MAINTENANCE OF INTERNATIONAL PEACE AND SECURITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160043-4
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 4
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: December 29, 2004
• Sequence Number: 43
• Publication Date: August 8, 1964
• Content Type: OPEN

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1964 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
U.S.S. John C. Calhoun, our 26th Polaris nu-
clear submarine. We also have in opera-
tion 20 attack type nuclear submarines,
making a total of 46. The Calhoun was
built by the Newport News Shipbuilding &
Dry bock Co., of Newport News, Va.
This ship is named for John Caldwell Cal-
houn (1782-1850). The pattern of Calhoun's
life was not unlike that of the Founding
Fathers. Of him and his two great political
antagonists-Webster and Clay-James Bryce
wrote in 1888 that they were "the ornaments"
of their generation, "not indeed rising to the
stature of Washington or Hamilton, but more
remarkable than any save one among the
statesmen who have followed them."
Calhoun belonged to the second generation
of American political thinkers and public
men; men who had never known life in a
colony. He was born in the year when the
Nation had attained de facto independence-
though it took another 18 months for the
treaty of peace to be signed at Paris. Like
the Founding Fathers, Calhoun was well-
educated,, graduating from Yale with distinc-
tion. Subsequently he studied law, was ad-
mitted' to the bar and. practiced his pro-
fession for a brief while. But nearly all his
adult life-some 40 years-he spent in elec-
ted or appointed office: as State legislator,
Member of the Congress, Senator, Secretary
of War, Secretary of State, twice Vice Presi-
dent, and almost President. His family-
of Scotch-Irish ancestry from Pennsylvania-
had ' settled in the Carolina Uplands. Cal-
houn thus grew up in the pioneer West;
for half his life he was indeed its spokes-
man. But marriage into the Piedmont
planter aristocracy changed his views and
he became the voice of the deep South-its
political theorist, master logician, impas-
sioned orator. It has been said of him that
he "welded the ''South and divided the
Union."
Calhoun's adult life spanned almost the
whole of that turbulent period in American
history when, after an early era of good feel-
ing, the young Nation had to come to grips
with ever deepening regional' conflicts be-
tween industrial North, pioneer West, and
.plantation South-conflicts which time and
time again brought on crises that threatened
to tear the Union asunder, as indeed they
did in the end. But prior to the fratricidal
war that finally established this Nation as
all indivisible Union, the Senate reverberated
with constitutional debates that "transfixed
the Nation." Calhoun, Webster, and Clay
were the principal antagonists. Of their de-
bates, Charles A. Beard wrote that they were
memorable forensic contests, "worthy of a
place in the annals of oratory beside the
noblest intellectual tourneys of ancient and
modern times." The men who participated,
the "eloquence and cogency of their argu-
ments" and not least "the results that flowed
from their deliberations," make these de-
bates a part of our history, with which every
American should be. acquainted. Not only
do we profit by studying them, for they
vividly illuminate the travail that went into
the building of the Union we so lightly
take for granted today, but also they teach
us that men of intelligence, education and
integrity, alike in their deep devotion to our
political covenant, may yet differ bitterly
because to 'each it has a different meaning.
Two important political innovations oc-
curred in Calhoun's life: the evolution of the
American party as we know it today, and
the unique American system of choosing
nominees for the Presidency in national
party conventions. Though not mentioned
in the Constitution or envisaged by the
Founding Fathers, these two cornerstones of
our political life are today as firmly estab-
lished as any part of the written covenant.
Still worthreading is Calhoun's "A Disquisi-
tion on Government" which contains a lucid
exposition of the American political party:
how it is formed, how it operates. Written
near the end of his life, the book reflects
half a century of American experience in
much of which Calhoun participated.
Of Calhoun's many quotable statements,
one seems singularly appropriate today: "We
are greatly and rapidly-I was about to say
fearfully-growing. This is our pride and
our danger, our weakness and our strength."
STRIP MINING AND THE PROPOSED
APPALACHIA BILL
Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, I ob-
serve in this morning's newspaper that
the Appalachia bill has been favorably
acted upon by the committee.
