLY PLENTIFUL
Rothschild: Indeed not. There is, in some
countries, a shortage of "natural"' high-pro-
tein foods-meat, fish, eggs, milk, grains,
and so on. Consequently, some peoples, es-
pecially in the emergent countries, are sub-
sisting on protein-deficient diets? But the
real problem is one of distribution, not sup-
ply.
Janeway: Is it true that your company
has recently found a way to get edible pro-
tein from natural gas?
Rothschild: Yes, it is. What we have ac-
tually found is a bacterium which uses the
methane in natural gas as its sole source of
energy for reproduction. These bacteria
consist of about 50 per cent protein, and the
protein can be extracted from them as a
tasteless white powder. All living cells need
July 22, 1966'
protein to maintain and reproduce them-
selves. No matter how you slice or flavor it
most nutrition boils down to protein.
Janeway: So the nutritional gap is really
a protein production problem?
ATTITUDES A PROBLEM
Rothschild: It's not quite that simple.
You can package the protein in pills, or in
any shape and with any taste you want:
chocolate or strawberry jam or caviar. But
it takes a certain degree of sophistication to
be willing to take a pill just because you
know it's_ good for you. Undereducated peo-
ple-and for the most part they're the ones
who need the protein-tend to resist eating
anything unfamiliar. In Jamaica, for in-
stance, babies eat protein in the form of
powdered, dried grass with apparent pleasure,
but grown-up Jamaicans won't touch it.
So there is a packaging problem.
Janeway: What about soybeans as a source
of protein?
Rothschild: The composition of soybean
protein is not as good as that of animal pro-
tein. When you're trying to make up protein
deficiencies, it's better to get the protein
with the best composition.
Janeway: But won't people object to "eat-
ing bacteria"?
Rothschild: The protein extracted from
the bacteria contains absolutely no bacteria
at all. It is just a pltre protein and one
which, because it contains the amino-acid
methionine is of exceptionally high nu-
tritional value.
Janeway: Has your company made any
evaluation of the economy feasibility of this
project?
FEASIBILITY NOT TESTED
Rothschild: No. It is still too early to do
this. The scientific problems are solved, and
we are now entering the feeding trial stage-
that is, we're moving from research into de-
velopment. But decisions about production
will probably not be made for another two
years. There's certainly no shortage of
methane, and ft's cheap to ship pills. If
we can make the price right, and if we can
persuade human beings to eat protein in
new forms, we may be on the way to solving
a good part of the world's nutritional prob-
lems.
Janeway: This sounds more like the kind
of research that used to be done only in uni-
versity laboratories. But now the ut:Iiversi-
ties are increasingly commercial, and in-
dustrial corporations like Shell are doing
more creative work.
Rothschild: It seems so. This is really
an interdisciplinary venture, involving the
fields of nutrition, biochemistry, bacteriology,
geophysics-and dependent on economics
and finance.
COTTON RESEARCH
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, on
June 30 WBT and WBTV in Charlotte,
N.C., broadcast an excellent editorial re-
garding passage of the cotton research
bill. This editorial elucidates so well
the reasons behind the need for this
legislation. I ask unanimous consent
that it be printed in the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD.
There being no objection, the radio
editorial was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
[WBTV Editorial, June 30, 19661
THE COTTON RESEARCH ACT
The Cotton Researchand Promotion Act
just passed by Congress provides a perfect
example of what should be the proper func-
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the Senator from Florida [Mr. SMATH-
ERSI, the Senator from Kentucky [Mr.
COOPER], and the Senator from Hawaii
[Mr. FONG] be added as cosponsors of
the above-mentioned bill.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore. The report will be received and
the bill will be placed on the,calendar;
and, without objection, the report will be
printed, as requested by the Senator
from North Carolina, and the names will
be added as cosponsors.
BILLS AND JOINT RESOLUTIONS
INTRODUCED
Bills and joint resolutions were intro-
duced, read the first time, and, by
unanimous consent, the second time, and
referred as follows:
By Mr. TALMADGE:
.S.3639. A bill for the relief of certain cor-
porations;
S.3640. A bill for the relief of certain in-
dividuals; to the Committee on the Judi-
ciary; and
S.3641. A bill to amend the Internal Reve-
nue Code of 1954 to allow teachers to de-
duct expenses incurred in pursuing courses
for academic credit ? and degrees at institu-
tions of higher education; to the Committee
on Finance.
(See the remarks of Mr. TALMADGE when
he introduced the last above-mentioned bill,
which appear under a separate heading.)
By Mr. FANNIN:
S. 3642. A bill for the relief of Zarko Vuci-
nich, and wife, Alexandra Vucinich; to the
Committee on the Judiciary.
By Mr. RUSSELL of South Carolina
(for himself and Mr. THURMOND) :
S.3643. A bill for the relief of certain
claimants; to the Committee on the Judi-
ciary..
By Mr. TYDINGS:
8.3644. A bill to authorize the burial of
the remains of Matthew A. Henson in the
Arlington National Cemetery, Va.; to the
Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs.
(See the remarks of Mr. TYDINGS when
he introduced the above bill, which appear
under a separate heading.)
By Mr. ERVIN (for himself and Mr.
THURMOND):
S.J. Res. 179. Joint resolution proposing
an amendment to the Constitution relating
to the power of courts of the United States
to review convictions in criminal actions;
to the Committee on the Judiciary.
(See the remarks of Mr. ERVIN when he
introduced the above joint resolution, which
appear under a separate heading.)
By Mr. MORSE:
S.J. Res. 180. Joint resolution to provide
for the settlement of the labor dispute cur-
rently existing between certain air carriers
and certain of their employees; to the Com-
mittee on Labor and Public Welfare.
(See the remarks of Mr. MORSE when he
introduced the above joint resolution, which
appear under a separate heading.
CONCURRENT RESOLUTION
U.S. MILITARY PERSONNEL HELD
S MILITARY PERSONNEL HELD
CAPTIVE IN VIETNAM
Mr. JAVITS submitted a concurrent
resolution (S. Con. Res. 103) relating to
U.S. military personnel held captive in
Vietnam, which was referred to the Com-
mittee on Foreign Relations.
