INTER-AMERICAN FOREIGN MINISTERS CONFERENCE

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• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP66B00403R000200170028-0
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 6
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: January 3, 2005
• Sequence Number: 28
• Publication Date: July 27, 1964
• Content Type: OPEN

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(Mr. GONZALEZ (at the request of Mr.
MARsH), was given pe ssion to extend
his remar`k's at this point in the RECORD
and to include extraneous matter.)
[Mr. GONZALEZ' remarks will appear
hereafter in` the Appendix.]
WHAT'S BEHIND THE HARLEM"
RIOTS
(Mr. WAGOON1~1Ef (at the request of
of Mr. }LARSHT) was given. permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to `include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. WAGGONNER. Mr. Speaker, I
have listened for a week` now to the
pious statements of the `mob leaders in
New Rork City. Every possible excuse
has been dredged up to explain, condone,
sympathize and remove theresponsi-
bility for the, mass ? terror the rioters
have brpt ght to the Nation's largest city.
Final1y, the=real reason has been nailed
to the, wall tip Reporter Jimmy Breslin
uvlting in Friday, July 24, Washington
Post..,
They are not rioting for jobs, votes,
memory of the knife wielding at-
te,cker_~Telnes._Powell, or for any of the
other; high-flown reasons some would
have us belieye
As Isr Breslin puts it, "They riot in
the streets for',thgmselves."
Here is Mr,Breslin'sfull account.
Again, r say that those who supported
street riots a -a legitimate exercise of
freedom, who have promoted civil dis-
obedience and ellcourged_ what is now
taking place in New Cork --it-,Can-wash
their bands like Pilate and cry out that
no mat,'s. blood Ls upon them, but they
cannot escape this responsibility.
The article referred to follows:
tEy Jimmy Breslin)
l~ r Ypax, July 23. This afternoon, every-
body was getting ready for the fifth straight
night of rioting in few 'York City and by now,
the name,gf Jarries Powell is so far In the
lzac -ground that It is only a symbol. A faint
symbol, because you wonder how many of
these kids who are running in the streets
eVcn lbw James Ppwell's name, These kids
who iavc made: we tide worst
hi week in the
history of the city ofIew or'- have not done
it,$or the memory of anybody.
They riot in the streets for themselves.
You could see t at this afternoon, In a place
ealle&D,~an l)iacplxnt end, which is a store
on Broaway in Brooklyn.
The kid came o#I the, hot street and into
the store with lSZng steps and his shoulders
it In up and down. When nobody came
offer to take Care of him, he began to snap
his fingers.
ay there," he said.
RAlN{.`OAT WANTED
The.owner, Jack Lieblein, was at a counter,
fixing a pile of shirts. He did not look up.
"Say there," the kid said "Say, my man.
es, can I help you?" Lieblein said.
`
"Say there. Say, you know that raincoat
you got out in the window there? I like that
raincoat, That raincoat fit me pretty good,
'
"
won
t it?
Lieblein looked up. The kid was thin. He
had on plaid bermuda shorts and a blue polo
shirt and he was wearing sneakers. His Race
was almost covered with sunglasses.
TFf5EAT OF LOOTING
"No, I ain't got time now," the kid said.
"I be back later and get my coat."
Then the kid gave you the stage wait.
Then his mouth opened and the white teeth
showed in a big smile.
"Yeah, I be back later. I be back at
I o'clock in the mornin' and we goin' kick
In your window and I take that raincoat right
out of your window and wear it home, you
white bastard."
The kid broke into a laugh and turned and
walked out of the store and back onto Broad-
way in Brooklyn.
Lieblein went to the phone and called for
carpenters. He had his place boarded up and
he closed early and went home Thursday
night and hoped the police could do some-
thing during the night.
"It's up to them," he was saying. "What
can I do? It's a police matter."
HOW LONG?
It Is. And this is all that it is. These riots
by now have nothing to do with civil rights.
They are criminal acts and they are being
committed by criminals and the most dan-
gerous question of all, as darkness fell Thurs-
day night and the police put on tin helmets,
was how long can the police stand in the
streets and have bottles thrown at them from
rooftops, or iron bars aimed at them from
someplace in a dark street? How long are
they going to take it?
How long? How long until it rains? How
long until thin tempers give away? Or how
long until these kids finally back off?
THE REPUBLICAN PLATFORM
The SPEAKER. Under previous order
of the House, the gentleman from Wis-
consin [Mr. LAIRD] Is recognized for 45
minutes.
[Mr. LAIRD addressed the House. His
remarks will appear hereafter in the
INTER-AMERICAN FOREIGN MINISTERS CONFERENCE
The SPEAKER. Under previous order
of the House, the gentleman from Ala-
bama [Mr. SELDEN] is recognized for 30
minutes.
(Mr. SELDEN was given permission to
revise and extend his remarks and to
include extraneous matter.)
Mr. SELDEN. Mr. Speaker, last week
the Pan American Union here in Wash-
ington was the scene of an inter-Ameri-
can Foreign Ministers Conference. The
meeting, the ninth meeting of Consulta-
tion of Foreign Ministers, resulted from
a Venezuelan charge that Cuba was
sponsoring subversive activities aimed
at overthrowing Venezuela's democratic
institutions.
Venezuela accused Cuba of aggression
after authorities discovered a 3-ton cache
and a plan to use the smuggled weapons
to capture the city of Caracas while the
Venezuelan Army was guarding polling
places throughout the country during
elections. Venezuela demanded that
sanctions, specified by the Inter-Ameri-
can Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, be
invoked against Cuba.
It was my privilege to attend the For-
eign Ministers Conference as a congres-
sional adviser to the U.S. delegation. The
other congressional advisers included
Representative WILLIAM MAILLIARD, Re-
16413
publican, of California; Senator WAYNE
MORSE, Democrat, of Oregon; and Sen-
ator BOURKE HICKENLOOPER, Republican,
of Iowa.
At the Foreign Ministers Conference,
there was never any question of Cuba's
guilt. Last February a five-nation OAS
Investigating committee incontestably
substantiated Venezuela's charges. The
only question facing the Foreign Min-
isters assembled in Washington was:
What should the OAS do in this proven
case of Castro-Communist subversion?