In substance, a bill has been written
into it which I introduced, calling for
the study of the adverse impact that sur-
face strip mining has on wildlife, fish
life, vegetation, the general water sup-
ply, and the general economy of the com-
munities which are plagued with this
problem.
I have no objection to the bill being
written into the Appalachia bill. How-
ever, in the Appalachia bill, before the
study has been completed, there is lan-
guage which I have interpreted as au-
thorizing the expenditure of moneys for
the reclamation and rehabilitation of
strip-mined lands owned by private indi-
viduals.
I wrote a letter to the chairman of the
committee objecting to the spending of
any money for reclamation and rehabili-
tation of strip-mined lands until the
study had been completed.
I had a talk with the Senator from
West Virginia [Mr. RANDOLPH], and he
said that he would obtain a letter from
the Department of the Interior commit-
ting the Department against expenditure
of any moneys for reclamation and re-
habilitation of strip-mined lands until
the study had been completed.
I have not seen the letter that has sup-
posedly been written by the Department
of the Interior. Hence, I let it be known
that I shall object to the calling up of
the Appalachia bill out of its regular
order.
If unanimous consent is requested for
placing it on the calendar, I shall ob-
i ect.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
believe the Senator should recognize the
fact that once a bill is reported from the
committee, it automatically goes on the
calendar.
Mr. LAUSCHE. The Senator is cor-
rect. That was a misstatement on my
part. I know that it goes on the cal-
endar. I meant to say that I did not
wish it called up out of order.
MAINTENANCE OF INTERNA'YILNAL
PEACE AND SECURITY IN SOUTH-
EAST ASIA
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr President, I ask
unanimous consent that, in spite of the
3-minute limitation, I may proceed for
5 additional minutes.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President, yes-
terday, I voted in favor of the resolution
requested by President Johnson to deal
18077
with the Vietnam crisis. I did so because
our leaders assured us. that the military
evidence was such that it constituted a
military challenge which had to be met
with a military response.
The resolution is designed to make
perfectly clear that the President has
the support of the Congress and the
American people in meeting the recent
aggression. It is designed to inform a po-
tential aggressor that the Congress will
support the President in meeting any ad-
ditional attacks of that kind.
The President acted decisively, and yet
with some reason and restraint in
handling the attack on our naval vessels.
This resolution is designed to serve notice
on any potential Communist aggressor
that when our ships and men are fired
upon, we shall not hesitate to return the
fire.
But, Mr. President, I do not wish my
vote for the resolution to be interpreted
as an endorsement of our longstanding
and apparently growing military involve-
ment in Vietnam. I have had serious
misgivings about our entanglement in
Vietnam since we were first committed
to that course 10 years ago. For 8 years
prior to that commitment, the French
had tried unsuccessfully to reassert their
rule in southeast Asia.
That effort ended in disaster in 1954
after the cream of the French Army had
been destroyed by guerrilla jungle fight-
ing. It ended only after the expenditure
of vast sums of American aid to France.
Today, 10 years after our inheritance
of the French responsibility in southeast
Asia, we seem to be faring no better than
the French. It is my own judgment
that we cannot win a conflict against sus-
tained guerrilla activity in Vietnam with-
out enthusiastic and vigorous action on
the part of the people and the Govern-
ment of South Vietnam. I do not think
that kind of widespread effort has been
demonstrated.
On the contrary, there seems to be
considerable reluctal}ce and a general
lack of enthusiasm to carry the fight-
ing in South Vietnam. Instead, the pres-
ent leader of South Vietnam, General
Khanh, is urging us on to a major Ameri-
can military onslaught against North
Vietnam.
Any such action on our part would be
fraught with the gravest of dangers and
could very well entangle us in a war to
the death on a vast scale claiming the
lives of countless thousands of American
boys. It could set the stage for world
war III, involving this time the forces of
Red China.