(See the above concurrent resolution
printed in full when submitted by Mr.
JAVITS, which appears under a separate,
heading.)
COMMITTEE MEETING DURING
SENATE SESSION
On request of Mr. MANSFIELD, and by
unanimous consent, the Subcommittee
on Constitutional Amendments of the
Committee on the Judiciary was author-
ized to meet during the session of the
Senate today.
On request of Mr. MORSE, and by
unanimous consent, the Committee on
Interior and Insular Affairs was author-
ized to meet during the session of the
Senate today.
CORRECTIONS OF THE RECORD
Mr. MCGOVERN. Mr. President, I
would like to request that a correction be
made in the printing of my remarks in
the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of yesterday,
July 21, as follows:
Page 15784, center column, line 15, the
phrase "I do not approve" should be
changed to read "I approve."
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore. The correction will be made.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask that
a correction of the permanent RECORD for
July 21, 1966, be made on page 15832.
The fourth full paragraph in the sec-
ond column of that page reads:
It is very interesting to hear it said this
afternoon by one of the proponents of in-
creasing foreign aid that perhaps 10 to 20
percent of it is being increased, as though
that were a drop in the bucket.
The word "increased" should bey
"wasted." The senior Senator from Ore-
gon said that it was being wasted and not
increased.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore. The correction will be made.
ADDRESSES, EDITORIALS, ARTI-
CLES, ETC., PRINTED IN THE
APPENDIX
On request, and by unanimous consent,
addresses, editorials, articles, etc., were
ordered to be printed in the Appendix,
as follows:
By Mr. RANDOLPH:
Address by Hon..Stewart L. Udall at July
18, 1966, meeting of the National Petroleum
Council; citation presented on that occasion
to outgoing council president, Jake L.
Hamon.
By Mr. THURMOND:
Editorial entitled "Government by Law"
published in the Aiken, S.C., Standard and
Review on July 13, 1966.
Editorial entitled "Northern Segregation,"
published in the Anderson, S.C., Free Press
on July 7, 1966.
LIMITATION ON STATEMENTS DUR-
ING TRANSACTION OF ROUTINE
MORNING BUSINESS
On request of Mr. MANSFIELD, and by
unanimous consent, statements during
the transaction of routine morning busi-
ness were ordered limited to 3 minutes.
TAX BENEFITS FOR TEACHERS-
BILL TO AMEND INTERNAL REV-
ENUE CODE
Mr. TALMADGE. Mr. President,
President Johnson has characterized the
education of our youth as the "No. 1
business of the American people." Both
quality and quantity of education are
being pursued as a primary national goal
of the United States. The 88th Congress
was called the "education Congress" and
the 1st session of the 89th Congress ex-
ceeded the 88th in the amount of legis-
lation enacted in the field of education.
Not the least of these enactments are
the billion-dollar Elementary and Sec-
ondary Education and Higher Education
Acts of 1965.
It can no longer be said that the role
of the Federal Government in education
is passive.
However, in the midst of all this inten-
sified activity in the area of education,
there seems to be one Federal agency
which has not gotten the message.
Judging from one of its recent actions,
it seems determined to do what it can
to retard the progress of education in
this country. That agency is the In-
ternal Revenue Service, which, by means
of some income tax regulations it has
proposed, appears bent on frustrating
the desire for achieving educational ex-
cellence in this country.
The proposed income tax regulations
published in the Federal Register on
July 7 make it more difficult for teachers
to deduct from their Federal income tax
expenditures incurred in continuing
their education.
I wrote Commissioner Sheldon Cohen
protesting these proposed new regula-
tions, and urged that the Internal Rev-
enue Service give every consideration to
a reappraisal of them. I ask unanimous
consent that my letter, along with the
regulations as published in the Federal
Register, be printed in the RECORD at the
conclusion of my remarks.
The. ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore. Without objection, it is so ordered.
(See exhibits 1 and 2.)
Mr. TALMADGE. Mr. President, this
is not the first time the Internal Revenue
Service has tried to deny the expenses of
schooling as a legitimate tax deduc-
tion to teachers interested in becoming
better, teachers.
The Revenue Service a number of
years ago ruled that a Virginia school-
teacher could not deduct her expenses
in attending a summer school even
though she was required to take the
summer school courses or risk revoca-
tion of her teaching certificate. But the
Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled
against the Revenue Service in that
case-Hill v. Commissioner, 4 Cir., 181 F.
2d 90'6-and held the expenses deductible.
The Revenue Service did not give up its
battle against schoolteachers, though,
and it was only after the success of the
Russian sputnik and the hue and cry
raised about the needs of American edu-
cation in 1958, that the relevant regu-
lations were amended. Instrumental in
this revision may have been a letter from
the Secretary of Health, Education, and
Welfare to the Secretary of the Treasury
that-
The importance to the national security
of encouraging teachers to employ their sum-
mers and their leaves of absence in acquir-
ing greater mastery of their professional
responsibilities leads . to the conclusion
that the criteria which now govern the de-
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United States
of America
Vol. 112
ALAIRecord
C:0RU1 Iona
PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 89th CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION
WASHINGTON, FRIDAY, JULY 22, 1966
House of Representatives
The House was not In session today. Its next meeting will be held on Monday, July 25, 1966, at 12 o'clock noon.
Senate
The Senate met at 11 o'clock a.m., and
was called to order by the Acting Presi-
dent pro tempore (Mr. METCALF).
Rev. Clair M. Cook, Th. D., Methodist
clergyman, and legislative assistant to
Senator VANCE HARTKE, Washington,
D.C., offered the following prayer:
O Thou God of our fathers and of the
ages, as day follows day, and night fol-
lows night, in the years which stretch to
eternity, we in our instabilities of time
need to reach up to Thee for the im-
mutable and unchanging verities of time-
lessness.
Therefore, we come before Thee in
this hour that we may seek a higher van-
tage point of truth and righteousness.
From the heights where we find Thee,
may we seek to enlarge our too little
outlook and to remedy our too large fail-
ures of perception.
