EVENTS IN CUBA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP64B00346R000200160019-7
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 6
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 29, 2004
• Sequence Number: 19
• Publication Date: January 1, 1961
• Content Type: OPEN

Approved For Release 2004/10/12 : CIA-RDP64B00346R000200160019-7
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE April 20
Self determination is one of the basic
principles upon which our Republic rests.
We know that this principle has been
cruelly distorted in Cuba, and that a
tyrant now rules only because he de-
ceived his people into a belief that free-
dom and liberty would be the fruits of
their struggle. But this deception of
itself cannot justify the direct inter-
vention of our country, much though
our sympathies are with the gallant in-
surgents who have undertaken the over-
throw of Castro tyranny.
WARNING TO THE COMMUNIST
WORLD
(Mr. KING of Utah asked and was
given permission to address the House
for 1 minute and to revise and extend
his remarks.)
Mr. KING of Utah. Mr. Speaker, the
President has just issued a stern warn-
ing to the Communist world and has sug-
gested that this Nation will resort to
violence if necessary to throttle further
Communist inroads into this hemisphere.
I arise to applaud his courageous
stand, and to declare my wholehearted
support.
I believe the warning he has sounded
accurately reflects the mood of the
American people. He has, I believe,
voiced their determination.
He has wisely warned our neighbors
of Central and South America that the
stake in the Cuban crisis is their free-
dom-not ours. It is their sovereignty
and their aspirations for self-determina-
tion which are at stake-not ours.
I respectfully advocate that the ad-
ministration follow up this historic mes-
sage immediately with another directed
to the Peace Committee of the Council
of the Organization of American States.
The President should, I believe; go this
second step and demand that this Com-
mittee review the developments in Cuba
and rule on whether the assistance which
the Soviet sphere has given the Castro
regime constitutes intervention.
In my judgment, the evidence would
seem to indicate that the technicians,
jet fighters, tanks, and other arms which
the Reds have given Castro do, in fact,
constitute intervention, in violation of
the Declaration of San Jose.
On this point, the Council should have
the benefit of an immediate review and
recommendations by this Committee.
The Council, in turn, and this country
should be guided by the Declaration of
San Jose in framing positive action to
deal with the menaces of Communist
intervention and subversion in this
hemisphere.
It is quite apparent that the President
intends to be guided also by our own
Monroe Doctrine in countering the Com-
munist moves, and for this I am deeply
pleased.
The Declaration of San Jose, made at
the conclusion of the Seventh Consult-
ing Conference of the Ministers of For-
eign Affairs at San Jose, Costa Rica,
pledged that the American Republics,
through the GAS, would resist vigorously
the intervention, or the threat of in-
tervention, of any extracontinental
power in the affairs of the American
Republics. The declaration further re-
jected any maneuvers by the Sino-Soviet
powers to use political, economic or
social situations in any American state
as a pretext for intervention, when such
intervention would affect the peace and
security of the hemisphere.
The Cuban crisis furnishes evidence
that these principles have been violated,
that the presence of Soviet arms in the
fighting constitutes a blear threat of
intervention, if not intervention itself.
The Peace Committee should convene
immediately to weigh the evidence.
I urge again that our President de-
mand that the Council convene this
Committee.
INTERPARLIAMENTARY UNION
MEETING
(Mr. COOLEY asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute and to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. COOLEY. Mr. Speaker, I desire
to announce to the membership of the
House that the American group of the
Interparliamentary Union will meet on
Tuesday, April 25, at 9:30 a.m., in room
F-82 of the Capitol.
All Members interested are urged to
attend the meeting.
Mr. GROSS. What is the purpose of
the meeting?
Mr. COOLEY. The purpose of the
meeting is to elect officers. I am retiring
as president of the American group after
having served as president for the past 2
years. I hope the gentleman from Iowa
and all other Members of Congress who
are interested in the Interparliamentary
Union will attend the meeting on Tues-
day morning. Sixty nations of the world
are now affiliated with the Interparlia-
mentary Union. These parliamentarians
from all parts of the world actually rep-
resent more than two-thirds of the pop-
ulation of the earth. The Union is grow-
ing year by year. I urge all Members of
the House to familiarize themselves with
the purposes and the programs of the
Interparliamentary Union and to take
an interest in the activities of the Union.