I propose, therefore, a conference of
the involved nations to seek a political
settlement in southeast Asia. I think
the 14-nation conference suggested by
General de Gaulle ought to be seriously
considered. The fact that General de
Gaulle frequently irriates American sen-
sibilities is no reason to reject an other-
wise fruitful suggestion. France has
been the friend of America in peace and
war throughout our history. Her people
and her Government have had a long
experience in southeast Asia.
As the Secretary-General of the U.N.,
Mr. U Thant, has said, it is difficult for
the United Nations to undertake a settle-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE August 8
ment of the southeast Asia problem for
the simple reason that neither North
Vietnam nor the Chinese mainland is a
member of the United Nations. I would
hope, however, that any agreement which
could be worked out at a conference of
the kind which I have suggested would
be enforced by the United Nations.
There will be objections to discussing
a southeast Asia settlement with Red
China since we do not recognize the ex-
istence of the present government of the
Chinese mainland. But that govern-
ment does in fact exist. It is in control
of the most populous nation in the world,
and it is a major factor to be reckoned
with in any satisfactory settlement of
the problems now convulsing southeast
Asia.
Any settlement in southeast Asia that
ignores China is largely useless. I am
not speaking here of the larger problem
of diplomatic recognition of China or her
admission to the United Nations. What
I am saying is that we are involved in a
terribly dangerous military conflict which
can only be resolved by a political settle-
ment. If that settlement involves, as I
believe it does, discussions with the Chi-
nese as well as the North Vietnamese, let
us not jeopardize the peace of the world
by diplomatic rigidity. We have every
right to be skeptical about Chinese com-
mitments considering their disappoint-
ing record following the Laotian agree-
ment. But this is no justification for a
refusal to seek again a safeguarded
agreement with the Chinese on southeast
Asia.
In my judgment, an indefinite continu-
ance of the military conflict in South
Vietnam is a hopeless course that will
lead in the end either to defeat or en-
tanglement in the kind of major war
which we are ill-prepared to fight in
Asia.
Let us seek a political settlement as
soon as possible for a problem that is
basically political.
Mr. President, during the debate on
the resolution passed by the Senate, I
raised certain questions about whether
we were, in effect, surrendering control
over our Asia policy to the ruler of South
Vietnam. I asked if we should not make
it clear that we would not bind ourselves
to military action in the event that the
generals of South Vietnam should under-
take military attacks on North Vietnam
without our prior approval.
These and other questions are well put
by Mr. James Reston in an article In the
New York Times of Friday, August 7,
which I ask unanimous consent to have
printed at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed In the RECORD,
as follows:
SOME BASIC QUESTIONS ABOUT VnrrNAM
(By James Reston)
WASHINGTON, August 6.-The Nation has
united quickly behind the President's strong
military action in Vietnam, but unity and
speed, important as they are in the present
crisis, should not muffle some fundamental
questions about the future political and
military relationships in that area.
First, should there not be a formal public
undertaking by the South Vietnamese Gov-
ernment that the military weapons supplied
by the United States will not be used In
offensive measures against Communist North
Vietnam without the advance consent of the
United States?
Second, should not the United States give
a similar formal undertaking to the Gov-
ernment of South Vietnam?
Third. is the mission of the United States
in South Vietnam to provide arms and advice
to the Government of South Vietnam, as
stated officially In the past, or is President
Johnson now asking for a congressional reso-
lution that would authorize him to take any
military measures he pleases in all of south-
east Asia at the request of any southeast
Asian ally?
THE TORMOSA PRECEDENT
The official view here Is that It Is not help-
ful to raise such questions when the United
States must act together in a-hurry, but the
President, as Commander in Chief, has the
power to repel any new sudden attack, as he
did last weekend, and it may be wise to take
a day or two to analyze where we are and
where we are going.
Obviously, no formal agreement between
the United States and South Vietnam could
be permitted to Interfere with each govern-
ment's right of self-defense. No American
destroyer captain under Communist attack
Is going to be asked to wireless Saigon for
permission to defend himself, and no South
Vietnamest military unit defending South
Vietnam Is going to be asked to get permis-
sion from the United States before firing on
its attackers.
However, any attack on North Vietnam by
either the United States or the South Viet-
namese clearly involves the possibility of
retaliation by the Communists on both, and
thus should be launched only by joint agree-
ment.