Our Father, as we turn to the business
of this day, make us aware that Thou
hast entrusted us with decisions fateful
in the lives of other men. Impress upon
our consciences the vast responsibilities
of the task, so grave that we must doubt
our own wisdom and seek Thine own.
Give to us the ability to look at our land
with clarity, to view our international
policies with the eyes of those whose
lives they alter, to assess dispassionately
and fairly the rights and wrongs of every
issue.
As we deal with the lives and welfare
of our own and of the rest of the world,
keep us aware that we deal not simply
with comforts or discomforts, but often
with survival or with death. Add to our
good will, good judgment; to our politi-
dal expediency, courage to defy it when
right demands; to our words for peace,
the will to achieve it.
':Thus, for this day and for every day,
we ask Thy righteous guidance, Thy
compassionate love, and Thy eternal wis-
dom as companions for the tasks here
undertaken. Amen.
FRIDAY, JULY 22, 1966
THE JOURNAL
On request of Mr. MANSFIELD, and by
unanimous consent, the reading of the
Journal of the proceedings of Thursday,
July 21, 1966, was dispensed with.
ENROLLED BILL SIGNED
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore announced that on today, July 22,
1966, the Vice President signed the en-
rolled bill (S. 2948) to set aside certain
lands in Montana for the Indians of the
Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribes
of the Flathead Reservation, Mont.,
which had previously been signed by the
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
REPORTS OF COMMITTEES
The following reports of committees
were submitted:
By Mr. RANDOLPH, from the Committee
on Public Works, without amendment:
H.R. 15225. An act to amend section 15d
of the Tennessee Valley Authority Act of
1933 to increase the amount of bonds which
may be issued by the Tennessee Valley Au-
thority (Rept. No. 1399).
By Mr. RANDOLPH, from the Committee
on Public Works, with an amendment:
H.R. 14548. An act to extend the authority
of the Postmaster General to enter into leases
of real property for periods not exceeding
30 years, and for other purposes (Rept.
No. 1400).
By Mr. LONG of Louisiana, from the Com-
mittee on Finance, with amendments:
H.R. 8188. An act relating to deduction for
income tax purposes of contributions to cer-
tain organizations for judicial reform (Rept.
No. 1401).
By Mr. BIBLE, from the Committee on In-
terior and Insular Affairs, without amend-
ment :
H.R. 12389. An act to increase the amount
authorized to be appropriated for the devel-
opment of the Arkansas Post National Memo-
rial (Rept. No. 1402).
By Mr. GRUENING, from the Committee
on Interior and Insular Affairs, without
amendment :
S. 3070. A bill to amend the Mineral Leas-
ing Act with respect to limitations on the
leasing of coal lands imposed upon railroads
(Rept. No. 1408).
By Mr. JACKSON, from the Committee on
Interior and Insular Affairs, with amend-
ments :
H.R. 13277. An act to amend the Revised
Organic Act of the Virgin Islands to provide
for the reapportionment of the Legislature of
the Virgin Islands (Rept. No. 1407).
By Mr. HART (for Mr. Donn), from the
Committee on the Judiciary, without amend-
ment :
S. 3238. A bill for the relief of Miss Matsue
Sato (Rept. No. 1405).
By Mr. HART, from the Committee on the
Judiciary, with amendments:
S. 1237. A bill to encourage the creation of
original ornamental designs of useful articles
by protecting authors of such designs for
a limited time against unauthorized copying
(Rept. No. 1404).
By Mr. TYDINGS, from the Committee on
the Judiciary, without amendment:
5.3254. A bill to amend sections 207:: and
2112 of title 28, United States Code, with
respect to the scope of the Federal Rules of
Civil Procedure and to repeal inconsistent
legislation (Rept. No. 1406).
JUDICIAL REVIEW OF CONSTITU-
TIONALITY OF GRANTS OR LOANS
UNDER CERTAIN ACTS-REPORT
OF A COMMITTEE-ADDITIONAL
COSPONSORS OF BILL (S. REPT.
NO. 1403)
Mr. ERVIN. Mr. President, from the
Committee on the Judiciary, I ask unani-
mous consent to submit a report on S.
2097, to provide for judicial review of
the constitutionality of grants or loans
under certain acts, together with the in-
dividual views of the Senator from Mich-
igan [Mr. HART] and the Senator from
New York [Mr. JAVITS].
Mr. President, unanimous consent is
also hereby requested that the names of
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July 22, 1966
Federal system. It is demeaning to our state
supreme courts and must lead to the impair-
ment of public confidence in our judicial in-
stitutions.
Accordingly, I feel that one of the most
Important steps Congress could take to im-
prove the administration of criminal justice
and to ensure orderly judicial procedures in
our Federal system would be to provide that
a final judgment of a state supreme court
should be subject to review only by the
Supreme Court of the United States and
this is what my amendment proposes to do,
Mr. Chairman. By preventing lower federal
courts from sitting in judgment on a matter
thoroughly litigated in the state courts,
there will be a restoration of balances in this
area and an end to the absurdity of endless
litigation.
When one reads some recent decisions of
the nation's highest Court, and realizes that
under them perpetrators of the foulest crimes
are turned loose in society to repeat their
crli es, he is tempted to exclaim: Enough
has been done for those who murder, and
rape and rob. It is time to do something
for those who do not wish to be murdered
or raped or robbed. It is for this purpose
that I propose my Constitutional Amend-
ment.
U.S. POW'S IN NORTH VIETNAM
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, I invite
the attention of the Senate to the res-
olutions which have been introduced in
the other body and which have been in-
troduced in the Senate by the Senator
from Oregon [Mr. MORSE] with respect
to the U.S. prisoners of war in North
Vietnam.
Mr. President, I send to the desk for
appropriate reference a similar concur-
rent resolution.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore. The concurrent resolution will be
received and appropriately referred.