As chairman of the House Subcommit-
tee on Inter-American Affairs, I have
followed carefully developments in Latin
America and often have been critical of
the reluctance of the inter-American se-
curity system to face up to the threat
of Castro communism. Even after
Castro's Marxist-Leninist ties were well
established, even after 16 American na-
tions had broken relations with Cuba in
protest of Castro's machinations in their
countries, a number of Latin American
nations clung to a narrow interpreta-
tion- of the Inter-American Treaty of
Reciprocal Assistance. In their legalistic
view, the sanctions provided by the Rio
Treaty could be invoked only in the case
of direct armed aggression.
This limited interpretation of what
constitutes "aggression" created a huge
gap in the machinery of the inter-Amer-
ican security system. 'Thus narrowly in-
terpreted, the Rio Treaty-created in
1947 before the Communists had em-
barked from a hemispheric base on their
more subtle tactics of subversion-stood
impotent to cope with modern aggressive
techniques.
Congress was well aware that a dis-
tinction between old-fashioned "armed
aggression" and aggression by subversion
was no longer relevant and that both
constituted threats to the security of the
hemisphere. A joint resolution passed
both Houses in late September, 1963-
Senate Joint Resolution 230, signed Oc-
tober 3, 1963-which stated:
The United States Is determined to pre-
vent by whatever means may be necessary,
including the use of arms, the Marxist-Len-
inist regime in Cuba from extending by force
Or the threat of force, its aggressive or sub-
versive activities to any part of the hemi-
sphere.
In early 1963 the Subcommittee on In-
ter-American Affairs of which I am
chairman held hearings to explore the
Communist subversive threat in the
hemisphere. In our report of April 4,
1963, we found:
-Although the inter-American collective
security system is prepared to meet the pos-
sibility of open military aggression by Com-
munist forces against nations of the hemis-
phere, no plan for collective action against
Communist subversive aggression has been
put into effect.
We further stated:
Communist potential for aggression can-
not be measured solely in terms of regular
military forces of "offensive" capabilities.
The fact that Castro Communist forces in
Cuba are incapable without outside assist-
ance of mounting successfully a traditional
military "offensive" blow in the hemisphere
does not minimize the Communist threat to
inter-American security.
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Prophetically, we noted :
Venezuela is the primary target for Cuban-
based Communist subversive aggression.
In its recommendations, the subcom-
mittee stated:
The distinction between "aggressive" and
"subversive" activities is without slgniti-
cance. Subversive activities, as conducted
by -Communist forces in the world today,
represent as certain a form of aggression
as direct military aggression.
It Is recommended that the threat posed
by the aggressive capability of Castro Com-
munist subversion be dealt with "by what-
ever means may be necessary" in the se-
curity interests of the United States and all
the nations of the' Western Hemisphere.
The subcommittee also recommended
that "the United States should seek the
complete diplomatic and economic quar-
antine of Commuist Cuba by other na-
tions of the hemisphere."
In view of past efforts and frustrations
with the inter-American collective se-
curity system, it gives me satisfaction
to report to you today the outcome of the
deliberations of the Foreign Ministers
Conference.
The old arguments attempting to dis-
tinguish between subversion and aggres-
sion were present throughout the meet-
ing. But realism prevailed. The final
act of the ninth meeting of consultation
of Ministers of Foreign Affairs at last
brings the Inter-American security sys-
tem into the 1960's.
At the conclusion of my remarks, I
shall Insert the entire final act of the
conference. At this time I should like
to examine more closely the first resolu-
tion, for it is this resolution which final-
ly abandons the anachronistic interpre-
tation of the Rio Treaty and makes the
treaty an effective instrument to cope
collectively with modern aggression by
subversion.
What does the first resolution do?
First, it brands subversion committed by
-Castro's Cuba in Venezuela as aggres-
sion, affecting all the member states.
Hence, the Rio Treaty is applicable.
Then it proceeds to apply some of the
collective sanctions provided for by arti-
cle 8 of the Rio Treaty. The Foreign
Ministers agreed-by a vote of 14 yeas,
4 nays, and I abstention-that the
American states not maintain diplomatic
or consular relations with the Govern-
ment of Cuba; by a vote of 14 yeas, 4
nays, and 1 abstention, that the govern-
ments of the American states suspend
their trade, whether direct or indirect,
with Cuba, except foodstuffs, medicines,
and medical equipment that may be sent
to Cuba for humanitarian reasons; and,
by a vote of 14 yeas, 3 nays, and 2 ab-
stentions, that the governments of the
American states suspend all sea trans-
portation between their countries and
Cuba, except for such transportation as
may be necessary for reasons of a hu-
manftarian nature. These sanctions are
mandatory upon all members of the
OAS.
The resolution also contains a state-
ment urging other states "that are ani-
mated by the same ideals as the inter-
American system to examine the possi-
bility of effectively demonstrating their
solidarity in achieving the purposes of
this resolution." In short, the American
Republics ask the cooperation of our non-
Western Hemisphere allies in making ef-
fective the trade quarantine of Castro's
Cuba. Hence, we are no longer alone in
requesting cooperation of our Western
allies. Now, the entire hemisphere re-
gional system is on record in support of
the U.S. position in this matter. Fur-
thermore, now that the Latin American
Republics themselves have banned trade
with Cuba, there no longer remains any
ambiguity in the United States pressing
countries outside the region to cut off
their trade while some Latin American
countries themselves engage in it.
The first resolution also warns the
Government of Cuba. and I quote:
If It should persist in carrying out acts that
possess characteristics of aggression and in-
tervention against one or more of the member
states of the Organization, the member states
shall preserve their essential rights as sover-
eign states by the use of self-defense in either
Individual or collective form, which could
go no far as resort to armed force, until such
time as the Organ of Consultation takes
measures to guarantee the peace and secu-
rity of the hemisphere.
This measure passed by a vote of 15 in
favor, 4 against.