This principle of joint action In mutual
danger was appended to the Mutual Defense
Treaty between the United States and the
Republic of China signed here in December
of 1954.
At that time, Secretary of State Dulles and
Ambassador George K. C. Yeh of the Chinese
Republic exchanged letters, the key para-
graph of which read as follows:
"In view of the obligations of the two
parties under the said treaty, and of the
fact that the use of force from either of
these areas (Formosa or the offshore islands)
by either of the parties affects the other, It
is agreed that such use of force will be a
matter of joint agreement, subject to action
of an emergency character which Is clearly an
exercise of the Inherent right of self-
defense."
It is stated here officially that there Is
already an understanding with the South
Vietnamese Premier, Maj. Gen. Nguyen
Khanh. that he will not attack North Viet-
nam without our consent, and. of course,
the U.S. controls the arms and gasoline nec-
essary for any prolonged attack, but since
General Khanh has recently been waging an
open propaganda campaign for an attack on
the North, it is not clear why the existing
understanding should not be stated for-
mally and publicly.
After all. even fairness to the South Viet-
namese requires advance consultation, at
least. before any assault on the enemy's
territory.
JOHNSON'S POWERS
The proposed congressional resolution, as
it now stands, is a more delicate matter. It
could easily be amended to Include the prin-
ciple of joint agreement on any attack on
the North, but amending It to restrict the
President's action further Is more difficult,
and maybe It should not be done.
But it should at least be recognized what
the resolution now authorizes. It says that
the United States regards the maintenance
of peace and security in southeast Asia as
vital to its national interest and to world
peace. And It adds:
"The United States is, therefore, prepared,
as the President determines, to take all nec-
essary steps, including the use of armed
force, to assist, any member or protocol state
of the Southeast Asia Collective Defense
Treaty requesting assistance in defense of
its freedom."
This is,a little different from merely send-
ing arms and advisers to South Vietnam.
It would approve any military action as the
President determines in any part of south-
east Asia, including military action in sup-
port of any nation In the Southeast Asia
Treaty (whose military support of South
Vietnam has been virtually nf'), provided
our military action were sought and the
President approved.
Maybe this Is what the country wants and
there is a good case to be made for It. but
even in the hurry to get the resolution
passed there shouldn't be much objection to
looking at what it says and what it doesn't
say.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I find
the speech of the Senator from South
Dakota [Mr. MCGOVERNI very interest-
ing, but very belated. For approxi-
mately 6 months the Senator from
Alaska [Mr. GRUENING] and the Senator
from Oregon have been urging support
for the very suggestions which the Sen-
ator from South Dakota made this morn-
ing. His views, of course, are welcome
even under the saying "Better late than
never" Although conversion is always
welcome, in my judgment, If Senators
who have held the views of the Senator
from South Dakota-and many of them
have held them privately for these many
months-had joined the Senator from
Alaska and the Senator from Oregon 5
or 6 months ago In urging an economic,
political, and diplomatic settlement of
the Asiatic strife under the rules of in-
ternational law, we might have been able
to change the warmaking course of our
Government in Asia. But one of the
saddest things is that during all those
months the talk of many Senators in the
cloakroom has been noticeably different
from their silence on the floor of the
Senate, I hope that the Senator from
South Dakota and others who share his
views will now proceed with some vigor
In trying to make their representations
and their suggestions known to this ad-
ministration to see If we can stop the
warmaking course the United States is
taking in Asia.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore. The time of the Senator has ex-
pired.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
remind Senators that the Senate is in
the morning hour, but that Senators,
of course, may have additional time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President, I
shall ask for an additional minute so
that I may yield to the Senator from
Ohio [Mr. LAUSCNEI for a question.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore. Without objection, it is so or-
dered.
Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, the
point raised by the Senator, in my judg-
ment. about the involvement if South
Vietnam proceeds to move northward
into North Vietnam Is very significant.