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, I believe
that very strict attention should be paid
to this concurrent resolution, which was
developed in the other body by my col-
league from New York, Representative
REID and by Representative MORSE of
Massachusetts, because it emphasizes
the fact that we are not threatening
anything, but only pointing out to the
North Vietnamese the dreadful danger
to the peace of the world, and the dread-
ful danger to their own people, which
would be incurred by creating the kind
of climate which would result from
treating American prisoners of war as
war criminals.
The American people would never un-
derstand this. The people of the world
would never understand it. It would, in
my judgment, cause a wave of revulsion
to move through the world which would
be extremely damaging to the short- and
long-term prospects for peace, the re-
sponsibility for obstructing negotiations,
imperiling the peace of the world, and
killing innocent people lies with the re-
gime in Hanoi. There is no wisdom in
further imperiling the situation with
these new threats by Hanoi.
Thus, Mr. President, I hope that se-
rious attention will be paid to the con-
current resolution, which is an expres-
sion of conscience by a number of us, and
that it will be an additional fact in caus-
ing the Government of North Vietnam to
stay its hand from a barbarism which
could be so devastatingly dangerous and
damaging to their own people, let alone
the peace of mankind.
Mr. President, my concurrent resolu-
tion serves to make several points which
already should be perfectly clear to the
leaders in Hanoi:
First. That United States opinion
strongly believes that military personnel
held captive in North Vietnam are en-
titled to be treated as prisoners of war
as provided by the Geneva Convention of
1949 and other standards of interna-
tional law and behavior.
Second. That failure by the Govern-
ment of North Vietnam to accord them
such treatment as prescribed by these
accepted standards would a. be contrary
to the best interests of the people of
North Vietnam; b. would serious dimi-
nish opportunities for peace.
Third. That the President is requested
to make these points clear to the Gov-
ernment of North Vietnam and other
concerned parties.
If the leaders in Hanoi, unmindful of
the consequences, take this fateful step,
there is no telling the effect on prospects
for peace in Vietnam. It is my hope that
we shall not have to face such a tragedy.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore. The concurrent resolution will be
received and appropriately referred; and,
under the rule, the concurrent resolution
will be printed in the RECORD.
The concurrent resolution (S. Cori.
Res. 103) was referred to the Commit-
tee on Foreign Relations, as follows:
Resolved by the Senate (the House of
Representatives concurring), That it is the
sense of the Congress:
(a) that all United States military per-
sonnel held captive in Vietnam are prisoners
of war entitled to all the benefits of the Gen-
eva Conventions of 1949;
(b) that the trial, punishment, or execu-
tion of any such personnel by the Communist
regime in North Vietnam would be contrary
to the Geneva Conventions of 1949, accepted
standards of international law and standards
of international behavior;
(c) that any such action undertaken by
the Communist regime in North Vietnam in
regard to United States military personnel
would be a barbaric act and a reprehensible
offense against the peace of mankind, the
peoples of the world and the interests of the
people of North Vietnam; and
(d) that the trial, punishment, or execu-
tion of such United States personnel by the
Communist regime in North Vietnam would
seriously diminish the opportunity for the
achievement of a just and secure peace in
Vietnam and southeast Asia, which is the ob-
jective of the people of the United States.
SEc. 2. The President of the United States
is hereby requested to convey the sense of
the Congress expressed in this resolution to
the Communist regime in North Vietnam, to
the participating states of the Geneva Con-
ferences of 1954 and 1962, to the states ad-
hering to the 1949 Geneva Conventions, and
to the member states of the United Nations.
THE FOREIGN ASSISTANCE ACT OF
1966-AMENDMENTS
AMENDMENT NO. 697
Mr. McCARTHY submitted an amend-
ment, intended to be proposed by, him,
to the bill (S. 3584) to amend further
the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as
amended, and for other purposes, which
was ordered to lie on the table and to
be printed.
AMENDMENT NO. 698
Mr. MUNDT submitted an amendment,
intended to be proposed by him, to Sen-
ate bill 3584, supra, which was ordered
to lie on the table and to be printed.
ADDITIONAL COSPONSORS OF
i BILLS
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, I ask unanimous consent that at
the next printing of S. 3496, to authorize
the appropriation of funds from the
Treasury to help defray the costs of pres-
idential campaigns the name of the Sen-
ator from Montana [Mr. METCALF] be
added as a cosponsor.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. MONRONEY. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that, at its next
printing, the name of the Senator from
Michigan [Mr. HART] be added as a co-
sponsor of the bill (S. 3434) to amend
the Federal Aviation Act of 1958 in order
to limit the liability of trip insurance
sold within the confines of an airport.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that, at its next
printing, the name of the Senator from
South Carolina . [Mr. THURMOND] be
added as a cosponsor of the bill (S.
3632) to amend title 10, United States
Code, to strengthen the Reserve com-
ponents of the Armed Forces, and for
other purposes.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore. Without objection, it is so orderd,
FOREIGN ECONOMIC ASSISTANCE,
1966-ADDITIONAL COSPONSORS
AMENDMENT NO. 675
Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that the Senator
from New York [Mr. JAVITS], the Sena-
tor from Wyoming [Mr. McGEE,] the
Senator from Oklahoma [Mr. HARRIS],
and the Senator from Texas [Mr.
TOWER], be permitted to join as cospon-
sors of the amendment.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore. Without objection, it is so ordered.
ADDITIONAL COSPONSORS OF
AMENDMENT NO. 694
Mr. BYRD of Virginia. Mr. President,
I ask unanimous consent to have added
to an amendment which I sent to the
desk yesterday, being amendment No. 694
to Senate bill 3584, which I am spon-
soring, the name of two additional co-
sponsors, the senior Senator from Rhode
Island [Mr. PASTORE], and the junior
Senator from Georgia, [Mr. TALMADGE].
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore. Without objection, it is so ordered.
EXECUTIVE SESSION
On the request of Mr. MANSFIELD, and
by unanimous consent, the Senate pro-
ceeded to consider executive business.
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July 22, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL, RECORD .-SENATE 15941
dollars lost, of death, injury and suffering
inflicted on thousands of victims, and of
fear engendered in millions of law-abiding
citizens, we must agree with President John-
son that "crme is a national problem."
