REPUBLICAN POLICY COMMITTEE STATEMENT ON VIETNAM

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 64
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 20, 2005
• Sequence Number: 7
• Publication Date: March 2, 1966
• Content Type: OPEN

A roved For R 7B0 4 00400050007-
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tem and opposed to unnecessary bureau-
cratic regulation. However, when I see
a need for a new law it is promoted with
equal vigor.
During the Christmas recess, several of
my banking friends sent me a copy of a'
letter they had received from some New
York promoter in which he offered to
furnish them U.S. currency at a
premium. This means he has been
hoarding it and now endeavors to sell it
to banks at a profit. I feel a law should
be enacted which would prevent this
while at the same time protecting the
right of the legitimate collector. The
letter was sent to the Johnstown Bank,
Johnstown, Ohio, and follows:
PORT CHESTER COIN EXCHANGE,
INC., COIN WRAPPING AND DE-
LIVERY SERVICE,
346 North Main Street,
Port Chester, N.Y.
DEAR SIR: Your bank is facing a severe
coin shortage at this time which will soon
be compounded by the Christmas season de-
mand. As you well know, the Federal Re-
serve is unable to meet your coin require-
ments now, and this problem will hamper
you severely in servicing your customers'
coin needs.
We are currently helping many banks and
financial institutions around the country to
solve their coin shortage. We can supply
your bank with all the coins you need,
shipped to your nearest commercial airport,
air express collect. Shipments are made con-
tinuously from Monday through Saturday.
Rates, including delivery to Kennedy In-
ternational Airport, are as follows:
Costs you
$1,000 in nickles----------------- $1, 020.00
$1,000 in dimes----------------- 1, 020.00
$1,000 in quarters--------------- 1015.00
$1,000 in halts------------------- 1:047.50
$1,000 in silver dollars ----------- 1, 300. 00
Please call me at 914-939-9839 for prompt
and courteous service and any further in-
formation.
Very truly yours,
PORT CHESTER COIN EXCHANGE, INC.,
MILTON SCULKY.
JAMES M6CHAEL SILVERTHORN
SPEAKS ON DEMOCRACY
(Mr. ASHBROOK (at the request of
Mr. DON H. CLAUSEN) was granted per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. ASHBROOK. Mr. Speaker, each
year the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the
United States and its ladies auxiliary
conducts a Voice of Democracy contest.
This year over 300,000 school students
participated in the contest, competing for
the 5 scholarships which are awarded
as the top prizes. The contest theme
was "Democracy-What It Means to Me."
The winner for the State of Ohio was
James Michael Silverthorn, of 320 North
Third Street, Coshocton, Ohio, and he
will be competing for national honors.
Coshocton is very proud of Jim and I
am very honored that he is from the dis-
trict I am privileged to represent. He
will be visiting Washington on March 8,
1966, and attend the annual congres-
sional dinner of the VFW. I certainly
wish him luck in the final competition
and, win or lose, he has brought great
honor to his school, his family, his State.
His prize-winning theme is excellent
and I am including it with these remarks.
DEMOCRACY: WHAT IT MEANS TO ME
(By James Michael Silverthorn)
Democracy-a fine sounding word. Like
motherhood, and baseball. And like most
fine sounding words, it is so often used and
misused it has lost virtually all meaning.
The standard, stock definition of democ-
racy is "government or rule by the people."
We give this pat definition when one is re-
quired, yet it means precisely nothing.
What good is democracy? How can it pos-
sibly work? Philosophers since Plato have
asked those questions. Hitler said, "We spit
in the face of democracy." How can we an-
swer such challenges?
Well, it is really quite simple: democracy
as defined, does not work. No large group of
people, certainly no nation could possibly
have a stable, well-run society under a gov-
ernment by the people. Indeed, the only
governments today which claim to be the
people's are those which make a mockery of
the very concept of democracy-the People's
Republic of China, the People's Republic of
Poland.
No, pure democracy with all the people,
with all their differing ideas and interests,
having a continual voice, can never result
in anything but chaos. But we in America
have found a way, a method of having an es-
tablished governmental authority, yet allow-
ing the collective will of the people to remain
supreme.
Our republican democracy does not lessen
the responsibilities of the individual, it mag-
nifies them to a sometimes terrifying extent.
Suddenly it is not one's own wishes or will
that matters, for decisions must be made for
the common good, representatives chosen for
all the people.
Still the basic democratic spirit behind it
all remains. Democracy is not so much an
exact means of government but a way of
life, eyeglasses through which to see the im-
portance of the individual.
Just before World War II, an American
missionary was speaking to a Japanese police
captain. The captain, scoffing at the mis-
sionary, locked out the window. Below was
an aged peasant plodding along with a heavy
burden on his back.
"You see him?" the captain asked. "He
doesn't mean that to us," he spat out snap-
ping his finger. "But give us a million like
him, and he is important. The individual
means nothing." So you see, is it so strange
to say respecting individual importance is
revolutionary?
Yet it works the other way, too. As indi-
viduals have formed the government, so they
owe it their loyalty and respect.
Recently, a young man was stopped by a
police officer on suspicion of drunken driving.
When word reached the young man's mother,
she went to challenge the officer. Publicly,
she and her son attacked him.
News of this police brutality spread. Five
days later, 34 people were dead and millions
of dollars of damage had been done. The
Watts district should always be a monument
to the danger of public disrespect for proper
authority.
It is easy to list the duties of citizens: vot-
ing, paying taxes, keeping informed. For
us, students approaching adulthood, the du-
ties are even more awesome. We must pre-
pare ourselves for future participation in our
society. The preparation includes learning
about our government, and more importantly
gaining an acquaintance with the basic phil-
osophy of Americanism.
But despite these facts, the basic require-
ments can be summed up in a few phrases.
We as citizens are individuals with unde-
niable rights and must see others as individ-
uals with the same rights. We as establish-
ers and maint ners of the government owe it
our constan attention and participation.
Mut -and-take is the only fairplay
in a ationship between the government
REPUBLICAN POLICY COMMITTEE
STATEMENT ON VIETNAM
(Mr. RHODES of Arizona (at the re-
quest of Mr. DON H. CLAUSEN) Was
granted permission to extend his remarks
at this point in the RECORD and to in-
clude extraneous matter.)
Mr. RHODES of Arizona. Mr.
Speaker, as chairman of the House Re-
publican policy committee, I would like
to place in the RECORD an important.pol-
icy committee statement on Vietnam
which was adopted at our Tuesday,
March 1, meeting:
REPUBLICAN POLICY COMMITTEE STATEMENT
ON VIETNAM
The deep division within the Democratic
Party over American policy in Vietnam is
prolonging the war, undermining the morale
of our fighting men and encouraging the
Communist aggressor. It has confused the
people in other nations about the American
purpose and has led North Vietnam to be-
lieve that in time we may falter, that we do
not have the necessary will or determination
to win. As a result, the peace that this
Nation and the free world seeks has been de-
layed, the fighting intensified, and the threat
of a major war deepened.
In an effort to please the conflicting ele-
ments in the Democratic Party, the admin-
istration has had to dodge and shift. Its
policy and position on Vietnam continues to
be marred by indecision, sudden change and
frequent reinterpretation. Under the cir-
cumstances, it is little wonder that the en-
emy has been encouraged, our friends dis-
mayed, and the "national unity that can do
more to bring about peace negotiations than
almost any other thing" has been. delayed.
We, therefore, call upon the President to
disavow those within his party who would
divide this country as they have divided the
Democratic Party. Certainly, as the Presi-
dent has stated, "there is much more that
unites us than divides us." However, as long
as the party in power cannot agree on such
basic issues as whether Americans should be
in Vietnam at all, what our Nation is trying
to achieve there and whether the right means
are being used, there will continue to be un-
certainties, misunderstandings, and fears
about the war in Vietnam. America, indeed
the world, is waiting for the President to take
command of his party. Until this is done,
the divisive debate will continue, the con-
fusion will grow, and a peaceful solution
will eludg us.
Republicans are united in their support
of the fighting men in Vietnam. We also
support a policy that will prevent the suc-
cess of aggression and the forceful conquest
of South Vietnam by North Vietnam,
In addition, we believe that the people of
South Vietnam should have an opportunity
to live their lives in peace under a govern-
ment of their own choice, free of Communist
aggression.
Certainly, these objectives cannot be re-
alized by admitting the Communists to a
share of power in a coalition government.
For this is "arsenic in the medicine," the
"fox in the chicken coop." It would pave
the way for a Communist takeover as surely
as did the coalition governments in Poland,
Czechoslovakia, Rumania, and Hungary. '
Moreover, it would make a cruel and inde-
fensible mockery of the sacrifices of the
fighting men in Vietnam.
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March 2, .1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
sibility of the employer when the move
involves a transfer from one permanent
duty station to another at the request of
the employer. A bill H.R. 10607 has been
recommended by the President and was
favorably reported by the Government
operations Committee of the House
under which the Federal Government
would reimburse such expenses to its
employees.
'1'hc Internal Revenue Service has re-
eently announced that reimbursements
in these latter categories must be treated
as taxable compensation; that is, the
employer must withhold, and the em-
idoyee must include the reimbursement
in his income and not deduct the ex-
pense-see Revenue Ruling 65-158, pub-
lished June 14, 1965, and TIR-754 pub-
lished August 9, 1965. While the Service
had taken a similar position in earlier
rulings and cases, its previous attempts
to enforce its position had been spotty,
and the pre-1965 court decisions had
b)1-en inconclusive--see statement on see-
Lion 213 of the 1964 act, in 'Senate Re-
iiort No. 830, 88th Congress, 2d session,
page 71. The Service's recent announce-
ments were precipitated by a court of
appeals decision in its favor last April,
on which the taxpayer sought-but the
Justice Department opposed-review in
the Supreme Coast-see U.S. v_ Kenneth
1). England, 345 F. 2d 414 (CA-7), certi-
orari denied, January 1966, 34 U.S. Law
Week 3242.
The latter categories of moving ex-
penses-such as expenses of selling the
employee's home at the old duty station
and expenses while occupying temporary
quarters at the new post for a limited
period-are genuinely employer business
expenses and not employee expenses. To
treat them as taxable is grossly unfair
to the thousands of employees involved,
most of whom earn less than $10,000 a
year. It is also bad social policy, since
it constitutes a drag on the mobility of
labor and of industry.
iothwithstanding the large number of
transfers that take place-an estimated
340,000 military personnel, more than
150,000 private industry employees, and
35,000 Federal civilian employees-the
revenue impact of corrective legislation
would not be too substantial. Thus, ap-
propriate limitations can be placed on
those eligible and the amounts to be ex-
ciuded in each case. Furthermore, the
entire issue is still being litigated and
most affected employees probably have
not been treating these items as taxable
anyway, so the revenue loss should prob-
ably be viewed in any case as poten-
tial rather than actual.
A legislative solution is highly desir-
able. Without a prompt and definitive
solution, employers are in a difficult po-
sition in not knowing whether they ac-
tually are required to withhold ; em-
ployees, in not knowing whether they
should report, and if they do report, in
perhaps being forced to litigate; and the
; vice in attempting to achieve consist-
ent enforcement.
A short summary of my bill, which is
identical to H.R. 13070 introduced on
February 24 by our colleague, the dis-
tinguished gentleman from Massachu-
setts [Mr. BURKEI, is set forth herewith.
In addition to the cost of moving the
employee, his family,, and household
goods to the new place of work, which
are clearly nontaxable under presen', law,
the bill would exclude from the income
of an employee who has worked for the
same or a related employer for at least
a year at the time of the transfer, reim-
bursements for reasonable expenses in-
curred by reason of the move in the fol-
lowing areas:
First. Travel for the employee ar d his
wife to seek permanent quarters at the
new location;
Second. Expenses while occupying
temporary quarters at the new location
for a period generally not to exceed 30
days;
Third. Expenses incident to the em-
ployee selling his home at the old duty
station and purchasing a residence at
the new location;
Fourth. Miscellaneous expenses di-
rectly connected with the move, but not
to exceed the lesser of 2 weeks' pay or
$1,000 in the case of a family man with
the maximum exclusion being reduced
by one-half for an employee having no
family.
Mr. Speaker, employees who are di-
rected to move by their employers should
not have to pay tax on expenditures
'which primarily benefit their employers.
.Passage of the bill would simply recog-
nize this fundamental principle.
DEMOCRACY--WHAT IT MEANS
TO ME
(Mr. ANDREWS of North Dako+.,a (at
the request of Mr. Don H. CLAUSES) was
granted permission to extend his re-
marks at this point in the REcoso and
to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. ANDREWS of North Dakota. Mr.
Speaker, this year more than 300,000
young Americans participated in the
Voice of Democracy contest sponsored by
the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the
United States and its ladies auxiliary.
The theme this year was "Democracy-
What It Means to Me."
The winning speech in North Dakota
was presented by 1" -ye-,r-old Charles
Alan Collins, of Fargo, who calls upon
his fellow students to concentrate on
"what is right with America" rather than
"what is wrong with America."
Mr. Speaker, I include the toxt of
Charles Alan Collins' speech at thi: point
in the RECORD:
DEMOCRACY--VVHAT CT MEANS TO ME
What does democracy mean to lee? I
could write a book, and still not give 1 he full
answer, for the 'true meaning of deni.ecracy
could never be confined to a printed page.
It is a concept in the minds of men that
defies limitations. It is a dream tl at has
lived in the hearts of men for over 1963 years.
It is that intangible "something" that gradu-
ally becomes a living part of each one of us.
It is that "something inside" that. made
the soldier in Vietnam hoist a small Ameri-
can flag just minutes before he went down
under enemy fire. It is that "something in-
side" that made "Joe Smith, Americ.e.n" de-
cide to be beaten to death rather than reveal
a vital defense secret to the enemy It is
that "something 'inside" that made our boys
who recently returned. home on furlough
from Vietnam say: "We want to go buck and
finish this job."
What is that "something inside"? Maybe
it is the remembrance of the little things in
life back home that have suddenly become
terribly important-the smell of mom's
homemade rolls, the pungent odor of dad's
pipe, the arguments with sis over the car,
the crowd at the pizza shop after the show.
the many arguments over political issues-
and suddenly they know that these repre-
sent a way of life that must be preserved.
Maybe this is why I, a 17-year-old who
may soon be standing in their shoes, am tak-
ing a more appreciative look at these very
same freedoms which I, too, am wearing; too
easily like comfortable old shoes. What can
I, a lone high school student do about it?
Much. I know I am only one, but I am one-
and since a nation is no stronger than its
weakest link, I must try to make my link as
strong as possible. I can try to strengthen
my own personal character and integrity.
I can support the rules of my school and
town. I may not agree with all of thorn,
but I will obey them as I know they rep-
resent the Democratic majority. I can learn
more about my rights under the Constitution,
but I must also remember that with e hose
rights come certain responsibilities. I can-
not complain about my constitutional rights
if, in so doing, I would be denying these
same constitutional rights to those about
me. Knowing that the real war of the
present is being fought for the control of
men's minds, I must try to sharpen my mind
by wide reading of current problems, by
knowing well the political candidatero, by
more critical listening, and more careful
evaluations. To these ends I am active in
the high school debate program, the student
congress legislative program, school gov-
ernment and local junior politics.
Along with my classmates I can encourage
the use of justice and fair play in school
affairs. We can vote to keep the Pledge of
Allegiance in the school and encourage more
respect for our flag. We can strengthen our
school Americanism program. We can en-
courage our fellow students to think along
the lines of "what's right with America."
rather than "what's wrong with America."
We can create interest in politics by a.etting
up student polls at election time. We can
emphasize the importance of maintaining
the institutions of our Government which
protect our life, liberty, and property--for
governments do not preserve themselves-
they are preserved only by the vigilance of
those to whose guardianship they have been
committed-and the price of freedom is eter-
nal vigilance.
And when the defense of these freedoms
calls for our draft numbers to be called,
we can answer in the words of Daniel Webs-
ter: "I was born an American; I live an
American; I shall die an American, no man
can suffer too much and no man can fall
too soon if it be in defense of the liberties
and the constitution of his country."
NEW LAW NEEDED
(Mr. ASHBROOK (at the request of
Mr. DON H. CLAUSEN) was granted per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. ASHBROOK. Mr. Speaker, I was
one who opposed the new coinage law
because I felt that, despite the pro-
nouncements of the liberal economist,
Gresham's law would apply. It is rather
obvious that it has. One of the side
effects of this situation has been the im-
proper trafficking in American currency
by some unscrupulous individuals. I
have a record which is rather clearly
pitted against improper governmental
interference in the free enterprise sys-
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This apathy can be met in the same way as The first answer, which is obvious but the critics together and by careless use
the external peril. First, of course, by a con- nevertheless needs explicit recognition in of terms such as "the appeasers."
viction in democracy, and secondly, by a these days of sloganeering, is that the In any event, whatever the significance
knowing willingness to fight, If we, the Hanoi government has concluded that of this factor,
said that, ' it seems clear that debate
youth, fulfill these, outse, is then no wasted on longer the can it toungb" its interest would not be served by and dissent cannot be shut off. If we
But, instead, it may be said that, "Ali, agreeing to talks, or, to put it another were to have a formal declaration of war,
youth-what can you not do?" way, that the disadvantages of agree- the situation might be different, but I
However, we still must keep in mind that ing to talks outweigh the advantages. know of declaration. no responsible I de believe who the wants
"democracy undefended and untended is de- Such an answer of course leads directly such a
mocracy ended." ~./ to the next question, why has the Hanoi uation could be ameliorated if those
regime arrived at that conclusion? groups and individuals who are most
VIETNAM Here what evidence we have is scanty critical of the administration's policies
and unreliable-for even what leaders in should make it clear in public statements
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. PAT- Hanoi have told reporters and foreign that they do not approve Hanoi's refusal
TEN). Under previous order of the diplomats may well not be the truth. to agree to peace talks. As matters
House, the gentleman from New York But what does an analysis of the objec- stand, these organizations, having totally
[Mr. BINGHAM] is recognized for 30 min- tive facts suggest? refrained from any criticism of Hanoi,
utes. One theory is that Hanoi chooses to have allowed that regime to believe that
(Mr. BINGHAM asked and was given continue the conflict because that is what they approve of its intransigence. A
permission to revise and extend his re- Peiping wants and Hanoi is afraid of welcome contrast has been provided by
marks.) Peiping. While granting the truth of the World Council of Churches, which
Mr. BINGHAM. Mr. Speaker, I rise addressed its criticism and its pleas to
at this time to submit to the House cer- both premises, I cannot credit the the- both sides.
try. There is nothing Peiping could red- in this situation we do pay a
tain observations with regard to the situ- sonably do to Hanoi other than public Perhaps price for our freedoms, especially for the
ation in Vietnam, to discuss some of the castigation, if Hanoi were to agree to of the issues
implications of the ideas suggested in negotiations. Indeed, Hanoi would have intensely public freedoms, omlace in the airing nationally t es
recent days by the distinguished junior far more to fear from Peiping if Hanoi which ly wised took
Senate place hearings. But o it is a a pele-
Senator from New York, and to make were devastated by a protracted and per-
a proposal which I believe logically fol- haps intensified war and thereby ren- we must pay or lose the essence of the
lows from Senator KENNEDY'S contribu- very ideas we are fighting to preserve
dered hopelessly dependent on Peiping. and protect. The Senate hearings were
tion. Another theory is that Hanoi is afraid themselves a stunning example of de-
To start with, let once is it could not control the Vietcong if it
again that, at, agonizing zing g as the he conflict is mocracy in action, and served to under-
in Vietnam, I am in agreement with were to agree to a cease-fire, especially line the fact that the differences are
President Johnson that we cannot with- since the Vietcong and its supporters more on matters of tactics than of prin-
draw from Vietnam and let the Com- would be afraid of being cut to bits by a ciple or national purpose.
munists take over. I also salute the vengeful Saigon government. Two com- I have no doubt that the administra-
President for continuing to resist the ments are pertinent here: first, without tion is doing what it can to convey to
pressure of those who would expand and support from Hanoi the Vietcong could Hanoi through all available communica-
escalate the war. I believe that, in pur- not effectively keep fighting for long' sec- tion channels the evidence that the
suing a middle course between these two ond, Hanoi could agree to talk and at the United States is not going to get tired
extremes, the President has the support, same time refuse to stop fighting until and quit. The evidence is there, in terms
as the polls continue to show, of the great effective arrangements had been made, of historical examples of our staying
majority of the people of this country. presumably under international control, power, and in terms of U.S. public opin-
The differences that exist among us are for protection of the Communists in the ion, as reflected in the Congress and
concerned for the most part with the south from violent retribution. otherwise. And, Hanoi should get the
question of what course to follow be- The principal theory that administra- message too-not in terms of a threat but
tween withdrawal and an all-out effort tion spokesmen advance for Hanoi's in- in terms of a cool appraisal of the likely
to achieve a military solution, come what transigence is that Hanoi feels eventual- 'trend of American thinking-that, if
may. The President has repeatedly ly the United States will get tired and there is to be a change in the present
stated that he will continue to seek a quit just as France did, and that there- policy of limited military action, it is
peaceful settlement, and I am convinced fore time is on Hanoi's side. The ad- more likely to be in the direction of more
of his profound desire to achieve that ministration says Hanoi is encouraged in drastic action than in the direction of
end. Nevertheless, I respectfully submit this view by the antiwar demonstrations withdrawal.
that, in spite of all the much publicized in the United States and by the criticism The pressures on the President today
"peace offensive" of last December and of U.S. policies expressed by prominent are probably stronger from the "hawks"
January, the administration has not yet members of the legislative branch and than from the "doves." I would myself
been sufficiently resourceful or flexible others. It is hard to see how Hanoi could be strongly opposed to any expansion of
in its efforts to get negotiations started. be so misled, in the face of the repeated the bombing of North Vietnam, especially
In fact, recent developments create the commitments of the administration, the of the cities, and I do not believe it would
impression that the administration is massive and continued buildup of our achieve our objectives, but in the process
no longer giving much thought to the forces in South Vietnam, the lack of sup- North Vietnam would suffer incalculable
question of how to achieve a negotiated port for withdrawal shown in the U.S. damage.
settlement. public opinion polls, and the overwhelm- In our efforts, public and private, to
In considering this matter, it seems ing support in Congress for money bills, convince Hanoi that we will not with-
pertinent first of all to examine the fol- such as the one passed by the House drraw,We may be will aided stay b for the fact that s-
lowing crucial question: Why, in spite yesterday. sal sary, we may "hawks" have been prof so
of all the efforts that have been made Nevertheless, there may be something
since last April to get discussions started, to the theory. Being a totalitarian wrong, just as our "hawks" have been.
has Hanoi steadfastly refused to respond? state, Hanoi may overestimate the im- Perhaps it Is in the nature of hawks to
The question is the more puzzling be- portance of expressed dissent in the overestimate the effectiveness of their
cause Hanoi has been under some pres- United States. Moreover, Hanoi may own military strategy, and to underesti-
sure from nonalined states, and pre- not distinguish between those who favor mate the determination of the people on
sumably also from some Communist abandoning the struggle--a tiny minor- the other side.
states, to agree to talks, and because the ity-and those who believe we have not So much for what Hanoi may see as
toll of the conflict on North Vietnam, as done enough to get peace talks started- the disadvantages of entering into nego-
well as on the Vietcong, must be con- still probably a minority, but a much tiations.
siderable. Peiping has every reason to larger one. Parenthetically, I must say Now, let us look at the other side of
prefer the continuance of the conflict, that some writers and some administra- the coin, that is, the possible ad-
but the same cannot be said of Hanoi. tion officials have contributed to this vantages, from Hanoi's point of view, of
Why then the intransigence? confusion by their tendency to lump all starting negotiations. The question Ho
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C*bi Minh and his advisers must ask elements there would have a share of Czechoslovakia is the classic case, to
themselves is: What would it be reason- power and responsibility. This result which all point, of a total Communist
able for them to expect they might be might come about through a single con- takeover, but that takeover had the Red
able to achieve through negotiations? ference or many meetings, or by a slow army behind it. In other cases, the col-
'-the quick answer is: Not; much. On undramatic process of gradual accommo- lapse of coalition governments has not
the public record, what we have offered dation. always favored the Communists. France,
them, in essence, is economic aid for Senator KENNEDY fully recognized that Italy, and Finland have all survived such
North Vietnam and the opportunity to there are risks involved in any system of periods. And recently in Indonesia,
contest elections in the south. So far as share([ Hower but he suggested that the where Communists were playing a major
the offer of economic aid is concerned- risks could be made acceptable if we role and apparently attempted a coup,
though I believe it is a sophisticated and bring to bear sufficient skill and political the result has been a violent reaction
indeed statesmanlike thing to do-it can- wisdom to find the point at which par- against them.
not be much of an inducement. It could ticipation--by the dissident elements in I know--and I am sure Senator KEN-
lie distorted to look very much like a kind South Vietnam---does not bring domina- NEDY knows-that the Communists in
of bribe, the acceptance of which would tion or internal conquest and if the Peiping and Hanoi would look upon any
be virtually a humiliation, especially for agreement arrived. at is backed up by system of shared power as a device to
a state which has been consistently international guarantees. enable them ultimately to seize total
trumpeting the superiority of commu- He did not propose any specific or de- power. But does anyone think Hanoi
nism. Moreover, Hanoi could not know tailed arrangements. He never men- and Peiping will give up their hopes of
how much such aid would amount to or tioned the word "coalition." He cer- taking over South Vietnam if they are
how long it would last. tainly did not speak of any attempt by successfully driven out by force of arms?
As to the attractiveness of elections in us to impose a solution on the govern- Any course that we take involves risks,
the south, even assuming international anent or the people of South Vietnam. as Senator KENNEDY pointed out. And
supervision would be provided, we need He stated: nothing that we could do-literally noth-
ask ourselves just one question: Would We must be willing to face the uncertain- Ing, not even a nuclear flattening of
we be willing to accept the result of elec- ties of election, and the possibility of an every Chinese and North Vietnamese
bons hold in the nor+h by th
Hover" _ -.e t
l t
---_--
ua
o on
e
And again: the elimination of the Communist threat
supervision?
sOf course not. Then why should We must insist that the political process in the Far East and southeast Asia. So
we expect Hanoi to see the prob- let us sober[
lem differently, if elections were to be go forward under the rigoroy. supervision y and calmly analyze the
of a tristed international boa alternatives that lie before us, and see
held in the south by the Saigon govern- whether the risks involved In the most
rnent, even under international super- Thus it seems clear that the kind of promising feasible course can be made
vision? system of shared power and responsi- manageable.
It is in this area-the need for provid- bility he was talking about would be an it seems to me important-and I spe-
ing Hanoi with a good reason for coming interim arrangement, pending elections cifically propose-that the best brains In
to the negotiating table-that I feel the and the further development of the polit- this country and elsewhere in the free
administration's policy has tended to be ical process. world be mobilized to seek answers to the
sterile and unimaginative. And it is in He fully recognized that the United following questions:
precisely this area that I believe Senator States cannot proclaim In advance the First. What kind of governmental
ROBERT F. KENNEDY, in his statement; of precise terms of an acceptable political structure could be devised for South
February 19 and subsequent; commelats, settlement and that we could not start Vietnam that would permit the various
has performed a real service. the bargaining process by revealing all dissident elements to play an appropriate
I-iis statement has been violently-and the concessions we might be prepared to role in the government and political life
predictably-attacked in some quarters. make. of the country, under a system of safe-
In others, it has been dismissed with The key to Senator KENNEDY's whole guards and checks and balances that
hasty and glib cliches that compare most statement, it seems to me, is his recogni- would prevent one side or the other
unfavorably with the calm and well-rea- tion of the fact that, if we are to persuade from seizing total control?
caned quality of the statement itself. Hanoito start discussions looking toward Second. What form of international
I would not have expected the adininis_ a peaceful settlement, we must be pre- supervision. and guarantees would be
tration to indorse the statement. That pared to eliminate any reasonable fear most effective? Since the U.N. does not
might well have been construed as giving that we ask them to talk only to demand include either North or South Vietnam in
away too much before the bargaining their slzrre;nder. its membership, a beefed-up Interna-
has even started. But I should have Who can contest that thesis? tional Control Commission might serve
thought the administration might well If others have ideas of how to make our the purpose.
have said, as Ambassador Goldberg and proposal of unconditional talks appear Third. What form of Interim govern-
Mr. Moyers reportedly did, that these are more attractive to Hanoi, let them come ernment could be established for the
all matters which would be subjects for forward and state them. conduct of elections with sufficient im-
discussion at the negotiating table. In In the meantime, let us lock carefully partiality to command the confidence
still other quarters, Senator KENNEDY'S at what Senator KENNEDY has had to say and cooperation of all elements?
statement has been misconstrued, do- on the merits, and net in terms of invec- Fourth. What should be the nature of
liberately or otherwise, and there has tive or cliches. the elections and of the government to
been confusion about what he actually Shar::d. power is not a new concept in follow so as to provide the best chance
said. Many commentators, I feel sure, our dealing with the Communist world. of political stability in the future? My
never read the full text of his original on a geographical or partition basis, we own guess is that only some kind of par-
statement. agreed to it for Germany and Korea. liamentary government, with provision
in e.;sence, Senator KENNEDY's basic We shared authority with the Soviets in for proportional representation, would
position is threefold: Austria and in Berlin; one arrangement have a chance of being viable in a coun-
F'irst. U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam was ended by a peace treaty, the other try such as South Vietnam which has
I,,; unthinkable; broke down and was followed by the Ber- never known democracy. The kind of
Second. A military victory in Vietnam lin wall, but neither arrangement ended winner-take-all, two-sided contest which
is not out of the question but presents with a Communist takeover. The same is characteristic of our own presidential
staggering difficulties and dangers; inconcl.isive result occurred in Laos; elections would be likely, it seems to me,
'third. If we mean what we say about while the tripartite government there did to represent an impossibly explosive set-
wanting to get negotiations started, we not work; it did not end in disaster. In up. It takes a rare strength of tradition
must be prepared to give up something: fact, the net result; has been that the for the losers in such a situation to ac-
We must, be willing to accept the possi- neutralist faction which started out pro- cept the result peacefully. To my knowl-
bility that negotiations might result in Communist has ended up pro-Western, edge no new nation has yet succeeded
some form of governmental arrangement True, no government cabinet which in- in achieving this level of political ma-
in South Vietnam in which the dissident eluded Communists has proved stable. turity. Like dangers would arise in any
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proposed referendum or other voting ous statements comprising the Hono- one of democracy's strengths is the free-
procedure in which the people would be lulu Declaration are a good augury. dom and desirability of questioning and
expected to abide by the results-which The more successful these efforts are, examining alternatives.
might be close-of a once-for-all vote the easier we will find it to hold fast the I wholeheartedly agree with my Pres-
on whether or not to have a Communist areas under Saigon's control and to ex- ident, and the overwhelming majority of
government. pand those areas, and the stronger our the Members of this House in rejecting
Such a study, it seems to me, should position will be when negotiations start. any thought of immediate withdrawal
be carried out now, so that its results I know, also, that many Americans from Vietnam. Equally unthinkable to
would be available in the event negotia- who are directly engaged'in the bitter me are actions on our part which might
tions do get underway. The very fact struggle in South Vietnam have de- precipitate a massive land war in Asia
that the study was in process might well veloped such a profound hatred for the or the use of nuclear weapons.
be a factor to help induce Hanoi to start Vietcong, because of their cruelty and Like my college from New York, I see
talking. terrorist tactics, that they cannot con- the moment propitious for a fresh and
I am not suggesting that the U.S, ceive of negotiating with them or of more creative examination of how a ne-
Government should itself undertake the according them any role in the future gotiated settlement might be arrived at.
study, or even sponsor it. This might be political processes of the country. But The point of departure of any such study
construed as a commitment in advance existing U.S. policy is one of desire to should be the recognition that Hanoi
to accept the recommendations. deal with Hanoi, and even to grant has steadfastly refused to talk with us.
Instead, I believe a private organiza- Hanoi economic aid after the conflict is This is often explained that the Com-
tion, such as the Ford Foundation, should over. Is Hanoi any less responsible for munists believe sooner or later we will
undertake the work, either directly or the horrors of the Communist tactics in get tired of fighting and will quit. It
through some other agency. the south than the officers and men of is equally plausible that the other side
The participants in the study should the Vietcong? may not be able to see how, on the basis
include experts from other countries, This is a case, it seems to me, where of our position and that of the Ky gov-
such as Finland, India, and Italy, where those who bear the brunt of the conflict ernment, they can reasonably expect to
Communists have played an active part cannot be expected to view in perspective achieve anything through negotiation.
in the political life of the country, and the question of how best to achieve the There is, I fear, a tendency on our part
experts of southeast Asia and on the totality of American objectives in south- to let the matter rest there-the other
postwar history of Czechoslovakia. east Asia. They may well, under the side will not talk, so we have no choice
apply greater militaryexisting reffer and
Quite possibly, actual responsibility for pstress of resent tragedy, ose sight of what ever- but leave open the
convening the experts and conducting the I am not suggesting that we sweeten
study should be left to an international fact our goal. the pot for the Communists. I reject
institute or a university of international I know that President Johnson wants
renown. to end the conflict, wants it deeply and the idea that a desire to examine our
In proposing this study, I am well fervently. I believe he would be eager position implies any lack of determina-
aware that the whole idea may be repug- to follow a new approach to achieve that tion to defend our democratic principles
nant to the Government of South Viet- end through a settlement that might be or unwillingness to support our Presi-
nam. That Government, whether led less than perfect for either side, but dent, or our troops in the field. A desire
by Premier Ky or another, will no doubt would achieve our essential objects: to to negotiate is not an indication of weak-
continue to press for total control of bring the conflict to an end, provide sta- ness; it is an expression of self-confi-
South Vietnam for itself, and will bit- bility in the area, and preserve the right deuce. I believe the American people
terly oppose settling for less. That the of self-determination for the South Viet- would rather reason than fight, would
Saigon leaders clearly do not have the namese people. rather build than destroy.
power to obtain this for themselves, even (Mr. UDALL (at the request of Mr. While examining our position, we must
with unlimited aid from us in the form BINGHAM) was granted permission to ex- continue to apply sufficient power to pro-contain
of equipment, materiel, supplies, and so tend his remarks at this point in the the Communist hold within to
pretant
forth, will not deter them. Saigon will RECORD.) the our its minnt
hope, and indeed demand, that the Mr. UDALL. Mr. Speaker, our col- limits and d make ake force with credible fet long a-
United States assign whatever forces league from New York [Mr. BINGHAM] tion be fance wi necessary. force c our action
are needed to the task of accomplishing has, I believe, done us a great service by that may
this objective. redirecting our attention to some of the yesterday, we assured the maintenance
While this desire on the part of Saigon more elusive yet vitally important real- of our position of strength. This being
is certainly understandable, that we ities which have thus far thwarted our the case, I wish to endorse my colleague's
should feel obligated to give effect to it efforts to move the Vietnam conflict to call for
specifics of how Vietnamese elec-
the seems to me fantastic. By no stretch of the conference table. He has suggested of
the imagination could our past commit- a creative line of thinking and a prac- tions might be arranged; who would con-
ments be so construed. tical approach which deserves our con- duct these elections; how they would be
Essentially, our position vis-a-vis Sai- sideration. supervised; how the many-and I do
gon is an unassailably strong one. At I would hope that the action of the not mean n only the NL h Vietnam cout-
any point that they do not want to agree Congress yesterday in authorizing sup-ical to what we believe it necessary and de- plemental defense funds for the main- participate in the elections and what
sirable to do, we can always return to the tenance of United States and allied forces form of government might be devised to
system of aid which we followed for so now in Vietnam might relieve the air reflect the results of such an election--
long with Saigon, and which was suffi- of crisis which has affected the tenor a government offering a promise of sta-
cient in the case of Greece and Turkey of discussion these past few days, and bility while satisfying the legitimate so-
in the crucial days after World War II, permit a more dispassionate examination cial and economic aspiration of the coun-
aid limited to supplies, materiel, and of the question Of where we go from here try. We, in this country, have a repu-
military advisers. in Vietnam. tation for political ingenuity and I do
It is encouraging that we apparently It is not necessary and, in fact, it is a not think we have yet done our best
have succeeded in persuading the Ky disservice to the spirit of healthy public with this problem.
government of the importance of the debate, to have every statement and I am not suggesting any answers to
nonmilitary side of our joint efforts. every query on Vietnam judged in terms the questions which I have raised, or to
Recent press stories from South Vietnam of whether it is critical of the President's those raised by my colleague from New
indicate the depth of the problems, espe- policy. Our vote yesterday is indicative York. I simply mean to point out that
cially the persistence of systems of spe- of the broad general confidence which within a more broadly based and cra-
cial privilege which the existing Govern- an overwhelming majority of the Con- tive study of the practical politics of the
ment has been reluctant to abandon. gress have in our administration. Among Vietnamese situation may lie an ap-
We have given far too little attention to those voting for the authorization yes- proach which could draw our adversaries
these matters before now, and the vari- terday were many who still believe that to the conference table.
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March 2, 1966
My colleague from New York is prob- ]em of establishing shared power between today will set a new tone for debate in
ably right in suggesting that this be done previously hostile forces in South Viet- the Congress. I hope we can begin to dis-
outside the official governmental con- Dam still remains relatively unique. cuss the nature of the settlement that
text. Official and public examination of All the more problematic, as Mr. BING- must ultimately come to Vietnam rather
most of the proposals for future elec- HAM rightly pointed out, Is the position than the policies which have occasioned
tions or governmental arrangements of the present South Vietnamese Gov- the need for such a settlement. Such
would immediately embarrass our rela- ernment. I have been convinced that we speculation by Congress can be the
Lions with South Vietnam and might must not allow ourselves to be overly healthiest possible contribution to the
prejudice our future negotiating posi- committed to that Government. Political foreign policy of this country. The re-
tion. institutions presently being established port which eight of us sponsored in
May I then commend the gentleman and consolidated by the Ky government January sought to move in this direction.
from New York for his proposal, and will ultimately have to play a role in set- The remarks of Senator KENNEDY have
urge its study by the Members of this tlement and the establishment of provi- sought to move in this direction. And
[louse. sional authority in the south. If these my colleague's contribution today has
(Mr. ROSENTHAL (at the request of institutions become calcified in opposi- made such action all the more important
Mr. BINGHAM) was granted permission tion to compromise and conciliation, we and promising by having been so pro-
to extend his remarks at this point in may be left with very few existing vocative and enlightening.
the RECORD,) strut-urea and modalities in which to (Mr. EDWARDS of California (at the
Mr. ROSENTHAL. Mr. Speaker, I work. Flexibility, in other words, is the request of Mr. BINGHAM) was granted
want to commend the gentleman from keystone for any activity now which looks permission to extend his remarks at this
New York IMr. BINGHAM], for what I forward i;o a shared-power program in point in the RECORD.)
believe can be one of the most important the future. Mr. EDWARDS of California. Mr.
contributions to a debate which has all In a conference held in Washington Speaker, I wish to extend my apprecia-
too often descended to the level of gen- at the end of January, sponsored by my- tion to the gentleman from New York
eralization and subsequent distortion. self and seven other Mem[)ers of Con- [Mr. BINGHAM], for the thoughtful and
The important thing about his remarks, gress, particular attention was given to perceptive remarks he has made today.
I think, is that they are addressed to a the problem of provisional government He has taken an important step that
real problem-to a problem and to a de- and the structure of elections. Two in- we in this House have failed to take. He
bate which is currently going on among teresting suggestions were raised regard- is seeking and demanding a definition of
responsible people anxious to see the war ing the first issue. At the national level, the situation in Vietnam-a definition of
in Vietnam settled. it was proposed, an all South Vietnamese our objectives and the means which we
I have thought for some time that the Government could be composed of are using and will use to carry out these
principle unresolved question in our dip- representatives drawn from controlled objectives.
lomatic policy has been, very simply: geographical areas. Supervision of this I would like to stress two aspects of
What kind of government are we really division of power could be insured by a Mr. BINGHAM's presentation, First, he
prepared to see emerge in South Viet- strengthened International Control Com- rightly emphasizes the need to take posi-
aam, and what kind of initiatives are mission. On the local level, the Saigon tive steps to guide the Vietnam conflict
we willing to take in order to help set government would continue to exercise to the conference table. But in pressing
the stage for such a government? Im- authority of areas controlled by it, as for negotiations, the United States must
plicit in this are certain fundamentally would be true for the National Libera- not forget that it faces a problem of
is rocedural questions. But these ques- tion Front and such largely autonomous credibility: friend and foe alike are ap-
tions, particularly regarding the nature groups as the Cao Dai, Hoa Hao, and prehensive. Our reinterpretation of
of a provisional political authority fol- some of the Mo.ntagnard factions. Tem- both the 1954 Geneva agreement and
lowing a cease-fire, represent absolutely porary ICC control could be exercised in the SEATO agreement has made even
basic issues for a settlement. contested area. Another proposal was our friends skeptical of our word. We
They are all the more problematic be- that the parties in conflict decide upon a all know the history of Vietnam after
cause they have not been the center of cabinet in which portfolios of govern- 1954; we know that the 1956 elections
attention. For example, we seem to ment could be divided among these par- scheduled for Vietnam were scuttled with
have been very concerned about the role ties. Within this context, the ICC could our support when the Eisenhower admin-
of. the Vietcong in negotiations. Less again be given supervisory powers, with istration decided that a non-Communist
attention, however, has been given to perhaps a veto power over the activities government could not win a majority.
the role of the NLF in any provisional of the most critical ministries. So how can we gain credibility for our
government prior to elections. Much I mention these proposals not because present proposals for free elections? We
has been said about the need for elec- I am convinced that they are the most must realize that the problem of credi-
tions in South Vietnam. Little has been promising. I only want to point out that bility is a major one in bringing this
said of the auspices under which such these are the questions that we ought to conflict to the conference table. This
elections would be held. be talking about now. Part of the trou- calls for even greater care in defining
To matters like these, as I understand ble of the Vietnam debate is that the and pursuing clear and consistent objec-
the gentleman from New York, respon- very broad problems of policy have re- tives.
Bible scholars must begin to address ce:ived attention often to the exclusion This ties into a second aspect of Mr.
themselves in order to supplement and of these smaller considerations which Bingham's speech. He stressed "the
aid efforts by the Government. Very actually constitute the most, immediate need for providing Hanoi with a good
little thought has ever really been given policy questions facing the Government. reason for coming to the negotiating
to the issues of shared-power in provi- In one sense this has been healthy. The table." But we must also stress the need
sional governments. We have no safe country has been in need of a systematic for providing both Saigon and the Viet-
and secure models from which we can foreign policy debate for many years. cong with good reason for coming to the
project problems. The closest possible And Vietnam has given us the occasion negotiating table. Here again we face
analogy to Vietnam is the Government for such a debate. On the other hand we a credibility problem. We must make
of Laos. But there are obvious and cannot afford to lose sight oC individual our objectives clear to all parties to a
problematic contrasts which limit the trees in our preoccupation with the possible agreement in Vietnam. Since
utility of such an analogy. Our experi- forest. negotiations must inevitably include
ences with shared power and provisional This, I think, is the important con- Hanoi, Saigon, and the Vietcong, we must
government in postwar Europe cannot be tribution of Mr. BINGHAM's remarks to clarify our relations with all three of
too instructive. And of course arrange- the House today. His suggestion that them.
meats in Germany and Korea will not private foreign policy study groups be- I have stressed the need for a defini-
teach us too much about settling civil gin to explore the tacky problems in- tion of our objectives and the means
disputes within a single country. There volved with structuring a settlement for which we are using and will use to carry
may well be useful precedents here for Vietnam is of considerable importance- out these objectives. I have done so
a partition of Vietnam and concomitant to the Congress and the country. And I because the administration has persist-
diplomatic arrangements. But the prob- hope the discussion we have been having ently refused to provide an adequate and
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-/'ch 2, 1966 CONGgESSIONA O -
consistent definition of our posture in The administration cannot simply make shifts to courses which are incompatible
Vietnam. As a result, we are faced with public statements of its goals. It must with the primary thrust of those fighting
an array of paradoxes which have dam- explain facts which are too often hidden: in the South.
aged our commitment to the freedom and are our actions achieving these goals? Thus, if Hanoi were to pursue a course
independence of peoples throughout the are the means we wish to follow the same of action which would seem to the Na-the
t to and
Fro
eration
tional
fact
have
ans we
world. have been presented with a When wee know the facts of our objectives make useless the yea snof sacrifice,tthere
set of paradoxes which makes it very
difficult to succeed in Vietnam; a set of in Vietnam today-when we know what is doubt that Hanoi could compel ac-
paradoxes which has stimulated opposi- in fact is being achieved under our pres- ceptance of this course. But even more
tion to administration policy in Vietnam, ent policy-we can and must engage in devastating, Hanoi would be regarded as
and foretells a serious and bitter reaction free and reasoned debate. The House abandoning an ally in the South to ideologic the commitments which many of our itself to the therhbody. The gentlemen a eg ance but whichvit had spawn d al
own people cannot ot understand.
We have the paradox of a demo- from New York has realized this. He The United States looks at its com-
cratic nation debating its most important deserves the commendation of all those mitment to South Vietnam as binding. how political issue as hawks and doves-as if concerned with the strength of this Hanoi Then
mconsi ust dereel bound much the mor tunes ly
the how and why of Vietnam can be House and this Nation.
answered solely by supporting more or (Mr. FRASER (at the request of Mr. those whom it sponsored in the South.
less guns, planes, and missiles. BINGHAM) was granted permission to ex- Because this has been my rough analysis relations We have the paradox of destruction tend his remarks at this point in the of this that the hhip tI at have alwa s be-
Declaration development. htrast the RECORD.)
Declarattion of Honolulu with adminis- Mr. FRASER. Mr. Speaker, I want to North would drive Hanoi out of this con-
tration requests of this Congress. First commend the gentleman from New York flict was doomed to failure. I believe
we hear of the importance of social and [Mr. BINGHAM] for a carefully reasoned furthermore that the bombing would
economic development in Vietnam. The statement on a problem of the greatest force Hanoi into an even more active
supplemental foreign economic aid re- importance. His statement is charac- role in the belief that events in the South
quest passed last week designated $275 teristic of the thoughtful approach he would have to be speeded up as the only
million for Vietnam. But yesterday's takes to the spectrum of problems facing boway mb for Hanoi to obtain an end to the
supplemental military appropriation re- the United States. ng.
quest designated $736.6 million for mili- I would like to add a comment to the On the other hand, pressure against
tary facilities within Vietnam alone. excellent analysis of the factors which the National Liberation Front and the
Thus 250 percent more American dollars may affect Hanoi's judgment on the de- tementgso forces daycould Ib ing abou tt ata set-
will be used to remake the Vietnamese sirability of negotiations.
landscape for military purposes-for a The relationship between Hanoi and gardless of what the United States does, s been
South e
fabric
the
war we swill destroy the resources the di cussed. Many offie alsaof the s ciety is so to rtnand weakened thatsa
which we millions to develop. agai We have the he paradox of a new colonial- U.S. Government have repeatedly forcesscannot effortbe sustained. Communist
Whatever
ism emerging from our goal of in- stressed the role of Hanoi in stimulating,
dependence for Vietnam. We have pro- organizing, supplying, and directing the the settlement possibilities, however,
-
posed extensive aid for south- Front n But this does not give a complete t onaluLnication iberation iFrotnt would teem to
east Asia. But if we continue rely
solely on our own administration ion of f these picture of the relationship between make more sense than to force Hanoi to
funds, and do not utilize international Hanoi and the forces in the south. The act as broker with its interests not neces-
bodies such as the World Bank, we will strong political motivation of the Com- sarily paralleling those of the Liberation
have imposed a new form of pseudo- munist forces must be studied carefully. F Intany event, these matters must be
colonial domination upon millions of deIf a political movement in cides to extend its influence eintonan- looked at with care and objectivity.