Mr. GROSS. This is a prelude to a
first-class junket?
Mr. COOLEY. I do not like the word
"junket." I have never been on a junket.
I hope the gentleman from Iowa will at-
tend some of the meetings of this great
international organization. I am cer-
tain, if he does, he will change his mind
concerning the Interparliamentary Un-
ion.
Mr. O'NEILL. There were 27,000 tons
of back-door sugar that has arrived up
in my area from Cuba, being sent to
Canada or one of these other countries.
I am sure the gentleman is familiar with
the situation. What is going to happen?
Mr. COOLEY. Well, I think I can as-
sure the gentleman that we have tried
to make it perfectly plain to those in
charge of administering the sugar pro-
gram that it was the intent and the pur-
pose of the committee and of the Con-
gress to prevent Cuban sugar coming
into our markets either directly or in-
directly, and certainly we intend to pre-
vent the sugar from Cuba going to
Canada and being refined and then go-
ing to the Boston market.
Mr. O'NEILL. Perhaps some bootleg-
gers bought this at a cheap price and
put the sugar in a warehouse in Boston,
and they are trying to dispose of it.
Mr. COOLEY. Well, if I understand
it, the sugar that the gentleman has ref-
erence to is now in bond, and it can only
be released from bond by those in charge
of the program, and it can only come in
under a quota, so that I do not see how
it could be possible to bootleg sugar from
Cuba into our market.
PERSONAL EXPLANATION
(Mr. KEITH asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute and to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. KEITH. Mr. Speaker, I was un-
able to reach the House floor in time
to cast my vote on rolleall No. 40, which
was just concluded on the question of
the extension of social security. I wish
to announce that, had I been here, I
would have voted in favor of this legis-
lation which was just passed by the
House.
MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE
A message from the Senate by Mr.
McGown, one of its clerks, announced
that the Senate had passed without
amendment a bill of the House of the
following title:
H.R. 6169. An act to amend section 201
of the National Aeronautics and Space Act
of 1958.
The message also announced that the
Senate disagrees to the amendments of
the House to the bill (S. 912) entitled
"An act to provide for the appointment
of additional circuit and district judges,
and for other purposes," requests a con-
ference with the House on the disagree-
ing votes of the two Houses thereon, and
appoints Mr. EASTLAND, Mr. KEFAUVER,
Mr. JOHNSTON, Mr. MCCLELLAN, Mr. ER-
VIN, Mr. DIRKSEN, Mr. WILEY, and Mr.
HRIISKA to be the conferees on the part
of the Senate.
The message also announced that the
Senate agrees to the report of the com-
mittee of conference on the disagreeing
votes of the two Houses on the amend-
ment of the House to the bill (S. 1) en-
titled "An act to establish an effective
program to alleviate conditions. of sub-
stantial and persistent unemployment
and underemployment in certain eco-
nomically distressed areas."
ISRAEL BECOMES BAR MITZVAH
The SPEAKER. Under previous or-
der of the House, the gentleman from
New York [Mr. M1LTER7 is recognized
for 60 minutes.
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker. I ask
unanimous consent to revise and extend
my remarks and that all Members may
have 5 legislative days in which to ex-
tend their remarks on the same subject
I am about to address the House on.
The SPEAKER. Is there objection to
the request of the gentleman from New
York?