The series of hearings of your Subcommit-
tee, Mr. Chairman, on the implications of
the recent decision of Miranda v. Arizona
will, I feel, shed valuable light on the proob-
lems posed by this decision and the action
Congress can take to deal with them.
Of course, there are many ways in which
crime can be fought. Poverty and sub-
standard social conditions are part of the
crime picture, but more welfare and social
programs, the greatest in our country's his-
tory, have not made a dent in the crime prob-
lem. Also, the problem of increasing crime
is intimately related to the effectiveness of
law enforcement. Improving police adminis-
tration should certainly be considered by
everyone sincerely interested in fighting
crime, and I feel the "Law Enforcement As-
sistance Act of 1965" was a great step for-
ward in this area. The upgrading of law
enforcement activities is one of the most
important steps that can be taken to reduce
crime and I sincerely hope that Congress
will continue to look for creative approaches
in this area.
This Investigation, however, deals with an-
other part of the crime picture and I think
this subcommittee should face the fact that
increasingly in the last decade our law en-
forcement officers have been limited and
often hamstrung in dealing with crime by
high court rulings. These rulings have
drastically limited police investigative pow-
ers, have forbidden the use of voluntary con-
fessions by the accused in many instances
heretofore permitted, and have altered reas-
onable procedures which once were the great
bulwarks against crime. Recent high court
rulings have stressed individual rights of the
accused to the point where public safety has
often been relegated to the back row of the
courtroom. In the process, police have be-
come confused in their efforts to protect the
public from acknowledged criminals. Dis-
senting court opinions have pointed out that
investigative procedural rules are becoming
unrealistic.
Civilization represents at best a delicate
balance between the rights of the individual
and society's rights. As Mr. Justice Car-
dozo explained in Snyder v. Massachusetts,
291 U.S. 97, 122 (1934), "Justice, though due
to the accused, is due to the accuser also.
The concept of fairness must not be strained
till it is narrowed to a filament. We are to
keep the balance true."
We have not kept the balance true. Un-
fortunately, the Supreme Court in recent
years has moved through logic shattering
sentiment and stiffling procedures to favor
the individual to such an extent that the
administration of criminal justice is de-
feated. Indeed, in the prosecution of
crimes, we have seen the powers of the police
at any level to conduct in-custody inter-
rogation gasp in the case of Escobedo and,
more recently, die in Miranda.
Basically, the Court majority held in the
Miranda case that:
"The prosecution may not use statements,
whether exculpatory or inculpatory, stem-
ming from custodial interrogation of the
defendent unless it demonstrates the use of
procedural safeguards effective to secure the
privilege against self-incrimination."
The Court majority henceforth requires
that before any suspect may be questioned
he must be warned that he has a right to
remain silent, that anything he says may
be used against him, and that he has a
right to the presence of an attorney, either
retained or appointed. The suspect who sub-
mits to interrogation after being so warned
may terminate such interrogation himself
at any time simply by indicating that he
wants it stopped.
Thus did the majority for all practical
purposes fulfill the prediction by Mt. Justice
White of its ultimate goal "to bar from
evidence all, admissions obtained from an
individual suspected of crime, whether in-
voluntary made or not". Escobedo v. Illi-
nois, 378 U.S. 478, 495 (1964).
The claimed basis for the decision was the
Fifth Amendment's protection of the privi-
lege against self-incrimination, a basis which
has no support in the language of the Fifth
Amendment or in the history of the privilege.
The clear language of the Amendment is
that "in any criminal case" no person shall
be compelled "to be a witness against him-
self." One of the foremost legal scholars
of this century, Edward Corwin, after care-
ful study, concluded that the Amendment,
when "considered in the light to be shed by
grammar and the dictionary appears to sig-
nify simply that nobody shall be compelled
to give oral testimony against himself in a
criminal proceeding under way in which he
is defendant." This construction, that the
privilege applies to prohibit compelled ju-
dicial interrogations only, is firmly supported
by the English authorities and the common
law history of the privilege. Moreover, the
dissent by Mr. Justice Harlan and M'r. Justice
White, convincingly demonstrated that no
legal precedent existed for the application
of the privilege to police interrogation, a de-
monstration the majority opinion never
really refuted.
It requires little reflection to realize what
the Court majority has done. It has not
only practically eliminated confessions from
trial court considerations; it has probably
made impossible the ordinary practice of
police interrogation itself, a result which
surely entails harmful consequences for the
country at large. Mr. Justice Harlan in dis-
sent warned that although the extent of the
harm wrought by the decision could not be
accurately foretold; it was readily apparent
that it would impair law enforcement to
some extent. He said:
"We do know that some crimes cannot be
solved without -confessions, that ample ex-
pert testimony attests to their importance
in crime control, and that the Court is tak-
ing a real risk with society's welfare in im-
posing its new regime on the country. The
social costs of crime are too great to call
the new rules anything but a hazardous
experimentation."
I believe that this "hazardous experimen-
tation" is one which we cannot afford to take
in view of the grave problems that crime
now poses to this country. Accordingly, I pro-
pose to introduce a Constitutional Amend-
ment to deal with the Miranda decision. My
amendment will allow the law, as it did pre-
viously, to protect suspects and defendants
from having confessions and other admis-
sions coerced from them without 'rendering
next to impossible the solving of many crimes.
By providing that any admission or confes-
sion shall be admissible in evidence if made
voluntarily, my amendment will return the
rule which the Supreme Court itself recog-
nized as valid until recent days and which
has prevailed in all states whose legal sys-
tems are based upon the experience of the
common law. When all is said, there is no
reason residing in the proposition that per-
sons charged with crime should be protected
by law against their voluntary admissions
and confessions that they committed the
crime with which they are charged.
Beginning with Brown v. Mississippi, 297
U.S. 278 (1936), the Court applied due proc-
ess standards to questions of admissibility of
confessions in court. Excluded were confes-
sions gained by threats or imminent danger,
physical deprivation, physical brutality, re-
peated or extended interrogation, lengthy
detention and other coercive means. The
goal to be achieved, as in my amendment,
was "voluntariness," not in the sense of the
removal of all pressure but the removal of
unfair, illegal, or reprehensible pressure.