Asian people. The great stress which the United States
We have the paradox of our relation- other country, the usual procedure is to
ship to Communist China. We have send in people to proselytize and to or- places on the role of the North Viet-
refused to recognize Communist China ganize on behalf of the ideas which the namese must not obscure the fact that
and we have opposed her admittance to political movement seeks to promote. If our national interests require that we
the United Nations. Yet in a recent the organizational effort is successful, a make our understanding conform to
speech, William Bundy of the State De-, group in the second country comes into reality.
partment. argued contact with Communist China through leadership, and its tactics may continue BINGHAM) was granted permission to ex-
intermediary channels in Eastern Europe to be guided by the forces in the first tend his remarks at this point in the
than other countries have had through country. But the group in the second RECOR TODD. Mr. Speaker, I commend
direct diplomatic recognition. Thus our country still has an independent, viable Congressman national policy of not recognizing gov- existence. The relationship between the my collleagu ,subm tong a co ONA ATHAN
ernments we oppose has given rise to the two groups is relatively stable so long as BINGHAM, for sal for
bringing
n
thought irony of diplomacy without diplomatic fithe rst group takes ga new course, then the bearoon possible basis ofenegot at on in
responsible
relations. gh the
o Mr. Speaker, I feel that we can make viable nature of the group in the second Viet of this Goveurnment are doing ever~y-
a far better contribution to the world of country suddenly becomes clear.
ideas and the cause of American strength According to the figures of the De- thing in their power to arrive at a cessa-
and unity if we recognize the need for fense Department, approximately 200,000 tion of the hostilities and a just peace, it
clear thinking on the situation in Viet- of the Vietcong are from South Vietnam. may well be that our own deep concerns
nam. Furthermore, our Government's These Vietcong and the National Lib- have prevented us from recognizing and
speech and. action must cohere in such eration Front believe they are fighting exploring negotiating positions or _ ave-
a way that our own people and people for certain ideas. It would seem doubt- cnues epof pa proac ah c couldeead to an
abroad understand our position. We ful that they regard themselves simply n
must dissolve the paradoxes of diplomacy as soldiers whose command loyalties run Although there is no guarantee that his
without diplomatic relations, of destruc- to Hanoi. Their persistence and their proposal would lead to such an avenue,
tion outpacing development, of a new sacrifices could not be explained on this the alternative of Inprolon kesged this conflict, and
dependence. amid the desire for in- basis. wuncer result,
orthy of consideration and implemen-
dependence. Thus there is the strong probability tction.
and raen
In a quest for definitions of our objec- that as Hanoi has sought to organize in tives and the means to achieve our ob- the South, it has at the same time created BIGhav as me ply thoughtful know Congressm
jectives, the administration and the forces which, if not independent today,
Congress each have important tasks. are potentially independent if Hanoi sponsible Member of the House, as a
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CONGRESSIONAL, RECORD - HOUSE March 2,
great patriot, and as one who thinks well
into the future as far as the security of
the United States and the free world is
concerned. His expressions today merit
thoughtful consideration by all of us, and
by responsible policymakers in the ad-
ministration and elsewhere.
Mr. DOW. Mr. Speaker, will the gen-
tleman yield?
Mr. BINGHAM. I am happy to yield
to my colleague from New York [Mr.
)ow 1.
10:r. DOW. Mr. Speaker, allow me to
Commend the gentleman from New York
for his earnest and sincere effort to sug-
gest a better way out of this dilemma in
Vietnam, and a solution to it that does
rot involve a catastrophic war that may
pie stroy all of us. I must salute every
effort of this kind to arrive at a sane
rolution.
Mr. BINGHAM. I thank the gentle-
man.
Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, will the gen-
tleman yield?
Mr. BINGHAM. I. am happy to yield
to my colleague from New York [Mr.
I' WAN 1.
(Mr. RYAN asked and was given per-
mission to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, I commend
my distinguished colleague from New
York [Mr. BINGHAM] both for taking this
special order for a constructive discus-
sion of Vietnam and for the farsighted
proposal which he has made. The kind
of study which he suggests will have to
be made sooner or later-either now or
while the parties are at the bargaining
table. In. the interest of peace in Viet-
nam I think it is far preferable that the
study be commenced at once.
I also agree that there may be advan-
tages to having this study made by
sources outside the Government. They
can bring objectivity and an open mind
to the questions, and their conclusions
will not appear to commit the United
States to a particular policy. However,
we also should note that this kind of
study should constantly be going on
within the State Department. If the
Defense Department can sponsor studies
of "war games," I do not see why the
State Department should not sponsor
studies of "peace games."
is also believe that both the House
Foreign Affairs Committee and the Seri-
ate Foreign Relations Committee should
sponsor in depth studies of vital foreign
policy questions by outside task forces.
As I explained in my speech during
yesterday's debate, there is an important
policy debate going on within the Gov-
ernment. Senator ROBERT F. KENNEDY
did the Nation a great service when he
focused attention on one of the key ques-
tions. Are we willing to engage in ne-
gotiations which may lead to a coalition
regime--either before or after the elec-
tions-in Vietnam? If the concept of
shared power is rejected out of hand,
Hanoi may remain intransigent about
negotiating.. If we have any real in-
terest in negotiations, then we must be
prepared to look ahead and to consider
what those negotiations may produce.
Mr. Speaker, I have a further reason
for supporting my colleagues proposal.
It points the direction in which our
thinking about foreign policy should be
leading us. We should, as he suggests,
call upon scholars, and on diplomats
from other countries, in trying to formu-
late foreign policy. Moreover, we should
be looking to the future.
Too often this Nation's foreign policy
has b ,en responsive rather than compre-
hensive. We formulate policies to match
crises. But we do not look eo the future,
or plan for the future.
In no area of the world has our think-
ing been more myopic than; in the Far
East,
Because of a lack of comprehensive un-
derstanding and planning we are in-
volved, in difficult dilemma: in the Far
East which often adversely affect the
achievement of our goals elsewhere in the
world.
The study proposed today should help
lead to a reappraisal of our Par Eastern
policy and our approach to China which
is the key to peace in Asia. In the long
term a settlement in Vietnam will de-
pend L.pori a viable, creative Far Eastern
policy.
Senator FuLBRIGr'_T sugge ted yester-
day that we think in terms of a neutral-
ized southeast Asia. President Johnson
reiterated yesterday proposals for huge
projects of economic development such as
the Mekong Delta project.
Two years ago, on .June 10. 1964, I sug-
gested in a speech on the floor of the
House that the administration consider a
regional plan for southeast Asia. On
that occasion I said:
A prcposal to include North and South
Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, and pr,ssibly Thai-
land in a regional agreement should be ex-
plored. Such an agreement world prohibit
the signatory countries from joining any
military alliances or attempting to overthrow
the governments of the other parties to the
agreement by subversion or direct aggression.
A provir.ion for resumption of :rode might
accompany such an agreement.
Mr. Speaker, now, more than ever be-
fore, there is an urgent need for fresh
thinking and new initiatives. Scholars,
foreign diplomats, businessmen, and
economists should be called upon to help
formulate them. The influence of their
studies sh iuld stimulate a release of
creative energy within. the bowels of the
Department of State.
Once again, I commend our colleague
from New York for his important con-
tribution to the dialog on Viet zam.
Mr. BINGHAM. Mr. Speaker, I thank
my colleague from New York [Mr. RYAN]
for his comments and for his contribu-
tion to the dialog and to the debate.
VIE1I NAP S/IE E NEGOTIA.1 IONS
The SPEAKER pro temport Under
previous order of the House, the gentle-
man from Wyoming [Mr. RONCALIOI, is
recognized for 15 minutes.
Mr. RONCALIO. Mr. Speaker, there
is a great deal of discussion ,presently
concerning negotiations over the Viet-
namese war. Several proposals, includ-
ing one made by the Soviet Union, have
suggested that the Geneva Agreements
of 1954 serve as a starting point for any
future negotiations. In light of these
proposals and in view of the need for de-
termining the position of the United
States toward producing a political set-
tlement in Vietnam, it is essential that
we review what actually happened at
Geneva and what effects these decisions
had, in order that we may learn from the
mistakes and triumphs of the past.
TIlE GENEVA AGRISEMENTS
On May 8, 1954, the day after the col-
lapse of the French garrison at Dienbien-
phu, delegates from the United States,
Great Britain, France, the Soviet Union,
Communist China, North Vietnam,
South Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos,
met at Geneva. The Geneva agreements
can be broken into four parts:
First. The Vietnamese armistice was
signed by the commander in chief of the
French Union forces in Indochina and
the North Vietnamese delegates. Viet-
nam was partitioned at the 17th parallel.
To assemble their forces for evacuation,
the Vietminh were allocated southern
areas which they controlled in the Plaine
des Jones, the swamps around Point Ca
Mau, and the central Provinces of Quang
Ngai and Binh Dinh. Both parties
agreed not to bring in reinforcements or
war materials. Maintenance of military
bases by a foreign power and participa-
tion in military alliances were pro-
hibited.
Second. The Cambodian armistice was
signed by a representative of Prince
Sihanouk of Cambodia, the commander
in chief of the Cambodian national
forces, and the Vietminh Vice. Minister
of Defense. Troops which had entered
Cambodia from the outside, and all for-
eign elements in military formations or
holding supervisory functions in polit-
ical. military, administrative, economic,
financial, and social bodies in liaison
with the Vietminh military units, were
to leave the country within 90 days.
Local resistance forces were to be de-
mobilized on the spot and integrated into
the national community.
Third. The agreement in Laos was
signed by a representative of the com-
mander in chief of French Union forces
and by the Vietminh Vice Minister of
National Defense. Pathet Lao units were
to move into the Provinces of Phong Saly
and Sam Neua. The Laotian Govern-
ment was to provide for special repre-
sentation of these Provinces in the royal
administration.
Supervision of these three agreements
was entrusted to three International Su-
pervisory Commissions (ISC) composed
of representatives from India. Canada,
and Poland. Among other duties, they
were to prevent the entry of reinforce-
ments and war materials.
Fourth. The Geneva Conference is-
sued a final declaration calling for elec-
tions under international supervision
throughout Vietnam in July 1956.
TUE UNITED STATES AND S017TIl VIETNAM
Neither the United States nor South
Vietnam signed any of these four agree-
ments. Secretary of State John Foster
Dulles had adviser' against the negotia-
tions, feeling it would be disastrous for
the French to negotiate while they were
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in a very weak military position. Secre-
tary Dulles believed that partitioning
Vietnam would provide only a respite and
would not lead the Communists to aban-
don their plans to dominate southeast
Asia.
Before the Geneva Conference began,
officials of the Saigon government
warned that they would not accept agree-
ments negotiated for them by the French.
Nevertheless, the French completely by-
passed the Vietnamese delegation to deal
alone with the Communists.
EFFECTS OF THE GENEVA AGREEMENTS
The Geneva agreements never estab-
lished the situation in South Vietnam.
Many Vietminh soldiers never were
evacuated from the south. The four
Vietminh assembly areas are ? the main
regions of Vietcong control today. At
the end of February 1955, it was esti-
mated that, with the exception of terri-
tory managed by religious sects, the Viet-
minh controlled 60 to 90 percent of the
villages in South Vietnam. The Saigon
government was to be responsible for the
execution of some of the cease-fire pro-
visions but it felt no obligation to com-
ply, since it had dissociated itself from
the agreements.
In North Vietnam, the ISC was unable
to prevent the illegal entry of war mate-
rial from China. Deliveries between
July 20 and November 1, 1954, allegedly
enabled the Vietminh to treble the num-
ber of their heavy units.
The agreements worked hardships
upon North Vietnam, as well. Under the
armistice terms the north was deprived
of its traditional rice supply from the
southern surplus. By January 1955, the
food situation was so critical that rice
had to, be rationed. The previous year,
President Ho Chi Minh had declared that
the North Vietnamese foreign policy
would be devoted to bridging the gap be-
tween China and the West. But the in-
ability of France to provide assistance,
the refusal of South Vietnam to trade,
and the U.S. strategic embargo forced the
abandonment of this policy. Instead, the
Hanoi government became dependent
upon economic aid from the Communist
bloc.
In Laos, the Pathet Lao established
control over their regroupment areas,
demanding autonomy for these Prov-
inces. In early 1955, fighting broke out
again between Royal and Pathet Lao
troops, despite efforts of the ISC to settle
the arguments. The failure of the Ge-
neva agreements to produce a settle-
ment in Laos is best shown by the fact
that it became necessary to convene a
Geneva Conference on Laos in 1962.
Only in Cambodia were the Geneva
agreements significant in producing a
political settlement. The Cambodians
had been allowed to negotiate their own
armistice, rather than having it done by
the French, as in Laos and South Viet-
nam. Foreign troops were not regrouped
within Cambodia, as they had been with-
in Vietnam and Laos. As a result, the
armed bands were rapidly dispersed and
the Cambodian Government has re-
mained relatively stable to this day.
IMPLICATIONS FOR FUTURE NEGOTIATIONS
The lessons of Geneva have important
implications for any future negotiations
on Indochina. One of the reasons why
the Geneva agreements failed was that
they were negotiated primarily by
France and China. The viewpoints of
the Vietnamese and Laotians were dis-
regarded and the final agreements did
not reflect their best interests.
As a consequence, they felt no obli-
gation to adhere to the provisions. In
any future negotiations, the Indochinese
delegates must be allowed to play a major
role, without the terms being dictated
to them by the great powers. The Cam-
bodian experience shows that a satis-
factory settlement can be reached only
if priority is given to the interests of the
indigenous states.
The success in Cambodia also demon-
strates that the Vietcong must not be
allocated regroupment areas within
South Vietnam, but regular units must
be evacuated forthwith to North Viet-
nam; irregulars should be disarmed im-
mediately and integrated into the
national community.
THE NLF QUESTION
This procedure will be facilitated if the
National Liberation Front is not accord-
ed recognition as an autonomous group,
although President Johnson has indi-
cated that they may attend the confer-
ence as guests of the North Vietnamese.
Disarmament and reintegration were
simplified in Cambodia since the Cam-
bodians refused to ,accord recognition to
the Khmer resistance forces. This pre-
vents the resistance groups from claim-
ing that they are entitled to a particular
part of the national territory or to spe-
cial representation within the gov-
ernment.
Provisions designed to prohibit the in-
troduction of war materials are unre-
alistic because of the geographical
proximity of North Vietnam to China
and the difficult terrain in this region,
which make it impossible to enforce such
provisions. The successful partitioning
of Korea demonstrates that it is not nec-
essary for the two sections to be dis-
armed in order to achieve a political
settlement. As Prof. Hans Morgen-
thau stated in Politics Among Nations:
Men do not fight because they have arms.
They have arms because they deem it neces-
sary to fight. Take away their arms, and
they will either fight with their bare fists
or get themselves new arms with which to
fight. What makes for war are the condi-
tions in the minds of men which make war
appear the lesser of two evils. In those con-
ditions must be sought the disease of which
the desire for, and possession of, arms is but
a symptom.
Any realistic settlement must concen-
trate on these fundamental causes of
War, not on its symptoms.
One of the fundamental causes of the
present Vietnamese conflict is that North
Vietnam is not a viable economic unit;
thus, it has been forced into a position of
economic dependence upon its tradi-
tional enemy, China. The North Viet-
namese fear of Chinese domination pro-
vides a powerful motivation to their
drive to gain independent strength by
conquering the south. Any lasting set-
tlement will have to take account of the
North Vietnamese economy by allowing
for trade between the agrarian south
and the industrial north. At Geneva,
the North Vietnamese pleaded for the
establishment of two economically self -
suffrcient units, but its wishes were re-
jected by the French and Chinese dele-
gates who did the actual bargaining.
This mistake must not be made again, for
North Vietnam would rather fight than
become a Chinese vassal.
Any future negotiations cannot be
limited to the problems of Vietnam. It
is essential that the following parties, at
the least, be represented: the United
States, China, North Vietnam, South
Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, and Thailand.
Thailand was not present at Geneva.
Yet the bulk of the Lao people live in
Thailand. Prof. D. E. Kennedy believes
that Thailand fears a Viet-Lao combina-
tion more than she fears China. As the
Laotian problem cannot be solved with-
out Thailand's participation, so there
will never be peace in Laos until the
Vietnamese conflict is resolved. Ho Chi
Minh Trail, the main Vietcong supply
line from the north, runs through Laos.
The problems of these five Indochinese
states are interrelated and must be con-
sidered together.
The participants at future negotiations
must provide ways of handling any ref-
ugee problems which result from bound-
ary changes. The Geneva partition of
Vietnam caused the flight of nearly 1
million refugees from the north to the
south, whereas only about 30,000 had
been expected. The north was deprived
of a substantial part of its labor supply.
The results in the south were haphaz-
ardly constructed villages and friction
between the traditional population and
the refugees. The refugee problem con-
tinues to be a source of instability.
The United States must not relinquish
the right to continue economic and tech-
nical assistance for the South Vietnam-
ese Government. The Geneva agree-
ments failed to make any attempt at
solving the disruptive social and eco-
nomic problems of Vietnam. Before sta-
bility can be achieved in South Vietnam,
steps will have to be taken toward inte-
grating highlanders, religious sects, and
overseas ? Chinese into the national com-
munity. The United States must be al-
lowed to continue assisting the South
Vietnamese in this task, as we have aided
the South Koreans.
Finally; the parties to future negotia-
tions must have every intention of en-
forcing their agreements.
In retrospect, it appears that the West-
ern powers were not really serious about
conducting the Vietnamese national elec-
tions in 1956 but agreed to this provision
merely to placate the Communists. It is
doubtful that elections would have sta-
bilized the situation, given the cultural
differences and traditional discord be-
tween North and South Vietnam, and the
enmity between the Vietnamese and their
neighbors, which would only be aggra-
vated'by a united Vietnam.
But, by agreeing to hold national elec-
tions without ensuring effective action
toward this end, the Geneva signatories
may have undermined whatever faith the
Chinese and North Vietnamese had in
peaceful bargaining, thus making it more
difficult to achieve a settlement today.
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CONGRESSIONAI, RECORD - HOUSE March N, 1966
The Geneva agreements were more sig -
nificant in producing a victor's peace
than a political settlement. Thus, they
are valuable. not as a basis for future
negotiations, but as a remainder, along
with the Versailles Treaty, that peace
conferences can do more harm than good
unless they deal with the fundamental
conflicts of interest.
TRADE WINDS
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under
previous order of the House, the gentle-
man from West Virginia [Mr. STACCERSI
is recognized for 10 minutes.
Mr. STAGGERS. Mr. Speaker, not
many references are made to trade winds
in the public press these days. Many of
its have forgotten what they are. Yet if
they were nonexistent, the Western
world of the Americas might not have
been discovered for hundreds of years.
In which case the farms and factories
and cities of the United States might still
be a wilderness waste, and the military
might and the productive capacity and
the vast philanthropy of this Nation
would still be a dream of mankind. Not
that the United States invented any of
these things, in a literal sense. But she
has been a foremost exponent of them,
and without her existence, the world
would be a different place.
The trade winds, of course, are those
air currents which move consistently
from the Old World toward the New in
the general latitudes of the Tropics of
Capricorn and Cancer, respectively.
lay after day they blow in a fixed direc-
tion and at constant speed. The voyager
in his sailing ship could depend on them
with as, much confidence as he depended
on the movement of the sun. Columbus
knew about them and used them for his
westward quest.
It is doubtful that he would ever have
bucked the prevailing westerlies. And
if he had, success would have been even
more doubtful. The latitudes in which
the trade winds were prevalent also ac-
count for the head start of the Spaniards
and Portugese in the exploration and
settlement of the New World. To the
sailing vessels of four or five centuries
ago, the trade winds spelled the differ-
ence between a reasonable gamble and a
foolhardy enterprise.
Today's mariner on the sea of politics,
or the sea of business, or the sea of social
change, longs in vain for some trade
winds on which he could rely. If only
there were some trends which were de-
pendably constant, he could set his
course upon his guiding star and lie down
to sleep in peace upon the deep. Instead
he finds his bark caught in the grip of
the prevailing westerlies which clip and
swirl and change with every passing
second. He must adjust and readjust
Both his rudder and his sail to meet a
new set of conditions which will only
give way immediately to a still newer set
of conditions. Assurance there is none.
+'he public, too, wants to be assured.
Never in all history have so many been
so anxiously concerned over what to-
morrow may bring forth. They want to
know if the weather will be favorable,
if their business ventures will prove suc-
cessful, if inflation has at last set in, if
taxes arc going up or down, if the war in
Vietnam is going to be escalated, if we
are on the verge of conflict with China-
everything. They have been deluged
with so much conflicting opinion on
every subject that they are no longer
able to sift out the true from the false,
the reasonable from the unreasonable,
the probable from the possible. So they
turn to authority-with a capital A-
for the answers. The will to believe is
overwhelming; but the capacity to be-
lieve may be something else.
In the midst of confusion, the idea
seems to have gained credence that if
only the right people would take a posi-
tive stand on important issues and hold
firmly to that position, events would ad-
just themselves to desires. Public of-
ficials, in particular, are importuned to
state clearly and categorically precisely
what they will do under given conditions.
The general trend of public policy
must undoubtedly be reasonably clear to
those who are responsible for that policy.
But a general trend is not sufficient to
determine detailed action in the swirling
rush of actual events. Only a part of
the total outcome of what is done in a
specific situation is under the control of
any one official. Other factors enter the
picture and have their effect on the final
result. So in practice the skilled and
intelligent navigator may find it expedi-
ent to sail south when he wants to go
east.. But just how this conforms to set
policy may not be easy to demonstrate.
Admitting, then. the occasional-per-
haps even the frequent-necessity to ap-
proach one's objective obliquely rather
than directly, it is possible to set up con-
stants in intention and in conduct on
which the observer may rely. These con-
stants are necessarily confirmed by ex-
perience. The electorate soon learns
whether or not the elected official's ac-
tions conform to his words. Until he
deludes them with specious promises,
they are justified in believing that he
holds true to the constants which he has
asserted.
It seems desirable that the official
should from time to time put into words
the constants to which he pledges him-
self, not only for the purpose of assuring
those froth whom he asks votes, but for
his own guidance in times of stress. For
the winds of change are indeed tricky,
and that which is foul easily takes on the
semblance of the fair. The official may
lose his course if he does not keep the
chart constantly before him.
The conscientious legislator may be
expected to commit himself to his con-
stitutional duty of promoting the legiti-
mate interests of all the peo ,'.e of his
district to the best of his abi:ity. The
commitr:rent loses its value as a guide
to cond'ict when personal interest be-
comes involved in public interest. The
public has a right to deplore such in-
volvement, and to look with some dis-
trust on the official whose involvement
becomes evident.
No cause is of more importance to this
Nation--and, to all the nations of the
world-than the reestablishment of the
reign of peace, external and internal.
Violence, organized and unor?:anized, is
the generating phase of a vicious cycle.
Violence steps the production of eco-
nomic goods on which well-being de-
pends. Scarcity of goods produces priva-
tion and suffering, and these lead to ten-
sion and disorder, which in turn ends in
more violence. A cessation of wars and
tumults would permit men to devote
their energies to constructive pursuits.
The value to the United States of world-
wide peace would have to be measured
in billions of dollars, not to count the
anxieties and human casualties exacted
by war. No other enterprise that we
have ever contemplated would cost as
much as wars are now costing.
And yet it is an axiom derived from
experience that peace is never the lot of
the weak and submissive. The meek may
eventually inherit the earth, but not in
the age of the aggressor. We have never
accepted the role of the aggressor. Much
less have we been inclined to bow before
him. While we search for practical
routes to peace, the arts and sciences
of this so humane and gracious a civiliza-
tion, this way of life that has brought so
much good to the world, must be kept
secure under the protection of over-
whelming military security.
In all times and places, organized
society has consistently acknowledged its
dependence on religion. A recent writer
traces the slow development of demo-
cratic forms of government. A descrip-
tion of this development may be found
in the writings of political thinkers. It
is noted that: "The ancient writers may
often have been uncertain about the
gods, but they were not disposed to deny
the divine authority over human society."
As sophisticated reasoning was applied
to political organization, the concept
emerged that government was a compact
between the rulers and the ruled, which
compact could demand consistent obedi-
ence only when it was recognized as a
sacred covenant of ruler and people in-
volving a covenant of both with God. As
fully democratic governments became
the usual order in Western Europe, only
a few attempts to dissociate religion from
government are to be found, and the
effort has never been completely
successful, even in a Russia which
professes atheism. Our own democracy
was founded in an atmosphere of
religion. Throughout it history our con-
spicuous leaders have "asserted in dif-
ferent accents a religious motivation in
political ethics."
It does not seem to me inapl:ropriate,
therefore, for a, modern-day Congress-
man to make a "new affirmation of moral
and religious values in politics." This is
not a time to reject the experience of the
ages and assume that the Maker and
Ruler of the universe is no longer inter-
ested in the affairs of men. There is
still a distinction between right and
wrong, and "righteousness exalteth a
nation." Our ability to see the right is
proportioned to our will to see it, and
those that seek God diligently shall find
Him.
Two related constants remain for
verbal expression.
Instant preparations of all kind flood
the commodity market. We have in-
stant coffee and instant potatoes, and so
on indefinitely. It may not be incon-
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March 2, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPERM, A1099
been fully advised of his rights and given full at all times, and under all circumstances." A law-abiding policeman need never fear
m
complaints;
oportunit to assert
orale tended for all, poor and those as rights-rights as suer is Kaisar has aptly said: should 'gi e the hpoor lowered byvthe airing of citizen should
rich or intelligent. What I would not do is and ignorant so many points because they rather he ought to be encouraged by the in-
rely on the police to provide that full advice. are poor and ignorant; but whether, because creased community respect which can be ex-
As a substitute for the advice of counsel, they suffer from these deficiencies, we should pected when the public sees that the police
the proposal would establish elaborate pro- deprive them of rights and privileges. * * *" are required to obey the law. A society whose
visions for warnings by the police. But these The poor are also the ignorant. If ignorance citizens have rights must enforce these rights.
are illusory protections. As Justice Black precludes one from exercising his rights, then Civilian review should not be denied for
said in Von Molke v. Grilles, "The Constitu- for practical purposes he has no rights. As fear that it would require the police to oper-
tion does not contemplate that prisoners Justice Goldberg said in Escobcdo, "We ate within constitutional limits.
shall be dependent upon Government agents have * * * learned the * * * lesson of his- The Civil Liberties Union has played and
for legal counsel and aid, however conscien- tory that no system of criminal justice can, has still to play an important role in pro-
tious and able those agents may be. Un- or should, survive if it comes to depend for tecting constitutional rights. You may well
divided allegiance and faithful, devoted serv- its continued effectiveness on the citizens' make it a part of your task to remind people
ice to a client are prized traditions of the abdication through unawareness of their that hopes for simple solutions of the crime
American lawyer. It is this kind of service constitutional rights." problem are illusory and that, as Deputy
for which the sixth amendment makes pro- I suspect that such proposals do not stem Attorney General Ramsey Clark said last
vision." from any particular desire to discriminate summer: "[C]ourt rules do not cause crime.
Denial of counsel In the interrogation room against the poor. Rather, they may only People do not commit crime because they
poignantly illustrates the impact of many of reflect an opinion that our society can "live know they cannot be questioned by police
these proposals on the poor. The Attorney with" certain constitutional rights and priv- before presentment, or even because they
General recently said on TV that "our his- ileges only if enough of its members fail to feel they will not be convicted. * * * In the
torical concern with rights of defendants assert them. The effect of many proposals long run, only the elimination of the causes
* * * [has] been concerned with protecting would be to institutionalize the inability of of crime can make a significant and lasting
the innocent, largely, and to some extent with the poor and the ignorant to benefit from difference in the incidence of crime." He
forbidding police practices which simply was their rights vis-a-vis the police. The issue also said, "Society can be protected without
[sic] felt were wrong in a civilized society." really comes down to whether we should impairing the rights of the individual, In-
But, said the Attorney General, "the focus further whittle away the constitutional pro- deed it cannot be protected if those rights
has suddenly changed in this debate from tections of the very people who need them are impaired. The task is to boldly attack
protecting the innocent to an argument of most-the people who are too ignorant, too the causes of crime." We hope he convinces
equality that says whatever the rich de- poor, too ill educated to defend themselves. his as ociates soon.
fendant has the poor defendant should have, But the proposals I have discussed have
and there's been rather a tendency to forget not been presented in this light. They have
about whether there's innocence or guilt been presented as mere extensions of legiti-
involved." mate law enforcement techniques made net- Marine's Reaction to Vietcong Partlcl-
I would remind the Attorney General of essary by the crime crisis. The danger is
the presumption of innocence; when the that the segment of the public raising the potion in Peace Talks
police are questioning a suspect, we don't hue and cry about crime is beginning to sup-
know "whether there's innocence or guilt port these proposals and may succeed in fore- EXTENSION OF REMARKS
involved" It is to answer that question ing their adoption.
that we have trials. We don't arrest people More stringent enforcement of laws and or
we think are innocent, but we don't decide more severe treatment of offenders have the HON. SAMUEL L. DEVINE
upon arresting a man that he is guilty. superficial attractiveness of a simple answer
Moreover, I would willingly argue that one to a troubling problem. Since the vocal or OHIO
of the practices that are simply "wrong in a members of the public are generally those IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
civilized society" is discrimination between who, in Professor Amsterdam's words, March 2, 1966
rich and poor in the administration of crim- 'imagine themselves always as potential Wednesday,
inal justice. The Bill of Rights was not de- victims of crime, never as potential victims DMr. Speaker, recently
received DEVINE.
signed solely to promote efficiency-convic- of police investigation," they think any loss Mr.
a fine letter from a constituent
tion of the guilty and acquittal of the of rights is unlikely to affect them. They I
innocent. It was designed also to protect are probably correct, at least to begin with. who is now serving in the U.S. Marines.
other values unrelated to, and sometimes in- When we talk about arrests for investiga- Although I have decided to protect his
consistent with, more efficiency-such as tion, lengthy police interrogation before ar- identity, his message is certainly worthy
privacy, decency; and equality. raignment, and the like, we are not talking of serious Consideration by all Members
We need to clarify what we mean by equal- about things that happen to you or me, of Congress, particularly those serving
ity for the poor in the criminal process. We don't get arrested without probable in the U.S. Senate.
We do not mean "equality of outcome." We cause and interrogated without counsel, be- The letter which follows is commended
ask only equal availability of all constitu- cause, to put it plainly, we don't "look" as
tional safeguards such as the privilege if we would commit acts of violence and we to the attention of all Members:
against self-incrimination, the presumption do look as if it might not pay to trifle with FEBRUARY 19, 1966.
of innocence, the right not to be arrested our rights. Nor do we live in neighborhoods Hon. SAM DEVINE,
without probable cause-and the right to where the police make "dragnet" or whole- U.S. House of Representatives,
counsel. sale arrests. Most of the people who do Washington, D.C.
The Attorney General seems to divide suffer such abuses are poor. DEAR SIR: I was in your office last summer
these constitutional safeguards into two Often the police are the only part of while in Washington (deleted) and we talked
categories-those which protect the inno- government they ever see. Their persistent for several minutes about our Government's
cent, and those which preserve other values complaints of police brutality, whatever position in Vietnam. Pursuant to that, I
not necessarily related to guilt or innocence, their factual basis, prove that the police have enlisted in the Marine Corps and am
such as the privilege against self-incrimina- and consequently the government have a now stationed here at Camp Lejeune under-
tion and the privacy protections of the deplorable image among the poor. going advanced infantry training.
fourth amendment. He would allow the The debate over civilian review of tom- Tociay I read the enclosed article from the
sort of constitutional first safeguards are safeguards. important plaints But laints against the police is similar, in many Sunday Star concerning the comments. of
and thithey are--every member ber of f our ways, to the debate over providing counsel at Senator ROBERT KENNEDY. In 1 day this arti-
aI think ur
society should have the benefit of all of the police station. Just as opponents of cle has become a major issue here. It is for
them. the right to counsel seem to be saying that this reason that I am writing this letter.
We have had other crises. And there have our society can "live with" the privilege There are several thousand marines in
been efforts to curb our liberties in response against self-incrimination only if most sus- training here; many with wives and children,
to those crises. But as the Supreme Court pects are denied the information necessary some away from home for the first time; all
said, in the context of a domestic crisis far to use it, opponents of civilian review seem soon to be heading in the same direction:
worse than any we confront today: "These to be saying that' we can "'live with" the Vietnam. They left their individualism at
great and good men (who drafted the Con- limitations imposed on the police by the Parris Island and became an integral part
stitution) foresaw that troubled times would Constitution only if no outside agency of a strong fighting team-coated with
arise, when rules and people would become checks to see whether they are observed, honor, pride, and bravery. All are aware of
restive under restraint, and seek by sharp This recalls the saying in the 1920's: "Pro- the job to be done-why it must be done and
and decisive measures to accomplish ends hibition is better than no liquor." Prohibi- we are now learning how to do it. The high
deemed just and proper. * * * The Con- tion of unconstitutional police action must temper of the spirit among the marines is
stitution * * * is a law for rulers and peo- actually prohibit. Respect for law can be surpassed only by their willingness to refund
ple, equally in war and peace, and covers with engendered in the people with whom the our coveted liberties and freedoms anytime,
the shield of its protection all classes of men, police deal only if the police obey the law. anywhere, against any enemy.
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CONGRESS TONAL RECORD --- APPENDIX March 2, 1,966
Now we have a prominent U.S. Senator ask-
1n; for a coalition government with the
C ainmunists. recognizing the National Lib-
11,1011 Front. The big question here is,
liv? Why must we fight and sometimes die
In Vietnam and then turn around and give
t;in.n any part in the formation of a gov-
r!r invent? If we negotiate on those terms
,ic w, it will only be a matter of time before
iii.:;tory will surely repeat itself in some other
country either in southeast Asia or another
hot spot in the world. Then the marines
along with the other services will again be
called on to defend our commitments. Why
cra.n't we stop the Communists now, instead
of playing hide and seek among the rice
paddies?
1, along with any of my fellow marines,
would be ready at a moments notice to lay
our lives an the line for our country, not
because it is the honorable thing to do, but
out of sincere love of country, pride, and our
dc:;ire to maintain those freedoms that our
forefathers have so bravely fought and died
to preserve. Now we ask you, why must we
bow to the "red line" in Vietnam, and corn-
mit ourselves to a, coalition government
which would certainly not serve the interests
of the South Vietnamese people, and would
certainly be short of our pledge to them that
President Johnson has so often stated.
Thank you for your time in this matter. I
am looking forward to hearing from you
soon-
C'AMs' T,sism:UNE, S.C.
Let Us Stand Up and Be Counted for
Sanity
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. H. R. GROSS
OF IOWA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESTINTA'I'IVES
Wednesday, March 2, 1966
Mr. GROSS. Mr. Speaker, I recently
received from a constituent, Miss Aldora
Babcock, of Waverly, Iowa, a most in-
teresting letter in opposition to present
U.S. policy toward the friendly Govern-
in.ent of Rhodesia. She speaks from ex-
perience, having spent time in Rhodesia.
In conclusion she says:
Our position In Africa needs Rhodesia;
our interests are clearly on the side of the
Ian Smith government. Let us stand up
and be counted for sanity.
I agree, and I commend her letter to
the attention of my colleagues::
WAVERLY, IOWA,
February 6, 1966.
Congressman H. R. Gaoss,
Rayburn House Office Building,
Washington. D.C.
DcAR SIR: It comes with sickening sense
to see how the western powers, whether
through ineptitude or by conscious design,
are taking the first steps-by the economic:
sanctions they have imposed against Rho-
desia--to throw that ruggedly realist little
country to the wolves- That our U.S. State
Department should take no more knowledge-
able a line than to join in the "kill" with
the British Labor Government is the most
nauseating pang of all.
Our policy, as it stands, is an affront to
an intelligent, humane, and responsible peo-
ple who, out of background, are naturally
like-minded allies with us; for they are a
people who are similarly Western oriented
ra their outlook, cherish the same Anglo-
daxon heritage of free, self-governing insti-
Wnose ideological position in today's cold-
war-dominated world is the sauce as ours.
I have been to Rhodesia and I know some-
thing about the aggressively realistic, self-
reliant, and proud spirit of this modern-
day, 20th-century state in the heartland of
onetime darkest Africa. In the high
standard: of living achieved and the almost
breathta king technological advance regis-
tered (here are gleaming skylines of mod-
erntstically styled concrete and glass sky-
scrapers, department stores sucked with
an ama2ing array of up-to-the-minute con-
sumers goods, hydroelectric development
projects transforming the countyside-and
all this brilliant success storf achieved,
moreover, in the space of less than three-
quarters of a century); the Rhodesians have
clone the incredible.
And what :is it but white settler initiative
and know-hcw and white capita.; that have
spurred this march of progress and built up
this modern-minded democratic society and
forward-moving economy? While one would
hardly claim that the initial motivations
that impelled that first pioneer c.,lumn were
anything much other than an alert self-
interest, it was as such, one coo say, and
according to those times, an 'nlightened
self-interest, a rugged individualism that
was to shape a way of life that w,s to benefit
all classes and lift theca-and this includes
the native peoples as well-to progressively
higher levels of well-being. Indeed, here
in the central. African bush, Rhodesia today
stands out as a solid little enclave of
modern civilization and the rule of law in
what is otherwise the wider frame of in-
digenous backwardness; and chaotic turbu-
lence.
Americans, at least, should be impressed
by the Rhodesian achievement, for Rhodesia's
history closely parallels our own American
epic. Here, too, rugged pioneers, by dint of
hard work and sound principles have tamed
and Settled a wild land and built, up a so-
ciety whose constitutional framework pro-
vides potential recognition of equal rights
and opportunities for all its multiracial peo-
ples. That the blacks of Rhodesia are not
being "victirni:zed by a white minority," as
the Afro-.Asians and the world's sympathiz-
ing "bleeding hearts" are screaming, is dem-
onstrated by the fact that the Rhodesian
black nationalist leadership acted at the
time to endorse the new liberal constitution
of 1961-its deferred enfranchisement time-
table and all.
Inched, the African;; in Rhodesia were
known to be a satisfied people until outside
pressures were brought to bear and the Com-
munist-oriented black revolutionary move-
ment began spreading its venom and stirring
up racial hatred. In their native townships,
their housing was good; social services en-
compassed need of every kind; education and
economic advancement were made available,
as much as was budgetarily practicable what
with a backward people that multiplies like
rabbits; the able and aspiring found helpful
encouragement.
The Rhodesian black is not "unconscion-
ably exploited," whatever the misguided lib-
erals and moralists who pretend their hearts
bleed for the "poor, repressed African," have
been lballylaooi.ng. And that this is the case
has been confirmed again in th.' current
Rhodesian crisis by the refusal of the blacks
to strike and rebel, though there has been
plenty of outside pressure. They have re-
mained loyal to the government.
Self-respecting, of high intelligence but-
tressed by fine humane instincts and Chris-
tian conscience, the white Rhodesians are
also, one must add, a people who are prac-
tically and forthrightly realist in their
politics. They are not afraid to call a spade
a spade. Those flaming battle cries of the
liberals-"self-deternii.na fton," "oiiie man
one vote," "majority rule"---and all the other
pious pronouncements-they are honest
enough to lose no time in debunking for the
disarming speciousness and false idealism
they represent. They know them to be un-
attainable ideals in the black people's pres-
ent state of advance, and an experiment of
dangerous precariousness if implemented in
the present posture of the world.
And are they not right? Who profits if
black majority rule comes too soon and, by
reason of being too premature, floraiders into
chaos and collapse and Rhodesia becomes
another of the world's trouble spots for the
East and West, in their desperate cold-war
confrontation, to contend over and try to
bail out? The Rhodesians are not a Bourbon
dynasty clinging to a vanished order of
things. Theirs will be an actively function-
ing multiracial-based state ultimately, but
with the transition to majority control
geared to a slower, more conservative tempo--
all to the end that a hard-won civilization
will not face needless exposure to the wanton
forces of disorder and demoralization now
unleashed in the world. Is not here the
counsel of commonsense?
That Rhodesia is the keystone to the West's
position in Africa Is not an oven; tatement.
As Rhodesia goes, so goes all of Africa. If
the leftist attack on Rhodesia succeeds, the
black revolution will next turn to Portuguese
colonial Africa, and then to South Africa,
until the whole structure that European
colonialism built up in Africa will have
toppled irretrievably. Africa will be lost to
the West and with all that that means in
access to its resources, strategic bases, and
shipping lanes still open.
A moment of truth, therefore, faces Amer-
ica, for even now the black commonwealth
nations are planning more extreme measures
against Rhodesia even to an Invasion of the
country, which, while it will hardly succeed,
is bound to force Prime Minister Wilson's
hand in the Machiavellian role he is play-
ing-trying to walk the tightrope between
a pro-Rhodesian British electorate and the
Afro-Asian pressure bloc. Timely and deci-
sive action by the American Government
could do something to arrest the desperately
descending spiral.
Therefore, I hope that Congress, under its
delegated power "to regulate commerce with
foreign nations," will take the initiative in
this session to remove the trade embargo
the Johnson administration has imposed
against this robust, objectively realist little
country that stands on its own feet and asks
no handouts of anybody. I hope, further,
that it will restate and give vitality to an-
other long-time American principle-non-
interference in the internal affairs of another
state-to the end that Rhodesia will be left
alone to solve its own problems and to work
out the slower transition of its backward
peoples to full citizenship that It believes
to be right, unhampered by punitive inter-
national action.
Our position in Africa needs Rhodesia; our
interests are clearly on the side of the Ian
Smith government. Let us stand up and be
counted for sanity,
Very truly yours,
Miss ALDORA BAscocK.
Dr. Bernard Braskamp
SPEECH
OF
HON. JAMES W. TRIMBLE
OF ARKANSAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 23, 1966
Mr. TRIMBLE. Mr. Speaker, Whcn
Dr. Braskamp, our beloved Chaplain,
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to help them out.
I insert the entire editorial
point in the RECORD:
THE DISAPPEARING HALVES
Miss Eva Adams, Director of the U.S. Mint,
has reported to a congressional committee
that 400 million of the Kennedy half dollars
have disappeared.
She said the public seems to be hoard-
ing these coins but she doesn't understand
why because, according to her, for many,
many years to come the coins will have no
special value-there are too many of them.
But we also note there has been a heavy
hoarding of the old half dollars, with Ben-
jamin Franklin's image on them. And ap-
parently a lot of the old-fashioned quar-
ters are being stashed away.
This leads to some observations, of which
Miss Adams surely is aware:
Americans can be quite sentimental about
some things. They are especially sentimental
about a popular young President who was
assassinated. His image is on those half
dollars.
Moreover, Government officials may preach
about the coins having no extra value in
years to come. They may be right. But we
suspect a great many Americans simply do
not believe this.
As a matter of fact, the half dollars now
being minted are only 40-percent silver, com-
pared to the 90-percent content in the old
ones. New quarters and the dimes soon to
be produced will be made of copper and
nickel.
In the marketplace, the new coins are
worth their stated values only because the
Government says so. But the old coins are
worth almost as much as their stated values
in silver. The principal reason for minting
the new coins was the shortage of silver.
Anyone who thinks Americans can't add
doesn't know them very well.
It has not been uncommon in the past
for many of us to hide away a few coins for
the grandchildren or great-grandchildren on
the theory they would have rare-coin values
by that time. Since we also are passing
along most of our national debt to grand-
children and great-grandchildren, some
Americans may have got the idea this is one
v
The Marines' Riverine Warfare Technique
in Vietnam
MARINES SEEK DOCTRINE FOR RIVERINE suggests, capable of high speeds, the Swifts
WARFARE presumably could be used to handle some
(By L. Edgar Prins) tasks on the rivers.
The naval high command, however, has
Gen. Wallace M. Greene, Jr., Commandant not fought for the river warfare mission. As
of the Marine Corps, is freshly returned from a matter of fact, except for a few energetic,
an inspection tour of Vietnam more con- relatively junior admirals, the Navy has
vinced than ever that the United States and shown precious little interest in it.
its allies must substantially improve their Greene, a leader in the effort to convince
ability to wage what he calls "riverine war- the Navy and the Defense Department of the
fare" if they are ever to pacify the country. opportunity to take a forward step by de-
What is "riverine (river) warfare," a term veloping an aspect of counterguerrilla war-
which is very likely to be more and more fare which has been long neglected, concedes
discussed? The Marines define it as war- that U.S. military doctrine with respect to
fare which encompasses, "all operations con- tactical operations on and along a river is in-
ducted in a river environment," including adequate. But he has done something about
"river navigation, crossing, defense and off en- it.
sive in a delta, security of and along a river, Recalling how a group of bright, young
patrolling and logistic support along a river field grade officers at the Marine Corps
route of communication." Schools in Quantico, Va., helped develop the
Anyone familar with the geography of Viet- landing force doctrine in the 1930's, a doc-
nam knows how vitally important, even trine which served as the underpinning for
dominating, are its waterways, the big our amphibious operations in World War II,
Mekong and Red River systems and the many the Commandant late last month fired off a
other smaller ones. As in virtually all under- new project directive to the coordinator, Ma-
developed countries, rivers are the principal rine Corps Landing Force Development Ac-
arteries of communication and commerce in tivities at Quantico, calling for creation of
a doctrine for the conduct of riverine war-
Vietnam.
The Marines know the importance of the fare.
inland waterways firsthand. All three en-
claves presently occupied by elements of the
3d Marine Amphibious-Force in Vietnam-
Da Nang, Chu Lai and Phu Bai-are located
in or near river delta areas.
PERFORMED HEROICALLY
Unhappily, too many miles of river and
adjacent territory in South Vietnam are in
the hands of the Communist Vietcong
guerrillas. In addition to exploiting these
arteries for military purposes, they tax the
peasants and farm folk for using them-often
taking a substantial amount of the food and
goods in transit as payment.
The Pentagon has given lipservice to the
idea of the importance of riverine 'warfare.
But neither the men, money, materials, or
brainpower has been devoted to the creation
and outfitting of forces which could seize con-
trol of these waterways so that they could
be used b our side for offensive operations
HAVE CROSSING DOCTRINE
Greene's directive put the problem this
way:
"What can be done to provide the 3rd
Marine Amphibious Force and others with
a doctrine for tactics, techniques, organiza-
and materials to continue operations in
tion
,
.the riverine environment which their am-
phibious landing has located them, without
degrading their capability to conduct am-
phibious operations?"
The coordinator won't have an easy time.
He will have to come up with answers con-
cerning the kinds of river craft and vehicles
which will be needed; the relationship be-
tween the weapons and vehicles; river charts
and reconnaissance methods; an evaluation
of riverine environment and marginal ter-
rain; a system for providing integrated mo-
bility and firepower and logistic support.Y
I
against the guerrillas and for spreading gov- If the coordinator can develop one for oper-
erilment authority to new areas of the ations along and on a river, it could be a
country. major contribution to a successful prosecu-
This is not to say that the allies have done tion of the war in Vietnam.
nothing. The South Vietnamese Navy has a And, if the future is as grim as the pres-
River Assault Group (RAG), which attempts ent, it might be needed in counterguerrilla
to keep some waterways open. It is a jury- operations in other parts of Asia and in
rigged outfit which, while some of its units Africa and Latin America, the underdevel-
and U.S. advisers have performed heroically, oped areas Communist China seeks to ex-
is not one to do much more than scratch the ploit in its grandiose strategic plan for en-
surface of the potential. The RAG is a de- circling the northern half of the world.
scendant of the old French Dinassaut (Divi-
sion Navale d'Assaut) concept to provide
armed transport and fire support along the
rivers of Indo-China.
NEW RIVER BOAT
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. SAMUEL S. STRATTON
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, March 2, 1966
Mr. STRATTON. Mr. Speaker, one of
the most interesting developments in the
fighting in Vietnam has been the em-
phasis on river warfare. The Marine
Corps, with its naval tradition, has placed
particular emphasis on this form of war-
fare. Because of the fairly far reaching
implications of this new development-
a throwback to procedures we knew more
clearly in the civil war. I believe my
colleagues will be interested in the fol-
lowing. article by a distinguished naval
expert, Mr. L. Edgar Prina, of the Wash-
ington Star, which appeared originally
in the Sunday Star of January 23, 1966.