Approved For Release 2004/10/12 : CIA-RDP64B00346R000200160019-7
 Approved For Release 2004/10/12 : CIA-RDP64B00346R000200160019-7
19 61 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 6119
All Americans will rejoice over the the Director of his Peace Corps which in his note to Premier Khrushchev on
achievements of many kinds which have suggests correction of the No. 1 flaw of April 19, the President made our policy
come to pass in the Holy Land, the spir- the whole Peace Corps idea-sending a towards Cuba extremely clear. "I have
itual homeland of Christianity as well boy to do a man's job. previously stated," said the President,
as of Judaism. I propose that the accent on the Peace "and I repeat now, that the United
in the 13 years that Israel has been Corps be shifted from untried and un- States intends no military intervention
a free and independent nation, her pop- tested youth to the maturity and ex.- in Cuba." Similarly, Secretary of State
ulation has grown from 790,000-less perience of senior citizens, creating a Rusks: said in a press conference on April
than the population of Washington-to "Senior Citizens' Service Corps." Such 17 that "The present struggle in Cuba
2,1.28..000-considerably less than my a corps will do the most for our own is a struggle by Cubans for their own
home State of Connecticut. Its area is country and its people. freedom. There is not and will not be
about the same as Massachusetts, and My suggestion can be accomplished any intervention by U.S. Forces." And
about 60 percent greater than my own without legislation. It can be realized finally, Adlai Stevenson, the American
State. simply by accepting only senior citizens Ambassador to the United Nations, an-
Israel's exports have grown since 1948 at or near retirement age for this corps. swered. Cuba's charges of aggression by
from $29 million to $265 million, and her By doing this we will be sending over- saying that "These charges are totally
imports last year were $520 million, com- seas Americans trained by experience false a;ad I deny them categorically.
pared to $253 million in 1948. Israel and the maturing process, Americans The United States has committed on
has three times as many acres under dedicated to the ideals of our Republic, aggression against Cuba and no offensive
cultivation as she had when the repub- Americans in position to do yeoman serv- has been launched from Florida or from
lie was founded, and has increased her ice for the Nation. These senior citizens any other coast of the United States."
agricultural production more than eight- want to remain productive and the Sen.- Mr. Speaker, I commend these state-
fold. for Citizens' Service Corps will give merits of policy by the leaders of the
Israel has a merchant marine of 53 them this chance. United States and the position taken by
ships, which carried almost half a mil- Costs ofthis program will be less than the President and his administration.
lion tons of cargo in 1960. She has the present program. Senior citizens al- My particular admiration goes to the
600,000 children in schools, and has ready have skills, have learned by doing President for the tone of his answer to
22,400 teachers, to compare with the 5,964 and have learned life by experience, not the communication from Premier
in 1948. - through textbooks or lecturers. Khrushchev. The President made it in-
These are statistics which are as bare I have reminded the President that disputably clear that the United States
as most statistics are, but they make his idealistic statement of January 20, will no', tolerate, under any conditions,
proud not only the Israelis in the home- when he asked Americans to "ask what an armed intervention on the part of
land, but men of good will all over the you can do for Your country," can be the Soviet Union in the internal affairs
world. realized in a concrete manner by allow- of Cuba., but he made it equally clear
Yet, Israel is a long way from eco- ing senior citizens a chance to serve in that America will never intervene in
nomie independence. She might have their own corps. Cuban affairs unless the Soviet Union
been. closer to self-sufficiency if she had We should use this wellspring of talent intervenes first.
not re-settled in such a short time a mil- that is our senior citizens. We should It is my firm belief, Mr. Speaker, that
lion refugees and immigrants. Over a take advantage of the mature talent, the President has taken a position which
longer period, these people, like the tempered by years of experience. We will greatly benefit the United States
stream of immigrants who came to should put this talent to use where it throughout the world, for we have pro-
America all through the 19th century, will do the most good. vided proof positive to those of our world
will be among the country's greatest re- I believe my proposal to be a part of neighbors who have insisted that the
sources. the answer and not another part of United States, unlike the Soviet Union
The price of security for Israel is a the problem. We have heard much in Hungary, would never move to de-
d:ear one, but so is it for all the free about youthful enthusiasm that will stroy a, neighboring regime merely be-
world in these times. Israel might now drive the Peace Corps. Enthusiasm cause its views are opposed to our own.