In the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of
Thursday, there is a treatment of the
subject by me. In my judgment, the
SEATO treaty applies only when there
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CONGRESSIONAL * RECORD _'SENATE
has been aggression by an outside na-
tion against a member of SEATO. That
aggression" must be by a Communist
country. And it must be such as we con-
sider would endanger our security.
In my judgment, it is clear that under
the SEATO agreement we have no right
or no 'obligation to become participants
in any invasion aside from an invasion
by an aggressor against one of our al-
lies. It was on that basis that I ap-
proved that measure.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President, I
hope the Senator's interpretation is
correct.
Mr. LAUSOHE. I suggest that the
Senator read it.
Mr. McGOV'ERN. I feel greatly re-
assured.
FACTS ON THE HOUSING AND
SCHOOL SITUATION AMONG MIS-
SISSIPPI NEGROES
Mr. STENNIS. 'Mr. President, in the
midst of great emotional social issues, it
is almost impossible to get an objective
report. Normal day-to-day facts are
virtually ignored.
But occasionally such a factual and
objective report does filter into the press
of the Nation. I have been most pleased
to read in the Christian Science Moni-
tor-one of the Nation's truly great
newspapers, published in Boston-a
story that does attempt to give some of
the true facts about Mississippi.
Because this article by Mr. Saville R.
Davis presents'the facts of the housing
and school situation among Mississippi
Negroes, I want to make this factual
reporting, available to Members of the
Senate.
I, therefore, request unanimous con-
sent that this article entitled "Negro
Housing, Plus Side Down in Dixie," from
the Christian Science Monitor, of August
6, 1964, be printed at this point in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to,be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:.
NEGRO HOUSING-PLUS SIDE DOWN IN Diaz
(By Saville R. Davis)
JACxsON, Miss.-It seems next to im-
possible in the midst of civil turmoil in
Mississippi this summer to write what would
be considered a fair-minded and objective
account by both sides.
Emotions understandably run high.
Facts are oppositely interpreted and there
are comparatively few areas where there is
agreement on what facts are.
Both sides recognize this and go their own
ideological ways and it would tax Solomon
himself to carry water on both shoulders.
Reporters sent to Mississippi by the na-
tional news media try to cover events from
both sides., They wear jackets and neckties
in the steaming heat, remain professionally
aloof, and go back and forth between the
authorities and civil rights workers.
Their assignment is to cover the news, and
the ordinary definition of news does not in-
clude the arguments for segregation which
are largely unchanging. But the Negroes
are speaking out for the first time militantly
and are under vigilante attack, so they tend
to get more attention.
This correspondent made a systematic tour
of the Negro districts of Jackson with an ad-
vocate of the traditional and evolving south-
ern society. . The plan was to show me
everything, good and bad. We covered all
sections, I went along the tracks and down
alleys and confirmed the `findings later with
a Jackson Negro on the side of civil rights.
it was a chastening experience for an in-
habitant of a big northern city. The eye
could readily see why white Mississippians
are convinced the North "does not under-
stand what we have done for the Negro."
There was nothing to be found that could
be called a shanty town of any significant
dimension in the city of Jackson itself.
(Outside, of course, roll the rural Mississippi
areas where the picture would be entirely
different.) At the other end of the scale
there were substantial numbers of well-to-do
Negro houses of modern design, inviting and
tastefully landscaped.
NEATLY DRESSED CHILDREN
But it was the great bulk of modest or
small-sized houses that caught and held the
eye. Except for occasional rows of really
tiny houses, roof by roof, they were set in
enough land to permit a modest bit of land-
scaping. The grass was trimly cut. There
were gardens, normally, with blooms that
many a Northern suburbanite would envy.
Houses were almost uniformly well painted.
Roofs looked tight. Porches seemed to be in
a good state of repair. One had to search
for the untidy sight, the unpainted wall, and
conspicuously few had much bare earth in
place of green. There were usually plenty
of trees, often covered with blossoms. The
streets were clean. Children playing about
were as neatly dressed as children in a low-
income area could be.
The Negro schools were mostly in attrac-
tive, modern, efficient-looking buildings of
the type that now is mushrooming every-
where. One was a gaily roofed complex of
imaginative contemporary design that would
have made a New England town selectman
frown sternly and mutter about the tax rate.