The article follows:
The U.S. Navy is going to make a contribu-
tion to the river effort by complementing the
Vietnamese RAG with 120 new high-speed
patrol boh.ts. The first of these 31-foot,
diesel-powered craft are expected to be on
their way to Vietnam within the next several
weeks.
Armed with .30- and .50-caliber machine-
guns, the American-manned boats were built
strictly for patrol and not for assault or gun-
fire support missions. Their water-jet pro-
pulsion systems (they have no propellers)
will permit them to operate safely and speed-
ily even in shallow inlets and backwaters.
The Navy is also building a new gunboat,
the PGM-84 class, but it is to be used pri-
marily for coastal operations.
A smaller craft, called Swift, is already in
the war zone, but it, too, is engaged in coastal
surveillance, checking on Communist smug-
gling and infiltration. Six of them are sta-
tioned at Phu Quoc Island, in the Gulf of
Thailand. Fifty feet long and, as their name
Texas Senate Resolution 21
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. J. J. PICKLE
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, March 2, 1966
Mr. PICKLE. Mr. Speaker, today,
March 2, is Texas Independence Day. It
is an historic day for Texans as well as
men of liberty everywhere.
The same profound and intensive con-
cepts of democracy and liberty that
prompted the fathers of Texas to de-
clare the State's independence some 130
years ago brings forth this expression of
support for the Nation's efforts in oppos-
ing those who would deprive other people
of their rightful claim to independence.
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March 2, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX 111101
died the House lost another one of its in- Question. How is the premium to be paid? Answer. Diagnostic tests, including \-rays
spirations. It would be needless for me Answer: If a person who Is signed up is and laboratory tests, in addition to those
to say he was a devoted, able public sere- drawing a monthly social security, r:;ilroad offered by the basic plan; radiation therapy;
x111; because everybody knows that. ;retirement, or civil service retirement check, surgical dressings, splints, casts and so on;
Ile had that happy facility, whether the amount will be deducted automatically rental of such medical equipment as oxy-
ifrom the check. Otherwise, the persc ri will gen tents and wheelchairs; artificial 11nlbs,
You were in bed ill or on your feet feeling be billed by social security at regular inter- artificial eyes, braces.
6 ue, of making you feel better. He was vats.
truly one of God's great leaders. All of Question: Haw about artificial teeth?
Question. What other reasons do i)eople Answer. No. The plan won't pay for fadae
us will miss him much. give for refusing the insurance? teeth, hearing aids or eyeglasses.
Our deepest sympathy goes to his loved Answer. Many have said--and this i? gen- Question. Does it cover the full cent of
ones in this, their hour of great loss. erally a mistaken reason-that they don't the benefits?
Thirteen Million Sign for Insurance
want the supplementary insurance because Answer. No. First of all, the patient is
they already have such coverage either responsible for all services not covered by
through Blue Shied or Blue. Cross or a com- the plan-such as drugs and ordinary dental
mercial firm. bills. In addition, the patient is responsi-
Question. Bit will the "Blues" and coin- ble for the first $50 of medical e:cpene he
mereial comp nies contin
...,
h :.,.
_
ue
c
curs
HON. JOHN J. GILLIGAN
as onso
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, March 2, 1966
Mr. C'GILLIGAN- Mr. Speaker, I call
to the attention of my colleagues a recent
article on the supplementary insurance
provision of the Medicare Act designed
to cover doctor bills. It is written by
John Troan and appeared in the Febru-
ary 14 issue of the Cincinnati Post and
'l'imes Star. Mr. Troan interviewed
Social Security Commissioner Robert M.
Ball, and the questions and answers
provide some valuable and clear infor-
lnation About the voluntary insurance.
MEDICARE PICTIn lx: 13 MILLION SIGN FOR
I N:,URANCE
(13y John Troan)
WASHINGTON.-After months of foot
dragging, Americans are flocking to sign up
ior the bargain-rate medical insurance of-
fered by medicare..
Social Security Commissioner Robert M.
Ilall says about 13.5 million persons past
65 have now enrolled for this supplementary
insurance, designated chiefly to cover doctor
bills.
Iiy the end of the initial enrollment pe-
riod next month, Ball expects 80 to 90 per-
cent of the 19 million eligibles-between 15.2
million and 17.1 million persons to have
signed.
Following Is a question-answer interview
-'?-~ i~ . a ,1UDL -, moiia o1 Lnem nave
made it clear ,hey aren't, going to duplicate
for the aged what :medica.re offers, and most
are urging their policyholders to sign up.
Some already have announced they are roing
to change coverage once medicare begins.
Question. That's next July 1?
Answer. Yes. That's when all medicare
benefits except those pertaining to skilled
nursing homes go into effect. The nur.:iing-
home benefits will not be available until
January 1, 1967.
Question. Now medicare is divided into
two part -
ante?
Answer. It will pay 80 percent of the
remainder---80 percent of what's left after
the patient takes care of the noncovered
expenses and the $50 deductible.
Question. Will a doctor's full fee be fig ired
into this?
Answer. Medicare will pay up to 80 per-
cent of what is determined to be a "rea-
sonable charge," based on customary and
prevailing fees in the area. If a doctor bills
medicare directly, the "reasonable
must be his full charge If he bills th
e
pa-
Answer. That's right: Plan A, or basic tient, the doctor may charge anything he
hospital insurance, and plan B, or suiaple_ wishes but the patient will be reimbus"ed
mentary medical insurance, by medicare for no more than 80 percent
Question.. Plan A will- of the "reasonable charge."
Answer. In general, It will offer up to 90 Question. When should a person sign nip?
days of care in a, hospital for each spell of Answer. Those who were 65 before 3 in-
Illness, with the patient paying the first $40 nary 1, 1966, must sign up before the end
plus $10 for each day after the first 60. It of the first enrollment period March 31,
also will offer home-health benefits-in a Question. If they don't?
patient's own home-following hospitaliza- Answer. They'll have to wait for the r'"xt
tion. And in 1967, benefits in ::killed nursing enrollment period, and pay a higher premium
homes will be added, when they do sign up. For instance, i ii a
Question. And plain B? person who reached 65 before January 1
Answer: Primarily, it will help pay doctor doesn't enroll by the end of March lie won't
bills-whether the physician renders his sere- have another chance to sign up until Octo-
ices in the patient's home, in his own otTice, her 1967; his insurance won't take effect
or in a hospital, nursing home, or other in- until July 1968, and his monthly premium
stitution. will be $3.30 rather than $3.
Question. Any exceptions? Question. How and where do I sign up?
Answer. The biggest exceptions are drugs Answer. If you still haven't been con-
and long-term nursing home care-beyond tatted, get in touch with your nearest So-
that provided by the basic plan. Nor will cial Security office immediately.
the supplementary insurance cover rot
i
n
i
e
physicals, inoculations, examinations for ,eye-
glasses or hearing aids, or cosmetic surgery.
Question. How about dental care?
Answer: It won't cover dent
l
a
care gen-
iecurity Administration: orally. But it will help pay for dental scrv-
Question. Commissioner Ball, how many ices in surgery on the jaw or other facial
persons have
i
d
gne
s
up for the supplemen- bones if this is required by accodent or dis-
tarymedicare Insurance? ease.
Answer. So far about 13.5 million, 70 per- Question. Any other coverage?
rent of those eligible. And there are still Answer: If a person is treated outside a
'i weeks tt) go before the first enrollment hospital for a mental, psychoneurotic, or per-
period ends March 31, so I'm confident by the sonality disorder, the insurance will cover
c:ud of next month we'll have 80 to 90 percent half of the bill up to a total benefit of $250
of the 19 million enrolled. a year for this purpose.
Question. Who is eligible for this insur- Question. Anything else?
Into? Answer. If a person needs the services, In
Answer. Just about everybody over 65, his owri home, of a part-time nurse, a nurse's
regardless of whether or not he ever worked aid, a medical social worker, or a physical,
alder social security and whether or not he speech or occupational therapist, the ins:ir-
intend.s to retire. ante will
wi
Question. How many have turned down
this insurance?
Answer. Something over a, million, or 6
percent of the total eligible. But many of
those who have said no are changing their
minds.
Question. What reasons do they give for
turning it down?
Answer. Many of those who gives a reason
say they cart afford it.
Question. How much does the supplemen-
t= oy insurance cost?
Answer. Three dollar:; for each individual
past 65. The Government matches this
premium, which means you're getting $6
worth of protection for $3,
cover up to 100 visits a year by
such health workers provided by a home-
,health agency.
Question. ]Isn't this home-health benefit
the same as that offered "free" by the basic
medicare plan?
Answer. It's similar. But to draw a hone-
health benefits under the basic plan, the
patient must first be :hospitalized. To droiw
the benefits under the supplementary plan,
there is no hospital requirement. Further-
more, if a patient needs home-health care
after discharge from a hospital he can draw
100 visits a year under the basic plan plus
100 under the supplementaryT.
Question. What else does the suppi..n_
mentary insurance cover?
The Disappearing Halves
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. JAMES H. (JIMMY) QUILLE^I
OF TENNESSEE
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, March 2, 1966
Mr. QUILLEN. Mr. Speaker, an i1;-
teresting commentary on the increase 4 1
unofficial coin collectors in our Nation
appeared in the Knoxville News-Sentinel
on February 26, 1966.
The new collectors are not concerlle I
particularly with the age of the coin:;,
rather they are saving any quarter..,
nickels, or half dollars which wcrr
minted before 1965.
This editorial brings to mind the e s-
sertion of Thomas Jefferson that our na-
tional debt should not be left to be peid
by the next generation.
The conclusion of the article
one of today's answers to Jefferson':;
Proposition:
Since we also are passing along most of oa,,
national debt to grandchildren and great
grandchildren, some Americans may have go:.
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In a word, transportation has become one
of the social problems of our time.
President Johnson referred to it in his
state of the Union message. "A new Depart-
ment of Transportation is needed," he said,
"to bring together our transportation activi-
ties. The present structure-35 Government
agencies spending $5 billion yearly-makes
it impossible to serve either the demands of
the Nation-the needs of industry-or the
right of the taxpayer to full efficiency and
frugality."
Britain, where transport problems are less
gigantic but more concentrated than in the
industrialized parts of the United States, has
long had a Ministry of Transport. The Brit-
ish public have tended to identify it with
roads-and Prime Minister Harold Wilson's
recent appointment as Minister of Transport
of a woman who does not have a driving
license has produced snorts and guffaws
from some Britons (particularly male driv-
ers). But the putting of Mrs. Barbara
Castle-for she is the lady in question-in
the top job at the Ministry of Transport be-
speaks recognition of the need for drive and
reorganization and, above all, the British
Government's determination to draw up an
integrated transport plan for the United
Kingdom.
Mrs. Castle was an undoubted success in
the apparently not very glamorous or excit-
ing Ministry of Overseas Development where
Prime Minister Wilson appointed her after
the 1964 general election. His decision to
put her in charge of transport is-as the
Economist said-imaginative. It stems from
the same basic need as prompted President
Johnson's announcement of a new Depart-
ment of Transportation in the United States.
All of us have a vested interest in the suc-
cess of both moves, for all of us have a
greater urge and opportunity than ever to
get about-whether it be simply getting to
work from the suburbs or more ambitiously
getting away on vacation.
[From the Washington (D.C.) Evening Star,
Jan. 26, 1966]
Too MANY COOKS
President Johnson in his state of the
Union message put his finger on one of the
major flaws in American transportation pol-
icy. Regulation is now divided among no
less than 35 Government agencies, spending
a total of $5 billion yearly.
Such a fragmented approach, in the Pres-
ident's words, "makes it almost impossible
to serve either the growing demands of this
great Nation, or the needs of the industry,
or the right of the taxpayer to full efficiency
and real frugality."
Mr. Johnson's remedy would be to central-
ize all this supervision of airlines, railroads,
'trucking, and shipping in a new Department
of Transportation. While Congress must
await details of how this would be accom-
plished, the basic idea seems so logical and
simple that the puzzle is why it was not done
long ago.
Actually, the notion of such a Cabinet-
level department has been kicking around
Washington for years, but mutual suspicion
and hostility among the powerful lobbies
representing the various carriers and the
struggles by bureaucrats to keep control over
their little fiefdoms have successfully stalled
action.
The result is a patchwork approach to the
industry. Some modes of transportation
must build their own depots while others use
buildings erected at taxpayers' expense.
Some carriers pay tax on fuel, others do not.
Uncle Sam contributes to the cost of safety
devices for one industry, while another re-
ceives no such benefit. And so it goes.
Putting all the regulators in one depart-
ment will not automatically produce a ra-
tional, fair, and harmonious policy toward
each segment of the industry. But it is the
first step that must be taken to achieve such
a reform. The public interest requires no
less.
4505
THE VICE PRESIDENT'S INFORMAL
MEETING WITH THE COMMITTEE
ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I have
b
f
e
ore me a most interesting article that
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post, Jan. 19,
19661 appeared in this morning's Washington
TRANSPORTATION AND MORE Post. The headline is "HUMPHREY Agrees
agency that would coordinate the diverse Vice President HUMPHREY agreed yester-
programs and functions of the Federal Gov- - day to a compromise plan to meet with the
ernment, deserves the widest support. in Senate Foreign Relations Committee in
fact, -a good case can be made for broad- private, informal session.
ening the scope of the new department to For the past 2 weeks HUMPHREY has re-
include communications and power. jetted Chairman J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT's re-
There are obvious and compelling reasons quest that he meet with the committee in
for placing the Federal transportation agen- a more formal public session.
ties under one roof. The Federal Govern- Under the compromise plan, HUMPHREY
ment is now spending some $6 billion a year will meet with the committee this after-
for motor highway construction, the sub- noon on the neutral ground of Majority
sidization of the merchant marine, inland Leader MIKE MANSFIELD'S Capitol office.
waterway and harbor improvement and the FULBRIGHT'S disagreement with another
regulation of railroads, airlines, and common high administration official-President
motor carriers. But those dollars connot be Johnson-continued to simmer yesterday.
spent effectively, they cannot confer maxi- The President refused to make public the
mum benefits upon the taxpayers unless na- testimony he gave to the Senate Foreign
tional goals are clearly specified and pur- Relations Committee on May 25, 1961, after
sued through coordinated efforts. Neither he returned from an Asian tour which he
logic nor necessity has decreed that the Fed- made as Vice President. On Monday FuL-
eral highway and waterways programs must
work to the detriment of the Nation's rail-
roads as they do now.
But a perfunctory coordination of trans-
poration activities, one that merely results
in shifting autonomous agencies under one
big, bureaucratic tent will accomplish noth-
ing more than an increase in Federal em-
ployment. To cite a specific example, the
new department is not going to be effective
so long as the Interstate Commerce Commis-
sion, that sclerotic archetype of the inde-
pendent regulatory agency, continues to es-
tablish minimum, not maximum rates and
approve rail mergers without sufficient at-
tention to the balance and efficiency of the
total transportation system. The effective
coordination of Federal transportation pro-
grams, to say the very least, will involve a
political struggle.
But that struggle, which will be centered
largely around the conflicting interest of dif-
ferent modes of transportation, is not likely
to be protracted if the new department were
to encompass communications and the
transmission of power. The inclusion of the
Federal Communications and Federal Power
Commissions in a new Department of Trans-
portation, Communications, and Power
would make it possible for the Government
to regulate virtually all the interstate public
utilities in a uniform and equitable manner.
The inability of both the Kennedy and
Johnson administrations to make headway
in the effort to alter railroad rate regulation
is but a foretaste of the opposition to the
formation of a new department.
BRIGHT suggested that the President make
the testimony public.
At a press conference yesterday, Presiden-
tial Press Secretary Bill Moyers said that Mr.
Johnson had appeared before the 1961 com-
mittee meeting with the understanding that
it "would be informal and private." Moyers
said that the President "doesn't regard it
as appropriate to change the rules 5 years
later" by making public his testimony.
In another development, FULBRIGHT dis-
closed that the committee would resume
public hearings on U.S. Asian policy next
Tuesday.
The new hearings will center on Commu-
nist China. The first witnesses will be two
university experts on China--A. Doak Barnett
of Columbia University on Tuesday and
Harvard's John K. Fairbank on Thursday.
My reaction to the story is: How ab-
surd can we be?
I am a member of the Committee on
Foreign Relations, and this morning I
protested any informal meeting with the
Vice President on neutral grounds in the
majority leader's office this afternoon.
I do not care how many Senators, be
they members of the Committee on For-
eign Relations or not, want to meet with
the Vice President any time they want to
meet with him. However, as a member
of the Committee on Foreign Relations,
I do object and said so this morning, to
this kind of fol-de-rol, to this kind of
nonsense.
Mr. President, no one has defended
TAX ADJUSTMENT ACT OF 1966 more than I have-and I shall continue to
do so-the matter of separation of pow-
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Pur- ers and the right of executive privilege.
suant to the previous unanimous-consent The Vice President of the United States
agreement, the Chair lays before the does not have to come to any committee
Senate H.R. 12752, which will be stated meeting that he does not wish to attend.
by title. He is completely protected by executive
The LEGISLATIVE CLERK. A bill (H.R. privilege. He can volunteer to come. It
12752) to provide for graduated with- has happened in the past.
holding of income tax from wages, to re- But, Mr. President, I am at a loss. to
quire declarations of estimated tax with, understand this parliamentary nonsense.
respect to self-employment income, to I should have thought that the Vice Pres-
accelerate current payments of esti- ident, on his own initiative, would have
mated income tax by corporations, to asked for the opportunity to appear be-
postpone certain excise tax rate reduc- fore the Foreign Relations Committee in
tions, and for other purposes, open session, to discuss with the commit-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD --SENATE March 2, 1916
tee the trip into Asia that he took at the the record questions about problems that it "would be informal and private.' Moyers
request of the President of the United are raised, for example, by a story that said that the President "doesn't regard it as
appropriate
States. That would have been a most appeared in the Washington Daily News to change the rules 5 years later"
by making public his testimony.
appropriate forum in which to discuss it. of February 2h, by Walt Friedenberg, en- In another development, F uLBRIGHT dis-
7'here are other forums, and the Vice titled "South Korea Drove a Bargain closed that the committee would resume pub-
President is using them, as he has a per- With 11.11.H.."--meaning the Vice Presi- lie hearings on U.S. Asian policy next Tues-
feet right to do, and I am glad he is using dent. day. hearings will center on Comnl-
them. He used the forum of the East The article reads: The new The first winesses will be two
Room of the White House the other SEOUL, February 24.---Vice President Hum- Wi university China. experts on witne ses will ak Bw-
rnorning. In fact, I think he used it on PIIREY ended iais 2-week, 9-nation tour here nett Columbia University on Tuesday and
a couple of mornings, to meet with vari- with a bargaining session. on terms for send- Harvard's John K. Fairbank University on Thursday.
ous Members of Congress. That is fine; tog more South Korean troops to help fight
in Vietnam.
the Washington (D.C.) Daily News,
I heartily approve of it. The terms were not made piieiic. It is [From
}le has announced that he is going to agreed, hogvever, that this country will send Feb. 24, 19661
use forums across the country to discuss one .more regiment to South Vietnam by the MORE Ain IN VIETNAM FOR MORE AID: SOUTH
his trip with the American people. I end of April and a full infantry division by KOREA DROVE A BARGAIN WITH H.H.H.
highly approve of that. He has used the mid-July (By Walt Friedenberg)
forum of nationwide television and I ap- The present ROK troop total of 23,000 SEOUL, February 24.-Vice President
prove of that. would th .is rise to about 40,000. HUMI'HRE'Y ended his 2-week, nine-nation
The Foreign Relations Committee has Seoul argued that its present contingent tour here with a bargaining session on terms
In Vietnam was a reasonable contribution. for sending more South Korean troops to
certain special responsibilities in the field But if more troops were to be seat, South help fight in Vietnam.
of foreign policy. It has certain special Korea must look to its national interests, The terms were not made public. It is
prerogatives in that field, and has a re- that is, be compensated. agreed, however, that this country will send
sponsibility to officially seek to take testi- So far as can be learned now, South Korea
mony from those who, in the opinion Of has been promised: oheno end more e April regiment and to full South Viinfantryetnaam si by
on
the committee, are particularly qualified The gradua.l, selected reequipping (chiefly t mid-Juof a ly.
and competent to be of assistance to the in heavy weapons) of its 500,000-man army. total of 23,000
Assurance that $150 million in earmarked The would thus present rise to ROK about troop oop t t40,000.
committee by giving them their test,'- economic aid promptly will be forthcoming. argued that its present contingent
In Vietnam was a that its reasonable present contingent
moray. A stipend of about $2 a day paid for each Seoul
The committee chairman, the Senator Korean soldier in Vietnam for batter living be sent, South
Korea if must more look troops to were e to to be at interests
from Arkansas [Mr. FULBRIGHT] was conditions. But
seeking to carry out that responsibility The continued flow of Korean civilian tech- that is, lot its
when he most respectfully suggested, the riicians to good-paying construction jobs in be compensated.
South Vietnam. So far as can be learned now, South Korea
other day, that the Vice President meet in A greater share for Korea in the procure- has been promised:
with the Foreign Relations Committee ee in merrt of cement, of military uniforms, and The gradual, selected reequipping (chiefly
open, public session and discuss with the other goods needed. by South Vietnam. in heavy weapons) of its 500,000-Roan army.
committee the trip that he had taken, Assurance that $150 million in earmarked
and the many foreign relations problems An interesting story. I do not know economic aid promptly will be forthcoming.
that were raised by that trip. what the `acts are. But I do know, Mr. A stipend of about $2 a day paid for each
When it became clear that the Vice President, the American people are en- Korean soldier in Vietnam for "better living
titled to know what the facts are. conditions."
(resident would not wish to meet with i ontinued flow of Korean civilian tech-
the Foreign Relations Committee in open n I ask unanimous consent that the two nicians to good-paying construction jobs in
session, the chairman of the committee articles from which I have quoted, the South Vietnam.
most respectfully and properly suggested one from today's issue of the Washing- A greater share for Korea in the procure-
that he meet in executive session with tor. Post entitled "HuMPHRE,e Agrees To ment of cement, of military uniforms, and
the committee. When that was first rug- See Fu':bright Panel Privately," and the other goods needed by South Vietnam.
Bested in our committee, I made it clear one from yesterday's Washington Daily Mr. MORSE. I do know, Mr. Presi-
that it should be at the voluntary disc:re- News entitled "South Korea Drove a Bar- dent, that in a democracy, if it is to be
tion of the Vice President, that we could gain with H.H.H., be printed in the preserved, the executive branch of Gov-
not insist that he meet with us, but that RECORD at this point. ernment must be stopped, whether it in-
we had the right to invite him. to an exec- There being no Objection, the articles volves the President or the Vice Presi-
utive meeting. were of dered to be printed in the RECORD, dent or both, from engaging in govern-
When the Vice President indicated, as as follows: ment by executive supremacy. If the
I understand he did, that he did not care [From die Washington (D.C.) Pest, Mar. 1, Daily News story I have read is true, this
to meet the committee in public session 1``161 is dangerous stuff.
or executive session, the matter should HuMI'Ii IEY AGREES To SEE FuLPCJGHT PANEL If it is true, it is important that we
have been dropped. I do not think that PRI.RATELY proceed without delay to check the in-
if is fair, either to the committee or to Vice President HUMPHREY agreed yesterday creasing exercise of arbitrary, capricious
the Vice President, to become involved to a compromise plan to meet with the Sen- power on the part of the President and
in this hybrid arrangement, which is ate Foreign Relations Committee in private,
inform .1session the Vice President of the United States
.
r,oither fish nor fowl. 1 or the past 2 weeks HUMPIMEY has re- in the field of foreign policy.
Therefore, Mr. President, I made clear jetted Chairman J. WILLIAM FI_a.e:RIGHT's re- By our failure to demand a public ac-
ne the meeting this morning that I would quest that he meet with the committee in a counting, we will entrench government
not attend the session this afternoon, be- more formal. public session. not by law but by a man. I know of no
cause I do not think that that session is in under the comprise plan, Ha MPHREY will man, including the President of the
meet with the committee this afternoon on United States, who should be given such
keep:irig with the separation of powers the neutral ground of Majority Leader MIKE
doctrine as far as a Senate committee is MANsa'n: D s Capitol of ce. unchecked arbitrary power.
concerned, unless they were simply meet- FULBFIIGHT's disagreement with another Thus, Mr. President, I do not intend
ing as individual Senators, without any high administration otbcial-President John- to participate in any conference-which
i "presentation that it is a committee son-continued to simmer yesterday. is going on as I speak now-in the name
meeting. As far as I am concerned, there The President refused to make public the of the Committee on Foreign Relations.
is nO oiiicial Foreign Relations Commit- testimony he gave to the Senate Foreign In my judgment, if members of the Com-
tee meeting with the Vice President, and Relations Committee on May 25, 1961, after mittee on Foreign Relations, as indi-
l.tiere cannot be, under the terms set he returned from an Asian tour which he vidual Senators, wish to meet with the
made as Vice President. On Monday Fun- Vice President of the United States, then
i,>rtll in this press report. RRIO.HT suggested that the President make the
'I.'here are some questions that the testimony public, they should do it in their individual
American people are entitled to have an- At a press conference yesterday, Presiden- capacities as Senators. They should not
!:wered by the Vice President, but they tial Pr.Iss Secretary Bill Moyers said that Mr. go into any such off -the-record informal
are entitled to have them answered, in Johnson had appeared before the 1961 com- meeting in the name of the Foreign Re-
open session, where he can be asked on m.ittee meeting with the under standing that lations Committee, because when a For-
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March 2, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL ECOR ~~llw
eign Relations Committee meeting is
held, it should be held as an official meet-
ing, in accordance with the rules and
policies of the committee.
Mr. President, it saddens me to make
these comments about the Vice Presi-
dent, but I mean every word.
In my judgment, anyone who advo-
cates, as the Vice President is advocat-
ing, the bombing of people to a so-called
peace table, has lost his right to claim
to be a liberal. Anyone who is advocat-
ing the kind of an escalating war, which
the Vice President is advocating in his
public statements, hai lost the right to
claim to be a liberal.
Mr. President, I have said before on
the floor of the Senate, and repeat today,
that the issue is now before the Ameri-
can people.
I say to the American people that they
and they alone have the authority to
check this escalating war in Vietnam,
that they will have to do it at the ballot
box, beginning in the primaries just
ahead, and then voting in the November
elections in 1966, continuing in the pri-
maries in 1968 and voting in the general
election in 1968. Unless the American
people are willing to defeat those who
are seeking to lead this country-by its
present foreign policy-into a major war
in Asia, which will be the inevitable end
result, then the American people have
only themselves to blame as increasing
thousands and thousands of Americans,
both military and civilian, will be
slaughtered in that holocaust.
Mr. President, that is the issue.
I am going to urge-short of a formal
declaration of war, which this President
should have recommended before he
sent a single boy into Asia to be slaugh-
tered-that the American people defeat
the policy which now characterizes the
warmaking policy of the administration.
I am perfectly willing to face the bal-
lot box. I am perfectly willing to be
judged by my people. I have served for
20 years in the Senate, always on the
basis of the principle that each term is
my last, for that is the only basis upon
which anyone, in my judgment, has any
right to serve in the Senate. For if we
are not willing to serve in this body on the
assumption that we are going to be either
reelected or defeated on the basis of the
record we make, as we utilize our inde-
pendence of judgment on the facts as
we find them, then we have no right to
serve here at all.
I am perfectly willing to be judged on
the record that I make, and to be judged
on my record for peace-a peace on
terms which honors my country and car-
ries out the long-held professings of my
country that we believe in following the
rule of law in the settlement of interna-
tional disputes, and not in the rule of the
jungle by the use of military force which
we are following today in southeast Asia.
COMMUNICATIONS ON VIETNAM WAR
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I also ask
unanimous consent that certain com-
munications, editorials, and articles
dealing with my views on foreign policy
be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the material
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Des Moines (Iowa) Register,
Feb. 8, 19661
MORSE ON THE VIETNAM WAR
Secretary of State Dean Rusk told the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee on
January 28 that the administration had. tried
to "expose fully to the public" the eleents
of the Vietnam problem but that it was hard
to get the people to listen.
Critics of the administration's policy do
not agree that an effort has been made to
expose the public to all elements of the
problem. They think the administration has
withheld information and deceived the pub-
lic in statements and speeches. The critics
might agree that it has been hard to get
the people to listen.
But this situation has changed, we believe,
as a result of the big buildup of U.S. forces
in Vietnam, the bombing pause and its re-
sumption and the hearings of the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee. People are
in a mood to listen. They want to obtain a
better understanding of the problem.
Des Moines had evidence of this new mood
Sunday when about a thousand persons
turned out to hear Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Democrat, of Oregon, talk at a meeting
sponsored by Iowans for Peace in Vietnam.
Judging by the applause and the question-
ing of Senator MORSE, the audience was
largely sympathetic to the views of the Ore-
gon Senator, a harsh critic of administra-
tion policies.
Senator MORSE made a strong, reasonable
and unemotional presentation of his case.
He made clear that he respects and admires
President Johnson and that he believes the
President wants peace. MORSE has no sym-
pathy for communism. He does not favor
an immediate pullout of troops from Viet-
nam and he does not support those who
violate laws in peace demonstrations.
Senator MORSE challenged the legal basis
for the actions the United States has taken
in Vietnam, without a declaration of war.
He sees a drift to government by Executive
decisions. He believes secrecy policies and
deceptive propaganda make it difficult for
people to get the facts on Vietnam-and to
generate a change in our foreign policy.
MORSE listed what he believes are the fail-
ures of the United States to live up to provi-
sions of the Geneva treaty of 1954 and the
United Nations Charter. He told of the lack
of support for U.S. views among other coun-
tries. He praised the belated decision to ask
the United Nations to consider the problem.
He expressed his fears about the dangers of
escalation that could lead to war with Red
China and the Soviet Union.
We hope the great debate goes on, not only
through speeches throughout the country by
men like Senator MORSE and those who dis-
agree with him, but also in the Senate For-
eign Relations Committee and on the floor of
the Senate.
The search for an alternative policy to one
of indefinite expansion and intensification
of the war must continue-and that search
will be helped by bringing everything, ex-
cept security matters, into the open. Demo-
cratic and constitutional processes must be
preserved in handling even such a difficult
problem as the war in Vietnam.
From the Oregon Journal, Feb. 18, 19661
WORLD WAR I VETERAN VOICES DOUBTS ON
VIETNAM
To the EDITOR:
May I in the name of Christianity and
democracy express my deep concern in re-
gard to the road of destruction along which
our President and the hawks of the Pentagon
are leading us?
I volunteered 11 days after war was de-
clared in 1917. I furnished! three boys and
a girl in World War II and one boy in the
Korean war.
4507
While they were gone I ran a 250-acre
farm alone to make sure they had the food
with which to fight. I gave a gallon of blood
that they and their comrades might have
blood to meet their needs. I sold Govern-
ment bonds and never once did I miss my
quota, even if I had to buy enough myself
to fill it.
Now, some of those "super patriots" insist
that I send my grandsons to fight and die
in that hellhole of Vietnam in order to
force a people to accept our brand of democ-
racy merely because it has proved a success
here where conditions are in no way the
same except that each deals with human
beings. What is wrong with America's faith
in democracy when we will say that we must
send these boys to fight and die 7,000 miles
away because this big deal of communism
is liable to take us over?
Nowhere in the world can you show me
where communism has ever been able to
give its people the things that we have
accomplished for ourselves. Nowhere can
you show me a country that has accepted
communism but what was driven there by
economic and social breakdown in its ability
to serve its people. Communism cannot
gain a foothold unless there is poverty, in-
justice, and economic chaos, This is the
ground in which it survives. Can napalm
bombs and destruction kill communism or
solve these problems? It cannot.
I will admit that America with all of the
destructive weapons can scorch the whole
of North and South Vietnam, but you will
never kill the cause for which they fight
regardless of what we choose to call it, and
you will leave behind a hatred all over Asia
that will live on forever. Why doesn't our
Government tell the people that 87,000 Viet-
namese regulars deserted in 1964 and 90,000
in the first 10 months of 1965? These are
men whom we have equipped and trained,
and yet Mr. Johnson leads us to believe that
they have come from the North. Most of
the arms that we capture are not Chinese
made, but Russian and United States made.
If we would have spent just a fraction of
our cost of war today in medical, educational,
social, and economic advancements, we would
not be called on 20 years after our real com-
mitment was made by Vinegar Joe Stillwell,
who was head of the Chinese Nationalist
Forces during World War II. We would not
be called on to make this staggering decision
facing us.
I helped to elect Mr. Johnson because of
my faith in him to resolve this crucial prob-
lem. But now I am thinking that perhaps
I have made a terrible mistake for he seems
completely under the spell of the hawks of
the Pentagon.
General Eisenhower warned us of this mil-
itary-industrial complex lest they would take
over; so did Gen. Matthew B. Ridgeway in
his book "Soldier" "I challenge any thesis
that destroying the military might of China
would be in our long-range interest." We
could create there a great vacuum which
would compel us to drain our own resources
of men and money to fill, and it would bring
us face to face with Russia along a 7,000-
mile frontier. This is not my appraisal, but
the appraisal by a man whom I cannot bring
myself to call a "pinkie" or dove.
If such an emergency exists in Asia, why
are we to be called on to solve it alone? Is
our stake so much greater than the members
of SEATO and NATO? I know no better way
of sucking us dry than the way we are going.
I say what I have said because I fear it
needs to be said. I have spent my 71 years
in full support of my country's ideals, but
I'm sure this is not one of them. My eye-
sight is good and I can still handle a gun.
Let me go if there is no other way, even if
I do not believe or agree with it. But for
God and country's sake exhaust every ave-
nue before we commit these boys against
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 2, 1966
their will to fight and die in Vietnam for
what may be a lost cause. But if this be
necessary then let every laborer, every
farmer, every industrialist operate on a non-
profit basis. In closing let me remind us
a,11--"What profit a man if he gaineth the
whole world and yet loseth his own soul."
STONEY M. LOVRIEN.
WASHINGTON, D.C.,
February 6, 1966.
] 1EAR SENATOR MORSE: Your strong, dissent-
ing voice on our Vietnam policy is a major
contribution to the restoration of sanity in
our foreign policy. We are grateful for your
courage and lucid portrayal of the ominous,
mistaken course we are following.
We hope your committee will continue its
valiant effort to get the facts before the
American people, define our goals and turn
our policy toward realistic peace efforts.
lincere]y yours,
JACQUELINE KIENZLE.
SC ATE COLLEGE, PA.,
February 7, 1966.
I -EAR SENATOR MORSE: You Should know,
directly, that your position and your inten-
tions in the questions of the war in Vietnam
have our full support and are very much
appreciated.
We have joined the protests and we have
written to President Johnson. We are unable
to understand his objectives except in terms
of economical and political expansi.on and
domination, which probably, is what "irn-
perlalism" means.
Yours truly,
JREGON TRIJCKING ASSOCIATION, INC.,
foreland, Oreg., February 1, 1966.
11031. WAYNE L. MORSE,
U.S. Senator.
Old Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
1Jn;Art WAYNE,: I can't help but believe that
you had a great influence on the President
when he referred the Vietnam situation to
the United Nations. I had the privilege of
viewing last Sunday's TV program and felt
at :fie time that you were right, that from
this time on the American public would. de-
ma.:id United Nations consideration.
1 appreciate your forthright and positive
pa,ition, though I am sure that at times it
has been dificult, but then I also believe that
you are happier when you have a tough job
to do.
lrly best wishes to you and Mrs. Morse for
this session of Congress.
he;t personal regards.
IIOTIERT It. KNIPE,
Managing Director.
LAKE OSWEGO, OREG.,
I ebruary 6, 1966,
Senator WAY-Nn MORSE:,
11/aahiugton, D.C.
I'11An Sic: Please continue your efforts in
preseing far stronger investigation of the
[acts in our administration's policy and
participation in the Vietnam war.
I reel very strongly that the majority of
the American people do not favor further
involvement in this war.
We must seek negotiation and help from
the United Nations if we are to survive as
-L w,.,r1d leader.
;-iincrrcly,
P.'ORTLAND, ORF.G.,
February 7, 1966.
I am writing many letters to various par-
ties relative to the Vietnam war and many
of us are so grateful to you for your effort
in getting the President to not be so stubborn
and listen to someone besides the two Secre-
taries.
I only hope you can get these two men into
the Senate for questioning,
Many of us are attempting to try and help
to stop this horrible carnage.
We are behind you in your efforts.
Sir cerely,
RoY A. GAGE.
PORTLAND, CREG.,
February 8, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MOR.,SE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: When the record
shoves hew shamefully most great nations
and the United States have treated China,
no wonder that country resents us.
McNaniara's declaration that we can de-
feat both. Russia and China only provokes
war.
There is a paperback on "Chirs," by Felix
Green (9b. cents). Perhaps Mr. Berg can pro-
cure a copy. I recommend you read pages
264 to 293 wherein many strong points are
presented why our present policy regarding
China is unjust.
A wise acquaintance said to mc, "I think
all the wise men are dead and I cm feeling
bad myself."
With great respect and best wishes.
Sinccre]y,
WALS,ACE .S, PRATT.
C ISTARIO, Owe.,
Februar?' 7, 1966,
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Sorry you have to
suffer all this, trying to help us the people,
trying to save our loved ones. People every-
where arc with you but are afraid of causing
trouble for their loved ones. I can't under-
stand why mothers and fathers of this
country can't put a stop to sending our men
to protect everyone else in the world. All we
want is to have our men to protect our own
country right here.
We all know you are right and aways have
been. We have sent many letters protesting
this war out we are just the people not the
Great Society, The servicemen are hooked.
This in rot a free country, we are full of
fear of our own President, That is the way
they wan` it. We would all feel different if
it was a declared war. We all know how
rotten all this is, This is the w out.
Many r f the other people in the Congress
are against the President but are also afraid
of him. 1: am afraid to sign my name.
T eep welt and keep trying to help us. It
makes its feel good to know someone like
you is still allowed in the Senate. We keep
hoping they won't shut you up, but expect
it any time. They shut up everyone else.
We are sorry you are the only one having
to fight s.il this. The l:eople are with you
So keep it up.
Everything you have said a year ago is
Writing cut; exactly like you said it would.
The Big Three still hasn't been able to tell
us a true answer. Our dear loved ones get-
ting killed for someone else. Oh clear God.
How can three men have such power?
PORTLAND, O;L G.,
Frbruart 4, 1966.
DEAR Sna: I agree with you on tie concern
of saving young American lives over in Viet-
nam. We should save the "flower of our
youth" from getting killed over in Vietnam.
Those orlen.tals should fight for themselves.
I speak as a Korean war veteran.
Sincerely,
Mr. TLIOm,,.; Down.
LAKE Oswaoo, OREG.,
January 31, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Congratulations on
your stand on the Vietnam war. My sup-
port is with you and I feel that you are
gaining more support all the time.
Let us hope that this move of the Presi-
dent's today to take the issue to the United
Nations succeeds.
Keep up the good work.
Very truly yours,
KATHERINE CORTRIGHT.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to say that I
agree with you about Vietnam. I told you
so last April, but I would like to remind you.
My Dad and I voted for you when
you
were a Republican even though we
were
Democrats.
Would
you tell Senators HARTHE,
MC-
CARTHY,
Moss, BURDIcie, METC ALF,
MC-
GOVERN,
MANSFIELD, GRUENING, and
Fus-
BRIGHT that they have support for their
opposition. Thank you.
Yours truly,
BARIIARA J. LUCAS.
MINNEAPOLIS, MINN.,
January :^9, 1966,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to applaud
your public Stand against the Administra-
tion's Vietnam foreign policy. As ;i graduate
student in political science at the University
of Minnesota in Minneapol.*.s, but an ab-
sentee voter in the State of Oregon, I am
much concerned about the fearsome impli-
cations of the present war in terms of esc;a]a-
tion, the potential involvement of the Chi-
nese, and the impact the war aimospliere
has upon the democratic process within our
country. I wish to encourage your effort in
seeking to alter our Nation's foreign policy
generally, and specifically in term; of seek-
ing our withdrawal from Vietnam. As far
as the techniques of withdrawal are con-
cerned your expertise in this mntaer goes
beyond my knowledge. However, I can see
that our involvement in Vietnam will solve
no problems confronting that nation, nor
add to our Nation's statute throughout the
world, nor be of any material "self interest"
to the United States. Morally and from a
"realist" point of view, I see no rational rea-
son why we must continue our policy in
Vietnam.
As an aside, I have noticed a shift of at-
titude within the academic circles of stu-
dents, teaching assistants, and professors
within the last year which increasingly giies-
tions and has doubts about our present
policy in Vietnam. At home in Roseburg
during Christmas I also talked with friends,
admittedly from a select socioeconomic level
and high educational level, who were in sup-
port of your position and very concerned
about the Vietnam policy of our Government
and its implications upon our Nation's gen-
eral foreign policy.
Sincerely,
PORTLAND. On -c,
January 76, 19613_
lion. WAYNE L. MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
]/7achington, D.C.
DEAR SEINATOR: Let me be one of the first
to congratulate you on your sincere remarks
at Des Moines last night.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I and Try family
should like to commend you for voicing your
opinions regarding the so-called peaceful
expedition in Vietnam. Yours is as "a voice
crying in the wilderness" and you deserve
praise for taking the right, but unpopular
stand, on this controversial situation.
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I have followed your stand on this matter
for the past several years and have used
material as expressed by you in the CON-
GRESSIONAL RECORD on the whole sorry record
of this situation.
Respectfully,
HOWARD WATERBURY, Jr.
ASHLAND, OREG.,
January 25, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Chambers,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: Your efforts are sincere to
familiarize the American people of the facts
of Vietnam. It is hoped that you will con-
tinue to demand that the Vietnam situation
come to a halt, and be referred to the United
Nations for settlement in accord with the
Geneva agreement.
Respectfully,
OREGON CITY, OREG.,
January 27, 1966.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Realizing that you,
no doubt, have had much criticism regard-
ing your stand on the Vietnam situation and
that those of us who are in agreement with
you are often lax at letting you know that
we are 100 percent for you I feel that I have,
thus far, been remiss by not writing you in
commendation. I want you to know that
many rather quiet people are behind you in
the stand you have taken. Despite all the
people with whom I talk daily I have yet
to hear one person express support of what
we are doing in Vietnam.
While many people, thinking it unpatri-
otic not to support policies of the President,
have rather begrudglingly given assent to his
escalation of the war because they feel he
ought to know what he is doing, they do not
support our role in Vietnam, and they are
hoping and praying for peace. Republicans
and Democrats alike, however, support you
in your role of opposition and I'm glad to
see that now some others are joining you
vocally in the Senate and House.
Again, congratulations on your faithful-
ness to conscience and to the upholding of
the constitutional freedoms of our democracy.
Respectfully yours,
Rev. HORACE L. BACHELDER.
PORTLAND, OREG.,
January 27, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: * * * We would
like to know, why we are in Vietnam. To
whom are we committed? There are so many
questions that have no answers in this re-
gard. We parents have sons that are going to
be involved in this mess, should certainly
have the right to know why our boys are
being sent there.
Many people in Oregon appreciate your
stand on the Vietnam situation, and hope
you will continue your work to end this war.
Sincerely,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate O fflce Building,
Washington 25, D.C.
I very sincerly pray your legislation is
fruitful.
Yours,
PORTLAND, OREG.,
January 26, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like to ex-
press my support for the views you have
so courageously expounded concerning Viet-
nam and the draft.
I suspect you will go down in history-
if certain people in the Pentagon do not pre-
vent us from having a history-as the most
sane and thoughtful person in the U.S. Sen-
ate at present.
Sincerely,
PORTLAND, OREG.,
February 15, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am proud to be
a resident of a State which is represented
by a man whose political vision is as fear-
less, sane, and farsighted as yours. May your
sanity prevail.
Please: Vote "no" in more U.N. war funds.
Sincerely,
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
WOODRURN, OREG.,
February 25, 1966.
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Our warm and sin-
cere congratulations go forth to you today
for the brilliant courage you have demon-
strated, particularly during the relent TV
Vietnam hearings. We are proud of you,
Senator MORSE, and of Chairman FULBRIGHT,
that you are taking this stand and fight-
ing for what you believe in. In these days
many are too chickenhearted even though
they may talk big in some circles.
We have thought of you so often; if we
had written every time we thought of you;
and when we had opinions and suggestions
on some of these present-day affairs that
are so critical, your office staff would be
swamped with letters.
There is great interest shown in our com-
munity, as all over the Nation, but it seems
there are so many who are talking and surely
do not have full information. Some do not
understand your motives and have taken
your remark about the rise of Hitlerism as
a shocking condemnation of our adminis-
tration and not as we feel, a warning as
to what could happen here if we don't all
take an interest and some action at the
polls.
Because we have supported you openly in
our small area we have received some crit-
icism too, and one day a party called me on
the telephone following the General Taylor
inquiry, very much alarmed about our friend,
Senator MORSE, and that communism was
everywhere (possibly under every bush) and
she was afraid.
In February, to learn more about the Viet-
nam affair, we attended several great deci-
sions meetings. The group was very, very
small, an ex-colonel as discussion leader, ap-
parently with the view that fight was neces-
sary and war should be escalated. We were
not inclined to go along, and our representa-
tion from Oregon in the matter of the Tay-
yor-Gavin-Rusk was relegated to the lowest
depths following a complimentary remark we
had made about our Senator on the Foreign
Relations Committee, and the Chairman
FULBRIGHT.
If you should have any occasion to consid-
er the groups interested in great decisions it
would seem proper that the discussion leader
refrain from attempted influence of dect-
4509
sions in these matters and that discussions
be given to the public attending, rather than
to listen to lengthy arguments in favor of
the military as in this case here.
Thank you, and keep up the good work.
Sincerely,
Mr. and Mrs. HARRY G. THORN.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
SALEM, OREG.,
February 26, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: My husband and I
admire your stand on Vietnam and wait with
great interest each progressive step you make
toward your goal.
Sincerely,
MARY EDITH GILKERTSON.
PORTLAND, OREG.,
February 24, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.:
Please continue to voice your opposition to
President Johnson's war in Vietnam since I
agree with most of your policies and ideas in
this regard.
From my listening and reading, I feel we
are aiding an evil government against the
only people who seem to care for the Viet-
nam country and majority.
At any rate our being there is intervention
and wrong. It has none of my moral support.
Sincerely,
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
Mrs. RICHARD E. TRACY.
SALEM, OREG.,
February 21, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Last night we held
a surprisingly well-attended meeting on Viet-
nam in my legislative district. Of those
present I was surprised by what I feel is a
change of mood following the public hear-
ings of the Senate Foreign Relations Com-
mittee hearings.
I feel it is most important that further
hearings be held to solidify the changing
mood.
I was surprised when the audience was in-
volved in expressing their opinions. I asked
for a show of hands and approximately 70
percent favored deescalation; 20 percent fa-
vored continuance of present policy; 10 per-
cent increase war effort; 90 percent favored
calling for internationally conducted elec-
tions and for abiding by such election even
though this meant the election of a Commu-
nist South Vietnam Government.
I remain your loyal supporter.
Sincerely,
WALLY PRIESTLEY,
State Representative,
PORTLAND, OREG.,
February 24, 1966.
President L. B. JoIINSON,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: What price commit-
ment if your country is ravaged, your people
dead, or any who survive reduced to a cave-
man era.
Financial cost in the black market, mis-
used funds, and aid to the world, plus plans
for a better life here at home are too ex-
pensive for your tax weary people to pay.
There can be honor in retreat-in the
realization that we have made a mistake and
admitting it. France still lives with dignity.
Allies? Who are they? Where are they
except on paper? Their numbers do not sup-
port us by financial or military aid to any
great degree. I beg you, Mr. President, to
listen to your learned educators, your fellow
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Tonight's Oregon
Journal carries a short note that you op-
pose the sending of draftees to Vietnam
against their will without congressional ap-
proval.