be standing on her own feet without aid knows no age level. Mature, responsible The present insurrection in Cuba has
if she were not forced to spend so much people can and do have just as much presented an extremely difficult test case
of her treasure for security. But, so enthusiasm as anyone else, but it is tern- for the determination of U.S. in-
would our own country be able to do pered with experienced wisdom and tentior.,s throughout the world. Is the
:more, much more for all our people, guided by mature judgment and will United. States really willing to permit the
and for the world, if we didn't have to avoid the pitfalls of youthful exuberance. newly developed nations of the world to
spend $40 billion a year to remain strong It is this mature enthusiasm I want to develop governments according to their
in a world which yet knows no peace see put to work helping promote the role own will, or will it insist that nations are
but the peace of the sword. of the United States in the free world to be free only if they follow American
Israel's aspirations are great. Her and helping make the world a better polcy, , The eyes of the world have been
friends all over the world are eager for place in which to live. This can be done on.Am?rica for the last week, and we will
her to progress, even more rapidly than by establishment of the Senior Citizens' be known by our works.
shehas in these first 13 years. But prog- Service Corps. The President's choice has not been
Tess is a relative term, and sometimes it an easy one. Because of the moral sup-
is progress just to survive. port we have given anti-Castro forces,
Israel has weathered every storm in EVENTS IN CUBA Communist propaganda has sought to
her brief national life. She has the de- (Mr. ASHLEY asked and was given convince the world that America has
termination to survive and to join her ermission to address the House for 1 actively intervened, and demonstrations
sister states on every continent in seek- minute a.nd to revise and extend his ire- in front of American embassies through-
ing to achieve and to maintain a lasting marks and to include extraneous mat- out the world indicate that the United
peace. ter.) States is already being punished for an
On this 13th birthday, the people of Mr. ASHLEY. Mr. Speaker, during action we have never taken.
.America salute the people of Israel. the past week, I have became increas- In tie weeks to come, the President is
h t h 1
er c a -
t
SENIOR CITIZENS SERVICE CORPS
(Mr. WILSON of Indiana asked and
was given permission to extend his re-
marks at this point in the RECORD.)
Mr. WILSON of Indiana. Mr. Speak-
er, I have today written letters to the
President of the United States and to
even grea
ingly disturbed over the course which going to meet we
events seem to be taking in Cuba, for I lenges to his decision. Particularly if
fear that the actions of the United the invasion of the insurgents goes
States have been greatly distorted and badly---and the news dispatches suggest
misunderstood throughout the world, th;:at this is a very real possibility-he
particularly in South America and in will be pressured from many sides to
other areas where the development of change his position and to finally take
stable political institutions has not yet those steps which will eliminate the
been completed. thorn of Cuba from our side.
Approved For Release 2004/10/12 : CIA-RDP64B00346R00020',0160019-7
 1961 .0
Approved For Release 2004/10/12 : CIA-RDP64B00346R000200160019-7
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE 6069
The President of the United States
has,kept his head in this matter. The
President of the United States has made
clear that it is not the policy of the
United States, nor the intention of his
administration, to advocate any military
intervention in Cuba.
Mr. President, it is also true that we
cannot merely let the situation in Cuba
drift. It may be that, no matter what is
attempted, the final outcome will be a
drift. We hope, if that is the only course
that proves to be available, the drift will
be toward more peaceful relations, rather
than toward war. But I have a great
deal of confidence in the rules of reason,
and I have a great deal of confidence in
the application of the rules of reason in
differences between disputants. I have
an abiding faith that if the proper proce-
dures, based upon the application of
rules of reason, are applied to any given
dispute, there is always the good chance
that a peaceful solution can be worked
out.
Mr. President, in many Latin Ameri-
can countries there are demonstra-
tions and overt manifestations of mis-
understanding toward the United States.
There has been an acceptance by many
persons in many of those countries of
Communist propaganda as being true.
That propaganda, of course, is propa-
ganda that misrepresents and distorts-
in fact, lies about-the policies that the
United States is following in relation to
Cuba. But, whether we like it or not, we
shall be called upon by the forces that
mold public opinion in many countries to
demonstrate, beyond a question of a
doubt, that the United States is willing
to submit to peaceful procedures any is-
sue which exists between the United
States and Cuba.