They were, of course, segregated schools.
It was all in startling contrast to a Negro
ghetto in a Northern big city with its plague
of slums, its rundown rattle-trap schools and
the attendant air of hopelessness with respect
to paint, repairs, and blades of grass.
There are lines here in Jackson dividing
the various Negro sections from those that
are white and they are clear for the most
part; there are only a few mixed sections.
But so are the lines fairly clear in the areas
of What is called de facto segregation in the
North.
A Northerner could argue that his cities
are old and economically tired and that waves
of immigrants had swept through the old
parts of the city and turned them into bad-
lands and the well-to-do had moved out.
But it was not always green and kempt in
Jackson either. The kind of landlordism
that charges exorbitant rates for decaying
hovels across the South used to reign here,
too.
But Jackson decided to send in the health
authorities and clean up. The landlords
were told quite simply, and progressively,
"do this" and "do that" or take down. It
was repair or raze. They were given time
but not, in the tradition of the Northern
city, political exemption. So the present
neatness, verdure, and obvious housing self-
respect came about.
MODERN SCHOOL
This is not the place to recite the argu-
ments which support the southern system.
In the interests of balance they would have
to be matched by the counterarguments on
the other side and this was a tour, not a
polemic. Suffice it to say that some Negroes
go north from Jackson and stay; others go
north and return.
It is obvious that those who stay away are
willing to pay a heavy cost in terms of slum
living (unless they are the fortunate few
who can break out somehow) in order to
18079
exchange the system of formal segregation
here for one that is factually and imperfectly
segregated, but legally equal.
Those who return to the South obviously
prefer the kind of life that offers a higher
physical standard and condition of living
while formally segregated.
In Laflore County, several hours away, I
was taken on a tour of the all-Negro Aman-
da Elzy School by County Superintendent
of Education Otis W. Allen. It was a show-
piece and an impressive sight. Few of the
new public schools in wealthy northern
suburbs have so generous a tract of land for
playing fields, buildings, and open vistas.
Visits to typical classrooms in both the
elementary and high school sections showed
a high pride in room decoration by the
children and a high seriousness among the
older students. Physics in one classroom was
being taught by the new methods that give
students fascinating problems to mull over
at home and draw them into thinking and
working their own way into physics in class.
EARNEST STUDENTS
There were hot meals for those who could
afford an inexpensive cateferia; others
brought their lunches. Athletes were doing
tough exercises on a field (their teams have
done well) and students twirling and toot-
ling for the school band in the gym. Classes
like home economics had furnished rooms,
fitted up by students in the school shop,
in which to practice, and large display
cases In the corridors to tend.
Most significant of all was to slip unob-
served into the library and see it filled with
students obviously working hard.
Whatever the arguments for and against
segregating schools, of which this corre-
spondent heard many on both sides, here was
the process of education in full blast and
here was a generation of Negro students
learning hard from Negro teachers and prin-
cipals under physical conditions that would
startle the victim of a typical northern Negro
slum school. Only the few Negroes in un-
segregated public or private schools in the
suburbs have comparable surroundings.
REPORT ON THE RESTORATION OF
THE OLD SENATE AND SUPREME
COURT CHAMBERS IN THE U.S.
CAPITOL
Mr. STENNIS. Mr. President, because
of the many expressions of renewed
interest I have received concerning the
restoration of the old Senate and Su-
preme Court Chambers in the Capitol
Building, I want to make a very brief re-
port on the status of this work.
Although no funds for this project are
included in the Legislative Branch Ap-
propriations Act for 1965, now under
consideration, I am pleased to report that
the necessary planning activities are
moving along in good order at the pres-
ent time. The sum of $37,500, all of
which has now been obligated, was in-
cluded in the Legislative Branch Appro-
priations Act for 1964 to provide funds
for the preparation of working drawings,
specifications and cost estimates for the
restoration. On March 6, 1964, the Ar-
chitect of the Capitol entered into a con-
tract with Associate Architects for the
preparation of these documents. In ad-
dition, on March 9, 1964, the Architect
secured the services of a historian from
the National Park Service on a reim-
bursable basis to conduct the necessary
research concerning these Chambers, in-
cluding a search of the records at the
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE August 8
National Archives, for the period of
1807-60.