I earnestly concur and I. applaud your
stand. I detest the administration's bypass-
ing of Congress with the Vietnam mess;
such action is usurpation of power.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE March 2, 1966
Senators, who have made a life study of
l;hese problems, and to your religious leaders.
leek a peaceful settlement--not a, peaceful
talk of settlement-while on the other hand
you prepare for a larger war. Another Korea
may not be the best answer, but it is a better
;. elution than land or nuclear warfare.
You, as President of the United States,
have a de tbto the world. It is far greater
than any committment in Asia-it is life and.
the right to live. Please, Mr. President, give
It peace.
Sincerely yours,
Sc:ll:.tor WAS NE MORSE,
,Senate Oj]ice Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: 'T'his family again cannot
had the proper words to commend you
enough on your stand against the President's
Vietnam policy. It is our constant prayer
that you can continue to find the strength to
do so.
The Senate hearings were watched with
great interest and much was learned. It is
our belief that without you to lead the way
many other Members of the Senate would
have remained silent and just blindly fol-
lowed the President's wishes.
Sincerely yours,
TnasarooK, OREG.,
February 18. 1966.
tOt. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S Senate,
Wa::hington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: I think you are on the
right track with your "no draftees to Viet-
nam" bill-or any other undeclared war.
CC those countries cannot furnish their own
manpower to win then they cannot preserve
thew freedom, and we certainly cannot police
the whole world.
'i"he American people are not willing to
make this terrible human sacrifice to "save
face" for some few policymakers. Ridicul-
lonS, if it weren't so tragic.
Yours truly,
PORTLAND, OREG.,
February 22, 1966.
in Saigon sounded so much to me like the
thing I previously described to you from
Taipei that I think it is worth again noting
that our people are largely talking to them-
selves In our foreign offices.
For perspective I am sending you a copy of
a small bit by Arnold Toy abee which I think
might interest you, which first appeared in
the London Observer, and then was re-
printed by the Witness-an Episcopalian
weekly-in 1965.
With kindest regards I am,
Very sincerely,
JOSEPH B. TRAINER, M.D.
The recent unan mous s
American Bar Association alleging t
gality of our involvement in Vietnam
me absolutely incomprehensible. As a
I am enclosing a few quotations that
ent of the m
d
h
y
he Le-
is to
result,
I have
ilitary
PORTLAND, OREG.,
6
gm
e ju
run across in t
tribunal of the Nuremberg war crimes
trial,
.
1,ebru.ary 4, 196
ht find useful if you have not
ou mi
hi
h
Senator WAYNI: MORSE,
g
c
y
w
S
Washington, D.C.
. re-pre-
already noted them. Since the U.
d
DEAR SENATOR: Thank you for ,,our con-
sentatives were on the tribunal, we stan
d
tinuing efforts to stop the escalation of the
s
condemned in Vietnam by the same wor
war in Vietnam. Please keep up the good
we used in condemning the Nazis.
work.
Sincerely,
This OregonAan is very proud to have you
CARL, J. NELSON.
representing her in Congress.
EG
LS
O
F
Sincerely,
.,
?
AL
,
KLAMATII
SOPHIA LovING.
February 2.. , 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
POR::LAND, Oi:.ae.,
Senate Office Building,
February ,'4, 1966.
Washington, D.C. t k rd
DEAR SENATOR MORSE. We ,save wa c 1.
Hon. WAY YE MORSE,
ice Building
nate 0/
S
at least a part of the proceedings of the
,
l
e
Washington, D.C.
Senate inquiry concerning Vietnam. We
f
DEAR SENATOR MonsE: `[hank you Ior speak-
appreciate something of the complexity o
ing so clearly about Vietnam. I am willing
to stop this destruction on any terms and get
oil with the reconstruction. Why, after all
of our years of foreign aid, don't we have
less costly, more effective aid? I can't' afford
to spend so much for so l:i ttle.
Sincerely yours,
MARGRET B BAILEY.
l,uGENE, Oar:G.,
February :!4,1966.
IHon1. WA1 N+EE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington., D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE : Thank you for your
cuntiuuecl efforts to bring the Vietnam ques-
tion to national focus. As a registered voter
in Oregon I ECM : m proud to know that at least
o-ie of Oregon's representatives to Congress
is willing to challenge the administration's
present policy in Vietnam.
Your continued efforts to clarify the al-
ternatives available in the present "execu-
Live war" are deeply appreciated, as are
your efforts to stop U.S. unilateral offensives
in Vietnam. I also am in favor of the recent
bill initiated by you and Senator GRUENING
of Alaska which asks that recent draftees
not be sent to Vietnam unless they volun-
teer to do so. I think this is definitely a
step in the right direction.
My personal feeling is that the war in
Vietnam is a very unfortunate mistake on
the part of U.S. foreign policy. I do not
believe we can "will" militarily in Vietnam
without the commitment of 21' million
troops which would be unthinkable. Our
best recourse is to cease the bombing of
North Vietnam (the bombing only results
in solidifying the apposition and determina-
Lion of the North Vietnamese people), rec-
og.uize tl.e NLF at the negotiation table, en-
courage and support the direct involvement
of the United Nations and then abide by its
decisions, and most of all be willing to accept
a compromise settlement rather than push
for a military victory which would mean
the annihilation of the Vietnamese people
and a very likely chance of involving the Red
Chinese 1irectly in a land war.
Best wishes for the success of your con-
tinued efforts with. regard to the Vietnam
question.
Sincerely,
Mrs. JEAN H. 1.?YIRHORN.
I'IUGENI:, OREG.,
February 24. 1966.
IIOn. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is just a note
to indicate again my 200 percent support
of your stand in regard to the war in Viet-
nam. I shall be everlastingly grateful for
your courage and perseverance.
the
tatement b
i
the situation, but which for most of us must;
be at some distance from the more intimate
facts of the situation. In your position you
must be in possession of facts not available
to us here. We have appreciated your sin-
cerity in trying to impress all and sundry
with the hazards being faced and of the deep
desire of our people for honorable peace,
seeking a peaceful solution reflecting a people
of honor.
I have been rather increasing disturbed at
the assurances we have been receiving that
our Government is ready to sit down uncon-
ditionally at any time or place to negotii*.~e
this matter, then to discover that we seem to
have established certain adamant precon-
ditions. Among these is the matter that
we will not sit with any representative of the
Vietcong, but only those from North Viet-
nam. Other preconditions also seem to lie
in the background.
It is to be hoped that here, too, we may
be honorable and do as we say we are ready
to do---talk peace with anyone anywhere and
at any time. The situation being such as
it is, it would be difficult to summarily with-
draw from this business, and such would
possibly leave a disastrous aftermath. But
ways must be found. If negotiations must
be carried on deviously and at arms length
to avoid the Chinese pressures upon Hanoi,
requiring a slow-paced patience, then let us
do so. This might require processes not
open to public view, and the public could
only ask for reassurances of some kind that
every avenue is being pursued and no doors
being shut.
Whatever you can do to further such a
cause will be in the interest of all people.
It will require the kind of courage you have
shown in the past as you have sought to
serve the cause of what Is best for America.
Our prayers and best wishes attend you in
these difficult areas of service.
110 ;1. WAYN : MORSE,
U.S. Congress.
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Again I want to take
[hit opportunity to support you in your
aaaud on the Vietnam question. It must be
it source of some satisfaction to you to have
;deli a broad swing over to what has been
i, lie rational point of view on this matter,
and to be able to move out of an almost
completely isolated position into one of
rather broad support.
I have just finished reading David Halber-
:;tam's Pulitzer Prize winning book "The
Making of a Quagmire," which I thought
Lie most impressive documentation of the
history of our involvement in that area, and
the best presentation of the persistent mis-
information and misadvice and misestimates
of the situation, which came first from our
military people, secondly to our Embassy
people, and finally to Washington. I think
the question might be raised as to legally
treasonable activity on the part of some of
our people in the past 6 or 8 years. These
are strong words, but since that kind of ac-
tivity has now gotten us into a situation in
which we may ask a great many young
Americans to give their lives for the wrong
cause--at the wrong place and the wrong
tine-I think it is a question fair to raise
and I think you are the man to raise it.
'Cie description of events from the mili-
Lary headquarters and from the Embassy
KLAMATH FALLS, OREG.,
February 22, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: There is always the
time to write a letter to your elected repre-
sentative and this is mine. I want to con-
gratulate you on your courage in questioning
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our actions in this Vietnam affair. I'm proud
you are Oregon's Senator, too. History is
going to prove you correct but I'm not sure
you are going to have much influence. It is
discouraging to see how readily we are put-
ting so much power in the hands of the ex-
ecutive branch. If this continues what is
going to happen to the power of the Senate
and House of Representatives? Even the best
of Presidents can be misinformed or in-
fluenced by the wrong advisers. The article
in this weeks National Observor, which re-
ported the Senate hearing, is priceless. I
didn't see the TV report. Anyway, I'm proud
of you.
I don't think many of the Government
officials realize how unhappy most of us are
about this "engagement" in southeast Asia.
I belong to a "great decision" group and all of
them agreed it was foolish and senseless. Of
course, we couldn't solve the problem of how
to get out there. I hope you can. Someone
needs to solve this huge problem.
Good luck.
LANGLOIS, OREG.,
February 10, 1966,
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Many of my friends,
no doubt, will not take the time to write to
you, but I can assure you that they will have
the same views as I do on your stand on the
war in Vietnam, I agree as you do, that in-
vestigation should not stop at the Senate
level, and not behind closed doors, only un-
less for security reasons.
In all, Senator, I think that you are doing
a good job where you are. I like you because
you have guts to stand up and let the world
know what you think.
Sincerely Yours,
AL and LOUISE BROWN.
PORTLAND, OREG.,
February 11, 1966.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. MORSE: God bless you for your.
fearless approach to all problems concern-
ing the welfare of the Nation and our free-
dom heritage. We watched with interest
and appreciation the Senate hearings as tele-
vised across the country yesterday, with re-
newed confidence that we have many able
minds and courageous hearts devoted to our
country's best interests. May your voices
continue to be heard on this problem of
Vietnam as well as on every occasion where
you are the champion of our individual
rights and the national security.
Yours very truly,
Mr. and Mrs. KENNETH C. SMITH.
EDDYVILLE, OREG.,
February 10, 1966.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I write to praise the
work of the Senate Foreign Relations Com-
mittee in holding such effective hearings on
U.S. foreign policy.
I hope that a full transcript of the hearings
will be made easily available to the public
since coverage by the communications media
is inadequate with a few honorable excep-
tions. Voters should know the truth.
I write also to thank you for trying to
block the appointment of Jack H. Vaughn
as new head of the Peace Corps.
It is high time that we completely over-
hauled our thinking in foreign policy to
make it conform with the realities of the
atomic age. The time lag has been danger-
ously great., .
Yours respectfully,
H. R. GLAscocxs, Sr.
GRANTS PASS, OREG.,
February 8,1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: While visiting In
Grants Pass I listened to many of your broad-
casts which I enjoyed very much. I agree
heartily with all that you believe in. I cer-
tainly admire your courage and your stand
in defense of the people's rights and the
United States' position in Vietnam.
If there are ways we citizens might help
in support of your program please let us
know. We are behind you 100 percent.
Very sincerely yours,
HELEN E. ELLIOTT.
RUTH E. MAYERS.
GLADYS CLEGG.
FLORENCE, OREG.,
February 11, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: The televised hear-
ings on Vietnam are very informative. I
think it is getting through to a lot of people
the futility of escalating the war.
Very truly yours,
MARIAN HUNT.
PORTLAND, OREG.
SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: I got to watch a
good deal of the Foreign Relations Committee
hearings, plus the evening news regarding
these hearings, plus special programs on
these hearings. I have also read many news-
paper articles in this regard. I still do not
feel well informed on the subject, but I do
have some thoughts.
None of the witnesses seemed in favor of
escalating the war, all seemed excruciatingly
sincere in their testimony and all seemed in
favor of getting to the conference table with
the enemy. Mostly in trying to get them to
come to the conference table. One of the
main problems seemed to be in predicting the
future-perhaps you should call a fortune
teller with a crystal ball in as a witness; pose
hypothetical solutions and ask her to peer
into the future to see what the result would
be if such a course should be taken.
Based on the hearings, whether or not to
contain the spread of communism by aggres-
sion seems to be the issue, with China's im-
mediate intent the big question mark.
I do not believe we can or should be the
policemen of the world. Aggression should
be halted and our mutual protection treaties
should be honored.
It does seem that the U.N. should be the
instrument through which peace is manipu-
lated. If that doesn't work no avenue toward
peace should be unexplored. This also seems
to be being done, or tried.
These hearings have been the best thing
to happen in this country in a long time.
The public should know what is going on as
well as just how difficult it is to wrestle with
this problem.
Sincerely,
PORTLAND, OREG.,
February 24, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please continue to
fight, in every way possible, the escalation of
the Vietnam "situation." I am in Portland
with my husband who attends Reed College,
and am unfamiliar with politics and proce-
dures in this area. I would appreciate any
advice regarding my efforts to help in any
way I can to bring about a peaceful settle-
ment of this nightmare.
Most sincerely,
MARLENA LANGSTON.
PORTLAND, OREG.,
February 18, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have owed you this
letter since your brave, and almost solitary
stand against the Presidential takeover of
congressional duties, in regard to Vietnam.
For a while, I thought that the constitu-
tional point you were making was of lesser
importance than the moral and humani-
tarian issues, but I have come to see that for
this country, at any rate, the two are one.
An undeclared war is a wrong that was
guarded against by our basic law. An in-
fringement there may lead to further in-
fringements on issues more immediate to our
personal rights. You were right, and I was
wrong. Thank you.
Thank you for your courage, intrepidity,
your continuing stand for the right as you
see it.
Most sincerely,
MEDFORD, OREG.,
February 17, 1966.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I will not take your
time by writing a long, involved letter con-
cerning our policy in Vietnam.
I do, however, want to say that I applaud
your stand on this important issue and am
confident that you have contributed in large
measure to a gradual change in public opin-
ion concerning the administration's conduct
of this war.
You are, as usual, performing a great
public service and it is encouraging to see
more and more of our responsible congres-
sional leaders joining you in public criticism
of this immoral war.
Thank you for saying what so badly needs
to be said.
Yours very sincerely,
Mrs. MARJORY E. MADDEN.
CORNALLIS, OREG.,
February 16, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing you
to commend you on your academic and bril-
liant performance at the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee hearings on February
10.
You have much support, more perhaps
than you realize. I fear people are afraid of
being anti-Vietnam because they will be
labeled as Communists. We must stop this
war in southeast Asia. We will become so
weak, spreading ourselves so thin, our image
throughout the world will be nil. Perhaps
this is the very strategy of the Communists.
Please continue your fight for Eonescala-
tion of the war and for approaching this
whole thing from a different viewpoint.
Yours sincerely,
Mrs. W. A. SLABAUGH.
SPRINGFIELD, OREG.,
February 22,1966.
DEAR SENATOR: Please count me as one of
the 17 to 1 against the war in Vietnam.
Fortunately, Americans are not quite as
they were a few short years ago. Not all of
them will give up reason and commonsense
because it might be labeled communistic.
I am at a loss to understand the people
who maintain that what we are doing
throughout the world has anything to do
with democracy, peace, or even anticommu-
nism.
The countries we have helped most have
developed the strongest communistic lean-
ings and small wonder has a way of revert-
ing to American interest.
One wonders how long Americans will con-
tinue to tax themselves to support their own
destruction.
God bless you for having the courage of
your convictions.
Sincerely,
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4512 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, - SENATE March 2. 1966
PORTLAND, OREG.,
February 18, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: These televised hear-
ings have certainly been enlightening to
those of us who are so deeply concerned. Be-
lieve me, I am praying that wisdom will be
given to you who are forming our policy in
this mess.
Few Americans would object to the giving
of our resources, money, and knowledge as
a contribution toward a solution. But I can't
see drafting youngsters in their teens and
shipping them off to Vietnam after just 6
months training.
it isn't always easy to do what you think
is right, is it? Let me commend you for hav-
ing moral courage, a most admirable attri-
bute.
Sinx:?rel y,
DorioTHY M. WATERBURY.
BROOKS, OREG.,
February 23, 1966.
UsAR SNO?TOR MORSE: We agree with your
position on Vietnam and admire your cour-
age in stating your views.
We wish you contid'ued success in the fu-
ture.
Iespeetfully yours,
T,n,aI and FRANK HENRY.
I' Thank you for the excerpt of CoN-
r.RESSIONAl. RECORD containing your speech.
I'iIXGENE, OREG.,
February 25, 1966.
Senator WAYNE. L. MORSE,
Senate Office Building.
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please permit me
to suggest that you advocate that the Unit-
ed States and other nations (optional) des-
ignate specific periods for peace prayer vigils.
Prayer is the omnipotent force in the uni-
verse.
You have my 100 percent support of your
steadfast position on the entire Vietnam
issue.
May God bless you abundantly for your
tuost excellent achievements for Oregon and
the world.
A loyal and stanch Oregon friend,
MPs. VIRGINIA F. SMITH.
NEW YORK, N.Y.,
February 23, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am in agreement
On your stand on the Vietnam issue, and
have been following the televised hearings of
the Foreign Relations Committee. I am so
thankful for your outspoken concern, and
that. of Senator FULBRIGHT, over our danger-
ous and hypocritical policies in Vietnam.
Yours truly,
PORTLAND, OREG.,
February 22, 1966.
Mon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D C.
DEAR SENATOR: After considerable reading
and listening, and a fair understanding now
of the history at the Indochina area lead-
ing up to the 1954 Geneva agreements, and
niter a reading of these latter agreements,
and factual accounts of what has happened
::lace, that time (aided very little by the
statements made by our administration), I
must conclude that I concur with you in your
courageous and determined opposition to our
(lovermnent _, present policy toward Viet-
nam.
May I say that I am very proud to have you
the senior Senator from Oregon. In ret..
rospect, I believe that most of my disagree-
hnents with your stated views in the past--
and this has not been too many times-have
centered around my own incomplete grasp
of pertinent facts. At any rate, I feel quite
:tire that time and history, perhaps most
particula:-ly in reference to our !onduct in
southeast Asia, will honor your record in
the U.S. Senate as that of a genuine patriot.
Would you. please add my name to your
mailing list and also that of my brother.
His name and address are: Stanley O. Stew-
art, 2312 SE. 156th Avenue, Portl.cnd, Oreg.,
97233.
Thank you. and my best wishes '.:o you and
your family.
Sincerely,
RLTON L.:STEWART.
P.S.-Ii not too late, we would both appre-
ciate copies of your January 1966 newsletter
with your speech of January 19, tiI66, as en-
tered in the CONGRESSIONAL REconn. Thanks
again. F.L.S.
SALEM, Oem.,
February 25, 1966.
Sauator WA.-NE MORSE,
Senate O(tice Building,
Washington D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: For seven,l years we
have followed your work concernin:' the prob-
lem of Vietnam, and have appreciated your
consistent, understanding, and unhypo-
critical approach to it. We have been even
more proud, as your cone,tituents, and grate-
ful for your recent efforts. It is good at this
time to see men such as yourself aa:d Senator
F?n.LBRIGI ET doing what needs to be done, and
doing it so well.
If we could be of assistance to you in this
work, we would appreciate your s.iggestions
as to what, we might do. We will, of course,
consider these issues in voting this Novem-
ber.
Sincerely yours,
PHYLLIS BERGER PH. D.
'I'IIE DALLi s, OREG.,
1'ebruarv -14,1966.
Hon. WAY SE MORSE,
Senate O_>gice Building,
Washington. D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Though tids is writ-
ten on a church letterhead, it is st'ictly per-
sonal.
We received and read in its entirety your
very interesting newsletter and CONGRES-
SIONAL Rncosn of January 1.9, 1966. Mrs.
Morrow and I are more than ever impressed
by your courageous and competent handling
of the case in re Vietnam. We simply want
you to be assured of the enthusiastic support
of this family. You stand in this matter
with some of the keenest and mosh honored
of the country's advisors.
Even the Oregonian had to print Governor
Hatfield's stand and the rather surprising re-
sult of "Great Decisions" discussions in
which Oregon participants were divided
50-50 on Vietnam. We are not sanguine
about the outcome at this time, hilt we are
grateful for your efforts on behalf of sanity
and what is right.
Ver'r sincerely yours,
IaRED R. AToRROw.
NsWBEaG, OR.EG.,
February _'O, 1966.
SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: Please use all your
power as a Senator against this undeclared
war in Vietnam. It is not, legal to draft men
under the age of 241. without parents' con-
sent. These men must pay taxes when they
are employed, but yet they have nc say as to
how this country should be governed as
they do not have the right to vote
The war in Vietnam should be put to a
vote for or against.
Are the American peocrle unabl ' to stop
sending troops to Vietnam?
Use your vale to stop this. More power
to you; you are correct in your fight against
wars undeclared.
ROBERT It KAMPH,
Veteran, World War IT,
91st Infantry Division.
EUGEIVE, OREG.,
February 20, 1966.
DEAR HoN. SENATOR MORSE: I would like to
thank you for your courageous stand on
Vietnam, and your faith in democracy.
I believe that `he U.S. policy in Vietnam
is illegal and immoral, and that our foreign
policy is too narrowminded to deal with the
complex problems of the world today. Our
Government is acting on a cold-war foreign
policy of containment, and It sees internal
revolutions and nationalist movements as
Communist aggression. We cannot bully or
blackmail countries into a democratic form
of government. I urge our immediate with-
drawal from Vietnam, and I suggest that the
United States reconsider its foreign policy.
Please place me on your mailing list, for I
would like to follow your actions in the
Senate.
Respectfully yours,
MARTIN I. DURST.
MARY ,JOYCE DUR~I'.
EUGENE, OREG.,
February 22, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR: I have been watching the
hearings on the Vietnam question, and I
wish to compliment you and Senator FUL-
BRIGHT on the courage you have shown on
these issues. I know most of the people are
behind you. I, in my business of serving
the public, go into many homes and In ask-
ing about the Vietnam war find that the ma-
jority of people feel as you do on the issues.
We are very fortunate in having men such
as you in our Government. God bless you,
and keep up the good work.
Yours truly,
SAMUEL MARROT.-IF.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
WINSTON, Osica.,
February 24,1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you for the
information you sent me in relation to South
Vietnam, and let me say I am very proud of
you for your stand opposite to that Of the
present administration, but Senator MORSE, I
do not see how a formal declaration of war
by the Congress changes the situation in re-
lation to the danger of a war with China,
and in the end a nuclear war from which no
nation can emerge victor.
It seems to me our great military power
was created not to attack but to repel an
attack.
Are the American people to furnish the
men and arms to police the world?
If we follow the advice of Mr. Rusk, Mr.
McNamara, and President Johnson. we are
sureto end up in a war with China, and a
declaration of war would be the go sign
they now lack.
Thank you for your Efforts in behalf of
peace and justice but lain very much afraid
the future looks very black.
Sincerely yours,
PORTLAND, OREG.,
February 2?1, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: As a resident. of Ore-
gon, and the mother of a son who could be
called into the service at any time, it is a
consolation to know we have a man repre-
senting us, with the courage of his
own convictions.
I only hope and pray this terrible slaugh-
ter of our boys may soon end.
After listening to the hearings--I felt like
you and your committee--there is so
much more we could have done, and still
could do, to improve this horrible situation
without all of this heartbreak for everyone
involved.
It is indeed a sad and empty feeling to
realize we raise our beloved sons only to
be snatched away in the prime of their young
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lives, to fight a war that seems so
unnecessary.
I pray that God will give our leaders the
proper guidance to end this brutal war.
Keep up the good work. That Is what
America is all about. The freedom to speak
out and be heard and the wisdom to make
the right decisions by free and open
discussions.
Sincerely,
ALEXANDRIA, VA.,
February 27, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thanks greatly, sir,
for your stand on the Vietnam war and cur-
rent proposals.
Your stand on this issue is as great to wit-
ness as your display of skill in riding your
horse seen some years ago at a horse show.
May God give you added strength to bring
proposals of war to the stage of negotiation
and debate, that peace may reign in our land.
Sincerely,
DONALD COLLIER.
SWEET HOME, OREG.,
February 22, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: You are doing
splendid Job. We want to thank you very
deeply.
Have wanted to write you many times
because we feel you are taking the right
course on the war situation.
I find it hard to express all the "graditude"
in writting you.
You and the men such as MANSFIELD and
FULBRIGHT are giving us new hope, good luck.
RAYMOND EWING.
February 22, 1966.
"Tourists form EstadoS Unidos mean much
to our economy. Treat them well. Be cour-
teous. Above all do not make argument
politico. Because they are obsessed with the
fear of Communists. It is a national sick-
ness and they cannot help it. It has been
their foreign policy for over 40 years and one
day it will lead them into bad trouble. But
they cannot help it. We will ignore it. We
are thankful for their friendship and the
prosperity their tourists bring to us. But
we will not make argument politico."
My reaction was anger and humiliation.
The Californian laughed and said, "Think
about it."
Senator MORSE, I have thought about it.
Thought about it a great deal since the Viet-
nam situation assumed such a frightening
aspect. I am not now angry but I do feel
humiliated. Have we indeed carried fear
and hatred and national arrogance to the
predicted "bad trouble"?
I am grateful for the mailings that come
to us from your office. I am deeply thankful
that you sit in the Senate and on its For-
eign Relations Committee. Your fearless
stand on our foreign policy gives me some
measure of hope.
Most sincerely,
Mrs. KATHERINE HARRIS.
MILWAUKIE, OREG.
DEAR MR. MORSE: Thank you for the way
you are fighting for the common man. The
people of Oregon are lucky to have someone
like you to fight for Its; the majority of peo-
ple are with you.
Keep up the good work we are doing all
we can to help.
Thank you again.
Yours truly,
Mr. and Mrs. JOHN PHILLIPS.
PORTLAND, OREG.,
February 23, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Hurray for you.
I'm with you all the way-and have been
since I've been in Oregon.
I hope you keep up the good work, I'm
so sick of secrecy-and some of the lies
that come out of this administration. I'm
tired of being treated as though I'm not
good enough, or wise enough to have a
voice in the policy of this great land.
I'm an Independent-but a registered
Democrat since 1932-because I believed in
the Democratic Party principles, more than
I've been able to believe in the Republicans.
We receive your congressional report and
do appreciate getting it, for it gives us a
chance to at least know what is going on in
Washington.
Thank you again for the TV Senate hear-
ings. I listened to every one-and appreciate
what all of you are trying to do.
Sincerely,
Mrs. LEO A. KILGES.
LEBANON, OREG.,
February 23, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: You must get many
letters scolding you for your stand on Viet-
nam. Critics always write the most letters.
I hope those who agree with you also let you
know that they do. I am one of them.
I listened attentively to all the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee broadcasts with
special attention to the opinions of Mr. Rusk
and General Taylor. I wanted to find
through them an area of agreement with my
President. I could not.
Early in January 1964, Slim and I stopped
awhile in Tuxtla Gutierrez on our-way north
from Panama. A compatriot staying at our
hotel, a Californian, showed us a newspaper
published in Mexico City and asked us to
read a certain editorial and give him our
opinion. With some difficulty and his help,
I translated. This is the gist of it:
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have just heard
President Johnson's speech to the Freedom
House Award, in which he implores us to
support the war. With Just as much zeal
and emotion, I implore you as my Senator,
not to desist in your efforts to find another
way.
We have three young daughters, not sons,
but my point of view in no way reflects any-
thing but the utmost respect for our service-
men in Vietnam. Somewhere in all the ave-
nues open to us and all the intelligence of
our diplomats there must be someway, some
idea that can point toward a new solution
to our world strife.
I will not go on at length as to why we
support your position but wish to indicate
our support.
Sincerely,
CORINNE and DUANE PAULSON.
OAK PARK, MICH.,
February 21, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Foreign Relations Committee,
Washington, D.C.
MOST HONORABLE SENATOR MORSE: I am
writing to tell you that me, my family and
very many of my friends want to say thank
God for you.
We are all American citizens and are very
much concerned and upset with our Presi-
dent's policy, and the whole war in Vietnam.
We do not feel that we should be respon-
sible for the unjust slaughter of our boys,
and the Vietnamese people, but so far there
seems very little that we can do to stop
it. Please continue to do your part and
the investigations into the whole affair. Let
more people know what the true situation is,
and we hope and pray that we can come to
some settlement in a hurry.
Please tell me if there is anything that I
can do to help stop this war, before it is too
late.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senator from Oregon,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: This letter is to inform you that
our entire family is deeply concerned over the
situation in Vietnam.
We strongly urge you to continue to pur-
sue activities that would bring this matter
to a peaceful solution. We are very much
opposed to the present policies of President
Johnson and his advisers.
We are thankful that there are still brave
men at home who are not afraid to voice
their opinions.
Respectfully,
SACRAMENTO, CALIF.,
February 18, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: Your efforts to save hu-
manity from a nuclear war are greatly appre-
ciated. History will have to record your good
works.
Sincerely yours,
JOHN E. SUMMERS, M.D.
TACOMA, WASH.,
February 19', 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Oregon State can be
proud of their Senator. God bless you on
your stand on Vietnam. We pray the Ameri-
can people will get behind you and support
you all the way on this important matter.
There has to be a better way than wars and
its bloody killings.
Sincerely yours,
MYRTLE ROBISON.
BERT ROBISON.
SHELLEY ROBISON.
PACIFIC GROVE, CALIF.,
February 19, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: You are certainly a
man Americans can be proud to claim as
their own. Throughout the hearings you
have conducted yourself in a cool, intelligent
manner as befitting your position.
Thank you so very much for striving to
bring peace to the world and an end to the
killings. I'm certain you will be long re-
membered and honored when the militarists
are long forgotten,
"Blessed are the peacemakers." You are
among them.
Sincerely yours,
Los ALTOS, CALIF.,
February 19, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It is difficult to find
a way to express our gratitude to you for
your courageous and lonely fight on the
Vietnam issue. If we get out of this thing
alive you above anyone in public life deserve
the credit. You and Senator FULBRIGHT
were very effective at the hearings. Perhaps
it will prove to be the beginning of the end.
Very sincerely,
Dr. and Mrs. JOHN FRYMIRE.
SAN RAFAEL, CALIF.,
February 20, 1966.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Grateful thanks
must be expressed by my wife and myself to
you for your marvelous display of intelli-
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11)1.4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 2, 1966
pence and integrity---your unswerving devo-
tion to truth, to peace, to humanity--in
which lie all mankind's hopes for an end to
the foul conflict In Vietnam and for an end
to all wars.
Your voice is America singing.
Sincerely.
Senator W A Y N E MORSE,
Senate, Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
:TEAR SENATOR MonsE: Thank you for your
criticism of our war in Vietnam, and for
your efforts at clarifying our policy there..
Although this engagement is confusing
and. confused, it does seem that where there
is lighting there is a war. If it is war does it
not have to be declared by Congress? It
seems to he Presidential wars that are not
controlled.
hope float you will continue to criticize
everything with which you disagree. If citi-
zens cannot disagree with any policy in-
volving our Armed Forces and have no say
in where our forces shall be sent what voice
do we have?
Very truly yours,
MunIEL T. ASBORNSEN.
,AN FRANCff4CO, CALIF.,
t;enator Monsr,
U.S. Senate.
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: More power to you. I'm behind
you in your efforts to get Vietnam war nego-
tiated--put in U.N. hands---and stop U.S.
ag,ression.
Sincerely,
lIon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
HEAR SIR: Our thanks and admiration to
you Senator MORSE for your courage to stand
up, almost alone, for what you consider right,
moral, and the good of your country.
Very truly yours,
IeA IfUTII BERRY.
NIanOLAS BERRY.
Sion. WAYNe: MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Wa ihington, D.C.
liiiS ALO, N.Y.,
lebruary 22, 1966.
SIB: Thank you for your wonderful and
brave stand you are taking to try to bring
about an end to the terrible undeclared war
in Vietnam.
May I respectfully request that you sup-
port the realistic proposal of Senator ROBERT
KENNEDY to admit the Vietcong to peace
negotiations and to the formation of a new
government for South Vietnam, as they
represent more than 75 percent of the popu-
lation of South Vietnam?
I'Lease continue your brave fight to bring
an early end to the terrible sufferings and
enormous waste of our country's money in a
war we should have not entered into.
Our country is being condemned all over
the world for our intrusion into the civil
war of an oriental country. Thank God we
have a man like you who will fight for justice
no matter how the warmongers try to smear
you. God bless you.
Yours truly,
STUDIO CITY, CALIF.,
February 22, 1966.
lion. Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Building,
Washington, D.C.
D:zAR SIR: I was so deeply impressed with
your statements and position during the
hearings which were on television that it has
taken me these number of days to collect my
thought.; in order to write to you.
Your statesmanship in the m:dst of con-
fusion and darkness is a beacon of light and
we are proud of you and wish you Godspeed
and good health In order to remain the voice
of sanity and, reason.
I know dozens and dozens of people who
,;hare my views about your grew, patriotism
but as you well know human nar:ure is such
that people are quick to criticize and rarely
exert effort when they agree * * * so please
be assured that you have tremendous sup-
port all over the country.
It is appropriate that I should have writ-
ten this letter on George. Washing urn's birth-
day-a day of reflection,
Sincere
F ITTSrURGI , PA.,
February 22, 1966.
D?EAr : 'F.NA'rOR MORSE: For years my par-
ents have been telling use what it dreadful
man you,, are, but after thinkin;'; it over, I
think you're great. My husband and I ap-
preciate your determined que: boning of
Rusk, Taylor, etc.; and hope you can pre-
vent Pre=.ident Johnson's abuse r f the Ton-
kin Gulf resolution. We are concerned by
the administration's confusion ar-d apparent
v.'illingrlcs,s to escalate indefinilcly at the
behest of Hanoi.
We'll be back in. Oregon In a couple of
years and hope to be able to vote for you
then.
:Sincerely,
SAiiT FRANCISCO, C 11 IF.,
Senator WAYNNE MORSE,
Senate (I flee .Ruildin.g.
1i7ashingi on, D.C.
DEAR SsNAToa MonsE: I must apologize for
not writi. cg to you long'bcfore this to say how
much I appreciate your persistent and wel-
come voice of sanity all these sr:snths. At
last it seems that some other Members of
Congress are joining with you, tLank good-
ness. But your courage and patience In ad-
vocating it course of reason with respect to
the Vietnam policy will long be remembered.
Sir cefely yours,
F;I.1''ABETI3 If D, M.D.
WEST COPAKE, N.Y.,
February 23, 1966.
Hon. WAYNE L. MORSE,
Senator From the State of Oregon.,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SINA'roa MonsE: It is wish respect,
admiration, and gratitude that we write to
you to offer our unqualified st;pport for
your honest and courageous stand on the
Vietnam policy of the United States.
We have followed your outstanding career
for many years and are very pleas: d to have
this opportunity to extend our re pects and
appreciation to you for being a. voice of
conscience to the American people and the
world. You have moved us to join you in
fighting for tile redemption of oar foreign
policy. We have written to everyone we can
think of to either thank them for supporting
you or ask them to join you. We hope it will,
in some small way, help.
As the parents of three small children, we
look toward the future with many uncer-
tainties, as have all parents for all time, but
our outlook includes the fear that no matter
what sacrifices we may make to insure our
childrens' health, a good education and the
rest, a nuclear war may make all our efforts
meaningless.
We thank ycu for your efforts to make the
world a safer place for all children to find
fulfillmen ; and the joys of life.
With respect and deep affection, tae remain,
Very truly yours,
Mr. and Mrs, ROBERT D. 'I'ASSLER.
ISLAND C:rrY, OREG.,
February 10, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. MORSE: I wish to thank you for
your stand on the Vietnam situation. It is
nice to know that there are people like you
that have the courage to speak up. We as
ordinary citizens cannot speak up against the
war without being classed as being unfair
to our soldiers in Vietnam or being Com-
munist appeasers.
I am a member of the Masonic Order as
I know you are, and I have never known any
Mason to be a Communist appeaser or
sympathizer.
This war is a nasty mess and I am glad
to know that through your efforts it is being
brought before the United Nations for possi-
ble settlement. Also I like your stand on
withdrawal of the broad authorization of the
President to conduct the war in Vietnam.
Sincerely,
Hon. WAYNE L. MORSE,
U.S. Senator,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
BAKER, OREG.,
February 11, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: For many years I
have been more or less opposed to this busi-
ness of writing letters to elected representa-
tives on the theory that you people probably
have more important things to do than to
read and answer them. Your appearance on
a recent Sunday television program, however,
prompts me to write this to let you know that
my wife and I, while we have not been your
most ardent supporters in the past, do feel
that your opposition to our so-called foreign
policy is justified, particularly as it pertains
to Vietnam. Our position there is untenable
to say the least, but it appears that we are
caught between the devil and the deep blue
sea.
It is our thinking that it is high time that
this Nation takes a long, hard look :It its for-
eign policy. It doesn't quite make sense to
me that the United States should take it
upon itself to make a utopia out of the entire
world without some help from our so-called
allies. It is inconceivable that we can justify
.helping with our hard-earned dollars those
foreign countries, including Great Britain
and France, if you please, and many others,
only to have them use this aid to help the
other side, perhaps not directly but most cer-
tainly indirectly.
Perhaps with advancing age we become
more selfish, but with a son approaching
military age (now 16), It Is going to be par-
ticularly difficult for me to see the reason
for sacrificing him in an Asian conflict, per-
haps, to force democracy on a bunch of peo-
ple, 99 percent of whom don't; know or care
of the difference between democracy and
communism.
We feel that it is about time for Congress
to start acting like a Congress and stop rub-
ber stamping everything that the present
Occupant of the White House requests or de-
mands. For all the good it did, the last Con-
gress could have stayed home and the build-
ings could have been rented to the labor
unions. At least this would have saved the
salaries and netted a tidy sum. for the Treas-
ury.
We know that it is not easy for you to take
your present stand, and we are not sure in
our own minds that you are entirely right.
To pull out of Vietnam now, I am afraid,
would be disastrous, but maybe it is time
for us to admit that we cannot save the en-
tire world all by ourselves and return to some
kind of sanity in this foreign policy field.
Keep up the good work. 11' we can be of
any assistance, let us know.
Yours very truly,
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NORTH POWDER, OREG.
DEAR MR. SENATOR: I have watched with
great interest the hearings on television con-
cerning Vietnam. I can say the information
the public has been given in this situation
has been, until this time, completely inade-
quate. I feel that not only this issue, but
others equally important, should be made
public to the population.
I understand from what I read that you
were responsible, along with a few other
men on the committee, in making this pos-
sible to our TV Industry. You are to be
commended.
I would also like to say I agree in most
part with you on Vietnam. However, I look
on it in a slightly different manner. I feel,
as many other people who have discussed
this, feel that this war is kept going not in
Hanoi, but in Washington. Don't misunder-
stand me. I am not pink or Red. I am
deadly opposed to communism. I feel it has
little, if any, merit. But I do feel we have
thwarted almost every effort to reach a
peaceful settlement so far. I am of the opin-
ion that our President, in order to save his
neck at home on the economic field, is send-
ing our young men to give their necks on
the battlefield. From what little informa-
tion I can glean from the press, I have
reached the conclusion that our economy is
strong, not because of our national product,
but because of the millions and billions of
dollars pouring into our defense spending
and the circulation of money for the Great
Society programs which have been started.
I think the bombing lull served two pur-
poses. It gave Hanoi time to rebuild instal-
lations, thus giving her the capability to
continue the war at a heavier tempo. It also
served our purposes in the worldwide flight
of doves on a so-called peace mission,
which I feel was never meant to accomplish
peace. It was a neat job any con artist
would admire.
Then our President made his big play at
the United Nations and while that body was
still deliberating, took off for Hawaii and
stated his intent of giving all it took to de-
feat the enemy. I cannot possibly imagine
how the world could seriously think we have
really exhausted every avenue of peace when
we have yet to make a sincere step in this
direction.
I am opposed to this war which some have
said (including the Secretary of Defense)
could last 10 years. I have four sons who
could be spilling their blood over there, and
what a tragic waste it would be.
I don't want communism anymore than
the next but I feel we have set ourselves up
as the protector of all mankind. It is im-
possible.
Maybe this isn't from scripture, but as a
child I heard it many times: "The Lord
helps those who help themselves." I do not
feel, that aside from economic aid to these
weak countries, we owe them the lifeblood
of our young men. Teach them how to help
themselves and give then aid. Let them
choose their own paths. We cannot.
I want to say that anything I can do in
my small way to see you back as our senior
Senator from Oregon, I will do. Maybe this
doesn't agree with your politics, but on the
other hand, I'm going to do everything I
can to convince everyone I know that
Lyndon B. Johnson should not be our next
President. I am sickened by many of the
Members of our Congress who mouth every-
thing he says as if it were the gospel and I
do admire your courage in speaking out
against some of his policies. More than
your ideas, I admire your integrity and
courage.
I am a housewife. I have seven children
and perhaps I have little business even say-
ing anything. But I feel so strongly that
we are on the wrolig road that I had to write
you and say I just wish there were a few
more who see things as you do.
Most sincerely,
CORVALIS, OREG.,
January 3, 1966.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senator for Oregon,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
MY DEAR .SENATOR: We send our best
wishes for a healthy, happy, and prosperous
New Year.
We receive your reports regularly and ap-
preciate having them.
Again we wish to commend you for your
stand on foreign aid to countries that do not
deserve it, how can we be so stupid to send
aid to people, like Nasser and many others
that we know are our enemies.
We are enclosing a clipping cut from the
Albany paper, we go along with this and
hope that you will also.
We assure you of our continued support
in your efforts.
Very truly yours,
CHARLES E. WILLIAMS.
PORTLAND, OREGl,
January 31. 1966.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: When we moved to
Portland 11 years ago from New Orleans,
I brought along my French drip coffee pot
and we ordered our coffee from Baton Rouge.
As usual, I was up at 6:30 dripping coffee and
saw the early TV report.
It must be highly gratifying to you to
know that your aim In part (U.N. Security
Council) has been accomplished. Congratu-
lations. We are very proud and I believe
you'll go down in history as the greatest
statesman and Senator who ever served his
country. The brilliance of your thinking has
again been demonstrated. We'll all keep
praying for peace, for you and for our Pres-
ident's strength. He certainly has my sin-
cere sympathy. The times ahead will be try-
ing. So lets keep trying!
Sincerely,
Mrs. PAUL F. MIELLY.
P.S.-I just looked up the words "states-
man." "A man versed in the principles and
art of government; especially, one who
shows wisdom in treating or directing pub-
lic matters; also a man occupied with the af-
fairs of government and influential in shap-
ing its policy." You surely have been a tre-
influence in shaping our policy so
mendous
it fits and I can put the letter back in the
envelope.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C.
SIR: My faith in the democratic process
has been invigorated anew by the hearings
of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee,
so recently televised. As one of your Oregon
constituents, I owe a special debt of grati-
tude to you, Senator MORSE, for your per-
sistent and courageous efforts to put your
convictions first, and to keep our Vietnam
policy in perspective. At' times you, Sen-
tor FULDRIGHT and Senator CHURCH seemed
to have been waging a lone battle against
heavy odds. It now seems you have been
rewarded, at least in the efforts of all the
committee members to make a thorough
and searching inquiry into our policy in
Vietnam. I hope nothing will stop or hinder
the committee from further challenging the
premises on which our present policy is
based, and then recommending a more sane
and realistic approach to our future there.
General Gavin has contributed much in that
direction. "Profiles in Courage" would now
have you, Senator Morse, to add to its pages.
Very truly yours,
ONTARIO, OREG.
DEAR SIR: We are all very happy we still
have someone left like you that doesn't want
our loved ones getting killed for every other
country.
Mothers and fathers of this country want
to know how to stop sending our boys to
death. We are full of fear wondering why
this country thinks it's so powerful it can
lick the world. Our loved ones are so afraid
and sick of going to Vietnam just to die.
How can mothers and fathers put a stop
to this? Our boys are getting killed. How
can I be a member of the "Women Strike
for Peace"? Ask the people what they think
about this-not the President.
Senator MORSE.
DEAR SIR: We want to congratulate you
for the stand you are taking. Every Ameri-
can should know and understand that Con-
gress can only declare war. It seems as
though the American people should be
awakened. Seems though the American peo-
ple are just in a trance; they have to be told,
and you are the man that can do it. A few
more letters like you had in the Courier and
also in the Oregonian should wake most of
them. Hope to hear more of you.
Your truly.
ANNA RUMSOLZOMY,
E. C. RUMEOLZ.
HOn. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: Am writing you today
commending you on your stand on the Viet-
nam controversy. From visits around my
territory which includes northern California,
Oregon, Washington, and Idaho, I find most
of my contacts are entirely in agreement with
your reasoning and firm stand. You have
taken a most courageous stand against forces
who are in my opinion acting quite contrary
to the wishes of the people, especially those
in this area.
I, personally, am a firm believer in the
Monroe Doctrine and would gladly do any-
thing possible to look after our interests and
protection in this hemisphere. Beyond that
and those boundaries, we are delving too
much into affairs and responsibilities of
Europe and the Far East.
Our resources are limited and the mount-
ing Government debt is awesome, contrary
to the claims of our so-called leaders. I and
others believe and agree with you that our
(the public) interests should be protected
and that the public should have the facts
about our involvements around the world
and our fabulous giveaways.
Our Vice President traveling through the
Far East is demonstrating his generosity
which has been true to his past record.
With that you are no doubt quite familiar.
If we have danger from the extreme right,
then we have the same from the extreme left
of which he has been a member for some
time.
Many of your constituents are highly
pleased with your bold and forthright posi-
tion. We are proud of you and our Gover-
nor for the sensible stand you have taken.
Ours is a free country and we want to
keep it that way. This cannot be done by
constantly piddling away our resources In
men and money. We are depending upon
you to look after our welfare in your hon-
orable capacity.
Sincerely yours,
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C'ORE.ST GaaOVE, Ua':G.,
January 30, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: May I congratulate
you on your clear, concise, and very pertinent
remarks made on the CBS "Congress and
the War" program, Sunday.
Like Most Americans, I have been very dis-
turbed by the get-out-of-Vietnam demon-
strations, around the country, but even more
disturbed by the fact that the average citizen
of dais Republic literally cannot get any in-
formation upon which to make any kind of
sensible judginent about the war. The
equivocal statements of the President and
his defenders do nothing but increase my
anxiety and. if conversations with friends are
any indication, the uneasiness of Americans
is general.
As though gross national product has
anything to do with ethics or international
law. I was especially pleased that you
pointed out ti,e moral and practical issues
involved. We have already been judged (and
found wanting) by our fellow nations, and
we must face our penalty from an interna-
tional court. And we must realize that this
war is not likely to stop with Vietnam.
I don't think I'm alone in feeling this way.
My husband, a history professor at Pacific
University, doesn't seem to have any inside
information I don't have. The politicians
and political scientists or whatever we talk
to seem as much in the dark as we average
citizens about President Johnson's inten-
tions. If this is a democracy, I think we
have a right to know-at least more than
we know now.
Pain in the neck you may be to your col-
leagues in the Senate, but I'm awfully glad
I voted for you.
Very sincerely,
Mrs. FRANK: CIIIPPS.
P.S.-Is it possible to get a copy of the
Mansfield report?
:',ALEM. OREG.
Horn. WAYNE MORSE.
DEAR MR. MORSE: As an Oregonian and a
constituent of yours I wish to take this op-
portunity to express my affirmation of your
stand on the Vietnam issues, now being
debated before the Armed Services Commit-
tee of the Congress.
Your intelligent and courageous effort to
end this futile conflict should be applauded
by all who are really interested In peace.
Please keep up your efforts. I am sure
that eventually the American people will get
behind you and others like you to bring
pressure on those determining our course of
action, to stop this undeclared war.
Sincerely,
W. J. GENT'LHOW.
11011. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington. D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have been so
thankful for your attitude toward the war
in Vietnam. Whenever I have heard you
speak or have read your views in print they
have always cheered my heart. I'm surely
very glad that our Oregon Senator is against
this war.