I have said for many, many months-in
fact, the record is clear that I said it al-
most immediately after it became evi-
dent that a parting of the ways was de-
veloping between the United States and
the Castro regime in Cuba-that we
ought to take the necessary steps to
demonstrate to the world who it is that
seeks a peaceful solution and under-
standing as to the disagreements which
have developed between Cuba and the
United States.
When emotions run high and deep,
when Americans still in Cuba are taken
by the Castro forces and charged with
various forms of crime against the state,
resulting in their execution, the Ameri-
can people are bound to be deeply and
bitterly resentful.
THIRD PARTY MAY HELP
Mr. President, history proves that
when disputes between nations have
reached such a serious proportion that,
if they go unattended, they might re-
sult in a collapse of peace, peaceful so-
lutions are usually the result of the in-
tervention of good faith friends of both
disputants.
A valiant effort ought to be made at
this time by third parties, acting through
the Organization of American States or
through the United Nations, to seek to
bring to an end the state of tension
which has developed between Cuba and
the United States. It may be hopeless,
but we shall never know until we try, Mr.
President.
I say to friendly Latin American gov-
ernments who are members of the Or-
ganization of American States, I am ex-
ceedingly disappointed at their apparent
reluctance to pursue this goal. It is al-
most a "hands-off" policy that is being
followed. It might even seem to be a
sympathetic toleration of unfair criti-
cism of the United States on the Cuban
issue.
We have been a stanch defender of
Latin American independence. We have
been a stanch defender of it for years.
This is demonstrated by the protection
we have made available to Latin Amer-
ica through the Monroe Doctrine and.
through the position we have taken at
various western hemispheric conferences
such as the Caracas Conference of 1954,
the Rio Conference of 1958, and earlier
conferences.
We have been a stanch defender of
this part of the world, protecting the
territorial integrity and guaranteeing the
security of the nations of the Western
Hemisphere. The time has come when
the member nations of the Organization
of American States have a great respon-
sibility to make an offer to seek, through
the procedures of the Organization of
American States, to find an accommoda-
tion which will permit the ending of mis-
understandings between Cuba and. the
United States. These misunderstand-
ings have reached such a point that we
no longer even have diplomatic relations
with Cuba and have to rely upon the
Swiss for any diplomatic intercourse be-
tween the two nations.
It is probably true that Castro would
have none of such good offices. At the
present time he may be flushed with
excitement and the anticipation that
perhaps, with the help of his Russian
ally, he can "go it alone" in the Western
Hemisphere.
He could not be more wrong. With
the passage of time I think he will soon
discover the error of such a judgment,
if that is the judgment he is making.
. If Castro does not desire to look for
a peaceful solution of his difficulties
with the United States through the Or-
ganization of American States, I then
respectfully say the United Nations has
a responsibility, and our friends-yes,
the friends of Cuba and Russia, too, in
the United Nations-have a responsi-
bility to act. The signatories to the U.N.
charter, including Russia and the United
States and Cuba, recognized at least
when they signed it that they were un-
dertaking an obligation to use the pro-
cedures of that charter to remove the
threat of war whenever tensions reached
the point that peace was endangered. I
assume that none among us will tonight
deny such tensions exist in the world.
Speaking for myself alone, but ex-
pressing my individual view as a Mem-
ber of this body, as a member of the
Committee on Foreign Relations, and as
chairman of the subcommittee which
deals with Latin American affairs, I sug-
gest that members of the United Na-
tions interested in preserving the peace
also have a responsibility.
POSSIBILITY OF ADJUDICATION
I hope it will be suggested in the
United Nations that there be submitted
to adjudication the conflict which has
developed between Cuba and the United
States.
Oh, there are those who say that any
such procedure is highly theoretical and
idealistic, that it ignores the ugly reali-
ties. But the ugliest of all realities is
this continued conflict in the Caribbean.
We had better put our ideals to work,
I say to the nations of the world. The
United Nations is a framework of great
ideals which can be put to work if man-
kind or the member nations of the
United Nations have the will to live in
peace.
I hope that the nonparticipants in
the misunderstandings which have de-
veloped in the Western - Hemisphere who
are members of the United Nations will
offer to come forward with a procedural
solution which seeks to submit these
disagreements to the judicial processes
of the United Nations.