It Is anticipated that the research at
the National Archives will be completed
by the end of this month. Pending com-
pletion of this research, the Associate
Architects have obtained detailed infor-
mation regarding the existing conditions
in both Chambers, and working draw-
ings of these spaces are being roughed
out. However, final preparation of the
drawings and specifications must be de-
layed until the required research is
completed.
I am advised by the Architect of the
Capitol that all of this work will be
completed some time this fall. Based on
the working drawings and specifications,
the Architect will then prepare the cost
estimates for actual restoration. It is
expected that funds will be requested for
this work in fiscal year 1966.
I am highly pleased to report this
progress to the Senate, Mr. President,
and I anxiously look forward to the time
when these two historic chambers are
substantially restored to the condition
In which they existed and were furnished
when last occupied by the Senate and
Supreme Court in 1859 and 1860, re-
spectively, In my opinion, these Cham-
bers will be among the most outstanding
and important historical shrines in our
Nation. They will be appreciated and
enjoyed by all who visit the Capitol, as
well as those who labor here, for it was
in those very rooms that many great de-
cisions were made which have shaped the
destiny of our Nation. The restoration
and opening of these Chambers for pub-
lic viewing will be a tribute to the out-
standing roles that the Senate and the
Supreme Court have played In our his-
tory.
E. A. ROLFE, JR.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr.
NELSON in the chair) laid before the
Senate a message from the House of
Representatives announcing its disagree-
ment to the amendment of the Senate
to the bill (HR. 2215) for the relief of
E. A. Rolfe, Jr., and requesting a con-
ference with the Senate on the disagree-
ing votes of the two Houses thereon.
Mr. McCLELLAN. I move that the
Senate Insist upon Its amendment and
agree to the request of the House for a
conference, and that the Chair appoint
the conferees on the part of the Senate.
The motion was agreed to; and the
Presiding Officer appointed Mr. Jos e-
STON, Mr. McCLELLAN, and Mr. HRUSKA
conferees on the part of the Senate.
PROVISION OF QUARTERS, HOUSE-
HOLD FURNITURE, ETC., TO CER-
TAIN CIVILIAN OFFICERS AND
EMPLOYEES
The PRESIDING OFFICER laid before
the Senate the amendments of the House
of Representatives to the bill (S. 1833)
to authorize Government agencies to
provide quarters, household furniture,
and equipment, utilities, subsistence, and
laundry service to civilian officers and
employees of the United States, and for
other purposes, which were, to strike out
all after the enacting clause and Insert:
That, for the purposes of this Aot-
(1) "Government" means the Government
of the United States of America.
(2) "agency" means-
(A) each executive department of the
Government;
(B) each agency or Independent establish-
ment In the executive branch of the Govern-
ment:
(C) each corporation owned or controlled
by the Government. except the Tennessee
Valley Authority; and
(D) the General Accounting Office.
(3) "employee" means a civilian officer or
employee of an agency.
(4) "United States" means the several
States of the United States of America, the
District of Columbia, the territories and pos-
sessions of the United States, and the Com-
monwealth of Puerto Rico.
(5) "quarters" means quarters owned or
leased by the Government.
(6) "facilities" means household furniture
and equipment, garage space, utilities, sub-
sistence, and laundry service.
(7) "member" and "uniformed services"
have the meanings given them by section
101 of title 37. United States Code.
Sec. 2. Whenever conditions of employ-
ment or of availability of quarters warrant
such action, the head of each agency may
provide, directly or by contract, any employee
stationed in the United States, with quarters
and facilities.