Very sincerely,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have been more
than sympathetic to your stand on the Viet-
,sam issue, and this final stand which you
and Senator GRUENiNG assume on the rela-
tto3ashin, of the draft to the situation is in-
spirational. You have been willing to stand
and be counted for a long time and you are
beginning to rally solid support from others
such as Senator GRUENING.
With the change in attitude as evidenced
by the Catholic ecumenical anncuncement
which intimated that it would be possible to
live in the same world with Communists and
that it is not, necessary to eliminate them-I
see some crack in the superpatriatic front
which I view somewhat like that of an
alcoholic personality-it survive: on the
euphoria supplied by opportunities of
patriotic demonstration which n :u it feel
greater and more secure than it really is.
I pledge myself to work in your behalf as
hard en I ain able.
Sincerely yours,
WmraaM Ii. F vBA' Ph. D.
Pos.rLAND, O7tE13 .,
.tebruary 18, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR: I know how busy you must
be these clays but as a citizen and a, Korean
veteran I hope that you will have the time
to read my short letter to you. I'm not a very
good letterwriter but I felt that I wanted to
write this one.
All these months I've been rearing about
your views and watching you on television
concerning the war in Vietnam and I wanted
you to know that I agree with yon 100 per-
cent. I want you to know I am very proud
to have a person such as yourself to represent
my thoughts in the Senate. Without peo-
ple like you the average citizens such as my-
self Would never be heard of.
In closing may I say that 1: hope you will
continue to stick to whatever your beliefs
may be for the good of our country, and may
God give you the strength and energy to
continue your views concerning Vietnam.
Someday perhaps I will have the good for-
tune of being able to meet you personally
and to shake the hand of a real man and an
American. Whatever I may be able to do for
you please do not hesitate to ask.
Respectfully yours,
13rNG I, CHINN.
FLORENCE, OaF.G.,
February 14, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: The televised hear-
ings on Vietnam are very enlightening. They
bolster my opinion on the subject, which is:
The Urited States should admit Vietnam
was and is a mistake, and we should get out
now.
Very truly yours,
THON[AS M. HUNT, D.M.D.
PORTLAND, OREG.
DEAR SewaTOR: Be assured that many more
than those who write you support your cou-
rageous attempt to save this country from its
disastrous and immoral course.
Tam proud to be an Oregonian ac this time.
Since3rely yours,
Rum If. NaSSBAUM.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SiR: Our family urges imn-ediate and
open debate on the Vietnam war as you have
suggested.
Yours truly,
SALEM, OREG.
DEAR I.ONOEABLE SENATOR MORSE: Thank
you very much for the letters I am receiving
from. you, I agree with everything you do In
regards to the war in Vietnam. I hope our
officials will come to know too that they are
In a very critical war and should withdraw,
the sooner the better. Thank you again for
the letters you sent me. Please note my ad-
dress has changed from 285 McNary Avenue
NW., to 1375 Ruge Street NW., Salem, Oreg.
Yours respectfully,
GERHARD GIRSBRECHT.
Pf.OF.NIX, OREG.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We support your
views and we wish there were more like you
and Senator FULERIGHT.
It disturbed us to hear Secretary of State
Rusk's answers to why we didn't fight corn-
munism in Cuba in 1960 just 90 miles from
us. Yet we are asked to make the supreme
sacrifice now in Vietnam.
Sincerely,
Mr. and Mrs. OTTO MeG INLEY.
PORTLAND, OREG.
SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: You are doing good
work there in Washington and we hope that
we can have peace with honor in the near
future so the boys can come marching home
once again.
Your great efforts are much appreciated in
this great State of Oregon, I feel.
Yours truly,
Mrs. LINNIS WENTWORTTT.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
SIR: The continuing hearings of the For-
eign Relations Committee of which you, Sen-
ator, are a member and which is so ably
chaired by Senator FULBRIGHT, are of deep
and abiding Interest to me.
In no other way can the people of the
Nation learn the aims and objectives of the
lawmakers of their country as well as pos-
sible by listening to discussions of this na-
ture. I heartily endorse these hearings and
consider them to be extremely important
in helping the citizen to an informed and
more enlightened state of mind.
We regularly receive the newsletter and
the excerpt from the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
from your office, both of which we appreciate
and read with interest. We commend your
able presentation of the facts regarding our
entry into the Vietnam situation and hope
for a speedy settlement of this war which is
so tremendously costly in money and in
blood spilled.
Very truly yours,
DOROTHY B. FELTU S.
[From the Eugene (Oreg.) Register Guard,
Feb. 13, 19661
WHY NOT WITHDRAW FROM VIETNAM?
(By Robert M. Hutchins]
The picture we get from Washington por-
trays our Government earnestly, even fran-
tically pursuing all avenues to peace and
finding them blocked by sullen and derisive
Orientals.
How can we make peace, we say, if we can
find nobody to make it with? Since we can't
make peace, we must make war.
The first question is, how much war do we
have to make'? A leading diplomatic expert,
George Kennan, has joined a military au-
thority, Gen. James Gavin, in suggesting
that we stay where we are and "simmer
down." Their theory is that if we hang on
without doing anybody very much damage
somebody will eventually come forward from
the other side and offer to settle.
This proposal Is better than burning up
Vietnam, North and South, in the name of
the freedom and independence of the south.
But it leads to the second question: Why
hang on?
"Surrender" is a dreadful word. Both
Gavin and Gen. Maxwell Taylor are revolted
by it. What is the matter with "with-
drawal"?
If we have made a mistake, if we have no
right to be where we are, if we are doing
enormous harm to ourselves as well as others,
why should we not admit the mistake and
correct it? This is something we could do
all by ourselves.
It is now officially admitted that we have
made a mistake. No other interpretation can
be placed on the peace campaign of the ad-
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ministration. To put the matter on no
higher ground, we have decided we can't win.
Nobody has ever succeeded in discovering
any basis for our presence in Vietnam except
our own decision to go there. No treaty or
international convention of any sort author-
izes the United States to blow up some of the
South Vietnamese in order to maintain in
power those who could not have achieved
power without us. In attacking North Viet-
nam, we violated our solemn obligations un-
der the Charter of the United Nations.
The Geneva accords of 1054 did not con-
template two independent countries, South
and North Vietnam. On the contrary, they
explicitly stated that the whole territory
would be united after elections to be held in
1956. We prevented those elections. We
created the fiction that South Vietnam is an
independent state that has called on us to
protect it against aggression.
So why not withdraw? The North Viet-
namese-know as well as we do that we can't
win. They are equally aware that there is no
moral or legal excuse for our presence. Why
should they talk to us?
The reason we do not withdraw from a
hopeless and guilt-ridden adventure is that
we have been persuaded by almost half a cen-
tury of propaganda that wherever commu-
nism raises its ugly head it is our duty to
chop it off. We cannot allow Ho Chi Minh to
triumph because he is a Communist. We
cannot leave southeast Asia open to Com-
munist China.
The example of Yugoslavia suggests that
we should be building up Ho Chi Minh
against China. "Pacem in Terris," the last
encyclical of Pope John XXIII, warns us not
to let our hatred of an ideology lead us into a
mistaken estimate of the intentions of those
who profess it. The hypothetical possibility
of a distant danger does not justify a present
crime.
FEBRUARY 15, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: As one of your Con-
stituents temporarily residing in the South,
I am pleased to be able to tell you that many
of the students here have expressed to me
their admiration for your stand on Viet-
nam. Many of us believe that conscription
of students (or anyone else) to fight in an
undeclared war which they regard as im-
moral and contrary to the national interest,
is a usurpation of their basic political rights
and their right to oppose the administra-
tion's insane policies. We hope that you will
push your proposal to allow draftees to de-
fer service in Vietnam and will continue to
vigorously and vocally oppose this war.
Sincerely,
JIM DRISCOLL.
PORTLAND, OREG.,
February 20, 1966.
SENATOR MORSE: Thanks for sticking by
your guns. The American people need you
Senator, more than they will ever know.
very questions that you asked when your
turn of questioning began. So I guess your
thinking must be more agreeable than I had
realized.
I felt that the testimony of Mr. Bell was
interesting in regard to the economical
phases of the Vietnamese front. Although
this information may be available to all of
us-how many private citizens know where
or how to ask for tariff and import costs in
Vietnam or how government projects are
handled?
Many, many other pieces of information in
regard to our problems in the world have
been brought to mind and gives me much
food for thought.
I would like to see the line of questioning
pursued in regard to Ky's statement in Hon-
olulu in the livid statement about refusal
to sit down at the conference table or any-
where else with the enemy leaders. What
chance is there for settlement when the pri-
mary participants refuse to sit down to talk?
I was shocked to hear this news broadcast
and until it was mentioned in today's hear-
ing have heard nothing more of it. It seems
most important to me.
I am very sorry that more people cannot
view these hearings in their entirety-work-
ing people, professional people, and students
find it impossible to see it all and much is
lost in the concise comments of the 11 p.m.
newscaster.
Am looking forward to the testimony of
General Taylor next week. Would like to see
Mr. McNamara there too, so keep trying. I
am sure that he could give the people a
testimony that would not harm our Nation's
position, although am not so sure about
this.
I felt it was a privilege indeed, to hear Mr.
Kennan's testimony. His ideas on the ef-
fects of our foreign policies on the common
people of these lands was most interesting
and realistic. It is hard for the American
people to comprehend the thinking and
problems of such people. We have to be
jarred up once in a while.
Again let me say that I feel these tele-
vised hearings are most informative and I
hope they continue, not only on the Vietnam
crisis but on many other subjects on which
we stand to gain or lose much.
Sincerely,
PORTLAND, OREG.,
February 10, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
The Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. MORSE: Keep up the good work on
Vietnam and everything else. I only hope
your unusually forthright language will not
jeopardize your Senate seat in your next
election.
Keep it up.
Sincerely,
EUGENE, OREG.,
February 12, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Need I reiterate that
you "scored" again when Ambassador Kennan
was questioned by the Senate Foreign Rela-
tions Committee on Thursday.
When you read the President's Honolulu
statement, it put all the careful pussyfooting
in proper perspective. I'm sure the thought-
ful people in the country appreciate this.
Thank you for having the courage.
Thank you again.
LYONS, OREG.,
February 10, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have been most
interested in the public hearings of the Sen-
ate Foreign Relations Committee and the
comments of the witnesses. In fact, I stayed
home from work yesterday to hear them.
I am sure there has never been a more in-
formative series of programs ever presented.
I must admit, Senator Morse, that I have
never voted for you but it seems that the
questions that came to my mind as the wit-
nesses gave their opening statements are the
P.S.-I'm sure these hearings will offer
President Johnson some constructive alter-
natives to our present collision course.
4517
IMBLER, OREC.,
February 23, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Knowing that you
are fearless and uncompromising when a
principle is at stake we are sending you
this newspaper clipping for your attention.
If its thesis is true what hope is there in
the United States trying to influence world
affairs anywhere, anyplace? Are the Amer-
ican people too far gone on the road to
personal gain without regard to the rights
of others? Can the administration claim
that they are activated by altruistic and
noble purposes in Vietnam when they can
do nothing to stop such grafting? And as
a leading member of the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee we are hopeful that
you-if no one else-might be able to do
something about it.
We take both the Oregon Journal and the
Oregonian and try to read all sides and all
the commentators have to say about Viet-
nam. Never before in history it seems to
us has such an issue been so cloudy and
mixed up and yet of so vital importance
to us and the world at large. We do not see
how people can attack you so bitterly over
your courageous stand in what you think
to be right unless they have studied only one
side of the issue. There is no doubt that you
are sincere. However the same seems to be
true of Johnson, Rusk and McNamara. They
are no less sincere than you although taking
a very opposite stand to you. If the tap
statesmen and political leaders of the day
differ.so what right has the ordinary person
not nearly so well versed on the subject to
take such violent positions either pro or
con. But whichever side is right this
grafting should be handled and it appears
to us that it is up to Johnson and the
administration to see that something is done
about it and we are hoping that you can be
the "gadfly" (the term meant in no dis-
paraging way, believe us) to sting them into
action.
Hoping to hear from you as soon as it is
possible for you to do so in your busy life
for we really get anxious about such things
as mentioned above, we are,
Sincerely,
A. K. LARSEN.
Mrs. A. K. LARSEN.
P.S.-Since writing this letter we have read
your speech given before the Senate and
printed in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD dated
January 19, 1966, which we received this
morning. It is very illuminating and in-
structive as to the historical background of
the present dispute. Your arguments seem
to be irrefutable.
COOS BAY, OREG.,
February 22, 1966.
HOn. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. MORSE: I think it most appropri-
ate my first letter to a Congressman be on
Washington's Birthday. The role you are
playing in Congress is equally as important
as that of our First President.
I had the extreme pleasure of attending
your lecture on the campus of Southwest-
ern Oregon Community College a couple
weeks ago, and while it has been impossible
for me to watch the Senate hearings on tele-
vision during the daytime, I have certainly
heard many favorable repercussions from
them.
The position you have taken on our in-
volvement in the Vietnamese war is most
commendable, and the fact that you are
standing almost entirely alone, in my esti-
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4,518 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 1966
mation, warrants all the moral support we
in Oregon can give you. I am most proud to
be a, citizen of Oregon, and to be represented
in Washington, D.C., by a man of your
caliber.
,'lease accept my congratulations on your
courage in the face of such powerful opposi-
tion,
Very truly yours,
SCAPPOOSE, OREG.,
February 24, 1966.
Senate Office Building
Washington., D.C.
I)r.,AR SENATOR: I admire the courage with
which you state your position on the Viet-
nam situation. Our Nation needs men who
will stand for what Is right, even though it
means standing alone.
May God grant you many more years of
honorable service to our country.
Sincerely,
I'iuoswz A. OsraR.
MCMINNVn.I.E, OREG.,
February 24, 1966.
lion. Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate.
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
[)FAR SENATOR MORSE: I should like to sup-
port you in your untiring efforts to oppose
the present policy of the administration in
Vietnam.
It, is sad indeed that so many persons in
high positions are so insensitive to the world-
wide distrust and hatred of the United States
which is being generated by this country's
unilateral policy in Vietnam.
hopefully the voices of reason such as
yours will soon be heeded.
Sincerely,
I.laNoore, Ooze.,
February 21, 1966.
icon. Senator WAYNE L. MORSE.
Senate Ofhr: Building,
Washington., D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: Your stand on our position
in. Vietnam is well taken in my book.
b, is by the courage and wisdom of men of
your thinking that our Nation will survive
t:he peril we face.
Keep up your good work. You have, I'm
sure more solid support than you know.
:sincerely,
CORNELIUS, OREG.,
February 24, 1966.
Hon.. Senator WAYNE MORSE.
Senate Offce Building,
Washington., D.C.
DKAR SENATOR MORSE: We are in full accord
with the stared you have taken irk regard to
the Vietnam situation.
Very truly yours,
JOHN H. Dnf-rRscH.
Mrs. JOHN H. DIETRICIX,
Mrs. P. J.:DIETRICH.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Courthouse,
Portland, Oreg.
EUGENE, OREG.
SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMaIrrTE.E,
Washington, D.C.:
I want to say congratulations on the
"seminars" on television. I heard both Gen-
eral Gavin and George Kennan the full 10
hours and I am glad to know that millions
of people had a lesson in history and sanity.
Siriosrely,
.'! EBR VARY 21, 1966.
Hon. WAYNE L. MoasE,
IT. S. Senate,
Washington D.C.
DEAR Sra.: This Is to indicate my strong
support of your fight for peace, and par-
ticularly your emphasis on the need for
placing responsibility on the United Nations
or some other international body.
:1 also would favor a bill to prevent send-
ing draf,ees to Vietnam for actions which
would run counter to their own consciences.
Thank you for your vigorous and stead-
fast interest in the cause of peace and of
government by the people.
Rcspec'"fully,
Ilon. WA e NE MORSE,
U. S. Scr:.ate,
Washington D.C.
CORVALLIS, CftrG.,
DEAR bENATOR MORSE: Words cannot ex-
press how grateful I am for your clear and
sensible stand against the President's Viet-
nam policy. In my travels to eastern Ore-
gon, I fi lid more and more people talking
about the war. They wouldn't talk about
it a few months ago. Usually they say
somothing fairly neutral until the y find how
the other person feels about it. Many peo-
ple over there feel unsure about our involve-
ment in that country. As you know, east-
ern Oregonians tend to be more conservative
than in tie cities of the western area. There
is a group of professional workers in Med-
ford whc oppose the war. Tb(-v are too
cautious to come out openly in ,he papers
because of the reactionary opinions of the
"wheels" in that town. Antiadministration
policy feeling here in Corvallis seems to be
spreading. We had no trouble in getting
50 persons, mostly professors, to partici-
pate in a peace vigil at Christmastirne. Still
more have Joined our ranks since then.
There is going to be a large international
protest of the war on March 25 and 26.
Rumor h;-s it that there will be more than
10 nations participating in some form of
protest on those days.
Some of us :have written Mr. Howard Mor-
gan to ask him to run for the Senate. We
don't want to have to choose between
Robert Duncan and Mark Hatfield.
I know you will keep up the good work. I
will support you at every opportunity.
Sin 'erel y,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office, Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SeeNATOR MORSE: Thank you very
mach. for your speech in the CorvulESSIONAL
RECORD. Our family agrees with you 100
percent about everything you say concern-
ing our operations in Vietnam.
I am enclosing some pages from the
Oregonian in which I thought you might
be interested. It would ream that the mass
communications media in this country, even
on the news pages, are being used as giant
propaganda weapons by this administration.
Letters are beginning to appear in our
local paper pro and con the Vietnam war,
but the writers' names are omitted by re-
quest to the editor. They are afraid. For
families with draft-age sons, freedom of
speech is no longer a reality.
The U.S. Senate seems to be our last hope
between the American people and a real
dictatorship. The House of Representatives
has apparently given up doing its own
thinking.
God bless you and keep up the good work.
Respectfully yours,
Mrs. W[LLIAIN E. MAY.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington,.D.C.
FEBRUARY 25, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you for your
January "Senator MoxsE Reports" and
especially for the copy of your speech in the
U.S. Senate on January 16 concerning
Vietnam.
You brought out numerous points that
needed airing and you helped set the record
straight. In taking to task the White
House, the State Department, and the De-
fense Department you used straight-from-
the-shoulder language; not a lot of double
talk.
I do not know the answers to the many
complex situations of today but l do know
it is frustrating to feel the integrity of our
own Government is subject to question even
while human life is at stake. I love my
country, as I am certain you also do, and
I can only hope that our other political
leaders do too.
Many thanks for coming out as you did
and for making your position so very clear.
Sincerely,
Senator WAYNE MORSE.
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
SALEM, OREG.,
Februaru '7 1.966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: How grate, ill we are
for your courageous leadership on this whole
Issue of Vietnam. We follow closely day by
day the contribution you make to clarify
the issue. I sat for almost as many hours
as you, viewing the Senate Foreign Rela-
tions Committee hearings. Marcy of our
friends did likewise. More power to you.
We do hope you are successful in getting
Congress to rescind the resolution the Con-
gress passed in 1964, which the President has
used as a mandate for his action. We trust
the Congress will not appropriate the $4.8
billion for further conduct of the war.
I'm enclosing an ad we ran in the States-
man and the Capitol-Journal dailies. It
would be interesting to know what. effect It
had in your mail, if any, the week following.
We feel a tremendous urgency to do every-
thing in our power to support you and
others. Do you have any suggestions?
I've spent the whole day, Sunday, just writ-
ing to you Senators. Also wrote CBS, both
commending them for running the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee hearings and
condemning them for subsequent censor-
ship and coloring of news following Friend-
ly's resignation.
Here is a quotable quote:
"Rarely in the history of world affairs has
any country indulged in such a colossal act
of self-righteous arrogance as did our United
States when we decided for the strife-torn
people of South Vietnam that they are
better off dead than Red."--Rabbi Israel
Margolies, Beth Am, the People's temple,
New York City, December 11, 1965.
Thanks too, for the reprints from the
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD and other material
which you sent to keep us informed. I
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This letter is written
to inform you that we admire your courage
ill speaking out against the U.S. involvement
in Vietnam. We heard your statements over
is recent TV broadcast. We believe you and
hope you are successful in any attempts you
undertake to correct this confusing war.
Thank you,
le'm and Mrs. ARTHUR GUDGE.
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would like to have some of the valuable re-
prints from the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee hearing. Senator FULBRIGHT's
summary statement following Dean Rusk's
testimony was classic.
Sincerely,
MARVIN and VIOLET NETTLETON.
P.S.-It is not necessary to take up your
secretary's time in answering our letters.
Just know we are with you 99 percent of the
time.
STAYTON, OREG.,
February 28, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MoRSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
HON. SENATOR MORSE: We are behind you
100 percent in the stand you are taking in
Vietnam. Would that more Congressmen
were like you.
Sincerely yours,
Mrs. EDW. J. BELL.
EUGENE, OREG.,
February 15,1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Hats off to you and
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
We, and many of our neighbors congrat-
ulate you for your fine effort in helping to
get the facts before the American people.
Apparently, ? a large segment of the John-
son administration have failed to take a
lesson from from their defeat in the Korean
war. It seems we have failed to champion
peace-because it bothers people like Mr.
McNamara and Mr. (Gen.) Maxwell Taylor,
who apparently act purely for the interest of
the war industries-perhaps you will accom-
plish what our lukewarm or sold-out poli-
ticians have failed to do.
For the present, therefore, we are watch-
ing the hearings with keen interest.
Sincerely,
The J. W. WALKERS.
(If it were possible to re-do our votes of
last election-we'd surely make some
changes. But then, there's another in 1968.)
ANN ARBOR, MICH.,
February 18, 1966.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: First I would like to tell you
that my wife and I both Oregon residents,
support fully your criticism of present for-
eign policy in Vietnam and Latin America.
Recently you sent us "The State of the
War in Vietnam," a speech you made on Jan-
uary 19, 1966, in the Senate. If you could
send us additional copies we would like to
send them to various people with whom we
are debating the topic. We could very easily
make very good use of 5 to 10 copies.
It seems that your arguments have been
basically legal ones. Other good points could
be made on the moral level of course. But,
perhaps unfortunately, the debate seems to
hinge in most people's minds on the issue of
the seemingly pragmatic question of how to
stop communism, morality, and legal ques-
tions being peripheral.
The argument as I hear it says that if we
don't do what we are doing we will encour-
age national wars of liberation. It Seems to
me that the following -argument could be
made to refute that position. Given that our
objective is to inhibit such wars in the fu-
ture, our efforts in Vietnam should be evalu-
ated in terms of that objective. Such wars
seem first to involve a political stage in
which forces are gathered for the second
stage, the actual military effort. Since the
political stage seems to come first, and is in
that sense the crucial- stage, what effects do
our policies have at this political level. It
might be suggested that our present efforts
would in fact fertilize anti-American, and
pro anti-American organizational, feelings
and activities. I imagine this would be easier
to show in the case of the Santa Domingo
"effort to stop communism," but it would
seem likely to be a valid point in Vietnam as
well. Also, the illegality and immorality of
our position could be seen in this context as
working to our practical disadvantage to the
extent that it helped generate the political
atmosphere in countries that could later be
the targets of national wars of liberation.
We wish we could do more in correcting
our current policies. We appreciate your
efforts.
Sincerely,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: May I extend my
deep appreciation for your courageous ef-
fort in enlightening the people of the United
States to the horrible situation which pres-
ently confronts us all. Needless to say there
will be those who will say that you are a
member of some Communist conspiracy
dedicated to the overthrow of our govern-
mental structure. This sir, as you know,
is the price one must pay in order to gen-
erate and convince people of -a higher prin-
ciple.
Sir, I am behind you 100 percent.
RONALD J. PEDONE.
CAMBRIDGE, MASS.,
February 21, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: My wife and I, resi-
dents of Oregon, strongly support your
courageous stand on Vietnam. The United
States is indeed in deep waters there, and
strong voices are very much needed at this
time to make sure that the people are pre-
sented with articulate and thoughtful, al-
ternatives to-the administration's policies.
We hope you will continue to oppose courses
of action which seem to you unwise.
Very sincerely yours,
JOHN T. MCCLELLAN.
BETHESDA, MD.,
February 26, 1966.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please know that
during the entire course of the Vietnam af-
fair you have been speaking for me. I know
too little of practical politics to understand
why an honest stand on an issue gets a man
discounted (or blackwashed) as a crank, and
why "statesmanship" must involve shifti-
ness. I prefer your method.
So if you read a nasty column by one of
our latter-day Clausewitz' which accuses
you of woolly thinking it might be of minute
comfort to remember that one citizen thinks
that you are one of the only two Senators
who have been on this issue both right and
courageous.
Sincerely,
DETROIT, MICH.,
February 22, 1966.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. MORSE: Just a few words of heart-
felt thanks for your intelligent and courage-
ous position on Vietnam, and particularly for
your being able to bring these discussions to
the public.
It is ironic that those in position of power
and control do not accept the fact that unless
there is public discussion (and freedom of
all kinds of expression of opinions) they are
jeopardizing the very rights and freedoms
4519
on the domestic front that they claim to be
trying to preserve internationally.
Again, thank you and with all good wishes.
Sincerely,
Mr. and Mrs. HERBERT T. RIEBLING.
ANN ARBOR, MICH.,
February 20, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I hope that you will
find continued energy to keep up your per-
sistent criticism of the Vietnam policy of the
administration.
It is without doubt in error; and only by
continuing to keep its follies and promises
before the public can changes be effected.
NICOLAUS C. MILLS.
BLOOMFIELD, N.J.,
February 21, 1966.
HOn. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your honest, wise,
and fearless stand that What we are doing in
Vietnam is wrong, futile, and dangerous,
gives me and many, many others like me a
little heart and hope. I fought, bled, and
nearly died in the First World War. Now I
consider war a complete negation of rational
behavior.
Keep on standing out against our tragic
waste of money and lives in the undeclared
war in Vietnam.
Sincerely,
ST. PETERSBURG, FLA.,
February 21, 1966.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: No answer is requested but
pass this letter on to your colleagues.
This is an expression of appreciation of the
writer and his friends for your forthright
and just stand on our dilemma in Asia. We
believe that you and Senator FuLBRIGHT can
prevent the fruition of the impending holo-
caust in Asia with a direct television appeal
to the American people. The very form and
substance of this Government is at stake
in this matter and if you fail * * * there ap-
pears little hope for the Nation itself.
If you fail, it is too probable that the
Chinese Army will march when spring trips
north again. You just don't Start a ruckus
in a man's backyard without a retort from
him. Example: The Cuban crisis at our
own back stoop * * * we acted and so will
China. -
Since the Premier of North Vietnam or-
ganized and helped to direct the- rebellion
of Indochina against France, it is a certainty
that a great majority of its people remember
and respect him. Therefore, to deny the
Vietcong representation at the peace table
is to invite a never-ending war of attri-
tion * * * one in which the American people
will ultimately rebel against forced tyranny
at home.
As if our Nation isn't already in deep trou-
ble, it is entering a storm cycle unprece-
dented in weather history which, in itself will
compound the confusion of our leadership.
This, together with a major conflict in Asia
may well destroy your Nation and mine.
Respectfully, -
CLAUDE STRICKLAND.
BROOKLINE, MASS.,
February 20, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building, -
Washington, D.C. -
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing to ex-
press my appreciation for the persistent and
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE March, 2. 1966
courageous manner in which you have ex-
posed the folly of our position in Vietnam.
I hope that you have continued to main-
tain close contact with the people of Oregon
during this trying period, for the American
Nation would be much the poorer without
your presence in the Senate.
With all good wishes.
Very truly yours,
PARIS, FRANCE,
February 20, 1966.
LARCHMONT, N.Y.
February 20, 1966.
SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: God bless you,
Senator. How wonderful to be a man of
conscience long before anyone had the cour-
age to be labeled a "clove."
Our family and :many of my friends are
your devoted admirers and applaud your
stand to oppose this shameful war in Viet-
n arn.
We feel .,he hope of the world lies with
you and other men of courage like you.
Please know there are many, many like us
thro,igho.it the country and the world.
Yo.ir truly,
..~__ JuNc; HARRIS.
i:.ROSSE POINTS PARK, MmFI.,
February/ 20, 1966.
Hon. WAYNE: MORSE,
Senate Foreign Relations Committee,
U.S. Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE;; Thank you sincerely
for bringing before the American people the
issues and truths on the war in Vietnam.
You are to be congratulated for your states-
monship; there is so little left in our country.
We urge continued "live" TV coverage of
public testimony, particularly by McNamara
and Huu:Pisa.EY. It would be excellent if
more of the coverage could be seen during the
evening, when the men as well as the women
of our country could hear fir:;t.hand the
opinions and views they need and want to
hear. We who "pay the bill" in lives and tax
money have the right to hear the issues
discussed. It is or men and our money the
President and his henchmen are committing
to Vietnam, Never has a President had so
much power and been so unconcerned about
what the people want. President Johnson
appears concerned only about his power and
political dictatorship, which does exist.
You Senators are our hope-n lease con-
tinue, the investigations and make this man
(the President) and his advisers account for
the commitments they have made in our
name but with no authority from us. We
have no voice in the choice of the fancy "ad-
visers" when we vote for an official, yet these
men are blueprinting our policies--let's put
a stop to that.
We do not belong in. the Vietnam civil
wax--let's get out-keep our men and
money at home.
Mr. Rusk testified that we are "willing
to go along and accept" the result of a free
election in South Vietnam, even though they
vote for a Communist government.. Our men
would then be giving their lives for one free
election since if the ;people of South Vietnam
choose a Communist government, there will
never be another free election. That's too
great a sacrifice to ask of an American boy, to
say nothing of the American dollars.
With great respect, we remain,
Vera, truly yours,
deflator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We are young New
'corkers who have been traveling in Europe
since the beginning of the year, and it is with
ever-increasing dismay that we read and
hear of our country's mounting involvement
in the Vietnamese war.
iloth of us have been active in opposing
the war during the last year. and have been
uneasy ever since the United States entered
into the conflict. Aside from our feeling
that political reality makes the involvement
of our Armed Forces an absurd and tragic
t,iistake. We are both deeply against war,
and the senseless brutality and slaughter,
terror and destruction that characterize this
war in particular.
Our motivation to write you stems from
a troubled feeling we have about what seems
to us to be going on in the United States.
We looked forward to the open hearings in
the Senate. and even though they were not
planned, as satisfactorily as could be wished,
they appeared to us as the greatest existing
Lope that the Chief Executive's blind misuse
of power could begin to be arrested, or at
least curbed.
After hearing you speak in New York last
summer we were glad to know that there are
some clearsighted, energetic champions of
our cause representing us in the Senate.
Both you and Senator GRUENING have shown
great courage and intelligence in dealing
with the stubborn egotism of the adminis-
tration.
But we still remain troubled, not only by
the threat of flag-waving "superpatriots"--
modern day jingoists who seek to discredit
us by defamation, but by the large numbers
of Americans who seem to be permitting
themselves to be led like sheep into the be-
lief that, out of some supreme loyalty, they
must support whatever unwise decision made
by the administration.
We feel that all Americans are entitled.
and should be able to know all the facts, and
should fudge for themselves. If this would
truly happen, we believe that the "great
consensus" supposedly supporting the Chief
Executive would be exposed as a hollow
slogan, and true public opinion would dic-
tate a sane policy.
in our experiences abroad we have found
that: most Europeans with whom we have
come in contact, consider the U.S. role in
the war both dangerous and foolish. The
French especially, after years of Indochinese
bloodshed, are particularly adept at not be-
ing fooled by the rosy picture of the war
emanating from the information services of
the U.S. Government. The newspaper, Le
Monde, has exposed so many of Rusk's and
McNamara's deceptions that it now merely
lakes them for granted as deceptions and
leaves it at that, at least so it seems.
We wish to encourage you in your cam-
paign to enlighten the American people, and
to prevent the terrible outcome to which
the present policy of the Government must
inevitably lead.
We are keenly interested in what we Can
do to aid. the cause of peace.
Sincerely and respectfully yours,
YA~RTIivR BERGEN.
RoL,ERTA BERGEN.
P'ICHARD R RIPKA,
NANCY H. ft.CPKA.
P.S.-W= strongly urge the recision of the
1964 resolution.
Senator WAYNi: MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
ENLCINO, CALIF.,
February 19. 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your puitlic utter-
ances on the war in Vietnam and your prob-
ing questions :in the recent Foreign Relations
Committee hearings concerning U.S. policy
in that unfortunate country deserve the
gratitude and commendation of every Amer-
ican citizen.
You are performing a truly great public
service in :itternpting to reveal to the people
of this country the very dangerous course
our Government is now pursuing ;end how,
if this course is not changed in the direction
of a more rational policy, we may be headed
for a nuclear holocaust.
Please keep on calling for a sane and mod-
erating policy in this destructive and im-
moral war we are carrying on against the
people of both North and South Vietnam.
You and your colleagues of like mind on the
Foreign Relations Committee will be able
to reach the good sense and conscience of
the American people over the heads of the
President and his misguided advisers. Then
perhaps you will have achieved the "con-
sensus" for peace the President will find hard
to ignore.
All of us who are interested in peace owe
you and men like Senator FuLnalca;T a huge
debt of gratitude. I wish to express my own
feeling of admiration and appreciation to
you for trying to return U.S. policy to the
course of rationality, morality, and legality,
Sincerely,
NEw YORK, N.Y.,
February 20, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is an assurance
of my continuing support for your continued
stanch and courageous advocacy of ration-
ality in Vietnam, in southeast Asia, and in
foreign policy in general.
Sincerely,
CAROL F. DRISKO.
BRIGHTON, MASS.,
February 20, 1966.
Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
MY DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am fully in
accord with your position regarding the
Vietnam conflict. I urge you strongly to
introduce the measure which Secretary Rusk
has challenged you to do. The President has
continued in his little war unchecked and
in violation of the Constitution for too long.
We are a democratic nation and contrary
to a marked trend in the opposite direction
will continue to be so.
I sincerely hope that it passes-and by a
wide margin.
Very truly yours,
MICHEI, PO'THEAU.
ROYAL OAK, MICH.,
February .18, 1966.
SENATOR WAYNE MORSE,
Senator Foreign Relations Co:mmmitice,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have been reading
about and listening to your committee hear-
ings, and the impression I draw from all of
the proceedings is that to all except. you and
Senator FULBRIGIIT those of us who dis-
agree with the Johnson decisions are not
much better than Benedict Arnold. This is
not so. I've had relatives in the armed
services since the Revolutionary W^.r. They
served their country during times of war, and
I have been proud of them, but I am not
proud of what we are doing in Vietnam.
This is not a war. President Johnson was
given a blank check to do as he pleased in
Vietnam. The Congress gave away the stops
put into our Constitution. Is there nothing
we can do to rescind this action? Let us
get back to the three branches of govern-
ment.
I have an 18-year-old son in college at
the present time, and I cannot conceive
of his being sent to Vietnam. This is not
what I have raised my son for, and I am
heartsick for all of our boys who are fight-
ing over there simply because our President
has envisioned himself as the father of the
world.
We cannot and must not enter into every
civil war in the world. I think we are ter-
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66 CONGRESS C '1J
9
ribly wrong, and have. always thought it
took more courage to say you're wrong than
to stubbornly insist you are always right. I
think we should bring our troops home from
Vietnam. We are a big enough nation to
admit we were wrong, but the head of this
country doesn't seen to be. I hope he will
someday realize what he has done to the
young men and their families that he has
involved in this action.
I applaud your courage in not being "yes
men," and I hope you can overpower your
opponents.
Sincerely,
What is good for the President is not neces-
sarily good for the rest of us, and we favor
the restoration of the balance of powers
which was and still is prescribed by the mag-
nificent American. Constitution.
It is so easy for big war hawks to condemn
and smear those who object to wars with
charges of cowardice, subversion, stupidity,
blindness, willful disobedience, etc., ad
nauseam. But we contend that it takes as
much courage and bravery to stand up and
question the warpower structure, as to face
the fire of a foreign opponent. As for stupid-
ity and blindness, how many of the big war
hawks of recent history drove their follow-
ers not to glorious victory, but to Ignominious
defeat and disaster? Hitler, Mussolini, Tajo,
Napoleon, Kaiser Wilhelm-to name but a
few. Even Stalin tried to liquidate a small
nation in a brief campaign (Finland). The
list is endless with names of those whose
errors of prophecy were colossal.
It seems that since 1941 the United States
has been constantly at war, and in our pres-
ent state, being entangled everywhere in the
world with governments-democratic, dicta-
torial, feudalistic, and whatnot, it looks as
though there can be no end to our armed
conflicts. This is sickening, and makes a
mockery of national policy that pretends to
be the "Great Society." Too much of our
national substance, manpower, blood and
productive genius is being squandered reck-
lessly in the bottomless pits of war and its
consequences. This monstrous folly can only
bring us to disastrous ends. Even now, the
swelling of hatred and contempt for the
United States from many quarters overseas,
where we expected to enjoy some respect and
affection, is one of the most alarming devel-
opments of this decade. The American peo-
ple are not a gang of international cannon-
aders in the world, but present military prep-
arations and actions make us look that way.
We strongly oppose this U.S. war on
Vietnam, and hope that you will continue
to expose its follies and corruptions. In
particular, we .dread the possibility that U.S.
military action in Vietnam will provoke the
Chinese to war against us-with cooperation
of the Russians, of course. We strongly back
you in your efforts to bring this was to a
halt, and hope that you will vote strongly
against any congressional bills that demand
expenditures or authorization for it.
Yours most sincerely,
RAY T. WENDLAND.
CHARLOTTE S. WENDLAND.
LOMBARD, ILL.,
February 21, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank God for peo-
ple like you who have put integrity and
decency above politics. You have earned
the respect and gratitude of the entire Na-
tion, Democrats and Republicans alike.
As you know, many mothers wrote and
telegraphed President Johnson and their
various Senators when they saw the impend-
ing danger of commitment, but the Presi-
dent chose to disregard the pleas.
Many of us begged to have the problem
placed in the U.N. When we were stunned
by the President's war address we sent more
letters and telegrams trying to stay his
hand.
We have been ill, to say the least. Ours
are the war babies and we can't forget past
tears. We see no necessity for more war.
You are not unaware, of course, that in
a sincere effort to make our views known, we
have been lumped with Communist sympa-
thizers. Our only interest is in loving our
sons and in trying to save their lives. If love
is a crime, we are indeed guilty.
It has always been my belief that a Presi-
dent's first duty is to preserve and protect
families at home, not desecrate them. I am
not alone in this assumption. You will find
that any place women meet, President John-
son has become the household word for
enemy.
We see him swinging at a mirage and cry-
ing wolf in an effort to cover up a bad de-
cision and salvage his image both at home
and abroad. He erred in putting the cart
before the horse when he chose blood first
and economics second. We clearly recognize
economic aid as a duty, but in our minds it
represented our first and only duty or
commitment.
Like many others I voted for President
Johnson in the belief that he would keep
America out of war. I feel betrayed.
I send you my gratitude and pray that you
will keep pressing home the point that war
will never end if we refuse to consult with
those we blithely term aggressors. It is their
home and their country and their right to
help solve its problems.
Sincerely,
Mrs. ROBERT L. BARTA.
WAUKESHA, WIS.,
February 19, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
United States Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We congratulate you
for the investigation which the Senate is con-
ducting into the Administration's war poli-
cies. At this point in history, the U.S. Presi-
dent holds such awesome powers that he can,
almost singlehanded, commit the whole
country. to war against any party he names.
It is therefore all the more important in this
American democracy to reveal his operations
and those of, his numerous departments, in
particular, the military, State, and the CIA.
GALLIPOLIS, OHIO,
February 18, 1966.
4521
ST. Lours, Mo.,
February 17, 1966.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I approve your stand
on Vietnam and your courage in maintaining
it in the face of much ugly opposition. I am
sending letters expressing approval of your
views to the White House, our United Na-
tions representative, and other Members of
Congress. I hope that future developments
relating to Vietnam will soon begin to re-
flect the triumph of your commonsense atti-
tudes.
Very truly yours,
LILLIAN L. HUBBELL.
NATIONAL CITY, CALIF.,
February 17, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like to let
you know that my wife and I are very, very
glad that we have men like you serving in
the Senate. Most of all, we -are 100 percent
behind you in ending the Vietnam war.
It Is men like you with your courage that
makes us feel patriotic. L.B.T. and his men
have really twisted the truth about the war
in Vietnam. It has gotten so bad that rather
than burning my draft card, my wife and
I registered as Republicans as a protest.
Lucky for me I served in the Army before
L.B.J. "took over" the Nation.
Best of luck to you and God bless America
because we need help.
COLUMBUS, OHIO,
February 19, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would just like to
write a few lines telling you that I have been
following.your position on Vietnam for the
past few months and that I fully concur
with your stand. It is unfortunate that the
United States has been blindly led into the
war and that at the present it is extremely
difficult to find a solution which the admin-
istration will listen to. The President's
"peace offensive" in December and January
was offensive to everything that I have ever
believed about diplomacy.
It is my hope that your position and the
Senate Committee's hearings will force the
administration to examine its position and
the entire foreign policy. It is about time
that we find something to replace contain-
ment.
I am writing the President to express my
dissatisfaction with the present stand that
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is to thank you
for your stubborn and most rational efforts
in behalf of a sane policy on southeast Asia.
Be assured that there are many of us out-
side of Oregon who support you and agree
with you. The cynicism of Dean Rusk's
clever ploy today, challenging the Senate
to vote yes or no on the appropriations bill,
does not escape notice. Any knowledgeable
person, of course, knows the bill will pass
(they always do) but those of you who vote
against it have already been branded. Nat-
urally this will not in the least discourage
you in your efforts.
One need not have the gift of prophecy to
see the disaster ahead. Maybe it can be
prevented-maybe not. But at least some of
us can feel and say, no matter what comes,
that we tried. For now we will keep on
hoping and working in the cause of sanity
and justice.
The courage and tenacity exhibited con-
stantly by you will continue to be an inspira-
tion and source of strength to us.
Sincerely,
CHARLES E. HOLZER, Jr., M.D.
he is taking.
Yours truly,
ST. LOUIS, Mo.,
February 20, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
HONORED SIR: I want to thank you and
your colleagues for bringing to the American
people a televised account of the Senate
Foreign Relation Committee's inquiry into
the administration's Vietnam policies.
I, like many of my business acquaintances
and friends have tried in the past to find out
why we are in Vietnam in the first place.
All the people who speak for the adminis-
tration repeatedly say that we have commit-
ments, we must keep our word, etc. How-
ever under our late President, John F. Ken-
nedy, we were told that we would never get
into a shooting war in Vietnam, and our sup-
port would be merely advisory as fax as mili-
tary matters were concerned and, of course
economic aid. Mr. Johnson was elected on
this premise too, but he has completely
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 2, 1966
changed t}re course. Has Mr. Johnson made ment, a,nd brochures were enclosed which swer-before it is too late. This country
other commitments? I haven't been able to simply Justified the action in Vietnam. So, needs men like you, and never more keenly
find out through the administration's Mr. obvious-y, writing letters of protest does not than at a time such as this.
Rusk or General Taylor. The only conclu- change one thing. The President offered Very truly yours,
sion I have reached is that the administra- "unconditional negotiations" inn speech last ROSALIE C. TEMPEST.
tion has a long record of misjudgment and year, but even while making that, speech the
that we, the American people have been bombing; of North. V%eanam continued, and I0KA, Mlss.,
fcoled by election promises. more troops were sent :,ver--a direct contra- February 20, 1966.
Article 1, section 8, paragraph 11 of the diction to any offer of "unconditional nego- Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U S. Constitution clearly states that Congress tiations" It is quite understandable why, U.S. Senate,
shall have the power to declare war. Why in the face of such actions, North Vietnam Washington, D.C.
and by what right did Congress give up the rejected the offer as being "insincere." How DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank God you are
powers? I think this was a grave mistake. Y
could they think otherwise? IC that offer still in Washington to speak out against the
if we had reason to be at war in Vietnam had been backed up by a cessation of hostili- war in Vietnam. I sincerely hope that you
d we had it declaration of war by the Con- tics, showing that we really meant it-it and the other men who are against it can
gross, I would be behind this action 100 per- might have been believed. One ::annot offer do something in time to save us from world
cant, The way it stands, I'm against the peace, while continuen; to build a war ma- war III.
Lt ministration's policy and I believe we chine and expect to be believed. The recent For years I have admired the, way you
should get out of there fast. Pick the most ??p ace ulfensive" was almost certain to fail spoke out for what you believed, tnd I have
honorable way and get out and stay out. for that same reason. "Actions .peak louder been grateful for your presence in our law-
Because we won't like the Communist way of than words." We cannot, in all airness, ex- making department. If only there were more
life, does this give us the right to force our
"ways an. an a.tien people.? Acct Northt V3etnarn to make all the conces- like you there, maybe we could live, in a more
UJeo I've had people?
say. I feel better -ions wl.ile we make none at all. There has relaxed manner and without that constant
and I share hour views in every respect. to be a spirit of "give and take" iii any nego- fear of an atomic war.
S'ca,;e your yours, tiations if they are to succeed. Usually I am among those well-meaning
'17(rIi.ISAM J. BAGLEY. This country has brought criticism upon people who sit back and hope that some-
itself from all over the world because of body else will speak out for the right things-
GROSSE POINT, Mlcx., the se aci;ions in Vietnam. If other countries but this time I just had to let you know
horNr M 16, 1:J66. were to :;end their armies over here to inter- how much both my husband and I ap-
bruary WAYNE MORSE, fere in an internal civil war in our country, preciate you.
The Capitol, we would certainly resent their actions as be- Sincerely yours,
'I'ho Capto 1, D.C. ing acts of aggression, and tha:: is exactly MARY 13. DAVIS.
:)EAR 8ENA'ro6 MORSE: It is quite impos- what we are doing in Vietnam. The United
sihle to find words with which to thank y on Nations has pleaded for a cessation of hos- PIrrss'IELD, M.M1SS.,
rts you are making t bring peace tilities, but, again, statements have been February 20, 1966.
for the Bind
to Vieenam and by re doing avert a world made that we are seeking pear', while we DEAR SENATOR MoasE: The American peo-
to Vie na, continue to enlarge our war effort. We are pie owe you immeasurable gratitude for the
am One or the innumerable people in the certainly not adding. to our pre. tige in the stand and courage you have taken against
country who believes that we have people right world by these actions. Mere words, with- the Johnson policy, in this unpopular war in
co interfeo else the internal affairs of out appropriate action to back. up those Vietnam, I wish there were more men of
Vietnam. words, are net enough, your caliber in Washington.
We are regarded as cruel transgressors by I atrr a Democrat, '1 voted for President Best wishes to you and Senator I"ULBRIG FIT,
roost of the peoples of the world and ter- Johnson because I firmly believed that he Very truly yours,
ta}nly by our friends in the Far East. would keep its out of war. I an: sure that PETER FRANCESE.
In site of the money we are spending to millions of other Americans who voted for
i
help p p us have been. shocked. We hoped that he February 18, 1966,
world, our image grows steadily uglier. February would follow in the footsteps of P,D.R., and Senator WAYNE MORSE,
We are praying for your continued health I am sure that if F.D.R. were with us today The Senate,
and strength. we would not be in tliis precarious situ- Washington, A.C.