Thus, the inter-American system has
solemnly warned Castro and his cohorts
that any new attempts to subvert an
American Republic can bring quick
armed retaliation, without the necessity
of prior consultation. This sets the stage
for prompt deterrent action.
Throughout the Conference, I have
seen press speculation to the effect that
condemnation of Castro's Cuba and any
sanctions voted, unless secured by unani-
mous vote or near unanimity, would lose
their psychological value and split the
hemisphere.
Singlemindedness on complex issues,
as we know, is difficult to obtain even
in national legislatures. Most legislation
requires a simple majority. I would re-
mind Members that the authors of the
Rio Treaty, mindful of the seriousness of
invoking punitive sanctions against a
member state, specified a two-thirds vote
rather than a simple majority.- The cry,
now, for unanimity is indeed a spacious
argument.
The final act of the Conference passed
by a vote of 15 to 4-Venezuela, having
brought the complaint, could not vote.
The fact is, then, that the OAS members,
by more than the necessary two-thirds
vote, have condemned Cuba's subversive
acts and invoked both economic and dip-
lomatic sanctions to further quarantine
the culprit.
The 26th of July first became signifi-
cant in hemisphere history as the name
of Castro's movement to restore Cuba
to democratic processes. With the per-
version of the original movement into a
tyrannical Communist dictatorship, the
26th of July became synonomous with
treachery. The date has again been ele-
vated to an honorable place in the West-
ern Hemisphere. Ironically, it was at
12:15 a.m., Sunday, July 26, 1964, that
the American Republics voted to con-
demn and punish Castro's Communist
Cuba-an encouraging step toward the
day when the original goals of the 26th
of July will again be the guiding spirit of
the Cuban people.
As one who has consistently urged a
strong position by both the United States
and the Organization of American States
with regard to Cuba, I personally will
never be satisfied until the Cuban peo-
ple have been freed from the yoke of
communism. However, the resolutions
just passed by the American foreign min-
isters are a welcome step In the direction
of that goal.
FINAL Ac-r--NINTH MEETING OF CONSULTATION
OF MINISTERS OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, SzavINo
AS ORGAN OT CONSULTATION IN APPLICATION
OF INTER-AMERICAN TREATY OF RECIPROCAL
ASSISTANCE
1. APPLICATION OF MEASURESTo THE PRESENT
GOVERNMENT OF CUBA
The ninth meeting of Consultation of Min-
isters of Foreign Affairs, Serving as Organ of
Consultation in Application of the Inter-
American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance,
Having seen the report of the Investigating
Committee designated on December 3, 1963,
by the Council of the Organization of Ameri-
can States, acting provisionally as Organ of
Consultation, and
Considering that the said report establishes
among its conclusions that "the Republic of
Venezuela has been the target of a series of
actions sponsored and directed by the Gov-
ernment of Cuba, openly intended to subvert
Venezuelan institutions and to overthrow
the democratic Government of Venezuela
through terrorism, sabotage, assault, and
guerrilla warfare," and
That the aforementioned acts, like all acts
of intervention and aggression, conflict with
the principles and aims of the inter-American
system,
Resolves:
1. To declare that the acts verified by the
Investigating Committee constitute an ag-
gresslon and an intervention on the part of
the Government of Cuba in the Internal af-
fairs of Venezuela, which affects all of the
member states.
2. To condemn emphatically the present
Government of Cuba for its acts of aggression
and of intervention against the territorial in-
violability, the sovereignty, and the political
Independence of Venezuela.
3. To apply, in accordance with the provi-
sione of Articles 8 and 8 of the Inter-American
Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, the follow-
ing measures:
(a) That the governments of the American
states not maintain diplomatic or consular
relations with the Government of Cuba;
(b) That the governments of the American
states suspend all their trade, whether direct
or Indirect, with Cuba, except in foodstuffs,
medicines, and medical equipment that may
be sent to Cuba for humanitarian reasons;
and
(c) That the governments of the American
states suspend all Bea transportation between
their countries and Cuba, except for such
transportation as may be necessary for rea-
sons of a humanitarian nature.
4. To authorize the Council of the Or-
ganization of American States, by an af-
ilrmtive vote of two thirds of its members,
to discontinue the measures adopted in the
present resolution at such time as the Gov-
ernment of Cuba shall have ceased to con-
stitute a danger to the peace and security
of the hemisphere.
5. To warn the Government of Cuba that
If it should persist in carrying out acts that
possess characteristics of aggression and
intervention against one or more of the
member states of the Organization, the mem-
her states shall preserve their essential rights
as sovereign states by the use of self-defense
in either individual or collective form, which
could go so far as resort to armed force, un-
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tv
OMWi
RESSYC NAL IRECO l - HOUSE
til such time as the Organ of Consultation
takes measures to guarantee the peace and
eecurit,_y of the hemisphere.
13 To. ur a those states not members of
the Organzat3on of American States that
are, animated by the same ideals as the inter-
American system to examine the possibility
of effectively demonstrating their solidarity
in achieving the purposes of this resolution.
'1. To Instruct the Secretary General of
the Organization of American States to
transmit to the United Nations Security
Council the text of the present resolution,
in accordance with the provisions of Article
f, of the ifnited Nations Charter.