My amendment will allow a determination
of whether the confession was voluntary, and,
as such, will afford protection to the civil
liberties of suspects while allowing leeway to
protection of the general public interest in
having crime either prevented or solved.
After Miranda, we have the police hand-
cuffed. In many cases, there are no clues at
the scene of the crime. There may be no
witnesses or the witness may be dead or dis-
abled. The only thing the police may have
to go on is a known criminal lurking in the
area, or a crime being committed in a certain
pattern. If they may not bring people in
and question them, the rate of crime solving
is likely to drop precipitately
If we do not seriously consider the enact-
ment of this type of amendment, the result
will be that the civil liberties of criminal
suspects will be over protected while the
rights and liberties of society will be seriously
infringed upon.
The danger in the constant innovating
drive of the majority of the court was well
set out by the late Mr. Justice Jackson. He
said:
"This Court is forever adding new stories
to the temple of constitutional law, and the
temple has a way of collapsing when one
story too many is added". Douglas v. Jean-
nette, 319 U.S. 157, 181 (1943).
I maintain that we must act before the
temple collapses.
In view of the nature of your hearings,
Mr. Chairman, I wish to take this opportu-
nity to discuss with you another section of
the Constitutional Amendment which I in-
tend to introduce. Many of the recent cases
in which the Supreme Court has acted to
handicap law enforcement officers have oc-
curred through the use of federal habeas
corpus review of state supreme court deci-
sions. Much discussion and many law re-
view articles have recently been written on
the use of federal habeas corpus review,
These articles point out that this review post-
pones almost indefinitely the settlement of
cases, and delays beyond all reason the en-
forcement of justice.
As the matter now stands, after having
appealed to the state supreme court and then
to the United States Supreme Court, the de-
fendant may still file a petition for habeas
corpus in a lower federal court at any time
after his conviction. These hearings con-
stitute a completely new trial for the accused
and the state will still have to follow the
ease to the Circuit Court of Appeals., and
finally back again to the Supreme Court.
Even then the journey is not ended; similar
petitions can be filled in other lower federal
courts.
This means that the liberalized rules gov-
erning issuance of federal habeas corpus
virtually grant the guilty party an uncan-
celled ticket of admission to compete with
society in an endless contest designed to
test the propriety of retribution for his sins.
The upshot of this protracted litigation is
a distortion of values. It is as if society is
put on trial for daring to extract penitence
of the person accused of misconduct.
This procedure is a decided departure from
the principle of res judicata which simply
stands for the proposition that at some point
all litigation must be concluded. In ex-
plaining the dangers of lower federal courts
continuously reviewing state supreme court
decisions, Justice Robert H. Jackson said:
"Call it res judicata or what one will, courts
ought not to be obliged to allow a convict
to litigate again and again exactly the same
question on the same evidence . The writ
has no enemy so deadly as those who sanction
the abuse of it, whatever their intent."
This review by federal district courts of a
decision of a state supreme court which
has already been to the U.S. Supreme Court
does violence to the basic principles of our
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July 22, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- SENATE 15995
articles and several books, including "Non- see the United Nations or the International from Hanoi that indicate some basis for dis-
onference
a
cussions
and Control Systems" (McGraw-Hill) .) ^ Control Commission
pervise U eThant elections has they might beet sted out in practice. The
linear
VIETNAMESE ELECTIONS V situation where will . Ny =ir and free. _ 1.
that t the elections ns will be fair and free. Algeria in January in which Vietcong sup-
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, a Under the rules promulgated by Marshal Ky, porters suggested that, as a quid pro quo
letter on the subject of the forthcoming those suspected of communist affiliations are for recognition of the National Liberation
Vietnamese elections in this week's prohibited from participating in these elec- Front, there would certainly be concessions
tions and a raging war hardly offers proper on their part. A truce while elections took
Economists makes an interesting pro- opportunity for campaigning and effective place in South Vietnam could well be such
posal which I think merits consideration. promotion of. candidates for the constituent a concession.
Both Washington and Hanoi refer to the
The author the letter, Mrs. Crane, assembly.
who has written a pamphlet entitled The United Nations or the Control Com- Geneva agreements of 195,1 as a basis of settle
h It is d
Thou
ent.
m
fficult to tion" pm-A Plea for Self-Dete ations theiroeputg tions ifvar, truceeweed called ito stand how the U its d Statesiccan contemplate
es the United Nations the fighting during the period of the election this unless it is prepared to accept the pos-
Ash" published
, suggests that the elections campaign. There might be a chance of sibility of an electoral victory for Ho Chi
to be Association, to be held in South Vietnam in September achieving this if the United States and the Minh, Mr. Goldberg firmly stated on June
"hold the key" to the present impasse. South Vietnamese government were to make 7th that America would abide by the re-
She suggests that the United Nations or an important concession. This would be to sults, not only of the South Vietnamese elec-
the International Control Commission, admit the National Liberation Front as a tions, but also the reunification elections
which has so far been unwilling to play political party eligible to submit candidates contemplated by the Geneva agreements.
a role in these elections, might be willing for election. With such an offer the Hanoi If everyone means what they say in this
to do so if a truce were called during government might be prepared to agree to a tangle it would seem that by recognizing
the period of the election campaign. truce, and even if the date of the elections the National Liberation Front as a political
had to. be postponed to enable proper ar- party now the United States will save itself
Mrs. Crane believes that there might be a rangements to be made, the prospect of a much trouble and anguish in the future.-
chance of securing a truce if the United South Vietnamese election under interna- Yours sincerely, PEGGY CRANE.
States and the South Vietnamese Gov- tional control would make it worth while.
ernment would be willing to admit the A temporary truce to the fighting would LONDON, W4.