Gratefully yours, ati.on. Lander his masterful leadership the MY DEAR Sis: I am an American living
JS. K. WTLLMORE. beginning of friendly relationship with Rus- abroad who ceased to suffer from the op-
sia was made, and if this had been carried pressive anti-Communist atmosphere that
SANTA CRIJZ. CAT TIP* on, with tact and diplomacy, our two coun- is poisoning America in 1954, but I have
February Z.S, 1966. tries might be working together in a com- never ceased protesting, for the sake of the
senator WAYNE MORSE, bined venture in the exploratio:i of outer whole world, against American foreign olio
u.S'. Senate, p y.
space-a venture bringing tremendous con- On Sunday, my family and I, supporters of
Washington, D.C. tributions to the world of scien;e, and to the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, are
.ai,;AR SIR: Our sister State of Oregon may mankind, Instead, that friendshi,o has been joining others in a silent vigil outside 10
well be proud to have a man of your caliber allowed to suffer becane.e our actions have Downing Street in an attempt to Impress
and far-seeing vision as a Senator. I have, aroused suspicion of what our real inten- upon Mr. Wilson our shame and disgust over
for a long time, admired and applauded your tions mar be, his Vietnam policy.
courage in taking the stand that you have This is too dangerous a time to take risks We watched on TV the other night Ken-
taken in the matter of the war in Vietnam, that could involve the total destruction of man's statements to the Foreign Relations
and at this time I ant writing to express my the world. Surely Vietnam is not worth Committee and after you had asked Kennan
sentiments, I am wholly in agreement with that. If this war is enlarged anti expanded if any country voted democratically for a
your views in this matter, and I am sure that enough to eventually bring Communist Communist government, would we have the
millions of other Americans are likewise In China into it, then our entire civilization right to interfere, my two sons got up and
agreement with you. Unfortunately, we is doomed to annihilation in an all-out nu- cheered you and the older said to me: "Mom,
were never consulted, yet the lives of all Of clear war. Is Vietnam worth thaw ? don't ever allow yourself to be bitter about
its, and the preservation of our country and Unfortunately, the matter h,s already America, not while it has men like Senator
trio-. entire civilization may well be in danger been allowed to go so far that a withdrawal MORSE." We were also pleased with FuL-
unl^ss this action is stopped before it goes now would be taken as a. "loss of face," but CRIGIIT and considered Senator Lnuscz-sE a
too far. certainly a "less of face" Is fir p cferable to McCarthyite figure who seemed to be in-
I cannot see any justifiable reason why the risk of all-out war that would cost mil- timidating Kerman to some degree.
this country over intruded into another lions of innocent lives, and destroy all of us. I have seen a propaganda booklet Issued
country's internal affairs in the first place. Other countries did not rush into Vietnam by the Hanoi government with the men and
We had not been attacked. This was a civil with arm e.s and aircraft, so wh',? did this women who compose the National Libera-
war in a country thousands of miles away. country alone choose to do so? It was not tion Force and in my opinion, they are truly
it was then stated that we would act only our business, at any time-and it is not our representative of the people of all of Vietnam,
its in "advisory" capacity, with some eco- business now. and they deserve the status of recognition as
nontic aid, as needed. Then came the first I congratulate you on your courageous any of the resistance groups held during the
hornbing of Vietnam, which led to an ever- stand, Senator Mons[,, said it is my fervent war against the Nazis.
increasing aerial warfare-more troops hope and prayer that the present debates in The crux of the whole tradegy is the
ant-and every time this belligerent involve- the Senate will result Jr- finding a way to failure of the United States to accept the
inert is intensified still further the danger halt this dreadful thing before it goes any legality of the Peiping government, and to
to all of us Is intensified in the same ratio, further. :surely peace can only be achieved permit China's entry into the U.N. It may be
I have written two letters of protest to the by honestly working toward peace, not by too late where Peiping is concerned, but we
President in the past year. Both were ac- armies or bombs while talking shoal, wanting here never give up hope for the U.N. Let
knowledged by someone in the State Depart- peace. May God direct you to fluid the an- there be two Chinas, but let us have peace.
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Please accept the sincerest thanks from our
family for your persistent efforts to give us
a better world and to restore America's name
to the reputation it had before F.D.R.'s death.
With warm and affectionate good wishes,
May I urge you, and those who stand with
you to stand fast and be not discouraged
when criticized and called disloyal or near
traitors.
I remember how that over 1,900 years ago,
someone who we profess to follow and use
as our ideal, had to remind those working
with Him, that they would have said to them
and about them all manner of evil.
May your strength not weaken nor your
WHEELING, ILL.,
February 19, 1966.
Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. MORSE: As an Ex-Frenchman,
now an American citizen, who lived through
part of the Indochina war fiasco, I wish to
congratulate you on your wise and courage-
ous stand on the South Vietnam issue.
Keep up the good work, Mr. MORSE, you are
on the right track.
Yours very truly,
F. F. VANDERMEERSCH.
ANAHEIM, CALIF.,
February 18,1966.
Senator WAYNE B. MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It occurs to me that
you might at present be getting a little mail
of the uncomplimentary sort. Having been
an admirer of yours for many, many years,
and not having apprised you of that fact, I
feel that this would probably be a good time
to do so.
I greatly respect your honesty, your intel-
ligence and your courage. I feel that you
stand firmly for the people and on the side
of history. I know that when the scores
are totaled, you will be one of the great
leaders of all time. I hope that Oregon re-
spects you-you are an honor to that State.
Your stand on Vietnam allows this Nation
to retain at least a little of its honor.
Stand firm and guard your health, God
bless you. We need you badly.
Very warmly yours,
BOB COHEN.
AUSABLE FORKS, N.Y.,
February 21, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Permit me to as-
sure you, on the basis of what I know of
the American people and the widespread in-
terest that the televising of the Senate For-
eign Relations Committee hearings has
aroused that the applause over a certain re-
mark of yours-though promptly and quite
properly suppressed-was echoed by perhaps
countless millions of Americans, as it was by
those of my own household.
If a few hundred million dollars of the
billions we are spending killing people could
be devoted by the Government to the tele-
vising of all important congressional pro-
ceedings, it would be a great step toward
making ours a Government in fact of, by, and
for the people.
I am, sir,
Respectfully yours,
ROCKWELL KENT.
courage fail.
Sincerely,
NEW YoRK, N.Y.,
February 16, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is my first let-
ter to a Senator, and it is to express my great
admiration for you, and my sympathy with
your views on our Government's war in Viet-
nam. Please add me to your statistics. I am
24 years old, a professional cellist.
I hope many more people will speak out,
and if they don't very quickly, that you will
not give up.
Yours sincerely,
Los ANGELES, CALIF.,
February 18, 1966.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senator,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I take this opportu-
nity of writing you and extending my appre-
ciation for your gallant stand on the Viet-
nam war. I trust that you will continue your
fight, and I want you to know that there are
millions of Americans hoping you will con-
tinue to do so.
This may not be a war to some people, but
it is a big war for the boys who have to fight
it. I see no victory in sight when the same
policy is being used as in Korea. We do not
fight wars to bring people to the conference
table. That's nonsense. We fight wars to
win. We cannot win in southeast Asia for
many reasons. How can you feed 700 million
people if you subdue them militarily? What
kind of a stable government could you es-
tablish? What would you do if something
happened to Ky? How can you make the
oriental ever like the white man and vice
versa? Nationalism is too strong.
War only decides who lives and who dies.
You do not fight a war on the enemies' terms.
You go all out to win with the best weapons
and equipment possible which our Govern-
ment to date has not given our men.
My 19-year-old boy says that if he is
drafted he will only be gun fodder, and he
does not want any part of Vietnam. He
would defend this country to the hilt if it
was in jeopardy, but he does not believe in
what is taking place now in Asia. What
would you advise him, Mr. MORSE, to do? I
would appreciate hearing from you on this.
It's too bad young men have to pay for the
mistakes of old men.
Again thanking you for your good efforts
and trusting I shall hear from you.
Sincerely,
K. F. SCHADE.
FREEPORT, TEX.,
February 18, 1966.
Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Count me as an
American who repudiates the administra-
tion's policy on Vietnam.
LUTSEH, MINN.,
February 17, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you, and
those others in our Congress for speaking
up with all your strength and courage
against the policy our President and those
whose advice he is following in regard to the
immoral and utterly unjustified war being
waged in southeast Asia.
To me, a disabled veteran of the Rainbow
Division of World War I, it borders on an
almost unbelievable policy for our country
and makes me fearful that the Armed Forces-
industrial complex has taken over the foreign
policy of our Nation.
and attacked by more vocal elements of the
citizenry, rest assured that there are many
conscientious citizens who support your ef-
fort to investigate the problem in a demo-
cratic and open manner.
ROCHESTER, N.Y.,
February 17, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your comments and
those of Senator FvLDRIGHT at the hearings
of the. Foreign Relations Committee have
impressed me a great deal, I think you have
all of America thinking.
TEANECK, N.J.,
February 17,19'66.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I want you to know
that I support your efforts to secure peace
in Vietnam. Everything that you have said
about the war there makes sense to me.
WILMINGTON, DEL.,
February 19, 19'66.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We applaud your
courage and bravery in speaking out on the
war in Vietnam. We urge you to continue to
press for a peaceful settlement as soon as
possible.
Sincerely yours,
EDWARD R. KEARNS.
RUTH S. KEARNS.
AMES, IOWA,
February 18, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is to tell you
how much I, and my family, appreciate your
efforts to end the war in Vietnam. You are
a true patriot, and I think I reflect the feel-
ings of most informed Americans when I say
that we are proud of you and grateful to
you. Keep up the good work.
SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF.,
February 15, 1966.
Hon. SENATOR WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please know that my
wife and I applaud your courageous stand on
the Vietnam policy. Please keep up the good
work, sir.
We hope the immorality of U.S. actions in
this area are not signs of the general decay
of morals and ethics in our society. it is not
always easy for a man to take an unpopular
stand on issues as you do many times. How-
ever, we believe in the honesty and integrity
of your convictions and stand behind you.
Sincerely,
LEWIS LrrzKY.
DESCANSO, CALIF.,
February 19, 1966.
Hon. SENATOR WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: As a pioneer Westerner (I
am one of seven generations who has lived
in San Diego County, and at present am the
oldest of four generations still living here;
with this introduction to the writer I must
heartily commend you for your most proper
DELAWARE, OHIO.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
DEAR SIR: I am writing to express my sup-
port of your position regarding the admin-
istration's policy in Vietnam. Although the
attitude you have maintained be criticized
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1.:' zd
stand regards to this Vietnam war silly busi-
ness.
I enator STEPHEN YOUNG, a World War vet-
eran as I happen to be, expressed the true
situation in Vietnam.
We are surely in the wrong war at the
wrong place and the wrong time. I happened
to see your committee recently at Berkeley
via Westinghouse TV and then again yester-
.clay at my home here via XER TV, Tijuana,
Mexico. It was necessary for me to travel as
tar as Eureka, Calif., and back (1,800 miles).
I encountered quite a few folks in the 12 clays
L was away and did not encounter a single
person who was in favor of us being in
-Vietnam.
You, therefore, believe me, are not taking
the minority view and unless our Constitu-
tion is to be thrown overboard we should
have Congress declare war just as that fine
document provides.
With such deep roots in my beloved coun-
try it includes Baker City. Oreg., in 18135
where my 1Jnrle Elmer Holt was admitted
to the bar at the ripe age of 18.
Keep up your strength and don't let theni
get away with it.
Sincerely and with kind regards.
Roy ARTHUR SILVA.
PROCTOR, MINN.,
February 17, 1966.
11011. SENATOR WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
])FAR HON. SENATOR MORSE: I Wish to
express once again my gratitude for your
appearances and your stand on Vietnam.
Your unruffled countenance during the
hearings are very confident to watch, be-
sides the clarity of your position you have
outlined.
I applaud you.
Sincerely,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
.Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
The committee hearings are a wonderful
public service. I believe the American
public is not full aware of where this
dangerous policy of President Johnson can
lead and what disastrous events might take
place unless caution is exercised.
Thank you. for being such a concerned
and dedicated public servant.
Mrs. T. R. 1J[ERRITT.
NEW 'Y orK, N.Y.
DEAR SENATOR MoRSF: I would like to con-
vey my support of the investigations which
you are c(pnducting. And also to let you
k-low that I am in agreement; wit.11 your plan
to resolve this conflict in the United Natio__s.
Very truly yours,
Joe `.u BRUCK,
CLEVELAND, OHIO,
February 18, 1966.
HON, SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: You are a
great man. 1: can't find the piper words
to express myself, how I feel and how I
honor yen for your wonderful work and
words for us people--our men, husbands,
and sons-
I will always honor you.
Mrs. Muir. KOKAL.
Senator \VAYNE MORSE,
Senate Ogee Building,
Washington., D.C.
CHICAGO, rLL.,
February 1!), 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Just a note. to urge
you to redouble your courageous efforts to
terminate the conflict in South Vi?tnam and
bring,, our fine young American men back
home.
Sincerely,
PL1'117OUTH, MIC:H.,
Senator WAYNE MORSE, February 1$, 1966.
Washington, D.O.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to express my
appreciation for your courageous and tireless
work for a more reasonable policy by our
Government in the Vietnam problem.
If you have any recommendations as to
what an individual can do to help promote
a less aggressive attitude by our Government,
please let me know. I am willing to devote
time and energy in the interest of stopping
the senseless killing, but I don't know what
to do.
Thank you for devoting your time and
energy in behalf of peace.
Very truly yours,
BitiTeE 13. SPSATLTNG.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: You have been
wonderful on the TV hearings this past few
days. Our entire family thinks so.
This quotation from Isiah which Presi-
dent Johnson quotes so often has me con-
cerned.
Isaiah 1: 18-19: "Come now, and let us
reason together. - - * If ye be willing and
obedient, ye shall eat the good of the land..
But If ye refuse and rebel, ye shall be
devoured with the sword."
I wish we had many more men like you in
the Senate.
Sincerely yours,
BERNICE OLIPHANT.
SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF.,
February 18, 1966.
Senator WAYNE L. MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: How we rejoice that
we have such a great man living in our coun..
try today. Your courageous stand in this
time of national crisis gives us hope indeed
for the future of our country and the world.
With deepest appreciation, I am,
Sincerely.
! Ars. NORMA GROSSENBACIIER.
AUBURNDAI.E, MASS.,
February 17, 1966.
Senator WAYNr: MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DT'AR SENATOR MORSE: I agree completely
with your statements on the Vietnam war.
YOU and some of your fellow senators who
share your view, seem to be the only sane
force in Washington these days.
1 NGI$' W 00D, CA,.IF.,
Senator WAYNE MORSE, February 12, 1966.
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOll MORSE: We are writing to en-
courage you in your attempt to enlighten
the public on the true state; of affairs In
Vietnam and to bring an end to the hostili-
ties there. The majority opinion in the
United States today seems to be that our
presence in Vietnam is justified bee. muse there
has been Communist aggression from the
north. We feel, however, that the United
States especially in support of the Diem re-
gime, has also committed aggression. We
realise that our Government finds itself in a
touchy situation, that It has a "tii;er by the
tail," so to speak, but, we are convinced that
no further good can come from prolonging
the present tragic state Of affairs. We urge
our Represente.tives in Washington to de-
mand thai; negotiations with the Vietcong
and the North Vietnamese be commenced im-
mediately, before the United States Is ir-
reversibly committed to further atrocities.
Sincerely yours,
RICHARD HAROLD JOHNSON.
ANNA VAN ROAPHARST JOHNSON.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
NORMAL, ILL.,
February 14, 1960.
DEAR SIR: Please be advised that I support
you wholeheartedly in your stand against our
present Vietnam policies. They are' immnr,-i,
impractical, and shortsighted. A country
such as ours is capable of solving these prob-
lems in a more intelligent rnarn,er,
Sincerely yours,
DALE E. BII2 KSNHOLZ.
PACIFIC PALISADES, CALIF.,
February 10, 196,
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We feel that the so-
called confusion of the American public
may be due to lack of a responsible spoke::-
man of views which many have privately
come to. May we offer the committee and
yourself congratulations for your courageous
efforts to bring notice to the American peo-
ple of the dangers of our present position in
Vietnam.
We urge immediate Steps to liquidate our
commitments in Vietnam.
Sincerely,
I'' RANCE-s T. WILLIAM '4_
13YRON D. WILLIAMS.
JUDITH J. WII.LIAMS.
SEBASTOPOL, CALIF.,
February 12, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We commend you
for your forthright criticism of the foreign
policy of the Johnson administration includ-
ing Vietnam and the Dominican Republic.
We urge you and the Foreign Relations
committee to continue investigations and
public hearings into every area of foreign
affairs of the executive branch including
that latest sideshow, the Honolulu confer-
ence.
We hope for a new foreign policy In which
military force is not an Instrument.
Give 'em hell.
Best regards,
Mr. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Building,
Washington, D.C.
SANTA ROSA, CALIF.,
February 13, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Count me as being
in full agreement with your views on Viet-
nam made before the Senate Foreign Rela-
tions Committee. Views, substantiated by
experts as former Ambassador George F. Ken-
nan and General Gavin.
Thank you for being one of few Senators
unafraid to speak out on behalf of logic in a
misguided America.
This country was founded out of revolu-
tion. History refers to it as the shot heard
around the world. For 190 years we have
been the envy and aspiration of every back-
ward nation. Instead of holding out our
hand in help to others trying to achieve our
way of life, we find ourselves denying them
our very heritage, the right of free people
to form governments of their own choosing.
This country is following an asinine. foreign
policy in Vietnam and especially in the
Dominican Republic and the tragedy of it
is that young American boys are dying in its
futile support.
Sincerely yours,
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
NORWALK, CONN.,
February 17, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: In closely following
the deliberations o1' the Senate Foreign Rela-
tions Committee, I am extremely pleased
with the stand you continue to take.
Please do not let up. For, if we continua
our present course in Vietnam-both in the
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south, to try and bolster what appears to me
to be an unpopular Government, and in the
north, bombing daily a nation with whom
we are not at war-it will mean eventual
full-scale war with the Chinese, and a pos-
sible nuclear war with the Russians.
I have four boys, the oldest of whom is
12; I don't want to send them to Asia to
get their legs blown off, Nor do I want
my family to be destroyed-either instan-
taneously in a nuclear blast, or after a week
of radiation sickness.
strings. But it you do not appropriate the
money, he will have to limit the war.
It seems to me that we have no business in
Vietnam, 10,000 miles away from home. In-
stead of sending our boys to the fighting
front to fight and die, let us get them back
home. That is the only way to back them
up and protect them. There is no reason why
we should play the role of world policeman.
Supposing we do blast and bomb Vietnam
to pieces, then what have we accomplished.
How long are we going to stay there-5 years,
10 years, 25 years, etc.? China is still there
right alongside. Are we going to stay there
indefinitely and spend the American taxpay-
ers' money? This is our third world war away
from home.
I listened to General Taylor and Dean Rusk.
Their testimony was highly evasive. They
did not want to tell anything to hurt the
administration in any way.
It is my opinion that President Johnson
and his advisers are leading our country and
our people on the road to ruin and destruc-
tion. We have adopted Goldwater's policies,
and the Republicans are laughing up their
sleeves. You will hear a lot about this in the
.1966 campaign, and much more in 1968.
You may use this letter in any way you
think helpful.
Yours very truly,
ELMHURST, N.Y.
February17, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate, '
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: Let me be another to congratu-
late and commend you on your courageous
and patriotic position re Vietnam. As an
Air Force veteran of both World War II and
Korea, I am eager to lend concurrence and
encouragement to you since I have no ax
to grind, having served my country.
I certainly would not suggest to you any
arguments or courses to follow since I feel
you are much more than competent to pur-
sue these than I could ever be. However,
I must heartily commend you on the state-
ments made by you to General Gavin on the
above date.
You, as a U.S. Senator, permit me to main-
tain confidence in the U.S. Congress. Please
continue to represent the people of this
country and do not fall prey to pressures
and plays for power.
I have remitted a copy of this letter to
President Johnson.
Sincerely,
JACKSON HEIGHTS, N.Y.,
February 19, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you, indeed,
for putting General Taylor In his place. It
is a pleasure to hear, in these times, one
clear American voice.
Thank you, Senator.
Very sincerely.
DOROTHY HANLEY.
THIEF RIVER FALLS, Minn.,
February 19, 1966.
U.S. Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: I have been listening to the
hearings before the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee during the last day or two as they
came in over TV, and I want to commend
you for your efforts, and to thank you for
the stand you are taking.
Congress only has the real power to declare
war, but in spite of this we are now engaged
in a full-scale war in Vietnam. I read the
newspapers quite carefully, and I want to
say-that in my opinion the resolution of Au-
gust 1964 was never intended to authorize a
war. The people, in general, did not under-
stand it, and it was slipped through Congress,
without any full understanding of how it
could be used. The President and his advis-
ers are using this resolution for a purpose for
which it was never intended.
I hope you can get a few Members of Con-
gress to back you up so that we can find out
just where the Senators stand. You may not
win, but it is interesting to know just where
our Senators stand. As Dean Rusk said,
"Let the people know where the Senate
stands." Let's have a vote on your resolution
to rescind.
The President may be Commander in Chief
of the Army, but Congress holds the purse
HELLAM, PA.,
February 18,1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE.
DEAR SENATOR: I am not a man of words
so I will not be able to express myself and
my feelings as I would like to. I am just one
of the millions of American workingmen and
taxpayers.
This week I lost time from work to listen
to the debate from Washington and I wish
I would have lost more so I could have heard
it all.
This week I think you have proven your-
self one of the greatest men of our time. I
wish I could have been there to applaud your
every word.
It will take many more Senators like you
to keep our country from falling into the
hands of the military, which road it is on
for the past several years.
The American people are as easily lead as
the Germans, which I find hard to believe.
Your road to peace is not an easy one. You
will have to fight with no letup but I believe
you will win. Clear-thinking people are be-
hind you tooth and nail.
I only wish that Premier Ky would have
been at the hearings so you could have
shown the American people the stupid ass
that our Government is forcing on the peo-
ple of South Vietnam.
My wife and I have always regarded you
with great respect and our finest wish and
prayer for you is a long, healthy, and happy
life.
Sincerely,
ALVIN N. IRWIN and VERA.
DOSES FERRY, N.Y.,
February 22,196 6.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
MY DEAR SENATOR. MORSE: Bravo and God
bless you for the good fight you are waging
to air this bad stew in Vietnam. We who
supported the Johnson administration for
its peace platform are appalled by the esca-
lation of this terrible civil war into an in-
ternational tragedy.
Please know that you have the profound
gratitude and support from citizens in every
part of the United States.
Sincerely,
SUDBURY, MASS.,
February 18, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It is most hearten-
ing to hear reported on television what your
views are concerning the war in Vietnam.
I have been so completely disillusioned-by
the man for whom I voted in the last elec-
tion, our President.
Let's hope that the Senate Foreign Rela-
tions Committee may continue to question
our policies in Vietnam before the general
public.
The thing that fascinates me is the fact
that the news media's choice in reporting,
points up your questioning of those who ap-
pear before the committee.
I have been your greatest admirer for many
years and only wish that there were many
more like you.
Sincerely,
LAS CRUCES,.N. MEx.,
February 16, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing to in-
form you that I am in accord with the posi-
tion you have taken as concerns Vietnam. I
beleve it is imperative that a cease-fire com-
mence immediately so that we might nego-
tiate with Hanoi, and more importantly, with
the N.L.F. I also believe we must uphold the
Geneva accords if we are to achieve peace in
Vietnam. In the name of humanity and
"practical politics," I urge you to continue
the fight for peace.
Sincerely yours,
THOMAS D. R. MACNAIR.
NEW YORK, N.Y.,
February 18, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate office Building,
Washington, D.C.
MY DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I'm a Negro, 65
years old. I'm a veteran of military service
with the 10th U.S. Cavalry on the Mexican
border in 1920 and 1921. I also served with
a quartermaster battalion of the 2d Army
during World War II. I'm proud to say I was
honorably discharged after these periods of
military service.
. After constantly watching television pro-
grams, listening to the radio, and reading
newspaper reports, I'm offering you my heart-
iest congratulations and pledging to support
you during you most worthy effort to prevent
our beloved country from becoming involved
in an unnecessary world war.
This country never has been more in need
of men and women with your courage, fore-
sight, and ability. You are one of the few
Members of Congress who seem to really
know how to recognize and talk to war-
mongering statesmen and militarists. More
power to you while so doing. Loyal and
peace-loving Americans are desperately de-
pending on you, Senator MORSE, to carry on
your campaign for good will among nations
and a permanently peaceful world. May you
continue to serve your constituents well, and
may almighty God forever guide and bless
you.
Sincerely yours,
EUGENE D. JOHNSON.
LA JOLLA, CALIF.,
February 16, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I want to express my
whole-hearted approval of your committee's
hearings on the U.S. policy in southeast Asia.
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1 beg you to do everything possible to stop
this senseless war in which our standard-
bearer has publicly expressed his admiration
for Adolf Hitler.
:sincerely,
PARTA., N..I.,
February 19, 1966.
I)r.AR SENA'UR MORSE: Congratulations on
your fine job of opening the public's eye.
You are so right. At all the gatherings that
I attend, the conversation is "Why are we in
Vietnam, or why is the Government playing
politics instead of winning the war'? Please
continue your good work. You have my full
support.
tie a father of two sons of draft age and a
veteran of World War II, 28th Infantry Divi-
;ion, the only thing that keeps our sanity,
ny wife and :I, is that some one like you
thinks of America first.
Yours truly,
czNALurnis, TENN.,
February 21, 1966.
senator WAYNE MORSE,
Congress, Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I support your opposition to the
illegal, undeclared war against the Vietnam-
ese people.
Acting as we have outside the procedures
of the United Nations has weakened both
,,hat organization and our own position.
T look forward to your speech in the Sen-
ate and hope it will bring some action from
the American people, a voice of protest ex-
pression that our Government will accept
meaningfully.
?irlcerciy,
Sioux FALLS, S. DAK.,
February 18, 1966.
in that small band. Ili::=tory proves that it is
always those :few who must protect the many.
Most sincerely,
CYRIA HF NDEIISON.
Bun:INGHAM ALA.,
1February 18, 1966.
lion. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Semite,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: May I take this op-
portunit:,T to thank. you for the service you
are rendering your country participating in
the debate or., the Vietnam war am a member
of the Foreign Relations Committee.
I, like most Americans I know stand be-
hind our Arined Forces in Vieti:.am who I
feel should have full moral, economic, and
arms support. I do not, however, support
the ]present and past foreign policy which has
so tragically involved our country it this war.
With best wishes.
Gratefully yours,
Osvto ROIIERTS III.
MENObrONT:E FALLS, WIS..
Februarg 19, 1966.
Hen. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MOIisE: We strongly support
your stand on the Vietnam war. We hope
you will continue to struggle to make your
viewpoint heard even though we realize that
you have been put in the position of receiv-
ing 'very unpleasant opposition.
Very truly yours,
IlOBFRT P. OVERS.
MARCELLA M. OVERS.
:;IIICAGO I'LL.,
a=cbruary 23, 1966.
PEAR SENATOR: Thank the Almighty for
Senators such as you and J.. WIIaaAM FuL-
BRIGHT; real Americans who are not afraid to
stand up and be counted. What can we do
to help? Keep up the good work.
HOWARD E. SEVERE.
11011, WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate, Old Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
SIR: I have closely followed the hearings
which have been taking place regarding our
Vietnam policy. I firmly believe that these
hearings are extremely essential in bringing
before the American people the realities of
this senseless, brutal and illegal conflict.
heartily support your courageous and res-
olute stand. May others be similarly en-
lightened before a nuclear holocaust de-
stroys mank nd,
Very truly yours,
WILLIAM P. ERICI{SON.
Iron. WAYNE. MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
NEWARK, :DFm,.,
I coruary 18, 1966.
Mv: DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I Would like to
express my support for your position on the
Foreign Relations Committee and thank you
for your most intelligent questioning of the
witnesses.
Yours truly,
'Senator WAYNE: Moose,
Senate Building,
Washington, D.C.
DtAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to express
my heartfelt thanks for what you are doing.
'T'hose of us who must look particularly to
the Senate for the courage, dedication, and
wisdom to keep our country's liberties, free-
dom of speech and traditional honor unim?-
p.lired are fortunate to have men like you to
guard them.
Courageous, forthright men are all too rare.
May you have a long and distinguished career
CHEVY CHASE, MD.,
.L"ebruary 27, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE:- We want to tell you
how grateful we are to you for all the work
you are doing to oppose the war in Vietnam,
and in fighting the large war budget
demanded for this destructive purpose, with
all the sadness and grief it can cause.
Are we not, actually, intruders in Vietnam?
Are we properly protecting our own citizens
wherr we allow them to be drafted into the
jungles of Vietnam? We hope your influence
will be widespread.
With gratitude to you,
:MAYAN and STANWOiD COBB.
EaLIN AFB, 1"LA.,
February 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Oj;ice Building,
Washingtrnt D.C.
DEAR SIR: I wanted to take ff.is oppor-
tunity to applaud you for your stand on U.S.
involvement in an unconstitutional and
futile war. Your courage as a pubic servant
in express::nf, dissent has been very hearten-
ing to me and I urge you to continue in the
future as l'ou have in the past.
In a.ddi-Acm, your sta.cd against "govern-
ment by secrecy" is a view which should be
pursued v-gorously. Too long have decisions
affecting all Americans been made by some
public official:: without their tn.'=King into
consideration what many of us really do
think and without the Alneric;.n people
knowing what was happening until after
some action. had already been tc ken: Le.,
Vietnam.
I will eagerly be reading your comments
and following debates in which you are in-
volved. With a person such as you, l: feel
sanity can yet prevail.
Thank you for reading my comments.
Respectfully yours,
HARRIS G. KRAHAM,
Lieutenant. USAF.
MUNCIE, IND.,
February 22. 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am entirely in
sympathy with the stand you took at the
hearings.
To surrender foreign policy decisions to
Johnson, Rusk, and McNamara would be a
big mistake.
Sincerely yours,
CHULA VISTA, CALIF'.,
February 22. 1966.
Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Building,
Washington, D.C.
SIR: You are to be commended in ads'n-
cating to rescind the joint resolution of
August 1964 and your stand on debate of our
Vietnam policy. We rely on you as our rep-
resentative of the people to bring out the
true facts, at least as much as possible, and
in this way perhaps control the power of the
few.
Many of us understand how the consensus
of a nation is obtained through a control of
information and disguising of facts so tha t
the majority of the people are in no position
to judge or recomend action (granted that
this is supposedly done for our best inter-
ests), so we do and must count on the rep-
resentatives of the people to act; for us and
to obtain these facts and truths as was in-
tended. (Or is Congress swayed in the same
way by distorted facts, censured information,
lack of interest, and fear?)
Perhaps the better policy would he to take
into consideration that negotiations should
take place with all political elements repre-
sented. In disagreement with Mr. Rusk,
why not the Buddhists and the Catholics, as
well as the Vietcong? Vietnam. should be
treated as a whole, not as a North and a,
South. Where did we lose sight of this?
I am sure you have the support of many,
and our hope must be that this hearing will
lead to a change in our policy in Vietnam,
making it more realistic, more universal,
more humane.
Very truly yours,
MARTIN 11. F'oRTER.
WINNF:IELD, IA.,
February 2.1, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: My personal thanks for your
stand on the war in Vietnam.
This part of the "grass roots of Alneric,L"
seems to be generally in favor of an escalated
war up to and including the bombing of
Peiping with nuclear weapons, if necessary.
I am not a native of Louisiana. However,
I am now a registered voter here. I shall do
my best to keep informed, so as to vote ns
intelligently as possible, and wheres er I can,
I shall speak out against this war in Vietnam.
In the meantime my thanks to you for
doing your thankless task and my com-
mendations to you for your courageous stand
in this matter.
Yours truly,
Mrs. WILLO L. CL-RRIER_
Los ANGELES, CALIF.,
February 23. 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please keep up your
good and vital fight against the adlllinistra-
tion's war policy in Vietnam.
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Your excellent stand is winning more and
more support and will force a change for
peace.
Your gallant devotion to truth and justice
is a rare example nowadays, and much
admired.
Sincerely yours,
NINA &nd MORRIS INDMAN.
DENVER, COLO.,
February 22, 1966.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE: My Wife and I are
definitely opposed to the administration's
policy in Vietnam. We are in full accord
with your stand.
It is about time we quit murdering our
boys in Vietnam, and if it is a war why
doesn't the United States declare war on
Vietnam?
Hoping you will give your full support and
consideration in stopping to send our boys
to Vietnam.
With warm and kindest regards, I remain.
PROVIDENCE, R.I.,
February 22, 1966.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I want to express my sincere ap-
preciation for the conscientious and articu-
late stand you have taken in challenging the
administration's handling of the Vietnam
situation. Although I can claim no expert
knowledge in southeast Asia, I know from
research and active participation in Latin
America that the current stand of the United
States is objectionable and untenable. Fur-
thermore, I resent the wholesale use of de-
ception on the American people, and the un-
warranted assertion that we must police the
world, even without a congressional man-
date.
It seems of the utmost importance that
(1) the public be made aware of the du-
plicity of the administration in this in-
stance; (2) the Congress engage in a rational
debate to clarify legal and moral issues at
stake; (3) every possible avenue to negotia-
tion be explored by the United States, with-
out the imposition of unrealistic prerequi-
sites or the exclusion of any interested
parties; (4) the United Nations, a Geneva
convention, or any other international group
which is willing to collaborate in promoting
meaningful mediation be given every en-
couragement to do so, with the expectation
that the United States would take advan-
tage of any opportunity so offered.
Please accept my thanks for the key role
which you have played in dramatizing the
fact that we are now engaged in an illegal
war, that we can - never hope for victory in
the traditional sense, that the democratic
process is being seriously eroded at home,
and that our posture before the world is
inconsistent and dangerous in many respects.
Sincerely yours,
DWIGHT B. HEATH.
SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF.,
February 20, 1966.
Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE.
SIR: I support your attitude toward Viet-
nam.
Sincerely,
be congratulated and CHURCH of Idaho. It
takes the wideopen spaces to widen men's
minds.
I happen to be an older woman and the
longer I live, I'm shocked and grieved at the
present happenings in this world of ours. I
certainly wish you continued success.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I want to thank you
for the courage and integrity you have dis-
tplayed in bringing before the American
people an open discussion on the problem
of Vietnam.
I believe as you do, that when they know
the facts they will refuse to support present
policy there.
I beg you continue these hearings, bring-
ing in other witnesses, from the academic
sphere among others, who can add the weight
of their opinion to those already expressed.
Sincerely,
SEYMOUR C. POST, M.D.
WHITTIER, CALIF.,
February 19, 1966.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U. S. Senate,
Washington D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I deeply admire your
courage and your devotion to truth. History
books of the future will have to report that
at least one voice in the Senate of the United
States of America kept insisting that the
policy of shooting first and asking questions
later was not appropriate in international
affairs.
I felt, as you did, that Secretary of Defense
McNamara ought to appear before the Sen-
ate Foreign Relations Committee prepared
to answer questions. Government by se-
crecy is not representative government.
Government of the people, by the people, for
the people, can survive many a storm so long
as dissent can be distinguished from dis-
loyalty. If a majority of us favor a danger-
ous policy, the minority must, at least, have
the privilege of saying what they think.
All who believe in truly representative
government owe you a debt of gratitude.
ROBERT L. MONTGOMERY.
FLUSHING N.Y.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U. S. Senate,
Washington D,C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We wish to express
our thanks to you for your unflinching devo-
tion to the cause of peace.
Please keep up your good work.
Very truly yours,
Mr. and Mrs. M. ALTSCHULER.
SAN DIEGO, CALIF'.,
February 19, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to express my
admiration for you regarding your views on
the U.S. involvement in Vietnam. During
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
hearings you have expressed your feelings
and criticisms on the administration's pol-
icy on Vietnam. I share your views on our
involvement with this war, and I applaud
your firm and forthright statements made
during the hearings. I also applaud Senator
FULBRIGHT and Senator GORE.
It disturbs me to hear the testimony of
many of the Nation's top military experts
and other Government officials stating that
they feel we should escalate the war and
press on to victory. I do not feel that there
is any victory to be obtained. The victory
and further escalation of the war appear to
me to be a waste of our country's money, re-
sources, and individual lives. It also appears
to me that the United States has no right
to intrude in another country's civil war.
I only wish that more people in this coun-
try shared your views, and that the United
States would disengage itself from this ter-
rible war while it is still within our power
to do so.
Sincerely,
DULUTH, MINN.,
February 22, 1966.
Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I wish to thank you for the
sensible stand you have taken in respect to
the involvement of our country in this Viet-
nam war.
I am sure that most of our citizens, who
are loyal to our country, feel that our Gov-
ernment has no business in sending our boys
over there to be butchered. It is absurd
to think that we as one nation, are going to
be able to put an end to aggression all over
the world. No country in history ever did
it. As far as communism, we have plenty in
this hemisphere to combat and how about
Cuba off our shores? Let's look after United
States first.
Sincerely,
NEW YORK, N.Y.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: All Americans will
be the winners if your positions and those
of Senator FULBRIGHT, as voiced late this
afternoon, become the one that are imple-
mented shortly.
Keep public hearings going as long as
possible for the sake of world peace.
NEW YORK, N.Y.
February 22, 196G.
Senator W. MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: In writing to you I
am speaking for myself, my family, and for
almost all of my friends. We heartily en-
dorse your efforts to make the Vietnam war
an issue for public debate. Public policy and
war are too important to be left in the hands
of the military. Our people have been mis-
informed on the Vietnam situation and the
administration has been misadvised by pro-
fessionl soldiers and lobbyists. I am writ-
ing to let you know that your support is far
greater than the press and the polls would
have the Nation believe.
Very truly yours,
JACOB A. ARLOW, M.D.
DUBUQUE,'IOWA,
February 22,1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: You are doing a
tremendous job of restoring dignity and re-
sponsibility to the Senatorial office and call-
ing the Executive to account for the disaster
we are heading for in Asia.
Needless to say, I agree that we must ex-
tricate ourselves from Vietnam as soon as
possible and try to establish communications
with China.
Yours truly,
YONKERS, N.Y.,
February 16, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I want to take this
time to again tell you that there are hun-
dreds of people that I have talked to in
complete accord with yours and many of the
other Senators views on the Vietnam fiasco
caused against the will of the people of this
country. I have seen and heard all of your
hearings on television and have yet to see
how it is possible for this country of ours
to be spending billions of dollars on this very
SEATTLE, WASH.,
February 20, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Foreign Relations Committee,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I have just listened to your
committee TV broadcasts, and thank God
or the Divine Force for allowing such a
man as you, who is not afraid to stick by
his convictions-his love for the lives of his
fellow man. Senator FULBRIGHT too is to
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outisteful foreign policy supported by our
P reeiderit, the killing of the young men of
this country in a battle with absolutely no
purpose is inhuman, unjust, and should not
be permitted since it is definitely illegal from
its origin.
Since we have bases located so strategically
around China and Russia why is it so neces-
nary to kill ourselves for a people who are
near uncivilized than I can think of? In
closing I would like to say that the people I
have talked to are in full support of your
:,tared against this fiasco we are being forced
into by the Government officials who will be
paid in full at the next election. Thank
Cod there are Senators like yourself elected
to office ?of this country who would :really have
have us in dire straits.
Si.nccrcly,
CEO'RGE CHIAVETTA,
S;r.-C d.
KANSAS CITY, Mo.,
February 14, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington D.C.
DeAR SENATOR: Even though you and some
of your dissenting associates have been
described as being "blind to experience and
deal to hope" (whatever that means) be
mindful of the fact that there are millions
oi' Americans who are privately, and some of
them publicly, cheering for all of you.
Jack Kennedy said, "The United Nations
is our last best hope in a world where the
instruments of war far exceed the instru-
lnents of peace" but, in view of the fact
that we have violated and repudiated all of
the peacekeeping provisions of the charter,
many of us have come to the conclusion that
our "last best hope" is that small group of
dissenters (statesmen) in the Senate who
are willing to stand alone for decency and,
sanity.
We are more than grateful and hope and.
pray that none of you will be cowed by the
inane political blusterings being broadcast
by a President who has lost all perspective
(if he ever had any) and who is now living
in an era, created within his own distorted
imagination, entirely outside of history.
Yours truly,
ARcn R. MAULSBY.
BERKELEY, CALIF.,
February 15, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I admire your cour-
age and integrity in continually opposing
Johnson's war in Vietnam. I strongly sup-
port you in urging the halting the bombing
of North Vietnam. the recognition of the
NhF, the reconvening of the Geneva con-
ference, and most recently your commit-
ment. to lead a filibuster to stall. the ap-
proval of appropriations for the war. I also
urge you to work for the defeat of the ap-
propriations, which would just be another
blank check for Johnson to continue this
bloody and Senseless war.
I'm with you all the way.
Sincerely yours,
.JERRY A. PETERSON.
'.S tTCKAHOE, N.Y.,
February 15, 1966.
.DEng SENATOR MORSE: Hitherto I confided
In President Johnson's abilities in the Viet-
nam situation, but since the Hawaii meet-
ings I have lost hope in his competence. It
is my sad conclusion that his authority in
Vietnam should henceforth be rescinded.
l,iv,as are sacrificed, a nation is destroyed,
and now truth is so distorted that words
have lost all meaning. In my conviction
faulty commitments have been devised to
force us into provoked hostilities with China.
')'he 1950 crossing of the 38th Korean
parallel and forced votes have voided the
United Nations of credibly respectable au-
thority In Asia. It is impossible to expect
a sovereign country to come to negr;tiations-
uncorlditional at that-upon the sole uni-
lateral au;hority of I;he United States. Still,
until the Hawaii meetings one could hope
that President Johnson's true desires for
peace and a better world might lireak that
paradox.
That hope, is dashed. Resumed bombing,
needless embarrassment of the United
Nations, and now the h::..ndshake with the
desperado Saigon generals and the Vice
President', preposterous trip mate it im-
probable that President Johnson can still
extricate himself from the tanele. Those
are gestures aimed at internal idii svncrasies
in our country. Internationally they are
worse than irrelevant. India Is starving.
We are on the threshold of inerhaustible
human tr;Lgedy.
We need at least the wordless trl ce attain-
able by cessation of bombing aid retreat
limo defensible enclaves to protect politically
endannereS Vietnamese minorities. Ulti-
mately the perverted Korea affair must be
wound up to restore internation organiza-
tion to its authorized impartial ['unctions.
Evidence is abundant, the situation most
severe, and we pray for our dear President.
But it is urgent that his incompe lent Viet-
nam power be now rescinded.
Yours very respectfully,
JOHN V. G1.AUMAN.
WHITTIER. CAI W.,
February 1, 1966.
SENATOR WAYNE MORSE,
Senior Senator From Oregon,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have postponed
much too long to thank you for your stand
on Vietnam and for your constant, and often
solitary, fight for the preservaticn of our
constitutional rights. I do so hum Ay thank
you now.
I have written to Our President today (as
well as to Senator FuLBRIr.,IIT and 't r the two
Senators from California', urging :hat they
follow your leadership in bringing the Viet-
nam situation to full debate on the floor of
the Senate.
Sincerely,
inoux, N Y.,
Pehniary i i. 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to take this
opportunity to thank and praise yoit on your
forthright stand on Vietnam, 'Your and
Senator GIIUENING's long and lonely stand
from among the whole governmental estab-
lishment has been an act of herder 1. partic-
ularly in the light of administration pres-
sure and its manufactured "public )pinion."
Of the wide section of people I cornea in con-
tact with, many of whom are complete
strangers, I find concern a red fright over our
involvement there.
If President Johnson really believes in the
Geneva accords, peace and can very easily be
achieved, although a final settlement over
the long run would take time. To accept
the accords would mean to withdraw all
troops immediately and concurrently dis-
mantle our bases there. At the same time
we should partake in negotiations with the
National Lioeration Front, the peolie we are
fighting. This may be considered b3 some as
loss of face, but it is better to lose face for
a short time than to lose our national honor
for all time, much of which is already gone.
I heard you on CBS TV and radio in the
last 2 weeks. Your were excellent. I
would be greatly appreciative if you could
send me a copy of the document "Why Viet-
man" mentioned by Senator GRUENCNG, and
the following: the State Departmer. t policy
information paper written in 1949, presented
to the Senate Committees on Armed Serv-
Ices and Foreign Relations in June 1951; the
Rand Corp., study commissioned by
the U.S. Air Force examining the reasons
why China entered the Korean war; the
Mansfield report; the latest economic report
of the President.
Thank you very much, for e erything.
Keep up the good work.
Very truly yours,
CORVALLIS, OREG.,
February 1;1, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am very unhappy
over my country's foreign policy in Vietnam
and Santo Domingo. I am glad your elo-
quence is speaking for me so bravely.
Thank you most sincerely.
RIT,nA MARIE SCIolOL:DER.
CORVALLIS, ORE-G.,
February 1.:'. 1966.
Senator WAYNE. MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your position on
our Vietnam policy is to be commended.
Congratulations to you and to the other
members of the Foreign Relations Commit-
tee for presenting the issues to the public.
The testimony of General Gavin. and par-
ticularly that of Ambassador Kennan eli-
cited by you and the other members of the
committee only confirm the view that our
military involvement in Vietnam is a mon-
strous error, and that to increase that ili-
volvement will be to compound the error.
Although you will, I am sure, persevere in
your course regardless of what your detrac-
tors will say, it may nevertheless be hearten-
ing to receive expressions of support.
Sincerely yours,
JEWELL, ORE,;,,
February 19, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to commend
you for your stand on Vietnam. You and
Senator FULBRICHT are true Americans.
I have followed this war in Vietnam for it
long time. Things that you predicted, as
well as Walter Lippmann, have come true.
We need to be alert so that communism
doesn't take hold here.
Have talked with several of my friends,
who have the same feeling.
mend you for your stand.
Very truly,
PORTLAND, OREG.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: My wife and I are
extremely proud of your courageous stand
with respect to the Vietnamese crisis. If
ever the American people needed it tribune
to protect them from those who enrich
themselves at the expense of the weak, it is
today. Our fervent hope is that you and
your congressional companions do not
weaken under the pressure.
Sincerely,.
PETER J. DONAIIU i,
CATHERINE A. DONAHUE.
CARMEL, CALIF.
February 14, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: As native Oregon-
Sans and graduates of the University in
Eugene, we want to tell you of our pride
In you the past week. You were wonderful
as you said just what so many of us wanted
you to say.
You may see by the clippings from today's
Chronicle that folks out here are behind you
of the Senate Foreign Relations Commit-
tee.
Sincerely yours,
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O
March 2
,
MILTON-FREEWATER, OREG., election. Anyone who could conveniently
February 26, 1966. forget such an important responsibility
SENATOR MORSE: It is quite evident that you couldn't in my view, remember to do any-
have pertinent evidence that we should never thing constructive.
have taken the stand we did in Vietnam. All of you received a standing ovation in
It is another painful illustration in human my home. My entire family agrees with you
deall llike to know
o get what of can
history of giving any group enough rope and and to eoroewould
Viet-
they will hang themselves.
We have been too preoccupied with foreign nam as graciously as the Russians left Cuba.
communism and looking over the fence at Sincerely, Mrs. J. WRIGHT.
other people's faults and problems that we
took too little cognizance of our own.
The handwriting was on the wall when
our own Government aid to our own back-
ward groups failed to achieve their purposes.
To compound the trouble with foreign
borders was deplorable and now we reach
a wretched end. We still hate to reach the
obvious conclusion that money cannot and
EAST NORTHPORT, N.Y.,
February 20, 1966.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: We Would like, once more, to
commend your position as expressed in the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee hear-
ings, on the war In Vietnam.
It Is gratifying that the opposition-at-large
to this war, which has been slandered in
various ways, has been heard in the Senate
hearings through your articulate and docu-
mented statements and questions.
Respectfully yours,
NORMAN THURAU.
LILIANE THURAU.
REXFORD, N.Y.,
February 22, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would just like to
take the time to thank yotu for bringing the
facts to light with regard to our unfortunate
situation in Vietnam. You can be assured of
my backing as well as thousands of other
Americans who feel the same as you do. I be-
lieve we should get out and take care of our
own business first or surrender or, make some
sort of a peace instead of wasting valuable
human lives and money. The added fact of a
war with Red China should add to this but
some say this is an impossibility. I just can't
understand why your views aren't 100 percent
Imposed on them, meaning of course, the
President and Congress.