'r2. DECLARATION TO THENPEOpLE? OF btrea
Whereas:
The preamble to the Charter of the Or-
ganization of American States declares that,
"the historic mission of America is to offer to
man a land of liberty, and a favorable en-
vironment for the development of his per-
sonality and the realization of his just as-
pirations" and that "the true significance
of American solidarity and good neighbor-
liness can only mean "the consolidation on
this continent, within the framework of
democratic Institutions, of a system of in-
dividualliberty and social justice based on
respect for the essential rights of man";
The Charter of the Organization declares
'thacthe solidarity of the American states
Arid the high purposes "toward which it is
dedicated "demand that the political organi-
zation of these-states be based on the effec-
tive exercise of representative democracy;
- Ila.e Charter also proclaims "the funda-
mntental r hts of the-individual" and reaf-
Ttrnvsthattile""education of peoples should
be directed toward justice, freedom, and
The Declaration of Santiago, Chile,
adopted by the Fifth Meeting of Consulta-
tion of Ministers of Foreign Affairs and signed
by the present `Cuban Government, pro-
claimed that the faith of peoples of Amer-
fCp_ in the eiiecti've exercise of representa-
tive democracy, is the-best vehicle for the pro-
, otion of their social and political progress
(ResolutionXCV of the Tenth Inter-Amer-
ican Conference), while well-planned and
intensive development of the economies of
the American countries and improvement in
the standard of -living of their peoples rep-
resent the best and firmest foundation on
which the,practical exercise of democracy
and ,the stabilization of their institutions
Can be esta6lishieed;
The Ninth International Conference of
American States-condemned "the methods of
every system tending to suppress political
and civil' rights and liberties, and in par-
ticular the action of international commu-
nisni or any o'the'r totalitarian doctrine";
The present Government of Cuba, identify-
ins Itself with the principles of Marxist-
Leninist ideology, has established a political,
economic, and social system alien to the
:democratic and `Christian traditions of the
American fainilyof Nations and contrary to
the principles of juridical organization upon
which 'rest the security and peaceful har-
mCllious' relations of the peoples of the
hemisphere; anti
The exclusion of the present Government
Of Cuba Tram participation-in the" inter-
American system, by virtue of"the provisions
of I$erblution - VI of the Eighth Meeting of
or}sultation Of :Ministers of Foreign Affairs,
11y no 'means signifies any intention to deny
the Cuban people their rightful place in the
c tiunuinity of American peoples;
e I?;nth Meeting of Consultation of Min-
isters of l oreign airs, ervrng as Organ
of Consultation to It placation of the Inter-
American Treaty of ciprocal Assistance,
Iec1eres;
That .the free peoples of the Americas are
:Convinced `that'the inter-American system
2 o.143-3
offers to the Cuban people unequaled condi-
tions for the realization of their ideals of
peace, liberty, and social and economic
progress;
That the peoples belonging-to the inter-
American system are in complete sympathy
with the Cuban people in all their sufferings,
in the face of the total loss of their liberty
both in the spiritual domain and in the so-
cial and economic field, the denial of their
most elementary human rights, the burden
of their persecutions, and the destruction of
a legal system that was open to improve-
ment and that offered the possibility of sta-
bility; and
That, within this spirit of solidarity, the
free peoples of America cannot and must not
remain indifferent to or uninterested in the
fate of the noble Cuban people, which is op-
pressed by a dictatorship that renounces the
Christian and democratic traditions of the
American peoples; and in consequence
Expresses :
1. Its profound concern for the fate of the
brother people of Cuba.
2. Its deepest hope that the Cuban people,
strengthened by confidence in the solidarity
with them of the other American peoples
and governments, will be able, by their own
endeavor, very soon to liberate themselves
from the tyranny of the Communist regime
that oppresses them and to establish in that
country a government freely elected by the
will of the people that will assure respect
for fundamental human rights.
3. Its firm conviction that the emphatic
condemnation of the policy of the present
Cuban Government of aggression and inter-
vention against Venezuela will be taken by
the people of Cuba as a renewed stimulus for
its hope there will come to prevail In that
country a climate of freedom that will offer
to man in Cuba a favorable environment for
the development of his personality and the
realization of his just aspirations.
III. REGIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC
COORDINATION
Whereas:
The objectives of liberty and democracy
that inspire. the inter-American system,
threatened as they are by communist sub-
version, cannot be fully attained If the peo-
ples of the states that compose it lack ade-
quate and sufficient means for bringing
about vigorous social progress and better
standards of living;
The persistence of a situation in which
the world is divided into areas of poverty
and plenty is a serious obstacle to any possi-
bility that may present itself in the Ameri-
can hemisphere for achieving an econom-
ically more just society;
Harmonious and decisive action is indis-
pensable, In both the regional and the in-
ternational spheres, to combat the causes of
economic underdevelopment and social back-
wardness, since prosperity and world peace
based on the freedom of man cannot be
achieved unless all the American countries
attain, equality In the economic and social
field;
In particular, the continued existence of
such a state of underdevelopment and
poverty among large sectors of mankind,
which becomes more acute in spite of the
world increase in wealth and the advance of
science and technology from which these
sectors cannot derive full benefit; encourages
the subversive action of International com-
munism;
The countries of Latin America expressed
their aspirations in the Charter of Alta
Gracia and declared their determined inten-
tion to work together to build a better world
in which there will be a more equitable dis-
tribution of income;
The Conference on Trade and Develop-
ment, held recently in .Geneva, provided a
forum for a full discussion of the problems
of international economies and established
'16415
the basis for adequate solutions to problems
arising in the fields of raw materials, manu-
factured products, and international financ-
ing; and
The instruments adopted at the two afore-
mentioned meetings supplement and per-
fect those signed at the Special Meeting of
the Inter-American Economic and Social
Council held at Punta del Este in August
1961, and especially, the Charter of Punta
del Este,
The Ninth Meeting of Consultation of
Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Serving as Organ
of Consultation in Application of the Inter-
American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance,
Declares: That the aims of unity and peace
with liberty and democracy pursued in the
struggle against international communism,
which threatens the stability of the insti-
tutions of the inter-American system and
of the countries that compose it, must be
achieved by eliminating those obstacles that
hinder social progress and economic develop-
ment, and
Resolves:
1. To reaffirm the determined will of their
peoples to work, in the regional and interna-
tional spheres, for the achievement of the
objectives expressed in the Charter of Alta
Gracia and at the Conference on Trade and
Development, which are In line with the
alms and purposes of the Alliance for
Progress.
2. To request the inter-American Econom-
ic and Social Council to continue the nec-
essary studies In order to find adequate
solutions to the problems involved.
IV. DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS AMONG THE
MEMBER. STATES
The Ninth Meeting of Consultation of Min.
isters of Foreign Affairs, Serving as Organ of
Consultation in Application of the Inter.