What is the alternative?
The alternative is the extension of the
cold war.
The alternative is the increasing use of
international balance-of-power politics
by both the West and the East.
The alternative is to enhance the dan-
ger of a nuclear war.
It is very difficult for those of us in
the United States who recognize the in-
justices of the Castro regime, and who
recognize the misrepresentation of our
peaceful intentions on the part of the
Castro regime and the Communist bloc,
to approach this problem calmly and
rationally. But I respectfully suggest
that peace is worth our being willing to
lay aside our deep feelings on this sub-
ject. We should urge the world to join
in a rational approach to put into prac-
tice the very procedural principles of the
United Nations to which virtually all
civilized nations in the world have at-
tached their signatures.
Mr. President, unless the Senator from
Colorado [Mr. ALLOTT] has something he
wishes to present, I am about to make a
motion.
Mr. ALLOTT. Mr. President, it is sat-
isfactory to make the motion.
AUTHORIZATION FOR VICE PRESI-
DENT AND PRESIDENT PRO TEM-
PORE TO SIGN ENROLLED BILLS
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that during the ad-
journment of the Senate the Vice Presi-
dent or the President pro tempore be
authorized to sign enrolled bills.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
ADJOURNMENT UNTIL MONDAY AT
12 O'CLOCK NOON
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I move
that the Senate adjourn until 12 o'clock
noon on Monday next.
The motion was agreed to; and (at 6
o'clock and 32 minutes p.m.) the Senate
adjourned until Monday, April 24, 1961,
at 12 o'clock meridian.
Approved For Release 2004/10/12 : CIA-RDP64B00346R000200160019-7
 Approved For Release 2004/10/12 : CIA-RDP64B00346R000200160019-7
6070 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
CONFIRMATIONS
Executive nominations confirmed by
the Senate April 20, 1961:
FARMERS HOME ADMINISTRATION
Howard Bertsch, of Oregon, to be Ad-
ministrator of the Farmers Home Admin-
istration.
FARM CREDIT ADMINISTRATION
Julian B. Thayer, of Connecticut, to be a
member of the Federal Farm Credit Board,
Farm Credit Administration, for terms ex-
piring March 31, 1967.
Joe B. Zeug, of Minnesota, to be a member
of the Federal Farm Credit Board, Farm
Credit Administration, for term expiring
March 31, 1967.
U.S. COAST GUARD
'rhe following-named persons to the rank
indicated in the U.S. Coast Guard:
To be chief warrant officers, W-4
Orvail K. Beall John S. Cameron, Jr.
Joseph E. Acker William A. Mauch
Hugh S. Hanna William H. Mattson
Richard V. Bercaw Anthony F. Glaza, Jr.
John F. Malley Franklin H. Wix
Peter D. Shost Gentry J. Cooke
Joseph C. Daniels Harold G. Welchert
To be chief warrant officers, W--3
Charles L. Maxwell Roy E. Needles
Arch D. Grainger, Jr. James W. Johns
Arnold A. Adams Warren G. Tubbs
John A. Flynn Isadore L. Souza
Alfred A. Kolb Herbert L. Simpson
William H. Blaylock, Wallace E. Hulteen
Jr. Carl L. Smith
William P. East Bernhart A. Wicks
Leroy F. Bent Keith H. Jorgenson
Frederick W. Rix Harold E. DeYoung
Loyd R. Smith George R. Peck
Arthur E. Vincent David F. Ray
Howell M. Joynes, Jr. Claude A. Robinson
Lester H. Green Herbert S. Lyman
Joseph E. Franken Paul Schuttpelz, Jr.
Albert L. Lingenfelter James P. Avila
Emmett J. Gossen Fred A. Shabo
Charles R. Smith Frank N. Campagna
Frank M. Miller, Jr. Earl W. C. Harris
Lyle E. Cable William R. Hendricks,
John J. Gunson Jr
Merrill W. Allison Max Trepeta
Arthur F. Myers Sherwood N. Patrick
George F. Weadon Albert N. Dill
Frank Bartling Kenneth N. Black
Mitchel K. Opsitnik James L. Cropper
Raymond W. Olson Newton P. Caddell, Jr.