All I can say is that I am behind you 100
percent and please continue your excellent
JERSEY CITY, N.J.,
February 21, 1966.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: I wish to assure you of my
support-and that of many thinking people
I know-in your opposition to the Govern-
ment's handling of the South Vietnam
debacle.
We feel that no American President has
a right to carry on an undeclared full-fledged
war against any people or any nation In the
world, sacrificing needlessly American lives
and reducing this country's economy and re-
sources.
Any money allotted to the pursuit of this
war should instead be used to improve edu-
cation, eliminate poverty and slums, im-
prove health standards and reduce unem-
ployment in this country. Nations, such as
India, where famine is threatening, should
be supported and food supplies should be
shipped to them by this country. This is a
better way to combat communism because
people will favor a nation that feeds them
but will hate the one that tries to impose
an ideology upon them by killing them.
Sincerely yours,
FRED WETMORE.
CINCINNATI, OHIO,
February 19, 1966.
Senator WAYNE MORSE.
DEAR SIR: You and your chairman, Mr.
WILLIAM FULBRIGHT, have expressed my every
thought concerning the Vietnam war. I
was beginning to think all of Congress along
with our President had let the people of this
country down, but after hearing all your
speeches my faith in the men of our Gov-
ernment was renewed.
I firmly believe you should do everything
in your power to enforce your ideas concern-
ing this situation. If we have broken the
Constitution and this war is illegal, then
you should go over the President's head and
stop it.
I voted for President Johnson but if he
doesn't take constructive steps to bring this
Vietnam situation before the United Na-
tions and sincerely strive for a free election
in this area, I for one will not vote for him
again.
Every night on the newscasts I hear how
many men we have killed in Vietnam. I'm
not proud of this figure, because I love life-
,
th n m This
e e
SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF.,
February 18, 1966.
4529
ascendency, and act as the "secular. arm" of
one church in its squabbles with another.
A third delusion is: That trouble can be
ended Or corrected-by force of arms.
Respectfully submitted.
JOSEPH S. THOMPSON.
MIAMI, FLA., February 21, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I applaud your cour-
age to speak out against our involvement in
Vietnam.
It is men like you who make our Constitu-
tion a living truth.
Continue your questioning and probing.
We need men like you to "check and balance"
executive powers.
Very sineerly,
MTS. HERBERT M. ROSY,
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your position as an
independent American has always been a
source of immense gratification to me, and
I wish there were more, like you, in the
Senate.
Your opposition to the present Vietnam
procedure impels me to give you my views
in the matter.
Our country suffers tinder two beliefs that
ruin our chances of taking part in the es-
tablishment of a peaceful world. The first
of these is the delusion that the Commu-
nists are a single-minded, well-organized,
worldwide, and united group of supermen.
This delusion is strengthened by our prac-
tice of classifying anyone as a Communist,
who disagrees with us, and of tossing aside
any disagreeable movement, as "Commu-
nist inspired."
Yet the communism of each Communist
country is different from that of all the
others, and they are all, and always will be
dictatorships.
This is easy to realize when we try to
imagine what the picture of Karl Marx is, in
the mind of an Albanian shepherd or a
Cuban plantation hand. Marx, of course,
was utterly impractical, though somewhat
justified by the conditions in his time.
There was virtually no capitalism in czarist
Russia or imperial China, and most of what
is called communism is caused by, and is
a revolt against our second delusion.
This second American delusion is really
the greatest one, having the approval of
most of us, being time-honored, and being
so familiar as to be taken for granted as per-
fectly proper and respectable. But it is to it
that we can turn account for most of the
misery of this world.
This delusion is: That a small group of
individuals can "own" the land of a country
and can collect the land rental from its in-
habitants. There is no shred of evidence or
trace of supporting argument that will
justify this firmly established practice.
Yet we are in Vietnam, causing hideous
torture and deaths, and swilling out money
so direly needed here, helping to destroy
the world value of the American dollar, to
support a small, landowning class (among
whom is a large wealthy alien church) the
military, and a "government" of which we are
totally ignorant.
These little oriental people have lived
along the Chinese border for centuries. They
do not think as we do. They do not act
like us. And we will never remould them.
The United States of America could, with
honor and dignity, request the United Na-
tions, the Geneva Conference, or any disinter-
ested body, to conduct an election there, in
which the NFL or Vietcong would participate.
whether its our side or e
There is no question but that North and
bragging reminds me of little children play- q
ing with toy soldiers. South Vietnam would reunite and elect Ho
If our President would only stand up and Ght Minh as with their type her type of dicator,and hgo
say he cares more about America than any on wed h their And you can u tsure that i Karl
other country the
us world he and that because Marx would not be able to recognize one side
of this great love for us he was going to to take of It.
immediate action to meet with our allies for
a solution, I'm sure he would be running Our alternative is to send a lot of young
our country for some time. I just don't Wayne Morses and Joe Thompson down
know how Mr. McNamara could advise any- there, from now on, to police the country,
one when he didn't even 'vote in this last keep the landowners in their privileged
work.
Yours trul
WHAT THE WAR IN VIETNAM IS
DOING TO EDUCATION IN ALASKA
(AS EVERYWHERE ELSE IN THE
UNITED STATES)
Mr. GEUENING. Mr. President, in
the last decade, public school enrollment
in Alaska has increased by 108 percent,
which ranks Alaska second in the Nation.
This means that public school enroll-
ment in Alaska is 68 percent greater than
the national median, which is a healthy
40 percent.
In the last 15 years, the Anchorage
Borough School District, which is the
largest school district in Alaska, has
grown by 700 percent. By 1970, it will
almost double itself again.
On a per capita basis, Alaska is
spending more for education than any
other State--spending almost double
the amount spent by Hawaii, the next
ranked State. On a per capita basis, we
are making a greater revenue effort on
the State level than any other State-a
third more than New Mexico which ranks
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE March 2, 1966
second in the Nation, and one-third of
our State budget for the next fiscal year
is going for education. We are proud
of our public schools, and have good
reason to be, for they are among the best
in the Nation. But they will not long
remain so, it the proposed administra-
Live budget cuts in aid to schools in
federally impacted areas is carried out.
This is truer in Alaska than in any
other State. Why? Because 49 per-
cent-nearly half-of the students at-
tending public schools in Alaska are fed--
crally connected. No other State even
approaches this figure-Hawaii is next,
with slightly less than 30 percent,. and
all other States fall below 25 percent.
Admittedly, there are disparities in the
payments some school districts now re-
ceive under the impacted aid program,
and I agree that the Federal 'payment.,;
to the school districts should more
dearly reflect the actual burdens im-
posed by the federally connected child.
Hut., in this regard, payments cannot be
adjusted by across-the-board cuts, as
proposed by the administration, for it is
the most heavily impacted areas that are
growing the fastest.
Alaska is making a diligent tax effort,
to provide good schools. For instance,
the two largest school districts, Anchor-
age and Fairbanks, have a per pupil
bonded indebtedness of $1,251 and
$1,657, respectively. The Office of Edu-
cation compared these figures to those
of four west coast cities, chosen purely
at random. Seattle per-pupil bonded
indebtedness is only $604; Tacoma,
$552; Spokane, $705; San Diego, $630-
tflus, in each case, Alaska's burden is
Must we also insist that their most
uniquely valuable asset-a good educa-
tion--be shortchanged?
Mr, MORSE. :L wish to thank the
Senator from Alaska. As he will see
as I proceed with my speech on the
budget and educational needs, the ad-
ministration has made cuts not only in
impacted area money, but in. a good
many vital areas in the field of educa-
tion. In my judgment, this action is
tarnishing the whole image of the Great
Society and turning it into an empty,
meaningless, preachment.
As far as the Senator from Oregon is
concerned, this administration is going
to have to advance proof that it has not
advanced in the President's budget mes-
sage to justify the program of cutbacks
in this field,, These cutbacks are, in
effect, stabs :in the back of the educa-
tional forces of this country. I say to
the educators, you had better be on your
guard, because if the administration suc-
ceeds in getting its budget cuts sustained
in the Congress, the great progress we
have been accomplishing with the great
leap forward under. President Kennedy
will be lost.
Mr. GRUE4ING. Does the Senator
not feel that it is one of the most tragic
ironies in our history that, after the
magnificent, legislative record of this ad-
ministration and this Congress in the
1st session of the 89th Congress, we are
now going to have all that undone?
Mr. MORSE. The fact is that the
whole program is rapidly become a
tragic irony.
double or more, As I have mentioned THE: BUDGET AND EDUCATIONAL
before, one-third of the State budget NEEDS
goes for education-we are building
schools at an unprecedented rate, and Mr. MORSE- Mr. President. I have
will continue to do so with all the re- hesitated for some time in commenting
sources within our means, but the pro- upon the budget for fiscal year 1367 with
posed cutbacks in impacted aid funds respect to the provisions made tlherein to
will severely damage our efforts. Alas- fund the wealth of legislation which has
ka will lose about $4 million in been added in recent years to our statute
payments to school districts and another books. Ae.equate funding of our existing
half a million in construction funds. In laws aiding education is a problem which
terms of teachers, at an average salary deeply concerns me as the chairman of
of $8,000-it would mean that we would the Education Subcommittee of the Sen-
have to make do with 500 fewer teach- ate Committee on Labor and Public Wel-
eis-this we cannot afford-this money fare. My subcommittee as it considered
must be restored to the 1967 budget. each of the proposals had the responsi-
Yesterday, Congress approved a $4.8 bility of recommending to the Senate
billion money bill to prosecute a wholly and to the Congress what, in our judg-
unnecessary war in southeast Asia--is it ment, was the best support we could give
not obvious that our Federal school aid at that time to every facet of the Ameri-
lpayments are going to be spent for can educational system from kinder-
ghrns? This is but another of the bitter garten through graduate school.
fruits borne by the malignant weed of The dominant philosophy which has
war. underlain our efforts in this a,, ea has
Alaska has long been considered to be been to provide, either directly or Indi-
a potential giant among the States in rectly, for the needs, not of an admin-
the richness of its undeveloped natural istrative hierarchy, but rather for the
resources-and the richest of all of these educational needs of our Young citizens.
resources is our youth-the youth that It was our hope that we could, through
will become tomorrow's leaders. We each of our measures, help to erect an
have both a duty and a responsibility to interlocking and interdependent system
equip them with the best that is obtain- of financial aids through which the Fed-
able to insure competence in that future eral Government could supplement, but
leadership-competence that will en- not supplant, the funding of activities of
able them to avoid the tragic follies in our public and private educational sys-
which we have become involved. toms in the realm of higher ediication
Is it not enough that we ask our and our public systems at, the elementary
Youth to bear the burden of fighting a and secondary Levels..
wholly unjustifiable war In Vietnam.? Thus, for example, we built upon the
foundation of previous legislation such
as the National Defense Education Act
of 1958, Public Laws 815 and 874 of 1950,
the Smith-Hughes Act and other voca-
tional education aid measures going back
to 1917, as well as the great foundation
act for higher education in America
which was signed by President Lincoln,
in 1862, the Morrill Act. What we strove
to do in each instance was to build upon
the foundation of experience under older
statutes, new programs which were the
outgrowth of the old, and which, in our
judgment, complemented but did not
supplant the older laws. That this was
our intention, I think, was made abun-
dantly and explicitly clear in one in-
stance, which took place on September 2,
1965, when in the course of making legis-
lative history on the title IV insu r?ed loan
program of the Higher Education Act of
1965, I was asked by the distinguished
senior Senator from Texas [Mr. Yes-
BOROUGH], whether by the new authority
it was our intention that the guaranteed
loans by banks under title IV v ould in
any degree slow down or lessen oar com-
mitment to the National Defense Educa-
tion Act title II direct loan program. As
set forth on page 21859 of the RECORD
of that debate, my reply was as follows:
My answer to the question is (that) the
insured loan program set forth in the bill.
does not in any way signal either all rlimina-
tion of the National Defense Education Act
loan program under title II or amend it by
weakening it in any respect.
I then went on to point out how the
direct loan program with its cancellation
features for teacher recruitment incen-
tive purposes distinguished It clearly
from other programs, and I concluded by
saying in the course of making this legis-
lative history:
The Senator has nothing to worry shout so
far as continuation of the National Defense
Education Act loan program is concerned.
The statement I made at that time was
my best understanding of the intent of
the committee and my thought as to the
intent of the administration-
I wish to say that that was the intent
of the administration at that time. We
worked closely with the administration
and with its educational officials in the
Department of Health, Education, and
Welfare on that measure.
As will be seen shortly in my speech,
I am utterly surprised, filled with amaze-
ment, and aghast that this administra-
tion, in my opinion, is walking out on
the commitment that I had the perfect
right to make as the spokesman. for this
administration, as its manager on the
floor of the Senate, when the insured
loan program under title IV of the
Higher Educational Act of 1965 was
passed in this body.
I am therefore somewhat shocked to
learn from page 428 of the appendix to
the budget for fiscal 1967 that the private
credit market is expected to supply loan
capital through guarantee programs, au-
thorized in the Higher Education Act of
1965, subsidized by the Federal Govern-
ment, to replace the $190 million author-
ized in the title II student loan provision
In the National Defense Education Act
of 1958.
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may involve a strengthening and dif-
fusion of higher education capacity for
research activity over the long run?
Second. Is the current general support
of American universities enabling addi-
tional universities to advance their ca-
pacity for research activity?
Third. What are the social and eco-
nomic effects of this concentration of re-
search and development programs?
These are questions of the greatest im-
portance to the Nation-to generations
ahead. They are by no means limited to
those people who now reside in these 12
States. They are by no means limited
to an area of 12 States which today pro-
duces 35 percent of the Nation's manu-
factured goods with 28.6 percent of its
population.
They are by no means limited to an
area of 12 States which today produces
34.4 percent of the Nation's doctoral de-
grees from 28.6 percent of the Nation's
population.
These questions must be answered to
give shape, and form, and balance to this
Nation's future for all the years ahead.
I am sending to the desk a resolution
asking that an agency of Government
given the responsibility for appraising
our scientific resources make a study and
report to the Congress a feasible plan
for equitable direction of Federal re-
search and development funds. This
agency, the National Science Founda-
tion, was charged from inception to "ap-
praise the impact of research upon in-
dustrial development and upon the gen-
eral welfare." It was further charged to
"strengthen basic research and educa-
tion in the sciences and to avoid undue
concentration of such research and edu-
cation."
The 15th annual report of the Na-
tional Science Foundation gives further
and full recognition to this original man-
date in accepting the burden of science
resources planning and in the commend-
able statement prefacing that report by
its director, Leland J. Haworth.
I know so well, as a Member of this
body during all the postwar years of
the explosion of science, as a member of
this body's Committee on Space, and
as a member of the Joint Committee on
Atomic Energy, that the solution does
not rest in simple arithmetic nor in per
capita distribution of research dollars.
Yet I know that, unless we find a formula
for a feasible and responsible distribu-
tion of a significant portion of those 15
to 20 billions spent annually in research,
we are victims of a trend which soon will
escape reversal.
We will accept a population erosion
which will concentrate our talents, our
industries, and our people in narrow and
hopelessly confined areas of this broad
and beautiful land.
I ask that the resolution which I now
send to the desk remain there for 10
calendar days for cosponsorship.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
resolution will be received and appro-
priately referred; and, without objec-
tion, will remain at the desk as requested.
The resolution (S. Res. 231) was re-
ferred to the Committee on Government
Operations, as follows:
S. RES. 231
Resolved, That the National Science Foun-
dation is requested to formulate and trans-
mit to the Congress at the earliest practicable
date its recommendations for such changes
in-
(1) the laws under which research and de-
velopment funds are granted, loaned, or oth-
erwise made available by departments or
agencies of the Government to institutions
of higher learning for scientific or educa-
tional purposes; or
(2) the administration of such laws;
Rhodesia's area is 153,330 square miles:
Her population is slightly over 4 million,
of which about 250,000 are white; about
1 white to each 15 blacks. The whites
presently control the Rhodesian Govern-
ment. Prime Minister Wilson declared
independence would not be granted un-
less Rhodesia expanded African repre-
sentation-now limited to 15 in the 65-
member legislature-to pave the way for
what he called true majority rule.
Economic sanctions by Britain prompt-
as may be necessary and desirable to provide ly followed the Rhodesian declaration of
for a more equitable distribution of such independence. Rhodesian Prime Min-
funds to all qualified institutions of higher ister Smith was suspended November 12
learning to avoid the concentration of such by Sir Humphrey Gibbs, the Queen's rep-
activities in any geographical area and to
ensure a continuing reservoir of scientific and resentative. Then on November 17,
teaching skills and capacities throughout the Smith announced he had suspended
several States, ibbs.
Britain also announced it would sus-
pend AND RHODESIA pend all aid to Rhodesia, ban exports to
Rhodesia, expel Rhodesia from the Ster-
Mr. EASTLAND. Mr. President, Viet-
nam and Rhodesia. are half a world
apart. But there is a reason why we
should think of them together, in one
particular connection.
This is what I want to discuss for a
short time today.
In South Vietnam we are fighting a
war to preserve the independence of that
little country.
Britain is waging an economic war
against Rhodesia to force that little
country, which only recently declared its
independence, to come back under Brit-
ish domination.
We are helping Britain in her Rhode-
sian struggle; but Britain Is not helping
us in South Vietnam. This epitomizes
our relationships, today, with many of
our allies. But since time is limited, I
shall confine my discussion today to the
United States and Vietnam, and Britain
and Rhodesia.
It has been said, and rightly said, that
this country has a commitment in South
Vietnam. But so does Britain have, a
commitment.
The United Kingdom is one of the
eight signatories to the SEATO pact, and
has exactly the same obligations under
that pact that the United States has.
England's interest in preserving South
Vietnam from engulfment by the Com-
munists should be as great as our own.
We should be able to count upon sub-
stantial help from England, in our efforts
to preserve the independence of South
Vietnam, but we have not been getting
it and there is no prospect that we will
get it.
Yet Britain is getting our help in her
efforts to destroy the independence of
Rhodesia.
Just for background, let me portray'
the Rhodesian situation briefly.
Rhodesia declared Its independence
from Great Britain on November 11,
1965. Prime Minister Harold Wilson
immediately characterized the action as
"Illegal" and "treasonable."
The declaration followed by slightly
more than a month the rejection by
Prime Minister Wilson of a demand by
Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian D.
Smith-in London discussions October 4
to 8, 1965-for immediate independence
for the self-governing British possession.
ling area, ban purchases of tobacco and
sugar, and deny Rhodesia access to the
London money market.
On November 12, 1965, the Security
Council of the United Nations by a vote
of 10 to 0, with France abstaining, called
on all nations to refrain from rendering
aid or recognition to what was termed
"this illegal racist minority regime in
Southern Rhodesia."
The United States thereupon declared
an arms embargo on Rhodesia, an-
nounced it would discourage investment
or travel in the country, and canceled
Rhodesia's sugar quota.
On December 18, 1965, the U.S. Gov-
ernment advised all its citizens to com-
ply with the British embargo on oil ship-
ments to Rhodesia.
On December 28 the U.S. Department
of Commerce prohibited the export of
gasoline, kerosene, and other petroleum
products to Rhodesia, without a validated
export license, and announced that its
general policy would be to deny such
licenses.
The U.S. Government put pressure on
American manufacturers who purchase
raw materials from Rhodesia, and as a
result various imports from Rhodesia
have been discontinued. Imports of as-
bestos and lithium were discontinued on
January 10. The State Department has
been attempting to persuade American
users of chrome to stop buying Rhodesian
chrome or chrome ore, and it was re-
cently reported that such purchases had
been suspended. This seems a particu-
larly shortsighted move, because in re-
cent years nearly one-third of all chrome
used in the United States has come from
Rhodesia. Chromium is a material in
short supply here, as well as being a
strategic material; and the State Depart-
ment's position in seeking a voluntary
cutoff of Rhodesian chrome imports into
this country seems hard to justify in the
light of our own national interest.
The United States has not been a com-
pletely innocent bystander during the de-
velopment, in recent years, of increased
-racial tensions in Rhodesia. Lest it be
forgotten, let me recall an incident of
about 4 years ago.
John K. Emmerson, U.S. consul
general at Salisbury, Rhodesia, was re-
called in March 1962, after 17 months in
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March 2, 1966 CONGRESSIONAIL RECORD --SENATE
I serve on the committee as a regular
Republican member. Just this morning,
we met and agreed on a well qualified
step with the Government scientific
background, to proceed in an orderly
fashion to put the whole problem before
Congress, first of all, by identifying all
research grants which have been made.
As members of the Finance Commit-
tee and of the Committee on Appropria-
tions, we have difficulty, sometimes, in
this whole field, because of the problem
of overlapping and duplicating research
projects, in not being able to find where
they are.
Thus, we are going to create an inven-
tory and find out just how far the Gov-
ernument has gone into the research con-
tract and grant business, find out where
the contracts have been made, where
contracts have been granted, or where
the work is being done and then move
into the direction of trying to get a more
equitable distribution of projects into
the educational areas where we have
talent.
I therefore congratulate the Senator
from Nebraska on the fact that while
this has been discussed a great many
times, and while it has grown into a
seriousness which has caused us to create
the special subcommittee to study the
problem in depth, the Senator from
Nebraska has come up with the one prac-
tical suggestion which can serve as a
guideline by providing that the National
Science Foundation assume the respon-
sibility of working up some formula to
propose to Congress. I believe that this
is a step in the right direction and with
the background of information which
will come out of the study being made
by this newly created subcommittee of
the Government Operations Committee,
the testimony in the hearings, and the
field investigations, I am sure that Rep-
resentatives and Senators will be able
better to evaluate this formula which
will, I hope, eventuate from the very
constructive suggestion which the Sena-
tor from Nebraska has made.
Mr. CURTIS. I think the Senator
from South Dakota.
Mr. MAGNUSON. Mr. President, will
the Senator from Nebraska yield?
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr.
T[ YDINCS in the chair). Does the Senator
from Nebraska yield to the Senator from
Washington?
Mr. CURTIS. I am happy to yield to
the Senator from Washington.
Mr. MAGNUSON. I should like to
suggest to the Senator from Nebraska
that he has selected an agency with some
experience in this matter. As the Sena-
tor from Nebraska will remember, the
Senator from South Dakota and I were
the auuhors of a bill to create the Na-
tional Science Foundation, followed with
a request on handling appropriations
after it was created. The Senator from
South Dakota and I found, in the early
(lays of the National Science Foundation,
that they did not have quite as much
money as they have now, but we found
that about 70 percent of all their grants
was going to one area of the country-I
need not mention the area.
Mr. MUNDT. Near the growing of
beautiful ivy.
Mr. MAGNUSON. Yes, the ivy area.
'We did :not do this deliberately.
Mr. CURTIS. No.
Mr.:M:UNIYI'. Right.
Mr. MAGNUSON. We felt that we
should keep it from spreading. They did.
They went about it. Mr. Waterman
finally went about creating a broader
spread. He has not created it, or done
as well as we would probably have liked,
but they have done pretty well.
Mr. MUNIYI'. The Senator suggested
that what they have done was to create
a "low-priced spread," and we are over
in the "high-priced spread."
Mr. MAGNUSON. They created the
"low-priced spread," that is true, but
there is a spin-off to this thing that we
are always talking about; namely, the
shortage of personnel in the field who,
when they are trained, whether it, be by
Government grants, privately, or both,
go off in another direction, and we con-
sequently suffer from. a severe lack of
teachers who stay.
We have found from experience, and
so has the National Science Foundation,
that where we give some of these grants
to the smal:.er colleges--we have them
in our State, but in the Middle West
there are great numbers of them--there
is something about the smaller college
atmosphere when they receive this
grant--rather than the hustle-bustle of
a large technical school in which stu-
dents are given interviews for jobs by
big corporat.ons, and so forth--that the
smaller college student is more inclined
to wish to go into the teaching field.
But it proves something, too, in these
grants. So that I suggest that the Na-
tional Science Foundation has learned,
through hard experience, to try at least
to do what the Senator is suggesting.
The Senator has picked an agency which
has had. a great. deal of background in
this field.
Mr. CUR':rIS. I am well aware of
that, and I wish to commend this dis-
tinguished Senator from Washinigton
for having pioneered in this field in the
creation of the National Science Fooinda-
tion. I am sure that it enjoys a fine
reputation throughout the academic
world. They are qualified, if any agency
is, to reduce to a formula. some may to
distribute these :funds so that it w?.11 not
just be happenstance, or rest entriely
upon the competence of particular in-
dividuals who happen to be making the
decision at the time.
Mr. T:f1Uh,MOND. Mr. President, will
the Senator from Nebraska yield?
Mr. CURTIS. I am happy to yield to
the Senator from South Carolina.
Mr. THUR.MOND. :I wish to commend
the able and distinguished Senator from
Nebraska for offering this resolution.
If he has no objection, I should be
pleased to join as a cosponsor.
Mr. CURTIS. I would be most happy
to have the Senator from South Carolina
added as a cosponsor.
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I
ask unanimcus consent that I be allowed
to join as a cosponsor to the resolution.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it .s so ordered.
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, a
great many people have felt for a. long
time that something along this line
needed to be done. It is my hope that
the resolution will be passed and that
action will be taken on it soon.
There is no question, as was mentioned
by the Senator from Washington [Mr.
MAGNUSON] a few moments ago, that a
large percentage of contracts for re-
search have gone to a very small geo-
graphical area of the United States.
It seems to me that funds for these
research projects come from all the
people in all the States of the Nation.
Therefore, as much as possible, there
should be a more equitable distribution
of these projects. I am convinced that
we have able scientists, that we have
many able educators, and many able
people in the various States of the Na-
tion. Practically every State in this Na-
tion has one or more outstanding educa-
tional institutions. It seems to me they
might be considered for some kind of
project under this program, rather than
concentrating the projects in one area of
the Nation.
Again I wish to commend the able
Senator from Nebraska for his work on
this problem. It is my hope that it will
bear fruit.
Mr. CURTIS. I thank the distin-
guished Senator from South Carolina
very much for his comments.
Mr. President, in a recent presenta-
tion illustrating the desirability of lo-
cating an important Federal structure
in the Middle West of association
noted:
Fourteen percent of Health, Education,
and Welfare research and development
expenditures at universities in 1964 were
committed to universities located in New
York, nearly 12 percent to universities
located in California, and nearly 8 per-
cent to universities located in
Massachusetts.
Thirty-nine percent of Atomic Energy
Commission research and development
expenditures at universities in 1964 were
committed to universities in California
and nearly 20.5 percent to universities
in New Mexico.
Sixty-nine percent of National Aero-
nautics and Space Administration re-
search and development expenditures at
universities in 1964 were committed to
universities in California. This is the
impact of the Jet Propulsion Laboratory.
Fifteen percent of all National Science
Foundation grants to universities in 1964
went to universities in California, nearly
12 percent to universities in New York
and nearly 10 percent to universities in
Massachusetts.
The total expenditures for research
and development at universities by these
five major groupings of Federal agen-
cies-Defense, HEW, AEC, NASA, and
NSF-amounted to $1.6 of the $1.7 bil-
lion of Federal expenditures for research
and development activities at universi-
ties in 1964.
At the conclusion of this notation these
three questions are asked:
First. Is the current geographical da-
tribution of Federal research and de-
velopment grants and contracts at
American universities meeting the major
program objectives of Federal agencies,
especially as these program objectives
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Lnas pose, as a i sui, vl 1i-s- ,.uj av'j
Welensky, then Rhodesian Prime Min- used immediate force to destroy Rho- the months and the years during which
ister, that after appointment of G. Men- desian independence. American fighting men must be kept in
nen Williams as the. U.S. State Depart- Does that sound like a double stand- South Vietnam, if it will reduce in any
ment's African expert, U.S. representa- ard? In reality it is not. It is a single degree the grisly total which eventually
tives in Rhodesia had abandoned their standard. The basic principle is 1n- will represent our total casualties in
"traditional line of noninvolvement in creased power for the blacks; but no South Vietnam, then a blockade must be
Rhodesian internal affairs" and had increased power for the whites. undertaken, and the sooner the better.
"pursued a line of not oversubtle aline- The first white settlements in central The weight of the evidence so far ad-
ment with African Nationalists." Africa were made only 75 years ago. If duced supports the conclusion that a
Specific charges included these: we want to understand how the white blockade will help accomplish these ob-
First. That the U.S. Information Rhodesians feel, it may help to imagine jectives.
Agency had issued films and literature how the early settlers in any State of The conclusion seems inescapable that,
which "appeared to incite Africans to our Union would have felt at being told, unless there are important facts con-
greater efforts to combat or boycott the 75 years after settlement of the State cealed from us, this country is not doing
federal and Southern Rhodesian systems began, that they should turn over their all it can to win in South Vietnam, and
of government." government to the Indian because they will not be doing so until a blockade of
Second. That certain films offered by were the true majority. North Vietnam has been set up and made
USIA contained "scenes and episodes As I have pointed out, the United effective.
from past wars of liberation" coupled States is aiding the British embargo on Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
with "reminders that Africans, too, are shipments to Rhodesia, and our State sent to have printed in the RECORD a
struggling for their independence." Department has even gone so far as to very able editorial entitled "On the U.S.
Third. That in Nyasaland, "American put pressure upon American users of Policy Toward Rhodesia," which ap-
consular cars frequently have gotten chrome to halt purchases from Rhodesia, peared in the Vicksburg Evening Post,
mixed up in car processions of the in spite of the fact that chrome is a of Vicksburg, Miss., on Monday, Febru-
Malawi Congress Party, making it ap- critical metal in short supply in this ary 28, 1966.
pear as if U.S. officials and Malawi parti- country. But in agreeing to do all this, There being no objection, the editorial
sans are riding toward independence the United States has not obtained any was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
together." agreement from Britain to assist us in as follows:
Fourth. That in Southern Rhodesia, an embargo or blockade against North ON THE U.S. POLICY TOWARD RHODESIA
American consular men "have also been Vietnam. The Commerce Department announced
in close touch with Mr. Joshua Nkomo's In fact, it does not even appear that Saturday it is putting controls on all U.S.
Zambia movement." This liaison with our State Department sought such an exports to Southern Rhodesia, and said this
Nkomo, it was charged, had been carried agreement from Britain when we agreed action would have the effect of cutting off
on "by both Americans and locally re- to help Britain against Rhodesia. virtually all exports of importance to the
cruited African consular staff of U.S. This country has the necessary naval economy of that African country. Pre-
and air strength to enforce a sea block- viously the United States had put an em-
bargo on arms, military equipment and all
Sir Roy Welensky in June of 1962 ode against North Vietnam. Those who petroleum into Rhodesia. Exports to Rho-
ascribed what he called the present argue against such a blockade make it desia in 1964 were reported at about $21
truculence of African leaders partly at a main point of their argument that million, with the principal export items
least to American and United Nations Britain would not recognize the blockade, being construction machinery, transport
encouragement. and, therefore, that we would be in equipment, textiles, paper and wheat. Now,
Dissatisfaction was also expressed by trouble with our greatest ally if we should practically everything we exported into
the Rhodesians over the size of the U.S. attempt to set up such a blockade. Rhodesia comes, under the controls.
diplomatic mission, which had a staff of Sometimes, more euphemistically, those It just doesn't follow correct reasoning to
nearly 200 persons, most of them locally who argue along this line say that our of aopt such a ll, it Injects our country into the inter-
employed Africans, and which was allies would not recognize the blockade. nal affairs of another nation; second, the
larger than any other diplomatic mission It is not at all certain that this is true. quarrel between Britain and Rhodesia is
in the Federation, and even larger than Perhaps the announcement of a block- none of our business, and we should not
the British High Commission in Rho- 'ade would give Britain a basis for cut- take sides in what should be a family affair;
desia. These figures covered the two ting off trade which she now feels she third, we, too, broke away from Britain, and
U.S. consulates in Lusaka and Zamba, as must maintain in order to avoid offense proclaimed our independence, and we might,
well as the Consulate General in Solis- to the Red Chinese, by whose sufferance at least, have some sympathy with Rhodesia;
alone Hong Hong is permitted to remain fourth, this is the modern day, when all ties
bRyy, with colonialism must be broken, and so
Throughout Africa, new countries British territory. Rhodesia should be as entirely free and in-
have proliferated as the rising tide of Only 2 days ago the Commerce De dependent, and should have the same right
black nationalism has spread across that partment clamped controls on all ex- to'freedom and independence as the other
continent. Every time a group of par- ports front this country to Rhodesia. African nations which have blossomed out
tially educated, half-savage tribes has Perhaps there would be resistance by cer- in recent years; but finally, and most im-
constituted an alleged government and tain interests in the United Kingdom portant, there is absolutely no basis for us
declared its country free and independ- to similar action by that nation with 'to accede to Britain's wishes for economic
sanctions against Rhodesia, when that same
ent, we have been pressured by an un- respect to North Vietnam. Britain insists on doing business with Cuba
reasoning fear of world opinion into But since the United States is cutting and North Vietnam and Red China, all of
immediate recognition of that govern- off our shipments to and purchases from which are our mortal enemies. If, indeed,
ment. These new, unstable, little so- Rhodesia, in order to help Britain bring Britain had any claim whatever on our
called countries are immediately ad- that turbulent dominion back under its friendship, then she should be an ally in
mitted to the United Nations where each control, why should we not ask Britain fact, by refraining from helping out those
is given a voting strength the same as to help us cut off shipments of goods and who are arrayed against our Nation.
our own in that international body. We supplies into North Vietnam, in aid of a If the Members of the Senate of the
are told that under no circumstances defense against Communist aggression United States want something to really
argue about, they should turn their atten-
must force be used to retain or recapture which is important to the whole free tion away froni Vietnam, and turn their
any of these newly declared independ- world? oratorical guns against our administration
encies as territories or dominions of one One thing seems perfectly clear: we policy in Rhodesia. There is fertile ground
of the civilized nations of the world. should not be asked to hold off on block- for sound and serious protest, whereas no
But when Rhodesia declared its inde- ading North Vietnam because of any such ground now exists in Vietnam. We
pendence, there was a vast cry that force consideration for the British or their are being played for the proverbial sucker in
Rhodesia, while we do nothing to make our
must be used to restore British control; .feelings about the matter. supposed allies desist from trade with our
and representatives of the United King- If a blockade will help us in our strug- enemies. There is justification for an all-
dom at the United Nations were snubbed gle against Communist forces in South out protest against our Rhodesian policy.
and insulted because Britain had not Vietnam, if it will help us to shorten
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE March 21, 1966
ESTABLISHMENT OF DEPARTMENT
OF TRANSPORTATION
Mr. MAGNUSON. Mr. President, I in-
troduce, by request, for appropriate ref-
erence, a bill to establish a Department
of Transportation. Introduction of the
bill is at the request of the President and
the executive department of the Gov--
e mnent.
T hie PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill
will be received and appropriately re-
ferred.
Mr. MAGNUSON. The bill would es-
tablish a 12th Cabinet Department. This
is not a new proposal. The Commerce
Committee of the Senate considered a
similar proposal for a Department of
Tr onsportation in hearings held as far
back as 1948. The matter of a Depart-
ment of Transportation had been before
many Congresses prior to that time. I
have. personal knowledge of the hearings
in 1948.
Since 1948, the proposal to establish
a 1'ransportation Cabinet Department
has been brought up on many occasions,
and many study groups have been ap-?
pointed by the executive department,
and by Congress itself, which have rec-?
ommended such an establishment.
The Commerce Committee's Special.
Study Group on Transportation Policies
in 1961 suggested that a Transportation
Department be established.
A,. I recall, the opening part of the
so-called Hoover Commission proposals
on reorganization of the Government
suggested a Department of Transporta-
tion-
Over 5 years ago President Eisenhower
recommended to the Congrsss that such
a Department be created. Of course,
the need for such a Department has been
growing since that time.
['resident Johnson in his state of the
Union message pointed out that such a
Department of Transportation is needed.
to bring together our transportation
activities. He stated that the present
structure-35 Government agencies,
spending $5 billion yearly-makes it im-
possible to serve either the growing de-
mands of the Nation. the needs of the
industry, or the right of the taxpayer to
full efficiency and frugality.
The Congress in the exercise of its
power to regulate commerce is vitally
interested in insuring that the needs of
commerce-communities, shippers, users,
and carriers-for a safe, efficient, equita-
ble, and balanced transportation net-
work are served.
The geography of this country makes
transportation more important to the
economic scheme of this country than
to any other country in the world, be-
cause of the land mass of the United
Slates and the nature of our economy.
li:xpeditious and effective decision on
Lli:s bill would be facilitated if the ad-
ministration would transmit to Congress
the factual studies and underlying data
on which this recommendation is based.
'hat, I understand, will be done
quickly.
It has been a perennial problem in the
field of transportation legislation to sub-
jiect value Judgments and opinions to
factual analysis because the facts have
not been readily available. Prompt re-
ceipt of this information will enable
Congress not only to make a prompter
decision, but also a better one.
Today the President has sent to Con-
gress a message on. transportation. Ac-
companying this organizational reform
of one of the most vital aspects of gov-
ernmental activities is the President's
Transportation Message.
We have, of course, the be. t trans-
portation system in the world. It has its
flaws. But it is the only comph tely pri-
vate ente:ttprise transportation system in
the world. Most countries hal e either
government-owned transportation, or
the government completely controls
transportation and finances it v holly or
in major part.
Although we have many flaws we have
a good system. Sometimes it is .t marvel
to me that it survives as a private enter-
prise. But it has flourished as a result
of private initiative and ende-..vor. It
has also grown with the encouragement
and support of various governmental
programs. I do not, think that we should
forget these aspects.
These programs of the government are
widely dispersed and uncoordinated.
Lately we have begun to aid our trans-
portation system by research.
The biLL which I have just in,,roduced
on automotive safety carries out that
trend in order that we migst have
greater safety on our highways.
The President has alluded to 35 dif-
ferent departments and agencies involved
in transportation, and stated that these
programs involve vast sums of Federal
money.
Transportation is so much an integral
part of our economy, and so important
to our economy, that few people realize
that transportation activities comprise
about one-fourth of the gross national
product of this country. It is big busi-
ness.
We hone that by this bill, the Federal
role in transportation will be given a
truly national and meaningful effect. If
we are ever to achieve a coordinated na-
tional transportation system v e must
reorient and redirect these mr nv pro-
grams. The exploding population and
economic growth of the Nation demand
that we bring some order to the ,'a,ucture
of the Federal. Government as it is pres-
ently organized to deal with tratsporta-
tion.
If we fail to do so now it is obeious the
task will become immeasurably rnore dif-
ficult in the future, for transi'ertation
needs and problems were multiple.
The importance of transportation as
an element of the complex inter 'Elation-
sh ps of our economic system is increas-
insg daily. Yet there is no one in the
present Government organization, other
than the 'resident .hirn,;elf, who has au-
thority to coordinate many aspects of
Federal transportation policies and pro-
grams. The independent regulatory
agencies, such as the CAB, the Inter-
state Commerce Commission, an I others,
are not able under present law to take
such action efficiently and efactively.
For our part, we can legislate, but we
do not administer.
It is a fact of governmental life that
transportation functions have not kept
abreast of current or future require-
ments. Any projection into the future
will confirm that conclusion,
If congressional transportation man-
dates are to meet the needs of the public,
we must exercise foresight. This Nation
must be assured of strong leadership in
promoting advances in transportation
technology for fast, efficient, economical
service.
The bill attempts, and its objective is,
to resolve these matters.
Departmental etatus would be con-
ferred on those activities which repre-
sent the preponderance of government
money and personnel concerned with
transportation.
The key modes are the Bureau of Pub-
lic Roads, which today is next to the De-
partment of Defense as the second largest
business in the world.
The Federal Aviation Agency which
deals with the sensitive problem of air-
lane safety is another. It now costs us
almost three-quarters of a billion dollars
to operate this agency in order to keep
the safety features of our airlanes in-
tact and up to date. The FAA would
be included in the proposed Department
of Transportation.
The Maritime Administration-that
is, the Maritime Administrator in the De-
partment of Commerce which now has
a single head as distinguished from the
Maritime Commission, which has other
functions-will also be transferred.
There are provisions for integrating our
merchant marine into this new depart-
ment. It will bring the merchant ma-
rine into proper relationship with other
forms of transportation, rather than op-
erating by itself.
My friend from Oregon. and I are
interested in the proposed transfer of the
Coast Guard into the new department.
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President.
would the Senator yield?
Mr. MAGNUSON. I yield.
Mr. GRUE:NING. The Coast Guard
renders invaluable service in Alaska, as
it does in other parts of the Union. But
there is no State in which the service of
the Coast Guard is more valued and
highly regarded than it is in Alaska..
Our people are so glad to see them going
out saving lives. It is one of the most
cherished things that we have.
Mr. MAGNUSON. As an aid to water
operations.
Mr. GRUENING. And :t hope that
nothing is done to impair its usefulness.
Mr. MAGNUSON. Also transferred is
the Office of the Under Secretary of Com-
merce for Transportation and it.; exist-
ing responsibilities.
This is a complex and major piece of
legislation. It is probably the most im-
portant in many years in this field. Be-
cause of all of the activities that it cov-
ers no one will suggest, not even the
chairman, that the bill should not be
modified. There will be some portions
that need to be corrected and some that
may be opposed by Members of Congress.
The administration has no particular
pride of authorship. They are sending
it up to make a start toward a Depart-
ment of Transportation.
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participation in the Asian Development
Bank. It is an act of opportunity, which
will enable the United States, together
with 30 other nations, to join as charter
members in a new venture of cooperation
to promote economic growth in the poor
countries of Asia. It is an act of prom-
ise, offering economic and political co-
operation between countries which share
a determination to raise the living stand-
ards of the impoverished peoples of Asia.
While offering Opportunity and prom-
ise, the agreement to establish the Asian
Development Bank, to which H.R. 12563
relates, will provide the foundation for a
sound financial institution. It is clearly
the product of careful and able work of
representatives of different countries
joined by a high common purpose, and
the United States can be justly proud of
its participation.
The Asian Development Bank is mod-
eled in many important respects on the
highly successful World Bank. Its con-
stitution reflects also the devoted atten-
tion and wise counsel provided by Eugene
Black, an eminent international eco-
nomic statesman whose stewardship of
the World Bank for a decade and a half
contributed so much to its success.
Those who formulated this agreement
can take pride in a well-wrought charter
for an effective financial institution
which will serve great purposes. They
can also find pride in the remarkable re-
sponse by subscribing countries to the
authorized capital of $1 billion. The
countries of Asia have pledged very
nearly $650 million and 12 countries out-
side the Asian region are contributing
$350 million including the $200 million
pledged by the United States.
Under the leadership of the President,
and following his great speech in Balti-
more, the United States has played a dis-
tinguished. role in helping to build this
new institution. It is our task here today
to follow through.
Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, at this
moment the nations of Asia stand at a
turning point in the course of their af-
fairs. They are about to embark on a
new enterprise that may, over time,
mean the difference between starvation
and plenty; between misery and well-
being for many millions in that vast
region.
This new enterprise is the Asian De-
velopment Bank, to which the United
States and other advanced Countries-
have been asked to give support. H.R.
12563 responds to this appeal by author-
izing U.S. membership in the Asian De-
velopment Bank with a subscription of
$200 million. I rise to give my full sup-
port to this legislation.
We will not be alone in our response.
Of total authorized Bank capital of $1
billion, $650 million will come from 19
Asian nations themselves, including $200
million from Japan, and more than $100
million from Australia and New Zealand.
The remaining $350 million is being sub-
scribed by 12 countries outside Asia, $150
million of which will come from coun-
tries other than the United States. Ger-
many, for example, is subscribing $34
million, the United Kingdom $30 million,
Canada $25 million, and Italy $20 mil-
lion. Overall, our contribution repre-
sents only 25 percent of the Bank's hard-
currency subscriptions. Our role is es-
sential to the Bank's success, but we are
not being called on to bear the major
burden.
The facts of war and economic back-
wardness in Asia today speak plainly of
the need for a regional institution to
further economic development. I am
deeply impressed with the extent to
which these facts have-been taken to
heart in this country and by the degree
and depth of support for H.R. 12563.
This bill was reported unanimously by
committees in both houses, and passed
the other body by a margin of 3 to
1. Public expressions of support have
reflected a broad range of opinion, and,
include the U.S. Chamber of Com-
merce, the National Association of
Manufacturers, the American Federation
of Labor, the National Foreign Trade
Council, the American Bankers Associa-
tion, the Investment Bankers Associa-
tion, the Cooperative League and the
League of Women Voters.
I particularly wish to point out that
the articles of agreement of the Asian
Bank by no means confine its operations
to support of projects in the public sector.
This new Bank will have full powers to
make loans, or guarantee loans by others,
to productive private enterprises in mem-
ber countries, and, after it has been
determined that the Bank is in a position
to do so, to make equity investments in
private enterprises. The Bank will also
be able to assist in underwriting security
issues of private firms in member coun-
tries, thereby contributing to the devel-
opment of local capital markets and the
mobilization of domestic capital. And,
since it will in future years float bond
issues and make portfolio sales in private
capital markets, the Bank will further
facilitate the international flow of pri-
vate funds.
Very careful consideration has been
given to the possible effect of the sub-
scription obligations authorized in H.R.
12563 upon our balance of payments.
The Secretary of the Treasury has stated
that he balance-of-payments effect of
our subscription will be minimal,
amounting to not more than $10 million
in the first year. Over a longer period,
procurement in the United States fi-
nanced by Bank loans can be expected
very largely to offset our subscription
payments. Nor need we be fearful of
large drains on our capital market by
the Bank. The Bank's articles specify
that no securities may be issued except
with the consent of the country where
the issue is to take place, and that the
Bank must follow the principle of diver-
sifying its borrowing sources. The as-
surances of the administration and the
safeguards built into the articles provide
an ample basis on which to give this
legislation a clean bill of health on bal-
ance-of-payments grounds.
Mr. President, much has been said in
this Chamber about the role of the
United States in Asia, and the impor-
tance of our making it known that we
seek neither territorial gain nor military
domination of the nations of that area.
If we are serious about associating our-
selves with the works of peace in Asia;
if we are truly committed to efforts to
grapple with the economic and human
problems that beset that area; if we wish
to help Asians to find their way through
their current trials; then H.R. 12563
provides us with the vehicle to achieve
these ends.
I intend to heed the President's call in
his great speech at Baltimore. I will
vote for this bill and for the cause of
peace it represents. I urge each of you
to join me.
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I
would like the RECORD to show my op-
position to Senate approval of this pro-
posal. The Asian Development Bank is
but one additional method by which the
United States funnels foreign aid to vir-
tually all the countries of the world. As
is the case with banks of this type, the
United States cannot exercise control
over which countries are eligible to re-
ceive loans and other forms of financial
and technical assistance. Eligible coun-
tries, such as Mongolia, have forms of
government and political philosophies
completely alien to those of our own peo-
ple, and I consider it inconsistent with
the best interest of our country to sup-
port, financially or otherwise, govern-
ments of this type.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill
is open to amendment. If there be no
amendment to be proposed, the question
is on the third reading of the bill.
The bill (H.R. 12563) was ordered to a
third reading, was read the third time,
and passed.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
move that the vote by which the bill was
passed be reconsidered.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I move to
lay that motion on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was
REPORT BY SENATOR TYDINGS ON
VISIT TO VIETNAM
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, in
his news bulletin to his constituents of
February 1966, the distinguished Senator
from Maryland [Mr. TYDrNCS] reports
on his visit to Vietnam during the last
congressional adjournment. The Sen-
ator supplies a most informative personal
account of his experiences and observa-
tions. One does not have to agree with
every detail in order to recognize this
report to be a very useful contribution to
public understanding of the Vietnamese
problem.
I would address the Senate's atten-
tion particularly to the final section of
the report, which is entitled "The Un-
certain Future." It is a well-reasoned
and temperate appraisal of the situa-
tion and the Senator's position with re-
spect thereto. In setting it forth, Sen-
ator TYDINGS makes a significant con-
tribution to public and Senate under-
standing of the Vietnamese problem.
I ask unanimous consent that the text
of the bulletin "On the Record," for
February 1966, be printed at this point
in the RECORD.