American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance,
Resolves: To transmit to the Council of
the Organization of American States the
draft 'resolution "Diplomatic Relations
Among the Member States," presented by
the Delegation of Argentina (Document No.
30, Rev. 2).
V. VOTE OF RECOGNITION
The Ninth Meeting of Consultation of
Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Serving as Or-
gan of Consultation in Application of the
Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assist-
ance,
Resolves: To congratulate His Excellency
Mr. Vasco Leitao da Cunha, Minister of State
for Foreign Affairs of Brazil, on the wise and
intelligent manner in which he guided the
deliberations of the Meeting.
VI. VOTE OF THANKS
The Ninth Meeting of Consultation of
Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Serving as Or-
gan of Consultation in Application of the
Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assist-
ance,
Resolves:
1, to express to His Excellency Mr. Josd
A. Mora, Secretary General of the Organiza-
tion of American States, its appreciation for
all the attentions and courtesies extended
to the delegates In connection with this
Meeting.
2. To place on record its gratitude to the
Secretary General of the Meeting, Mr. Wil-
liam Sanders, and to all who collaborated
with him, for the manner in which the ad-
visory and secretariat services of the Meeting
were organized and carried out.
3. To offer its appreciation to the hemi-
sphere and world press and other informa,.
tion media for the efficient service they ren-
dered to the Meeting'
STATEMENTS
Statement of Chile
The Delegation of Chile abstained from
voting on paragraphs 1 and 2 of the opera-
tive part of Resolution I, because of its
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - H%.,JSE -. -July 27
doubts regarding the legality of the use of
the term "aggression" in describing the acts.
It, voted negatively on paragraph S. because
it is _ firmly convinced that the measures
agreed to are not appropriate to the particu-
lar case that has brought about the applica-
tion of the Inter-American Treaty of Recip-
rocal Assistance. It also voted against para-
gtapb 5, because it believes that there are
discrepancies between the provisions of that
paragraph and those of Article 51 of the
Charter of the United Nations and of Article
8 at, the Riot Treaty. With reference to its
abstention on paragraph 8, its attitude is
consistent withthe attitude taken with re-
spect to the measures called for in para-
graph 3.
The Delegation of Chile abstained from
voting on the Declaration to the People of
Cuba since, although agreeing with Its basic
content, it maintains relations with the Re-
public of Cuba and since it believes precisely
in the principle of nonintervention, It has
deemed it preferable not to give positive sup-
port to this resolution,
Statement of Mexico
The Delegation of Mexico wishes to make
It a matter of record in the Final Act, that the
Government of Mexico:
I . Is convinced that the measures provided
for in the third paragraph of the operative
part of Resolution I (which the Delegation of
Mexico voted against) lack foundation Inse-
much as the Inter-American Treaty of Recip-
rocal Assistance does not envisage, in any
part, the application of such measures in
situations of the kind and nature dealt with
by this Meeting of Consultation.
2. Makes a specific reservation to the fifth
paragraph of the operative part of the same
resolution since it endeavors to extend, In
such a way as to be incompatible with the
provisions of Articles 3 and 10 of the Inter-
American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, the
right to individual or collective self-defense.
3. Reiterates without reservations Its "will
to cooperate permanently in the fulfillment
of the principles and purposes of a policy of
peace," to which "is essentially related" the
"obligation of mutual assistance and com-
mon defense of the American Republics," in
accordance with the provisions of paragraph
Ave of the Preamble of the Inter-American
Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance.
In witness whereof, the Ministers of For-
eign Affairs sign the present final act.
Done in the Pan American Union, Wash-
ington, D.C? United States of America, in the
four ofilclal languages of the Organization,
on July 26, 1064, The Secretary General shall
deposit the original of the final act in the
archives of the Pan American Union, which
will transmit the authenticated copies there-
of to the governments of the American
republics.
For Chile:
For Colombia:
For Bolivia:
For Guatemala:
For Venezuela:
For Brazil:
For El Salvador:
For Uruguay:
For the Dominican Republic:
For Ecuador:
Por Costa Rica:
For Paraguay:
For Haiti:
Per Nicaragua:
For Panama:
For Mexico:
For Peru:
For the United States of America:
For Argentina:
For Honduras:
Mr, MAILLIARD. Mr. Speaker, will Mr. SEI..DEN. I yield to the gentleman conference at Punta Del Este. There was
the gentleman yield? from Iowa. a feeling in the Congress that very real-
Mr. SEMEN. I yield to the gentle- Mr. GROSS. Do I correctly under- istic assistance could be provided Mem-
man from California [Mr. MAnLLUtan], stand that Mexico was one of the four bers of Congress even though they would
also a member of the Advisory Group
who attended the Conference of Foreign
Ministers.
Mr. MAILLLI RD. May I say that I
would like to commend the gentleman
from Alabama for the statement he has
made, and in which I concur, and also
to add, after having attended the meet-
ings held during the past week, that
while in connection with the end re-
sults perhaps each of us could have
added something, and each of us may
have had our own Ideas and may not
be In full accord with the resolution that
was approved, I think It is an enormous
step ahead and It greatly strengthens
the Organization of American States.
It gives promise to improvement In the
situation as time goes on.
I particularly think that our own rep-
resentatives, the Secretary of State, as
well as Assistant Secretary Mann and
Ambassador Bunker, are deserving of
thanks for the effective way in which
they functioned during the negotiations
at this meeting.
Mr. HALEY. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. SELDEN. I yield to the gentle-
man from Florida.
Mr. HALEY. May I inquire of the
gentleman if, in his opinion, In view of
the fact that certain nations seem to
adopt the attitude that they are not in-
terested in protecting the United States
in the situation we have in Cuba, our
AID people will now begin to tighten
the purse strings a little bit and keep
the American eagle flying down there
so that they will not build up the econ-
omy of those five nations. Evidently
they are not in sympathy with anything
we are doing and not In sympathy with
the democratic process of government.
Z wonder if now there will be some move-
ment on the part of the people In charge
of the programs down there to forget
the nations that forgot about us and
aid the nations that have not.