George F. W. Ehrsam George Mathews
Wayne R. Glenny
Lee D. Wooden
Louis L. Bayers
Randall H. Spooner
Harold W. Collins
Herbert L. Gordon
Raymond L. Williams
James R. Kane
Thomas J. Hushion
John G. Schwelm
Gustave F. Scholz
April 2C,.1961
Walter L. Martin, Jr.
Joseph M. Tangut?v
Jack E. Van Zandt
Jack W. Dunn
Ralph T. Martin
Kenneth R. Rider
Bruce E. Timmerman
Charles A. L. Linder
Philip R. Spiker
Emil Capinha
To be chief warrant officers, W-2 Clrarl;s M. Burleson William E. Whaley, Jr.
Norman E. Fabri Edwin J. Thornton., Sr. William E. Simmons Robert L. Armour
Archie C. Yano William J. Doogue Robert A. Burjoice Donald S. Mackenzie
John H. Kittlla, Jr. John E. Cherney Marvin C. Fields Charles R. Corbett
Giles M. Bailey, Jr. Donald Leigh Norman G. Goben George M. O'Brien
Robert G. Townsend Francis C. Snares, Jr. Jack 13. Meadowcroft Robert D. St. Aubyn
John S. Kennedy Robert B. Shope Theodore E. Schaeffer Marvin D. Henderson
Clifford It. Wattam, Jr. William C. Bart Artis L. Whitford James D. Webb
Gilbert E. Morris William R. Benedetto Donald J. Cleveland Gerald H. Olson
Leo L. Richmond
Melvin D. Mabry
Dale E. Strohecker
Braxton B. Bell
Clarence B. Scar-
borough
Charles A. Thornton
James V. Barth
Robert F. Stager
Harold C. Wadey
John W. Parker
Edwin If. Smithers
Billy L. Sturgell
Horace F. Stephens
Tugg P. lieimerl
Charles A. Lester
Elmer Lovan
Byron L. Swearingen
Victor E. Kendrick
Robert If. Clunie III
Cleo W. Mackey
James F. Eckman
Wayne J. Fisher, Jr.
Jack Peterson
Robert E. Bowlby
Roger F. Paquin
William A. Lewis
William J. Reinhart
Harry K. Smith
Edward V. Sapp
Harry P. 1arley
Loy J. Russell
Penrose C. Dietz
Harold R. Dycus
Marvin E. Ginn
James. C. Rosemergy
Charles W. Griffiths
Charles E. Bunkley
Charles E. Holden
Earl A. Boles
James M. Mauldin
John H. Bunting
John H. Westbury
John A. Keller
Clarence L. Miller
Maxie If. Berry, Jr.
Henry L. Nixon
Alan G. Anderson
William M. Rickett
Julian Hatch
Clinton J. Tatro
Mario J. Camuccio
Harry T. Lyons
James J. Burley
Roland L. Raleigh
Richard E. Simpson
Harry J. Griffin
Neil O. Russell
Edward D. Phelps
Raymond E. Aholt
Harlan Kaley
Alfred R. Kolar
Eddie Brophy
Robert H. Newman
Clifford Gustavson
Richard M. Eberhardt
Charles R. Hug
Harold C. Harris
Constantine J. Koslo-
ski
Gordon L. Anderson
William F. Mueller
Johnnie W. Broussard
Frank J. Miller, Jr.
Harry S. Huggins
Raymond Teichrow
William W. Cloer
Harold L. Brackett, Jr.
Isaac W. Lance
Howard W. Barkell
Patrick J. Mahon
Richard Dickinson
Robert C. Sachs
Joseph H. Martin
Joseph Young
Freddie J. Turlo
Robert C. Imler Walter Conway
Basil V. Burrell Donald F. Bradtke
Albert H. Tremlett, Jr. Anthony M. Mazieka
Joseph H. McKenna, JrJoseph W. Carawan
Leo J. Degraw Roy E. Clayton
Cecil M. Morris Billy R. Burchfield
John H. Suchon John P. Hart, Jr.