There being objection, the text of the
bulletin was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
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CCI IiSSIO1~fAL RECORD SENATE March N, 1966
ON THE RECORD
(By U.S. Senator JosEPH D. TYDINCS)
(NOTE:-During the past congressional re-
cess, I spent a week in South Vietnam as a
member of a four-man delegation. Travel-
ing almost constantly from 6 in the morn-
ing until late at night, we met with our
:frontline troops in every major area--the
'id Marine Division in Da Nang, the 1st Cav-
alry in Ankh(!, a special forces A team in Cal
(lat. We crisscrossed the country several
times, visiting refugee camps, Vietnamese
villages, and a variety of installations. In
.addition to meetings in Saigon with Gen-
eral Westmoreland, Ambassador Lodge, and
AID Administrator Mann, we talked with
Premier Ky and other South Vietnamese
officials, students, and villagers.
(Our soldiers are fighting in a land whose
terrain, people, and traditions were almost
unknown to us 10 years ago. Even today Viet-
nam is strange and little understood. The
diplomatic terrain is equally uncertain. We
-must guess the Intentions of Peiping; we
are unsure of the policy of those in control
in Hanoi; we do not know what influence
Moscow exerts, nor how independent the
Vietcong is from Hanoi. The political and
military situations change so rapidly that
we must continually reexamine our assump-
tions and refine our views.-JOE TYDINGS.)
1115; 'I'ROUDLED PAST
South Vietnam is about the size of Call-
.rornia with a population of approximately
14 million. For centuries these sturdy, hand-
some people nave fought off Chinese efforts
to conquer them. They still regard the
Chinese as traditional enemies. In the 19th
century, the Wrench colonized Indochina and
began nearly 100 years of unenlightened rule.
fn 1942, Japan invaded and occupied the
Cil un try.
After World War II, the French wished to
return to Vietnam. but He Chi Minh, a popu-
resistance lighter against the Japanese,
Zs in control. Orderly transition from co-
lonial rule to self-government was unsuc-
':ressful, and war broke out between the
French and Ho's Vietminh forces. The war
dragged on for 8 years, until the French were
decisively defeated at Dienbienphu.
At the conference table in Geneva in 1954,
an. accord was reached whereby firing ceased
and a line was drawn between the Communist
north and the non-Communist south. Free
elections under international supervision
were to be held throughout Vietnam in 1956
in select a government fora unified Vietnam.
The United States did not sign the Geneva
accords, but endorsed it in principle. After
the country was partitioned, almost 1 million
citizens fled from the north to the south.
Only 100.000 chose to move north.
A relatively free election was held in the
South in 1955. Ngo Dinh Diem overwhelm-
in.gly defeated Bao Dal, the former French
puppet Emperor. Diem refused to permit the
unification elections unless Ho Chi Minh
agreed to effective international supervision
in North Vietnam. The elections were not
held. Diem soon terminated the practice of
electing local officials and appointed his own
men. He persecuted the Buddhists, the Cao
D.i, and other religious sects. He permitted
corruption to flourish, jailed his political
opponents, and failed to make even token
economic and social reforms.
Considerable opposition to Diem had de-
veloped by the late 1950's. Guerrilla fighters
set up shadow governments in the provinces
and began to kill village officials, These
i;uerrillas were aided by North Vietnam. At
the Third Lao Dnng Party Conference in
Hanoi in December 1960, the National Libera-
tion Front was proclaimed, and Communist
assistance became official,
Since Diem's demise in 1963, there have
been five governments. The present Premier.
Nguyen Cao Ky, inherited a difficult situa-
tion, but during his few months in office, he
has displayed greater understanding of the
politicial, economic and social problems of
his country than his predecessors. He has
permitted free elections in the Provinces and
has devoted increasing attention to desper-
ately needed programs of education and rural
development. 'While our officials believe Ky
to be personally honest, corruption and graft
exist at lower echelons of government.
We began to aid South Vietnam, in 1964.
Predicated on the assumption than "needed
reforms" would be undertaken, thie aid was
to be entirely economic. When the situation
deteroriated, however, President E, :enhower
sent military assistance. President Kennedy
continued this assistance and grac.ually in-
creased the number of advisers,
In February 1965, the Vietcong; threat-
ened to cut South Vietnam in halt. roughly
along Highway 19 from Pleiku to the coast.
Our military force in Vietnam then numbered
about 20,000--mostly advisers aid tech-
nical personnel, President Johnson was con-
fronted by the alternatives of coml,irete col-
lapse or dramatic increase in our military
Commitment, lie chose the latter.
THE PRESENT SITUATION
To secure the entire nation will :c it long
and difficult task and will require i~. massive
military commitment. 'l'wo-third ; of the
highways are controlled by the Vietcong.
Passage of troops and supplies it difficult
by day and impossible at night. Si igon and
many of cur military lenses are vulnerable
to sabotage and harassment.
The Viet:'ong infrastructure is of ective in
approximately two-thirds of the vili.iges. Al-
though the Vietcong do not always occupy
the villages, a few sympathizers maintain
close communication with jungle fighting
units and are able to bring down r u attack
on a village that refuses to pay taxes to the
Vietcong or which cooperates with tie Saigon
government. Thousands of villag,, school-
teachers and officials have been kidnaped
and assassinated. In this fashion, be Viet-
cong exercises control over two-thirds of the
land area of South Vietnam, though less than
one- third of the people.
In addition to guerrillas, at lest seven
hard-core regiments have come di wn from
North Vietnam. Almost all heavy fighting
in recent months has been against these
North Vietnamese regulars. The Struggle is
no lgnger a revolt or an. insurgency; troops
are trained, equipped, and shipped from the
north.
War has left thousands of Vietnamese
homeless. I visited six: refugee camps and
met with the minister of social we fare and
our AID officials to discuss the staggering
problems of feeding, clothing, educating, em-
ploying, and ultimately relocating these refu-
gees. Though some progress has been made
in this area.., more often than not it has been
a case of too little, too late. We nut help
these, people not only for lufmanitaiian rea-
sons, but also because their politic: support
is essential. I am encouraged by this Presi-
dent's recent clear comm.ttment to the wel-
fare of the Vietnamese refugees. TI' c need is
great; and tile problem grave.
The morale of our troops is extremely
high. I spoke with many Marylanc boys in
every unit if visited. Despite some i evitable
bottlenecks. (-.)w? men are better tri.iled and
equipped than any soldier.- in histo: They
have displayed incredible bravery and re-
sourcefulness under extreme conditions,
Special Forces units have set up camps
throughouts the toughest Vietcong territory
in South Vietnam. These isolated camps,
built much like stockades of our frontier
days, are manned by 2 U.S. officer:; and 10
enlisted men. Together with local vil-
lagers, they have repeatedly defended these
small forts against powerful Vietcong sieges.
While the war goes on, our troops and
AID officials are rebuilding this war-ravaged
country. Our civic action program has been
one of the most Important-thoogh least
reported-activities in South Vietnam. It
was a great inspiration to see our troops
helping the villagers to build schools and
sanitation facilities, dispensing medicine to
sick children, and instructing families in
the use of soap. Medical companies attached
to our line units are providing badly needed
medical assistance to thousands of Viet-
namese villagers and farmers. These activi-
ties are almost unprecedented in the history
of modern warfare.
THE UNCERTAIN FUTURE
Politics is the art of choosing among
available alternatives. We are confronted by
three basic possibilities: escalation, with-
drawal, or continuing to defend the territory
we now occupy. War is hell, but the alterna-
tive of unilateral withdrawal is less accept-
able. My visit convinced me that our funda-
mental commitment to help defend South
Vietnam is a necessary one. I found that our
help is generally wanted. A precipitous
withdrawal now would mean the end of an
independent South Vietnamese Gov Irnme:r t
and the ultimate murder of tens of thou-
sands who have fought Communist aggres-
sion. Withdrawal would bring incalculable
pressure upon Thailand and the other small
countries of southeast Asia. Eventually,
India could lose her independence and thus,
her strength as a great democratic counter-
weight to China.
Our objectives are limited. We do not
want territory or a military garrison In south-
east Asia. We are not there to wage an ag-
gressive war. We do not want to destroy
North Vietnam, merely persuade it to stop
making war against its neighbor. Our aim
is simply to give the people of South Vietnam
an opportunity freely to choose their own
form of government.
I had hoped that we could achieve our ob-
jectives by negotiation. The response to
President Johnson's peace offensive has been
disappointing, but we must intensify the
search for an acceptable solution. I support
turning this matter over to the United Na-
tions and would welcome a renewal of the
Geneva Conference. I think we should be
willing to negotiate with the National Libera-
tion Front as well as the government of
North "ietnam, and to accept free elections
in South Vietnam as an ultimate political
solution.
While the search for peace continues, we
must devise an appropriate military and
political strategy. I was doubtful that our
bombings of North Vietnam were sufficiently
useful from a military standpoint to justify
the political risk of their resumption. I had
hoped that the President would have been
able to continue the bombing pause. But
now that he has made his decision, we must
support him insofar as conscience permits.
He has far greater access to the relevant
information. I hope and pray that this deci-
sion is correct.
We can best achieve our goals by continu-
ing to help the South Vietnamese build their
nation with some degree of peace and secu-
rity. We must place greater emphan is upon
economic development and social reform.
Seventy percent of the people of South Viet-
nam live in territory defended by United
States and South Vietnamese troops. If we
can protect the people in these areas from
harassment and terror, and, at the same time,
help them to rebuild their economy, insti-
tute governmental reforms, and embark on
a program of social justice, we wall have
achieved many of our objectives. Even this
will not be easy. Barring the unc>apectcd,
American soldiers will be in South Vietnam
for many years to come. Our AID mission
faces untold problems in trying to build a
modern nation in a backward, war-torn
country.
But whatever the difficulties, I am gratified
that we finally appear to be recognizing the
importance of civic reform. In the Long run.
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the most important phase of this struggle
will be fought in the schools, the hospitals,
the rice fields of South Vietnam, rather than
on the battlefields.
TAX ADJUSTMENT ACT OF 1966
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that when H.R.
12752, the Tax Adjustment Act of 1966,
is reported by the Committee on Finance,
it be made the pending business.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr.
CANNON In the chair). Without objec-
tion, it is so ordered.
ORDER FOR ADJOURNMENT UNTIL
FRIDAY
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that when the
Senate concludes its business today, it
stand in adjournment until 12 o'clock
noon on Friday next.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
ORDER OF BUSINESS
Mr. CURTIS. Mr. President, I wish to
speak on a subject of considerable inter-
est to a number of Senators. I ask
unanimous consent that I may suggest
the absence of a quorum without losing
my right to the floor, and that I may be
recognized to continue my. remarks fol-
lowing the quorum call.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection? The Chair hears none, and it
is so ordered.
Mr. CURTIS. I suggest the absence
of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call
the roll.
Mr. CURTIS. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that the order for the
quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
DISTRIBUTION AMONG THE STATES
OF RESEARCH AND DEVELOP-
MENT FUNDS
Mr. CURTIS. Mr. President, I am to-
day introducing a resolution, the object
of which is a better geographical distri-
bution of the research and development
funds that are granted, loaned, or other-
wise made available by the agencies of
the Federal Government to our institu-
tions of higher learning.
This is a sizable program. So far
these funds have been overly concen-
trated in two or three areas. Many fine
colleges and universities have been
left out. Many States have been left out.
For many years, various groups and
individuals have urged a decentralization
of these Government expenditures. No
one has come up with a sound formula to
accomplish that objective. The resolu-
tion which I am introducing proposes
that such a formula be developed and
fixes the responsibility for writing such a
formula.
The pace of change is the constant
factor in our changing lives, and the days
ahead will each be filled with new won-
derment. The technological explosion of
World War II started this pace which
accelerates each year. The mind of the
man of science seems to know no bounds
as we add today's achievements to to-
morrow's routine. With all these bless-
ings of great material progress, we in the
Congress must assume the stewardship
of its. burdens.
Today we must work to keep this pace
of progress. Today we must work dili-
gently to give a better direction to this
pace of progress lest our population ex-
plosion be coupled with a population
erosion. We can erode away the aca-
demic excellence of many areas of this
great Nation. We can erode away a
balance in our national productivity
which is now dwindling. We can con-
centrate in a few centers those talents
which are basic to education, to contin-
uing development, and to future
productivity.
For 20 years the Congress has given
sincere expression, but unfortunately a
general expression, to the need for a
balanced development of our basic
sciences. For years we have wrestled
with this burden, and we have found it
a tough one to pin down. I hope today to
set in motion a pursuit of the specifies
which can begin to bring equity into an
imbalance which worsens each year.
The imbalance which must be righted
is not only the increasing maldistribu-
tion of $15 to $20 billions of Federal re-
search and development funds but the
reversal of trends which this maldistri-
bution has set in motion. Mind you, were
we to delay this reversal for another
decade, the Members of this body might
be faced, in a score of years, with the
fact that wide areas of this great Nation
may then fail to possess the skills and
the talents to perform useful research
in the basic sciences. Our great insti-
tutions of higher learning, in vast areas,
may be reduced in scope to schools of
narrower pursuits. Our laboratories and
kindred facilities will move away, and
will not then our industries follow that
pattern?
The power of the Federal Government
to generate scientific and technological
achievement must be harnessed in the
absolute of feasibility to render a bal-
anced achievement.
An expression of my concern is well
exemplified by the recent formation of
the Midwest Resources Association, a
12-State effort seeking fair and equitable
distribution of our resources and our
skills. Twenty-four Members of this
body form a bipartisan committee to
aid its work. My distinguished senior
colleague from Nebraska serves on its
executive committee.
Mr. HRUSKA. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. CURTIS. I yield.
Mr. HRUSKA. Mr. President, I com-
mend my colleague for his sponsorship
of this resolution.
His reference to the Midwest Re-
sources Association is most appropriate.
This young organization represents the
heartland of America-Nebraska, the
Dakotas, Minnesota, Illinois, Iowa, Ohio,
Kansas, Missouri, Indiana, Wisconsin,
and Michigan.
A completely bipartisan group, its
whole dedication is to the economic wel-
fare of our region. It is directed by a
steering committee made up the the 12
Governors, 6 Senators, and 6 Members
of the House of Representatives. To-
gether with the senior Senator from
Ohio, it has been my privilege to serve
as a member of the association's execu-
tive committee and to participate in the
organization's development.
This association was conceived out of
a realization that only by uniting the
Midwest would we be able to compete
with the more populous and better
financed States. Recently, the associa-
tion employed a full-time executive sec-
retary and opened an office in Washing-
ton.
As a member of the Appropriations
Committee, I have long been concerned
about our ability to manage the research
and development activities of the Fed-
eral Government. These programs have
grown in the past two decades out of all
proportion to any other segment of the
national budget.
Just before World War II, the Gov-
ernment spent a mere $75 million on sci-
ence and technology annually. Today
the figure is between $15 and $20 billion.
No one argues with the need for inten-
sive programs of science, research, and
technology. We still have vast frontiers
to conquer. No one wants to put a price
tag on the cure for cancer, the common
cold, or heart disease. No one fails to
recognize the literal life-and-death seri-
ousness of maintaining our military
strength.
That is not the point. The point is
whether the Congress is intelligently
providing ample funds for all these ef-
forts and whether the Nation's scientific
and technological resources are being
properly utilized.
Many of these programs-and the jus-
tification for their funding-have not
been based on any particular logic or
rationale. They have, like Topsy, "just
growed."
We had a striking example of this last
year in the Agricultural Appropria-
tions Subcommittee. Our distinguished
chairman, Senator HOLLAND, insisted on
a thoroughgoing analysis of research car-
ried on by the 'Department of Agricul-
ture.
While some progress was made and we
have a better view of the Department's
research effort than before, much re-
mains to be done. What is indicated is
a thorough overhaul which will provide
the tools, the background, and the know-
how to treat the entire research field and
not just a narrow segment.
I commend the Senator for his con-
cern with this problem and for his ef-
fort to bring something concrete out of
the often expressed desire to make prog-
ress in this field.
May I say, Mr. President, that I think
it would be difficult to find anyone more
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CONGRESSIONAL ]EZ .COR 1~
qualified and experienced to pursue this
resolution than the Senator from Ne-
braska, because of his long tenure in
Congress, his membership on the Joint
Committee on Atomic Energy and on the
Senate Committee on Aeronautical and
Space Sciences, and his activity, through
the years, on the Government Operations
Committee. It is with pleasure that I
join him in this resolution as one of its
cosponsors, and it is my hope that many
other Senators will see fit to do the same.
Mr. CURTIS. I thank the distin-
lguished Senator. I am fully aware that
a proper distribution of these funds is a
difficult task.
I :::lave a very high regard for the
National Science Foundation. It is
Government oriented. I believe it is
qualified to make a study, take a little
time. and bring in a formula that will do
justice to the programs undertaken and
will, at the same time, help decentralize
those activities from a geographical
standpoint.
The industries of tomorrow will be
located where the scientific complexes
are now being located, and Congress has
an obligation to do equity and justice in
determining where this money is being
spent, loaned, or given.
Mr. HRUSKA. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield further?
Mr. CURTIS. I am happy to yield.
Mr. HRUSKA. Is not the situation
sometimes aggravated by this type of
occurrence: The necessity for some
crash program will make its appearance.
In the area of that project, there are
certain well-known, outstanding institu-
tions for example, educational institu-
tions, which exist and have been active
in the field. Without an organization
like the National Science Foundation to
make a complete appraisal of the
available talent and facilities the nation
over. there is always a tendency to say,
"Well, college X or university X having
done this in the past, let us give them
this pro:ject;, too."
Mr. CURTIS. Yes.
iVlr. HRTTSKA. Not being aware of
many facilities which would be equally
goad and perhaps even better, because of
tint having an overall schedule and for
other reasons: and yet the National
Science Foundation would have knowl-
edge that would enable a decision to be
made. which would take into considera-
tion not only decentralization, but also
other factors which would attach to oth-
er potential piaeesxfor location.
Mr. CURTIS. I thoroughly agree
ww;th the Senator.
L.a additional, I should like to point out
that when they pass over a well-quali-
ie d institution of higher learning,
r>fi;entimes that institution is unable to
old its scientific talent; it loses some of
talent to the areas that do get the
;;rants, and the cycle picks up more and
more, with the result of having Govern-
ment funds inure one area to the ad-
va.ntage of another.
Mr. HRUSKA. The trend feeds on it-
:;elf and keeps going.
Mr. CURTIS. Exactly. I thank the
distinguished Senator.
Mr. DOVINICK. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. CURTIS. I am happy to yield.
Mr. DOMINICK. I thank the distin-
guished :enator from Nebraska, not
only for yielding, but also for bringing
up this very important resolution he
has before us now.
I remember some years ago talking to
the National Cryogenics Association in
Boulder, Colo., about some of the prob-
lerns involved in Government support of
research.
I believe at that time approximately
80 to 35 percent of the total funds being
spent on scientific research were being
generated out of the Federal Govern-
ment, and I pointed. out to them that in
the process of continuing on this type of
emphasis, unless something were done,
it was bound to feed into certain well-
defined areas, which would then deplete
the scientific knowledge and brains of
other areas they flowed into the areas
where the money was going.
I gather from what the Senator is
saying: that he thinks this Is one of the
problems we are now facing; in other
words, thr.t a university has received a
grant because they are supposed to be
particular.y capable in a certain field,
and then, when a new program comes
along and more money is to be spent, be-
cause this. university has had a large
program, that the second one is liable
to flow into it automatically; because
they have derrionstrated capacity In the
first one, they are assumed to have ca-
pacity in the second.
Mr. CURTIS. I think the Senator has
stated the problem correctly.
I am not critical of the Government
administrators who make the grants. I
believe they need the guidance of a
formula that might be developed by the
National Science Foundation, in order
that they night have an appraisal of the
competence of a university, the compe-
tence of its instructor personnel and the
heads of the departments. I think such
a formula would be of great help to the
Government; administrators who are
charged with distributing these billions
of dollars.
Mr. DOMINICK. I wonder if the
Senator could answer this for me, be-
cause I unfortunately have not had the
opportunity to read his bill: In the reso-
lution, are we referring to all ;types of
research, or are we referring only to sci-
entinc research dealing-, with scientific
subjects?
Mr. CURTIS. The resolution refers
to the laws under which research and
development funds are granted, loaned
or otherwise made available by :industry
or agencies of the Government to insti-
tutions of higher learning for scientific
or educational purposes.
Mr. DGUHNICK. That could, then,
take in re:_e?arch, for example, under the
Disarmament Agency. As the Senator
knows, the Disarmament Agency has in
the past given out a research program
to some professor somewhere, on the
thesis tha?: he is to come back with a new
method of overcoming problems of a
disarmament nature. It could I pre-
sume, take in educational research as
well; is that correct?
Mr. CURTIS. The Senator is correct.
Mr. DOMINICK. It seems to me this
becomes even more important as the
scope of research is developed, because
obviously brains in all these different
fields, by the sheer nature of it, cannot
be concentrated in any two or three or
half dozen universities; they must be
spread throughout the country; other-
wise, we would not have the good uni-
versities that we do.
I know that we have a very large series
of programs in Colorado, but I have
often wondered why some of the others
do not go there as well, in view of the
capacity that we have. It is possible that
the formula that the Senator is suggest-
ing the National Science Foundation de-
velop would at least show the need for re-
distributing certain types of research
which are now going into the southern
area or the western area or the northern
area; they might be focused in there
deliberately under this type of formula,
is that correct?
Mr. CURTIS. Yes. At least, we would
have the guidance of a qualified scien-
tific group which could appraise all the
talent in the country. Without a doubt.
many of these grants and loans are well
placed. On the other hand, there is no
doubt that many of them could have
been successfully handled elsewhere.
There should be some guidance on it,
some equity and justice injected into the
disbursement of these funds.
Mr. DOMINICK. I believe that the
Senator has brought up a subject which
is, really, of great significance. I would
be happy if the Senator would allow me
to join him as a cosponsor of his reso-
lution.
Mr. CURTIS. I would be very glad to
have the Senator as a cosponsor, and I
thank him.
Mr. DOMINICK. Even though
eventually none of us may agree with the
formula proposed, and I would wish to
reserve my final decision.
Mr. CURTIS. I agree with the Sen-
ator. The National Science Foundation
might disappoint all of us, but, as of now,
I believe it is the proper agency to which
to turn to start this project.
Mr. DOMINICK. I thank the Senator
from Nebraska.
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, will the
Senator from Nebraska yield?
Mr. CURTIS. I am happy to yield to
the Senator from South Dakota.
Mr. MUNDT. I should like to join
the Senator from Colorado [Mr. Domi-
NICKl, and the Senator from Nebraska.
in expressing approval of the approach
which he has made to this very sizable
problem. I am happy to serve as a
cosponsor of the bill. It comes at a most
timely occasion, because the Govern-
ment Operations Committee, of which
the Senator from Nebraska is a member.
has recently created a new subcommit-
tee to conduct what I would not like to
call an investigation, but it is a study in
depth of the whole research program of
Government headed by the distinguished
Senator from Oklahoma [Mr. HARRISI.
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only has the rights of an investigator and
prosecutor but also participates in some com-
mission decisions.
As Mr. Loevinger put it, the FCC in effect
"has authorized one of the adversary parties
to this proceeding to rule upon objections
filed by the other party, to suggest procedure
to be followed, and to specify the issues and
the order of consideration of evidence, all
consent that they be inserted at this were not permitted to walk to Benson's office.
point in the RECORD. He had to come out to greet us.
There being no objection, the articles After a long discussion with Benson, I got
the definite idea that he and his staff actu-
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, ally were directing the organization of the
as follows: National Police of Vietnam.
[From the Wilmington (Del.) Morning News, The effect of the millions of dollars being
Feb. 28, 1966] spent by the United States in Vietnam is
THREE GOVERNMENTS RULE SOUTH VIETNAM apparent to the visitor from the moment he
., a., +s.o 'r,,, an? Nhiit Airport. The
without notice or opportunity for comment (NOTE.-This is the fifth of a series in civilian section of the airport is attractive
from the other party." which William P. Frank, who returned earlier and small but beyond the gates sprawls one
Mr. Loevinger has described all this with this month from Vietnam, reports his im-
such adjectives as unfair, inefficient, unrea- of the largest military air bases in the world,
pressions of that nation and its people.) inhabited chiefly by Americans, guarded b
d c ) Americans, and used mostly by Americans.
drawn awn the and fire e o of one ne colleague who while he doesn'hast ( -BY William P. Frank
think a rate hearing should be run precisely South Vietnam has an area slightly larger Millions of American dollars have been
like a court trial, it seems to us the Commis- than the State of Washington yet it has, in and are being spent not only in military
sioner has a point. effect, three governments. installations but in constructing harbors
There can be no quarrel with the FCC's Its population of about 15 million is out- and harbor buildings-all directed by Ameri- -
investigation of the telephone company's wardly governed by the Republic of Vietnam. cans with Vietnamese employees. Vietnam-
rates. The agency is well within its rights But both its economy and its daily life are ese now consider it a status symbol to be
in ordering such a study. And although influenced by the United States. And the employed by the American Government or
A.T. & T. stockholders have been displaying National Liberation Front or Vietcong, which by American contractors.
nervousness since the probe began, no damage claims still to have influence over great secteThe United i the South Vietnamese advisory ys-
to the company's reputation is likely to tions of the country, is a factor constantly to a small scale t in 1955, Vet with the ver Mint
eventuate. to be reckoned with.
However, it is a matter of legitimate con- U.S. officials in Washington insist this is a tary Assistance Advisory Group. It is now
cern that the company should receive fair- Vietnamese war with American forces help- one of three dozen alphabetized agencies in
play during the hearings to come. The way ing the South Vietnamese Government. It the country. Notable is MACV-Military
ground rules are set up now, the match looks doesn't take long for an observer to reach the Assistance Command Vietnam.
pretty one sided. conclusion that, in actuality, the South Viet- The entire economy of Vietnam today de-
namese strip along the South China Sea is pends on American support-from the con-
[From the Chicago Tribune, Feb. 1, 1966] being influenced, changed, and affected by struction of harbors and facilities to the im-
FCC MEMBER DEFENDS TV'S PROGRAMING: the American forces, backed by millions of portation of rice into a country that once
BUT HE AGREES QUALITY Is NOT CONSISTENT American dollars and American resources. ranked the grain among its chief products.
Communications The accepted capital of the Republic of American money, engineering, and con-
Lee Commissioner, Loevinger, said here Federal yCom is sees Vietnam, with its military congress and mill- struction people are the mainstays of the
ees Lary rulers, is Saigon. nation. Without them it would collapse
t
r
in ,
o
a commissioner trying
The American capital is Washington with
in
more danger
pose ideas of programing quality upon tele-
vision stations than in letting TV viewers the U.S. Embassy and the command post of
Gen. William C. Westmoreland in Vietnam
and program purveyors work out for them- as subsdiary capitals.
selves what will be on the air. There is no question that headquarters of
Loevinger, an assistant attorney general be- the Vietcong forces is Hanoi.
fore he became one of the seven members of To complicate matters in this complex sit-
the FCC, gave his views in WGN-TV studios uation, there are a number of minority
while being interviewed on "The Government groups in South Vietnam which have been
Role In Broadcasting." The interview, one problems in the past and may still present
of WGN-TV's Your Right To Say It series, problems in the future. Notable among
There is practically no unemployment in
South Vietnam, as there was in 1964. In
fact, as the United States steps up its con-
struction program, there may be a man-
power shortage.
One of the curious features of the country
is the role of the Vietcong forces. They not
only harass, terrorize, and fight the Ameri-
cans and South Vietnamese forces but also
exact "taxes" or tribute from American and
will be televised at 1:30 p.m., Sunday on these are the high-spirited individualistic native civilians.
channel 9. Montagnards of the hill country north of It is common knowledge that U.S. civilian
TELLS OF QUANTITY Saigon. convoys of construction materials are halted
"Sure, I'm concerned that a lot of pro- They represent an important group with at checkpoints by the Vietcong, who get paid
grams I think are good are not being shown, their own customs, tribal ways, and racial for permitting the convoys to move on un-
and a lot I don't thing are so good are on the identity. They speak their own language, damaged. The Vietcong's also intercept food
air," Loevinger said. "But I see far more have their own traditions, and live in an area convoys of natives and either exact "taxes"
danger in my trying to impose my ideas of vulnerable to guerrilla infiltration. or take food for themselves.
quality than in letting people and purveyors Dealing with the Montagnards has posed At present, the major differences between
of television choose on their own." a thorny problem. Various methods have U.S. policy and the present government of
Loevinger expressed a belief that one reason been tried. Perhaps the most unusual is the South Vietnam revolves around the role the
for poor quality in some television is that the technique of Dr. James Turpin, who operates Vietcong or Communist National Liberation
average station now offers 6,000 hours of his own hospital near the city of Dalat. He Front would play at a peace conference.
programing a year, "and you just can't pro- frequently negotiates with the Montagnards prime Minister Nguyen Cao Ky insists he
duce 6,000 hours of masterpieces-if you and has found the best approach to them is will have no parts of the Communists.
could, no one could stand to look at them." through cigars. Americans are saying that, if necessary, the
WILL RELY ON NEWS So, Turpin gathers cigars from friends and NLF should be represented.
Asked what he thought American TV may hands them out to Montagnard chieftians to Observers in Saigon believe that if the Ky
be like in 10 years, Loevinger said: "I'll be gain their attention and friendship. government lasts that long, Washington will
surprised if it is radically different from to- The extent of the American influence in have its way in the end since Washington
day, really. the South Vietnamese Government is wide footing the entire bill.
"Inevitably, TV will come to rely more and and extremely varied. In addition to the is g practically
armed forces, there are a number of impor-
more on news and public affairs programs,- tacit civilian projects under the umbrella of [From the Wilmington (Del.) Morning News,
for one reason because of the growing public what was once known as U.S. Operations Mar. 1, 1966]
conscience of broadcasters, and for another Mission, now the U.S. Agency for Interna- NEITHER HAwxs Non DovES; SOUTH VIET-.
because we are running out of movies." IAA tional Development. NAM NEWSMEN TREAD MIDDLE PATH
VIETNAM
Mr. BOGGS. Mr. President, 2 days
ago I inserted in the RECORD four articles
on Vietnam written by William P. Frank,
of the Wilmington, Del., News-Journal
papers.
He has completed his series of percep-
tive articles with two additional install-
ments, and again I would hope to make
his comments available to a larger
audience. Therefore I ask unanimous
This includes a number of social welfare (NOTE.-This is the last of a series in which
projects and a large corps of advisers. It was William P. Frank, who returned recently
interesting to note that while the Americans from Vietnam, reports his impressions of
are supposed to be the "advisers," they quite that nation and its people.)
often "run the show" with the Vietnamese Frank)
officials playing either a secondary, or sup- (By William P.
porting role. Despite their first-hand knowledge of the
During an interview with a high-ranking war, few members of the 350-member press
officer in the Vietnam National Police, I asked corps in South Vietnam can be classified as
to interview William Benson, of Montana, either hawks or doves.
the top U.S. adviser for the national police. Most of the newsmen, representing news-
We drove to the AID building. papers, television, and radio in many coun-
It was -a little difficult getting past the tries of the free world, would more accurately
guards and when we arrived in the lobby, we be described as "railbirds."
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vents him from devoting more than about
3 weeks a year to inspection tours, he gen-
erally finds about 175 instances of improper
procedures and other faults, including ar-
rogant behavior on the part of officials.
In Sweden, all officials must be polite and
liclpful," Mr. Bexelius said. "If they aren't
they have committed a fault and can be
prosecuted. As it matter of fact, there were
lots of such prosecutions in the 19th cen-
i,ury, and I think there is no question that
Lhey contributed to the generally correct
treatment of the public that is characteristic
Swedish officials today. In Sweden, of
:carse, we have a state church, and when
1on.look back through the old records you
cc many cases of clergymen being prosecuted
'y the ombudsman for treating their parish-
ioners badly. ''hat seldom happens any
longer, though I ,aid have such a case 2 years
ago. Some children called on the rector of
ihe,ir parish and risked hint to conduct a fu-
acral service for their father. The arrange-
anents were made, but unfortunately there
was it misunderstanding about the time the
service was to be held. When the rector ar-
rived at the church, he found neither the
=hildren nor any other relatives or friends.
'['his made him anirry, and he started the
,crvice anyway. Of consre, he had no right to
aio such a. thing, so he was prosecuted and
i.ned. I don't remember how much, but the
:,mount is unimportant. Other clergymen
all over the country learned about that prose-
a:u.t.i.on, and the effect was to encourage them
I,n be courteous in everyone, regardless of age
+rr position. Nowadays, it is more likely to
he judges than churchmen who are guilty of
rro anee. Twice in the past 5 years I have
had to prosecute judges who I discovered
tturirig ray inspection tours had been im-
.'olite to witnesses appearing before them in
,-ourt. Each had to pay a fine of 1.500 crowns,
='r about .5300, which is quite a lot. At least,
1, i.s enough to make other judges think twice
helore losing their tempers in court."
The other cases that the JO undertakes on
:-its own initiative--+cbout 25 a year- are the
result of reports he has read in the news-
papers. A few morn the ago, Mr. Bexelius re-
'ailed, he happened to see a short newspaper
story about a new private dwelling of rather
unusual construction that had been designed
by an architect emoloyed by a town-planning
a ency. Since architects on the agency's
payroll are not permitted to do outside work,
idle .10 started an investigation, and he found
1 fiat about 50 of the architects regularly em-
ployed by the agency had accepted private
uon)rnissions. "f had Intended to prosecute
he chief of the agency, but after I started
I.Ire investigation, he became sick. with
leers," Mr. Bexelius said. "He told me it
was my fault. so I stropped with a reprimand.
I was satisfied with that, because I had al-
,vady brought everything out into the
open--how many outside jobs the architects
ii the agency had had, how much they had
u'arn.ed from those jobs-everything. The
people got the whole story,"
Of all the case handled by the JO's office in
t lie course of is year, only five, on the aver-
i+;c, are prosecuted in the courts, Last year,
4,lucre were four. All were actions against ad-
rninistrative officials, including the chairman
c,+ a, housing council for being generally peg-
in the runn.inc of his office, the chair-
-an of it child-welfare council for improperly
-umnitting it father who had been lax in
vuntributirig to the support of his children,
ltd it public prosecutor for failing to inform
!lie court during it criminal trial that a
die's witness had committed perjury. The
r:>urtir case grew out of an item that Mr.
lexelius saw in a newspaper about a one-day
"xcursion to Paris that a Swedish charter-
iirline company had staged for promotion
,urposes. The article said that many promi-
,crit people had been aboard but mentioned
very few names. His interest piqued, Mr.
]3exelius secured a passenger list and found
that among the freeloaders was a high of-
ficial of the National Board of Civil Avia-
tion. Looking further into the matter, he
discovered that the airline's application for
a. renewal of its license was pending before
the board at .he time of the trip. Ile also
learned that the official who went on the
junket had received permission to do so
from the chief of the board. "So I prose-
cuted both the chief and the official who
made the trip, and they were both fined,"
Mr. Bexelius said. "I know both these men.
They are very honorable, of course. Cer-
tainly they would n.ot be influenced by., one-
day trip to Paris. But they are just n-it al-
lowed to do such things. They shall not
be in a position to be grateful to any person
or any company. They shall be independent.
Otherwise, people cannot have confidence In
them or their agency, or even, to a certain
extent, in any authority."
I asked Mr. Bexelius whether, in view if the
number of times he is obliged to take action
against people of his acquantance, he finds
that being the JO has a limiting effect cm his
social life.
He laughed. "No, I wouldn't say so," he
replied. "Of course, many of my friends
have been angry with me. Often, when I
have to criticize a judge, he is a man with
whom I have worked in court and know
very, very well. Naturally, I don't lil::e to
criticize him, but I must. The ombudsman
cannot be concerned about his popularity.
It is no secret that high oflficals in Sweden-
all of therm-dislike the ombudsman. 'T'hey
say that he is always interfering in things
he doesn't know anything about, and that
they could. do their jobs better if he would
stop meddling, and so on. But all -heir
grumbling does;s't mean a thing. Everybody
knows that it Is necessary to have an. om-
budsman."
RETIREMENT OF JOHN O'ROURKE,
EDITOR OF THE WASHINGTON
DAILY NEWS
Mr. MONRONEY. Mr. President, John
O':Rourke, longtime editor of the Wash-
ington News, has decided to face the
hazards which retirement holds for a
man still bursting with young ideas.
For 30 years, Washington has had the
benefits of his reports and comments,
He produced an excellent newspaper.
He set a pattern of brevity. He insisted
on copy that was 'lively and interesting.
He mirrored the exciting times he lived
through and felt with the rest of us. He
uncovered the shoddy and dramatized
the positive. He made rare contribu-
tions to good government and to the
newspaper business,
The Washington Post, one of his long-
time competitors, paid him tribute in an
editorial and I: ask unanimous consent
for insertion of the editorial into the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
From t:he Washington Post, Mar. 2, 1963 1
AN EDITOR RETIRES
John T. O'Rourkri was editor of the
Washington Daily News for nearly 30
years and his retirement ends an era in
Washington journalism. The three decades
in which he served at the top of his pro-
fession were exciting decades for Washington,
for the country, and for the world, John
O'Rourke enjoyed the excitement and p:cr-
ticipated in the life of his times with zest
and enthusiasm.
He was in the best tradition of his craft.
He was a good writer. He had a sharp nose
for news. He had a heart easily stirred by
misfortune and a temper easily roused by
injustice or wrongdoing. Ills mind was alert
to developments in many fields--aviation,
art, and music were within the range of his
most intense interest.
For many years he has been a leading fig-
ure in the Inter-American Press Association.
He is known and admired by editors through-
out Central America and South America. He
has labored to lift up the standards of his
profession. He has struggled to increase
understanding among Americans North and
South. He has fought for a free press
throughout the hemisphere. His colleagues
in Washington cherish him as a friend and
respect him as a keen newspaper competitor.
VIEWS OF FCC COMMISSIONER
LOEVINGER
Mr. HARTKE. Mr. President, Com-
missioner Lee Loevinger, of the Federal
Communications Commission, has re-
cently on separate occasions spoken out
in two areas of the Commission's con-
cern. One statement was with regard
to the role of the Common Carrier
Bureau in. the rate inquiry proceedings
dealing with the .American Telephone &
Telegraph Co. The Washington Evening
Star commented on his views in an edito-
rial of January 29 entitled "An Odd Kind
of Court."
The other area of Mr. Loevinger's pllb-
lie concern, voiced in an interview on
"The Government Role in Broadcasting?"
dealt with television programing. The
Chicago Tribune of February 1 reported:
Mr. Loevinger finds far more danger in my
trying to impose my ideas of quality than
in letting people and purveyors of television
choose on their own.
In both of these approaches Commis-
sioner Loevinger is showing an approach
which tries to preserve rights which can
be exercised by industry with a minimum
of FCC intervention. I ask unanimous
consent that the two items to which I
have referred be printed in the CON-
GRESSIONAL RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
and article were ordered to be printed
in the RECORD, as follows:
[From the Washington (D.C.) Evening Stec,
Jan. 29, 1966]
AN ODD KIND OF COURT
A private citizen haled into court might
properly feel some uneasiness if he found
the prosecutor privately meeting with the
judge to suggest how the trial might be run,
even to ruling on objections and tinkering
with the way evidence could be submitted.
Yet that is roughly the position in which
the American Telephone & Telegraph Co.
finds itself in the current rate proceedings
before the Federal Communications Commis-
sion. True enough, a regulatory agency isn't
a court, acid the- affair is being billed as ;c.n
investigation, not a trial. But the whole
business apparently is a close enough parallel
to have brought a stinging objection from core
of the FCC Commissioners, Lee Loevinger. ;;o
the way the agency plans to run the hear-
ings.
What disturbs both Mr. Loevinger and A.T.
& T. is the role of the Common Carrier
Bureau, an arm of the FCC. The bureau not
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Approve~8K&~MpRf/( 7h' 8EJF*7 446R000400050007-6 4471
')' Favorable expressions for the Vietcong, man, and myself a two-engine plane that
Hanoi, or North Vietnam are rare, but the landed atop the aircraft carrier, Ticonderoga.
newsmen-most of them Americans-are Had we been able to stay in Vietnam
often critical of the United States and South longer, we could have gotten out to the other
Vietnam war efforts. The newsmen also take vessels of the fleet on the same basis.-
The photographer struggled with the sol-
dier and continued taking pictures. This
would not have happened had the military
verbal potshots at the social welfare pro- A few American newsmen express some OPERATION HELPING HAND
will give chiefly hwhen
grams undertaken by the United States and miration e news Vietnamese
source but
em
its allies in this war. a ames Mr. FONG. Mr. President, as residents
Because they have been exposed to the vast valuable tips. Of the American State closest to Viet-
American installations representing millions Every newsman in Saigon has two identi- nanl Hawaii's people react sensitively-
of dollars and to the immense array of men fication cards, One is the yellow, with red _
and battle equipment, the newsmen are con- stripes, a Vietnamese press card which he hlike ardships Amer cans elsewher -the to d Se
vinced that the Vietnamese economy is com- never uses.
pletely dependent on the United States. The other is the valuable blue press card, tressed people of Vietnam. They are
Occasionally, a newsman can be heard ex- issued by the U.S. Defense Department. It concerned that they are not doing all
pressing his opinion that the war should be is the magic key to many doors. Without his that they might to ease the suffering of
expanded, but we didn't hear any comments blue card, a newsman might as well be in destitute civilians in Vietnam villages.
from reporters regarding the United States limbo. Recently, a project called Operation
getting out of Vietnam. The blue press card gets him into the Helping Hand was started in Hawaii. It
Many newsmen, some of them 2-year vet- PX's, the officers' open messes, and past is being administered by the 25th In-
erans of the war, are not impressed with the some of the tightest security guards. fantry Division, Whose "Tropic Light-
U.S. effort as it now exists. Some believe the It is also his ticket for military planes
enclave idea will work. when they are available. A newsman can go ning" soldiers are stationed at Schofield
The newsmen have this in common: They into practically any U.S. air terminal In Barracks in Hawaii. The Division's 2d
are depressed the number of Americans South Vietnam, show his blue press card, Brigade, recently assigned to Vietnam
killed or wounded and the: are fearful that and get a ride, if there is room. He can make and already engaged in combat, is dis-
the They nu ow the will sideiof t the the s getti e. , reservations for planes in advance and not be tributing truckloads of needed articles
woe know the ugly side of the war is getting bumped, regardless of the military waiting collected in Hawaii to Vietnamese fam-
worse. list. ilies.
Newsmen who attend theater daily briefings in The American newsman will be flown into The response on the part of Hawaii's
the small, air-conditioned fairs s Office ateter in the e a combat zone-if he wants to and if a plane
faint U.S. Public Affairs in or helicopter is available-but getting out is people to Operation Helping Hand has
been truly gratifying. Government Offi-
the heart of Saigon are constantly pestering or something There are - ut getting p
soU.S.metioffmes officials who obscurely persist in worded giving reports. ularly for scanty and gthe wounded, of course. cials, National Guardsmen, Boy Scouts, It is not uncommon at these briefings to With very few exceptions, an American war firms, and veterans, thousands of schoolchildrprienen, business
citizens
hear reporters, just in from the battlefield, news photographer can take pictures any-
tell more about what went on during a ape- where in South Vietnam, except inside the joined in the massive drive and donated
ciflc action than the briefers. U.S. Embassy and around certain types of tons of materials. They included soap,
While the reporters appreciate the spot the planes and in the vicinity of certain kinds toothbrushes, books, pencils, working
briefers are in, nonetheless, some newsmen of artillery bunkers, tools, children's clothing, health and
ask them questions like these: "How light No one censors reporters' stories nor the sanitation goods, foodstuffs, and train-
are light casualtities?" "What's the differ- work of photographers. However, there is ing aids for vocational schools.
once between a Vietcong atrocity and a Viet- security on information that is given on a The donated items were assembled at
cong outrage?" or "When is a hut that's been hold for release basis. A reporter who vio- schools, fire stations, supermarkets and
burned not a home for someone but a Viet- lates this agreement will get into trouble, but ted to s
cong installation?" this is true almost anywhere. otothler points, warehouses. then noon transnspporred be She vv-
-
When pushed into a corner, the briefers Two briefings for the press are held each will often agree to release more information pro- day. One is at the Vietnam press head- ped to southeast Asia, to augment smaller
vided it is regarded as "background data" quarters in downtown Saigon, usually well collections sent earlier.
and should be used only without attribution. attended but not always profitable as far as In addition, substantial cash contribu-
All in all, the news corps has a friendly news is concerned. tions were collected.
relationship with the American military of- Half an hour later, the U.S. briefings are The close cooperation between the
ficials, principally because the military au- held in the Joint U.S. Public Affairs Office military and the civilian communities in
thorities have not clamped down any broad Building, always well attended. Hawaii made this joint undertaking a
censorship, and appear to be trying to do It is also in that building where the news- splendid success. I am pleased to re
their tort to accommodate the press in get- men make their contacts for going out into port that Operation Helping Hand is al-
ong stoies. the field to contact the various divisions, ready bringing aid and comfort to the
In the field, the newsmen wear fatigues, The building also has a press lounge where
boots, and always carry canteens. I only saw w hard-pressed Vietnamese people. At the
one carry a revolver-a television man re- some newsmen pick up their mail, and can same time the project is helping to build
sponsible for a lot of camera equipment. meet friends and news contacts. The Americans who run JUSPAO have such closer bonds of understanding with the
As in all other areas of news reporting, trust in the press that the building is never Vietnamese people.
journalists who have e been In Vietnam etnam for a closed. Newsmen can wander in and out any An informative article on the impact
mpg time have establishh ed mutual trust with time of the day. of Operation Helping Hand in Vietnam
mH o authorities.
press varies with I have seen Vietnamese civilians seeking to has been published in the Honolulu Star-
However, service to the s epays off.
the branches of the service, enter the building, present their identiflca- Bulletin of February 25, 1966, under the
For example, with the lit Infantry Divi- tion cards but they are still searched. headline "25th Delivers Gifts."
sion, the "darlings" of the press section, were Some of them who carry packages have to I also wish to call attention to an edi-
newsmen from Birmingham, Ala., because open them for scrutiny. I have never seen torial in the Honolulu Advertiser which
Birmingham had recently "adopted" the let an American frisked. appeared on February 15, 1966, shortly
Infantry Division and the newspaper there Because of the problem of communications, before the drive began. These articles
were giving the division depth coverage. not too many American newsmen associate which
With the 1st Cavalry Division, the press with Vietnamese officials although the Viet- reflect the newspapers the the en enthh andusiasm all and other support groups which
section was y cooperative all right, but priority - newsmen who want to meet Vietnamese pre individuals in the community gave Op-
went to a the of f writers and networksphotogographph- sonalities in government. eration Helping Hand.
era from the big and, because
On the other hand, beaBill Snead and Neither the Vietnamese general police nor I ask UriariimOUS consent that the
I were to be in Vietnam for only 3 weeks military police interfere with the goings- and articles be printed at this point in the
and were always on the go, we didn't have comings of the American newsmen. RECORD.
time to develop news contacts with any one While a newsman
himself before anAmericansMP, at is secu- were ordered to be printed group in the RECORu,
.
This, however, did not count with the U.S. rity checkpoint, I have seen American news- as follows:
Marines at Da Nang. They treated us as if men whiz past Vietnamese police and yell, [From the Honolulu Advertiser,
we were in a position to give them just as "Press." 661
much coverage as the Associated Press or On the night, however, when the top- FebHELPINe. 15HAND,1919 VIETNAM
the United Press International. ranking Vietnamese officials left the Saigon
The same went for the press section of the airport for Honolulu to meet President John- Hawaii gets a chance in a few days to put
7th Fleet stationed in Saigon. They put at son, I saw a Vietnamese MP try to push an its lpllwhere
-reaching goo imnmediate a d
the disposal of Snead, a German newspaper- American photographer back. potent y far
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