Mr. SELDEN. The resolution that was
adopted is mandatory. I would hope the
nations who voted against It will comply
with its mandatory provisions. However,
as far as the gentleman's question is
concerned, that decision will be made
by the executive branch of the Govern-
ment.
Mr. MAILLIARD. If the gentleman
will yield, just to correct the record, the
gentleman from Florida said five na-
tions voted against the resolution. There
were only four. There were 15 votes
for the resolution and 4 against it on
the final vote. Under the rule, Vene-
zuela. that brought the charges against
there were only four votes against It. I "' want to get a plug in here now for
share with the gentleman from Alabama the continuation of the system which al-
the hope that since this is mandatory lows Members of Congress to attend these
these nations will do what they are ob- international meetings. As I recall, this
ligated to do. I am hopeful that two has not always been the case. But if my
will comply promptly, and possibly the memory serves me correctly, under the
other two also. last administration the gentlemen from
Mr. GROSS. Mr. Speaker, will the Alabama and some other Members of the
gentleman yield? Congress from both Houses attended the
countries that refused to vote for the
resolution?
Mr. SELDEN. There were four na-
tions that voted against it. They were
Mexico, Bolivia, Chile, and Uruguay.
Mr. GROSS. I want to commend the
gentleman for his statement, but I must
say I am deeply disappointed that Mex-
ico, which has been in all too many re-
spects a transmission belt into Cuba, de-
clined to join in this movement against
Cuba. I only regret that the bill that
came before the House, I believe it was
a week ago today, that provided some
recognition on the part of the United
States for Mexico, has been passed. Cer-
tainly no bill of that nature could pass
the House under unanimous consent
today in view of the Mexican attitude
toward Cuba. I am very disappointed
that Mexico refused to vote against the
repudiation of Cuban communism in
Central and South America. In my opin-
ion, the Mexican Government could have
done far better in their relationship with
this country than this.
Mr. WAGGONNER. Mr. Speaker, will
the gentleman yield?
Mr. SELDEN. I yield to the gentle-
man from Louisiana.
Mr. WAGGONNER. I would like to
commend the gentleman from Alabama
[Mr. SELDEN) for bringing to the atten-
tion of the House the action taken over
the weekend by the Organization of
American States against Cuba. I must
express, too, regret that there are some
nations that still do not see the situa-
tion as we do. I trust they will abide by
the sanctions, however. I must express
some satisfaction that we have made
some progress. The situation Is improv-
ing, and I am pleased we finally have
taken further steps in the right direction
after too much delay.
Mr. SELDEN. I thank my colleague,
the gentleman from Louisiana.
Mr. FASCELL. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. SELDEN. I yield to the gentle-
man from Florida (Mr. FAscvLLl.
Mr. FASCELL. As a member of the
subcommittee headed by the distin-
guished gentleman from Alabama, I wel-
come the opportunity to listen to his
report which he makes as one of the con-
gressional observers at this ninth For-
eign Ministers meeting of the Organiza-
tion of American States.
I want to compliment him for the
years of personal interest that he has
had in this entire problem of Cuba and
Latin America, and also specifically for
the time and effort which he and his
counterpart on the other side of the
aisle have spent In attending this con-
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 '+E 1964-.__ Approve d+ 1 0M REFi
not be official members of the U.S. 'dele-
gation.' Of course, as history has shown,
this wasvery -true with respect to the
con4erence `at Punta Del Este. The
Members of the Congress there also made
a very. significant contribution to the de-
liberations. I know that the efforts of
Members of Congress at this recent Con-
ference of the Foreign Ministers of the
Organization of American States, aided
and reinforced the excellent work of the
U:S. delegation.
I want to commend the administration
for, its realistic approach In allowing
I embers of Congress `to participate in
these meetings as} part of of the U.S.
delegation. We would trust that this will
continue to be a useful instrumentality
for future conduct of these meetings.
Does not the gentleman from Alabama
agree and would he like to say something
on this point?
Mr. SELDEN. V agree with the views
of the gentleman from Florida that the
presence of Members of Congress from
both Rouses has-been helpful to the dele-
gation of the United States in the two
last conferences of Foreign Ministers
which I had the privilege to attend. I am
convinced the Members present were
able to effectively pass on ?to the repre-
sentatives'of the executive branch, as
well as to, the delegates from other na-
tions, the ideas of the Congress and of
the people.
Mr. PASCELL. I appreciate the gen-
tlemen's remarks. If the gentleman
would yield further, I' would trust that
this kind of cooperative effort will con-
-tinue. We believe it is not only extremely
helpful to the executive branch of the
Governmentbute we know it is very, very
helpful to the Members of`-Congress in
getting a better understanding not only
of what the executive is doing and is
trying to do, but also as to what the Con-
gress seeks to do and what its feelings
may be on the subject.
Mr. Speaker', I also want to associate
myself with the remarks made by the
able and distinguished gentleman from
Alabama in ht' -"A to this Mouse. As
one Who has also been critical not only of
U.S. policy but 11 of lack` of action by the
Organization of American `States, I must
say that the ' action taken by the foreign
ministers,is to,be commended as realistic
and a stung forward step in dealing with
thep roblem of communism in the West-
em, Hemisphere and the Castro govern-
ment particularly ,. can remember the
time when the question was raised and
not only by me but by many others as to
whether the Organization of American
States could suxvive the Castro s commu-
nism and whether itwas,,usta paper
organization because of its lack of action.
This is not now the case. Significant
recent events lave -indicated clearly to
all people-particularly to the Castro
government and to Castro himself-that
the Organization of American States is
indeed not a pa er organization but is an
organization of action, willing to move
and desirous ;of meeting the problems in
estern Hemisphere, and deter-
the Weste'rn'
mined to eliminate the Communist gov-
ernment of Cuba and communism., in the
Western .Hemisphere.