National Liberation Front as a political of chairmen of the Geneva conference, a reason-
party eligible to submit candidates for able chance of agreeing to call a meeting to THE AIRLINES STRIKE
election. Mrs Crane points out that, consider whether the most recent statements Mr. BENNETT. Mr. President, the
under the rules promulgated by Marshal from Hanoi and Washington offer a basis for strike by the International Association
Ky governing the forthcoming elections, a settlement.
those suspected of Communist of ilia- Would the Americans and South Vietna- of Machinists against five major U.S.
tions are prohibited from participating. mese government accept the National Libera- thairlines e Nation's has grou ldal 6a percent if
Finally, Mrs. Crane suggests that a tem- tion Front as a political party? It is true
porary truce would offer the Soviet Union that statements to date do not make it seem about to begin its third week. In what
very hopeful. Prior to the bombing raids is becoming an ever-increasing pattern,
and Britain, as cochairmen of the Geneva near Hanoi and Haiphong there had been as a result of strikes, a most vital seg-
Conference, "a reasonable chance of some shift in American attitudes regarding ment of the Nation's transportation sys-
whether to call a meeting to consider the role of the NLF and the Vietcong in peace
whether the most recent statements from negotiations, and The Times on January 8th tem has been unjustifiably and arbi-e Hanoi and Washington offer a basis for a reported that, in the event of a cease-fire, the trarily disrupted. Once again the seal
settlement." Administration would accept the National victims are
I am not proposing at this time that Liberation Front as a political party in South mit, Mr. President, that airlines exist to
Vietnam. Though this has not been con- serve the 'public, but this strike has re-
we should decide to urge the South Viet- firmed by official statements, it is difficult pudiated tbfact.
namese Government to admit the NLF as to see how any valid elections in Vietnam I have that doubt that now both sides
a political party in the forthcoming elec- can exclude the communists altogether. are finally woking very hard to etts
tions. I am simply calling attention to The 14 points issued by the White House the finally Nether ry d to managements nor dispute Mrs. Crane's proposal and suggesting that tlement, armerelyl'restated condtheitions President a labor wants to be blamed for tieing up
it considered the administration. earlier remarks that the Vietcong would have our air travel system and causing the
I
ask k unanimous eded consent sent that the he full no difficulty in being represented at a peace mass inconvenience and hardship result-
text of Mrs. Crane's letter, which appears conference and having their views presented ing from this present deadlock in nego-
on page 244 of the July 16 issue of the if Hanoi decided it wanted to cease aggres- tiations. Nonetheless, the strike con-
Economist, be inserted in the RECORD. sion. On February 8th, Mr. Averell Hard- tinues and the public, I repeat the public,
There being no objection, the letter man went further and stated that Washing- bears the major brunt of the impasse.
as ton would be willing to have the NLF par-
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, ticipate either as part of a North Vietnamese Labor, of course, insists that higher
follows: delegation or as an independent group. On profits accrued by the airlines should be
VIETNAMESE ELECTIONS: COULD THIS BE A February 22nd, senator ROBERT KENNEDY sus- distributed to the employees in the form
WAY OUT? gested that the Vietcong should be allowed of a higher wage. Indeed, one picket in
(A letter from Mrs. Crane, the author of the a share-in the government of South Vietnam. Chicago was quoted as saying:
United Nations' Association pamphlet, It is just possible, therefore, that if a We not only insist on our chart of profits,
"Vietnam-A Plea for Self-Determination," condition of international Inspection of the we demand and plan to get them.
published this week) election were recognition of the NLF, the
SIR-The bombing of oil installations near Administration could be persuaded by both One of the strongest pillars of free
Hanoi and Haiphong, according to President internal and external pressures to accept enterprise is that labor be fairly re-
Johnson, is intended to speed up the end, of this. In the circumstances it would be warded for its vital contribution to our
the Vietnam conflict. Many people believe difficult for the Saigon government not to
widely a nation. accepted I by be-
be-
the opposite-that this will, in fact, make a agree. Here is Mr. Wilson's chance. prlirodod thatuctive this is capacity as
political settlement of the war more difficult. On May 24th U Thant said bluntly that people. May I point out that this con-
But when Mr. Wilson visits President John- 20 years of outside intervention had so pro- peat has been honored out
by one
son r
one this at the end of this month, there is one foundly affected Vietnamese political life this dispute. be. When the
and tybto
suggestion he could make that might break that it seemed illusory to represent the war
the deadlock. as a mere contest between communism and negotiators failed to reach an agreement
The elections that are supposed to be held liberal democracy. He thought that the so- last spring, the President appointed a
in South Vietnam in September hold the key. called "fight for democracy" was no longer board headed by Senator MORSE, a friend
Properly handled they could offer a way out relevant to the realities of the situation. of labor, which recommended a settle-
of the present impasse and a breathing space Given a proper chance to exprgss their views meet which Senator Moxss described as,
in which to try to convene a Geneva-type the majority of the South Vietnamese peo- This,
conference. pie may feel the same. Common sense Oonnee of f the e "fairest" y he e had eded, seen. but the airline Both the South Vietnamese government would suggest that they should really be giv- unions rejected t In an effort but
gee
and Mr. Arthur Goldberg, the American en a chance to decide. it. permanent representative at the United Na- Mr. Wilson might also draw President over this hurdle, the airlines made a new
tions, have indicated that they would like to Johnson's attention to statements and hints offer which was substantially better than
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
the Board's recommendation. Once
again the union representatives turned
it down. Consequently, the air strike
continues, our traveling public is denied
a service which is basic to our national
life and the Nation as a whole faces the
prospect of a wage settlement that once
again will be highly inflationary. Cer-
tainly, the public interest, which I feel
should be primary, has again been sub-
ordinated to the narrow and inflationary
demands of a labor union.
Compulsory arbitration is against the
wishes of both disputing parties. How-
ever, no union or organization should be
allowed to disrupt the lives of millions of
citizens and the proper functioning of
business and industry. The speedy flow
of mail has been checked, faltering air
shipments have slowed down production
lines, and innumerable travel plans have
been changed or canceled.. Air trans-
portation has become a necessity in our
modern age, and our economy is heavily
based upon its reliability and its con-
tinuation.