Svc. 3. Rental rates for quarters provided
for an employee under section 2 of this Act
or occupied on a rental basis by an employee
or a member of the uniformed services under
any other provision of law, and charges for
facilities made available in connection with
the occupancy of such quarters, shall be based
on the reasonable value of the quarters and
facilities to the employee or the member of
the uniformed services concerned. In the
circumstances under which the quarters and
facilities are provided, occupied. or made
available. The amounts of such rates and
charges shall be paid by, or deducted from
the salary of, such employee or member of
the uniformed services, or otherwise charged
against him in accordance with law. The
amounts of payroll deductions for such rates
and charges shall remain in the applicable
appropriation or fund. but, whenever pay-
ment of such rates and charges is made by
any other method, the amounts of payment
shall be credited to the Government as pro-
vided by law.
Sac. 4. Whenever, as an incidental service
in support of a program of the Government,
any quarters and facilities are provided, by
appropriate authority of the Government, to
any person other than an employee or a
member of the uniformed services, the rates
and charges therefor shall be determined In
accordance with this Act. The amounts of
the payments of such rates and charges shall
be credited to the Government as provided
by law.
Sze. 5. An employee or a member of the
uniformed services shall not be required to
occupy quarters on a rental basis unless the
head of the agency concerned shall determine
that necessary service cannot be rendered,
or that property of the Government cannot
adequately be protected, otherwise.
Sec. 6. The President may Issue regulations
governing the provision, occupancy, and
availability of quarters and ,facilities, the
determination of rates and charges therefor,
and other related matters, as are necessary
and appropriate to carry out the provisions
of this Act. The head of each agency may
prescribe and issue such regulations, not
inconsistent with the regulations of the
President, as may be necessary and appropri-
ate to carry out the functions of such agency
head under this Act.
SEC. 7. Section 3 of this Act shall not be
held or considered to repeal or modify any
provision of law authorizing the provision
of quarters or facilities, either without charge
or at rates or charges specifically fixed by law.
Sec. 8. Section 3 of the Act of March 5.
1928 (45 Stat. 193; 5 U.S.C. 75a), is hereby
repealed.
Sec. 9. The foregoing provisions of this
Act shall become effective on the sixtieth
day following the date of enactment of this
Act.
And to amend the title so as to read:
"An act to authorize Government agen-
cies to provide quarters and facilities to
civilian officers, and employees of the
Government, and for other purposes."
Mr. McCLElLAN. Mr. President, I
move that the Senate concur in the
House amendments. I have checked the
question with the senior member of the
committee from which the bill was re-
ported, the ranking member of the com-
mittee on the minority side of the aisle,
and also with the minority leadership.
So far as I know, there are no objections
to the amendments of the House of Rep-
resentatives.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
question is on agreeing to the motion of
the Senator from Arkansas.
The motion was agreed to.
BEEF EXPORTS-BEEF PURCHASE
PROGRAM
Mr. McGEE. Mr. President, this body
recently took action, In approving higher
quotas for imported red meat, to improve
the lot of the hard-pressed American
cattleman. At the time when that ac-
tion was taken, I pointed out that this
problem and the plight of the cattleman
are of such dimensions that no single
action alone will provide the necessary
improvement in fat cattle prices.
I was pleased to note in the August
issue of the Wyoming Stockman Farmer,
an excellent journal published monthly
in Cheyenne, Wyo., an editorial on
the need to promote the sale of American
beef abroad and an article detailing the
beef purchase program of the Depart-
ment of Agriculture.
The editorial and the article demon-
strate the awareness that we must be
working on all fronts to ease the cost-
price squeeze which has caught our cat-
tlemen. I ask unanimous consent that
both the editorial and the article be
printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
and the article were ordered to be printed
in the RECORD, as follows:
[From the Wyoming Stockman-Farmer,
August 1964)
MORE PROMOTION
Although, as most of our readers will
agree, we ordinarily are opposed to Govern-
ment directives, and certainly still feel that
wide-open beef imports have had a depress-
ing effect on cattle prices. nevertheless, we
also are in favor of promoting a product.
And, thus we will have to applaud the efforts
of Government, and livestock leaders, to seek
new markets for Wyoming's agricultural
products.
Jay Taylor, cattleman of Amarillo, Tex.,
and chairman of the special expert Advisory
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