'T46 Conference at Funta del rte was
one of those, outlining the broad base of
16417
403R000200170028-0
principle for support of economic and the imperialistic designs of the Yankee
social reforms and the Alliance for Prog- Government of the United States.
ress,. When the American countries What would he call these leaders and
acted unanimously in support of the their governments had they not fought
blockade of Cuba during the missile Castro's design to subvert all other gov-
crisis in 1963 was another instance. ernments and make them Communist
This recent action of the ninth Con- reprints? Latin American governments
ference of Foreign Ministers Is the most are very sovereign and justifiably proud
recent significant event which shows of their fight for freedom, social and eco-
that the inter-American system, as rep- nomic justice. They do not need a Com-
resented by the Organization of Ameri- munist dictator to aid them by destroy-
can States, the oldest organization of its ing all concepts of individual dignity and
kind, is vital and active and prepared to freedom. Some people are critical that
deal. with problems on a strong and the vote in the OAS was not unanimous.
realistic basis. Of course, I would liked to have had such
Nothing demonstrates more eloquently a vote. But is not this indicative of the
the significance of this concerted action, sovereign right of diversity? After all.
this two-pronged offensive, and its effec- free people act freely and democratically,
tiveness than the reaction of self-pro- sometimes they even disagree when their
fessed Communist Castro. His cries- interests are identical.
we might say squeals-indicate that a Is not this democratic way better than
vital spot has been hit. The recent to be clubbed into submission the way
words of condemnation by the Commu- Castro wants to do it?
nist leader of the government in Cuba Mr. Speaker, we should not forget that
brings that point home-strongly. the head of the Communist government
it is one thing to vilify the United of Cuba and other Communists make
States and its Government because of its their appeal to the people of the world
policies or actions. But the sound of by saying that they are going to bring
damnation has even a more hollow sound about desirable political, social, and eco-
when the railings are against the action nomic reforms, and that the end justifies
of the other Latin Republics. The the means-that you can do it any way
proven charges were brought by a Latin at all, just so you get it done. They will
American Republic and the American engage in violence and subversion, in lies
countries responded by adopting a policy and deceit, in every known method, in-
of Isolating the offending government as eluding killing, to accomplish their pur-
a cancer in the Western Hemisphere and pose. The majority of free and demo-
as a danger to freedom and liberty. The cratic people in this country and else-
political and economic significance of where have never subscribed to this un-
this action certainly has not been lost on holy principle to achieve political domi-
the head of the Government of Cuba. nance, either at home and abroad, and I
We should not minimize in any way the hope they never will. will fight and
tremendous impact which the diplomatic die when necessary to preserve our beliefs
and economic sanctions taken by the Or- but we still adhere to the concepts of
ganization of American States and by a ethics, morality, religion, difference of
great majority of the Latin governments opinion, the worth and dignity of the
against the Government of Cuba. individual, and the orderly transfer of
Furthermore, for the first time in the power within our governmental system
inter-American system, and perhaps embracing these concepts.
anywhere in international organizations, In dealing with the obvious social and
governments have gotten together to economic reforms in Latin America, the
reach an agreement that subversion, as United States and other free people and
practiced by the Communists, is as ag- governments in Latin America have, in-
gressive and hostile as armed aggression. stead of subversion, violence, and Com-
This is certainly a major step in dealing munist conformity, chosen another
with the problem in the Western Hemi- method. A democratic way; achieved by
sphere through the OAS since it requires conference and discourse. I am speaking
no further meeting of consultation in of the Alliance for Progress, whereby
that body in order to take any action for Latin countries and American States
future, aggressive and subversive acts by have joined together in a massive pro-
the Castro government. The warning is gram of private initiative, governmental
clear that force can and will be used if assistance to bring about social and eco-
necessary. nomic reforms. With things getting done
This is not lost, either, upon the head and spectacular improvements every day,
of the Government of Cuba, as he pro- lack of reforms as a Communist rallying
nounces his purpose of subverting and of cry is becoming less and less effective and
destroying all the existing democratic there is less appeal for Castro's kind of
governments in Latin America in order to action which Includes subversion, vio-
conform them to his system of govern- lence, terror, dictatorial conformity, and
ment by dictatorship. doing anything to accomplish a purpose.
An interesting political gambit occurs. These concepts are those of a govern-
In his speech, the head of the Commu- ment which is dictatorial; a government
nist Government of Cuba was very criti- ,which has no idea of a constitution;
cal of the others heads of government in which does not believe in a free press
Latin America because they took this or, free speech, individual rights, or a
recent action concertedly to protect their representative form of government.
own governments and freedom, liberty, Rather it is a method of government
and, democracy in the Western Hemi- which would seek to crush all people into
sphere; and, because the United States one mold so as to make all of them do
haua single vote in this matter. he called what that dictatorial force wants done.
the action of these sovereign American The free and democratic countries of
countries the act of colonies conceding to Latin America and the United States in
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this OAS action have taken a strong step
for freedom and Castro cries, but I will
not be satisfied until the Communist
government of Cuba has been, replaced
with a free and democratic government,
Mr. SE=EN. Mr. Speaker, I thank
the gentleman from Florida for his con-
tributions to this discussion. The gentle-
man from Florida is a very able member
of the Subcommittee on Inter-American
Affairs and of the full Committee on
Foreign Affairs.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent
that all Members who have participated
In this discussion may have permission
to revise and extend their remarks.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there
objection to the request of the gentle-
man from Alabama?
There was no objection.
Mr. CRAM ER. Mr. Speaker, will the,
gentleman yield?
Mr. SELDEN. I yield to the gentle-
man from Florida.
Mr. CRAM. I am sorry I was not
here to hear all of the remarks of the
gentleman from Alabama, but I would
like to reflect, as one person, that I did
not feel that the Organization of Ameri-
can States went far enough. I felt that
the United States was a party to the
definite effort to water down the demands
made by Venezuela. I was sorely dis-
turbed to see, for instance, the proposal
that air transportation as well as sea
transportation with Cuba be prohibited
and there,be an embargo relating to air
transportation as well, was knocked out.
If #hat Is not done, then this airline
route from, Mexico City to Havana re-
mains open and there is a proven clear
and open line of subversion that remains
open. I thought that was to be one of.
the key elements of the entire program
to be developed at the. Organization of
American States meeting. That was
dropped and we did not fight against
their dropping It.