Mr. President, tourism has grown Into
a multimillion-dollar industry in this
country, largely due to the increased ac-
cessibility of both populated and re-
mote areas through expanding airline
service. When air transportation is not
readily available, would-be travelers
either stay home or take land transpar-
tion facilities to some holiday site closer
at hand. Utah and other Western States
have particularly benefited from the
readiness of people to fly and the in-
creasing ease with which airlines make
It passible for them. to reach the spec-
tacular and diverse national parks in the
West. And now, at the peak of the
tourist season, millions of dollars are be-
ing lost by the tourist industry in my
State and the West because of this
deadlocked strike.
Because the Federal Government in
the past 15 years has invested more than
$3 billion In airports, maintenance, op-
eration, research and subsidies; because
the Government controls aviation
through Its authority to determine
routes, rate structures, mail subsidies,
and licensing of pilots; and because the
entire American public has so much at
stake In a smooth and dependable air
transportation service, I believe it is not
only within the rights of Congress, but it
is Its duty to the American public, to
enact legislation as soon as possible de-
signed to solve this and other future
paralyzing nationwide strikes against the
public.
My colleagues, Senator JAVITS and Sen -
ator LAUSCHE, have each introduced leg-
islation providing for Federal Involve-
ment in heavily disputed stalemated
strike cases.
Thus far the administration has not
only ignored both of these bills but has
absolutely failed In the promise made in
the President's state of the Union mes-
sage last January that the administra-
tion would send up proposed legislation
this year.
I quote from the President's message:
I also'lritend to ask the Congress to con-
sider measures which without improperly in-
vading State and local authority will enable
us to deal effectively with strikes which
threaten irreparable damage to the national
interest.
This week in his news conference the
President called the strike "intolerable."
My question is if he finds it "intoler-
able" then why doesn't he do something
about it.
I find the President's inaction partic-
ularly strange since the administration
was compelled vigorously to oppose price
increases in steel, aluminum, copper and
molybdenum.
Mr. President, I hope the Congress will
take immediate action to forestall
another occurrence of the strike situa-
tion as it is today. When labor and
management cannot reach a decision, it
is up to the Congress to make sure that
the public, business, and industrial econ-
omy and comfort are not needlessly up-
ended.
Also on the subject of air traffic I think
a commendation should be given to the
nonstruck airlines in the country which
are doing excellent work in trying to ful-
fill the needs of a busy flying America.
The lines are long, the waiting lists
frustrating and travelers' tempers are
short. However, most of the employees
of the nonstruck lines are doing their
best to serve the public and I commend
them highly.
I ask unanimous consent to have en-
closed in the RECORD corespon.dence from
my State and the intermountain area
pointing out the disastrous effect of the
airline strike.
There being no objection., the cor-
respondence was ordered to be printed
in the RECORD, as follows:
SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH,
IiOn. WALLACE F. BENNETT,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.:
The strike that has crippled service of
major airlines in this country is having a
very serious adverse effect on the economy
of this region to say nothing of its effect on
necessary business travel. . Urge you to use
your good influence to help bring about a
reconciliation of the parties and a resump-
tion of much needed service.
UTAH POWER & LIGHT CO.,
E. M. NAUGHTON.
Eon. WALLACE F. BENNETT,
U.S. Senator, Utah,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.:
The airline strike has already caused tre-
mendous loss of time, money and patience
to individuals within Boise Cascade Corp.
and to the general traveling public. Losses to
the economy of the entire United[ States are
substantial. This situation is particularly
critical in the Pacific Northwest because of
the lack of available air transportation
caused by the strike. I respectfully urge
that you use your good offices to bring about
an end to the dispute at the earliest possible
moment.
I. V. HANSOERGER,
President, Boise Cascade.
OGDEN, UTAH,
July 20, 1966.
senato WALLACE F. BENNETT,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.:
Prompt action by the Federal Government
needed to help settle crippling air line strike
as of many business men closely affected.
July 22, 1966
I urge you to do all you can to end this strike
as soon as possible.
Sincerely,
HERTZ RENT A CAR,
D. J. SPAROW,
Licensee.
Paovo, UTAH,
July 15,1966.
senator WALLACE F. BENNETT,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.:
Airline strike is critical. We have inter-
national passengers and tours now being
inconvenienced by Johnson's lackadaisical
attitude. We need to have some relief that
can only come by settlement. Can you bring
pressure on the administration? We need
help desperately. Would appreciate your co-
operation.
JOHN L. WEENIG CHRISTOPIIERSON TRAVAL.
Senator BENNETT of Utah,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.:
Airline strike having detrimental impact
on business. Please do all possible to effect
a just settlement promptly. Best regards.
THOMAS HUNTER,
President, Industrial Box board Corpo-
ration of Utah.
CLEARFIELD, UTAH.
Senator WALLACE BENNETT,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.:
The airline mechanics strike is a direct
assault on innocent bystanders. our com-
pany can phrase its complaint directly in
terms of airport limousine, air freight, rent
cars, taxicabs, and tour buses stop since the
Federal Government accepted responsibility.
In the beginning its responsibility is para-
mount, now this is no cat and mouse politi-
cal game.
CHARLES A. BOYNTON, Jr.,
President, Salt Lake Transportation Co.
INTEGRATED TRANSPORTATION
SYSTEM NEEDED
Mr. BREWSTER. Mr. President, one
of the most disturbing problems pro-
duced by the rapid urbanization of our
country is the increasing traffic conges-
tion in our metropolitan centers. While
rural areas may still claim relatively ef-
fective highway networks, our large cities
are plagued by either a lack of planned
road systems or an overcrowding of ex-
isting facilities.
Belatedly, planners have realized that
building more and more highways is not
the whole answer to this dilemma. What
is needed is an integrated transportation
system-one that includes highways for
the private automobile owner, buses,
and trucks, as well as mass transporta-
tion to handle the swelling number of
urban commuters.
Recognizing the usefulness of the in-
tegrated approach, I believe, is the first
step toward remedying the present situa-
tion. But in order to fully utilize this
idea, a single State agency should be
charged with coordinating, planning, and
supervision of all transportation modes
in each State.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have a recent editorial of WJZ-
TV, a leading, proponent of the "single
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