Second, I think the proposal that the
wording be continued to maintain rec-
ognition rather than initial stronger
wording of the proposals is something
else that we acceded to. Therefore, I
think,, yes, there was much done in the
right direction, but further I. think we
did not go far enough and In particular
in these two areas I think we should have
retained _a firm stand.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman
for yielding.
Mr. SELDEN. I am sorry that the
gentleman from . Florida [Mr. CRAMERl
was not here to hear my remarks, be-
cause I pointed out that while nothing
will satisfy me other than freedom for
the Cuban people, I thought the confer-
ence had taken some steps in the right
direction. The words, "not to maintain"
rather than "to break" relations were
put in and agreed on by our delegation
because there was the possibility that
some nations-might break relations and
then a 'new government might come in
and reestablish those relations. We felt
the words "not to maintain" were
stronger than the words "to break" and
would bind the nations affected until the
freedom of the Cuban people was as-
sured. The decision which allows the
continuance of air travel to Mexico in-
volves certain security matters which I
am not at liberty to discuss. In view of
the remarks of the gentleman from
Florida [Mr. CRA,scERl, I thought it was
necessary to make this explanation.
Mr. CRAMER. Mr. Speaker, if the
gentleman will yield further, I know full
well the gentleman's position, and I am
certainly not taking Issue with him and
never have because he does back firm
efforts to get rid of Castro's communism
in this hemisphere just as many of us
on this side do. I would like the RECORD
so to indicate, that I am not taking issue
with the gentleman, but I would further
like the RECORD to show that I am very
dissatisfied with our lack of firmness as
It relates In particular to our failure to
cut off airline transportation as well as
dealings by sea with Cuba and our fail-
ing to fully back Venezuela's demands
for a complete economic and political
quarantineof Cuba as well as assurances
of positive setups to end subversion and
arms drops by Cuban Communists.
SUPREME COURT'S DECISION ON
REAPPORTIONMENT
(Mr. HANNA (at the request of Mr.
MASSE) was given permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the RECORD,
and to Include extraneous matter.)
Mr. HANNA. Mr. Speaker, we may be
missing the most important point raised
by the Supreme Court's decision on ap-
portionment of State senate seats. To
me the crucial question raised is this:
Are we to become a political society based
solely on the quantitative assessment of
citizenship? I do not intend t4 argue
over the power of the Court to decide
what It has decided. It is not productive
to berate the logic or the basis of the
decision. I am ready to and have always
accepted the reality and the necessity of
the principle that elected officials repre-
sent people; not cows, not crops, not
acres, not arbitrary county lines, What
I am not ready or willing to accept is
the purely quantitative Inference that
flows from the deceptive, over-simplified
phrase-one man-one vote.
I ask, Mr. Speaker, that we pause to
inquire of ourselves about the nature of
the citizen we represent in the particular.
Is this citizen just a unit, a mathematical
cipher meaningful only in the signifi-
cance of his power to vote? Of course
not. The citizen has obvious qualitative
content as well as qualitative unit meas-
urement. A citizen does not operate in
a vacuum. He is part of a physical and
geographic environment which he acts
upon and reacts to. He is a part of an
economic activity, farming, fishing, man-
ufacturing or the like from which he
earns a living and acquires strong in-
terests. He Is -a part of an ethnic group
with greater or lesser meaning as to his
choices and attitudes. From all of these
Influences he becomes what he Is; his
interests are what they are; his rela-
tionships with others who share the com-
mon boundary of his State. Ali of these
and perhaps other factors determine the
attitude and posture of compatibility of
legislative Interest which prevails on a
given measure before his State legisla-
tive bodies.
ably 27
It appears to me, Mr. Speaker, that
the qualitative nature of the citizen of
the several States is entitled to impor-
tant consideration if the State can find
any reasonable formula to determine it.
We will all admit that it is far easier to
reduce such matters to the simpler ap-
proach of numerical consideration. We
could argue that some alinement of these
qualitative factors would be a byproduct.
I have urged in my own State, and I
would hope that the Supreme Court de-
cision does not preclude here the argu-
ment, that we could make an assignment
of Senate seats based on an intelligent
appraisal of the geographic, economic,
and sociological factors where these have
important, observable and rational
meaning. We do not thereby suggest
that the lower house in any given State
Is at all times unmindful of such factors;
but, we do maintain that apportionment
solely of quantity will not necessarily
reflect these factors and cannot be said
to produce legislative bodies which will
always respond to assure a careful, bal-
anced consideration of the contending
quality factors within the State.
A plan for apportionment of the Sen-
ate should not ignore reflection of some
balance of districts but weighted factors
might well be regarded as justifying some
departure from quantitative equality.
An approach which could give justifica-
tion as a system of government which
recognized both the quantity and the
quality of its citizenry would be desirable.
This would give us a philosophical
basis for a bicameral legislature; a
checks and balance system not depend-
ent upon the false prop of federalism but
reflecting concern to protect the inter-
dependency in the longrun interest of
the State which might suffer from short
range advantages to the most populated
areas. Since the qualitative factors ex-
cept for geography are subject to shift
and change just as is population, the
need for decennial reapportionment
would be equally rational. A careful and
documented approach by State leaders
should assure a two-house legislature
that reflects a democratic consideration
of the representation of people without
a reference necessarily to artificial and
irrelevant county lines.
In seeking for what Is relevant and
useful in the changes that our present
outmoded approaches clearly call for,
Mr. Speaker, may we hope that our lead-
ers will not be blinded by passionate
desire to retain old advantages nor will
they be blinded either by single-minded,
narrow desire to achieve new advantages.
Rather can we not seek stability with
progress? Give sensible recognition to
the qualities of man as well as to his
quantity? Could we recognize that, al-
though the two are not separable, one
body of a State legislature could be se-
lected emphasizing numbers and the
other body could be selected emphasizing
the factors of quality?
Regardless of the sound and fury that
now wages between a Supreme Court
which may ' have gone too far and legis-
lative bodies which have unquestionably
delayed too long in solving the problem
of balanced representation, let us ad-
dress our best efforts to the problem, not
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