John M. Deaver William R. Bell
Robert E. Bagley Richard J. Akridge,
Frank W. Kattein, Jr. Jr.
Charles W. Busby Claud V. O'Neal
Thomas P, Buby Ralph Winn
Thigh If. McCreery Daniel N. Sessions
Thomas C. Volkle Rodney D. Harder
Ronald D. Stenzel Eugene E. E. O'Don-
.JOhn B. Friel nell
John J. Smith, Jr. Ronald L. Herpol-
Paul L. Lamb sheimer
John J. Clayton Michael Baron, Jr
Charles L. Fraizer Charles R. Hinrichs
Bobby G. Burns Jackie S. Thornhill
John C. Secor Arthur J. Walsh
Mitchell J. Whiting Robert C. Van Eaton
Howard C. Beeler, Jr. Charles J. Kelly
Gilbert Shaw Marcus W. Lonsberry
Harold U. Wilson, Jr. Richard G. Booth
Dalton J. Beasley Robert E. Whitley
Mathew Woods Lonnie L. Mixon
Dick Cl. Taylor Ernest W. Hedgpeth
Donald B. Goodwin Irving G. Sauer
Jack p.. O'Donnell Roy E. Dash
HCrma.n G. Pinter Donald C. Weiner
Floyd A. Rice Dewey R. Seiber
Hershel A. Drury James M. Carpenter
Roy E. Nichols, Jr. Roland H. Bazajou
Ara E. Midgett, Jr. Max E. Zbinden
Thomas D. Keith Robert D. Merritt
Wallace A. Herrington James B. Kane
Hugh T. Williams, Jr. William R. Hudson
Sanford H. Pierpoint James E. Curry
Samuel A. McDowell, Joseph C. Russo, Jr.
w r. Richard B. Ramsey
Paul E. Peterson Edward C. Pangrass
Rea F. Fetzer George M. Heinrich
Richard H. Wight Paul P. Sova
Gene N. Cooper
Approved For Release 2004/10/12 : CIA-RDP64B00346R000200160019-7
 Approved For Release 2004/10/12 : CIA-RDP64B00346R000200160019-7 P7
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD = SENATE 606
rights projects of widely varying nature and The OAS Charter, adopted in 1948, de-
significance. These activities, conducted un- fines the nature and purposes of the Or-
der the auspices of Human Rights Commie- ganization, the principles on which It rests,
lion and its Subcommission on the Preven- its conception of the fundamental rights
tion of Discrimination and Protection of and duties of member states, its procedure
Minorities, UNESCO and other U.N. bodies for the pacific settlement of disputes and
and specialized agencies, have included wide- for collective security, and Its arrangements
range undertakings of scientific, educational, for cooperation in the promotion of higher
and social action character. economic, social, and cultural standards.
Less well known in this country is the hu- The charter also sets forth the functions
man rights effort projected within the Euro- and powers of its principal organs: the Inter-
pean regional system. Here, linked to the American Conference, the meeting of con-
Council of Europe, is an already operative sultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs, the
system based on a Convention of Human Council, the Pan American Union, and the
Rights with implementation measures that specialized organizations; and also those of
include a Commission, functioning as a kind subordinate bodies of the Council-the
of grand jury to sift complaints which are Inter-American Cultural Council. The names
receivable both from governments and pri- of these latter agencies suggest the U.N.
vate parties; and a court to hear those com- bodies to which they bear an analogy in pur-
plaints which the Commission passes on to pose and function, if not in authority or
it. Parties to this system are most of the hierarchal position.
non-Communist nations of Europe, not in- "COLLECTIVE" CONCEPTS ARE INCREASING
cluding France and the United Kingdom. The Inter-American Conference is the
And hardly known at all in the United supreme organ of the OAS; it decides general
States-not unnaturally, in view of its rela-
tive recency-is the effort to emulate within policies and formulates general courses of
the Inter-American system the human rights action. The consultation of Foreign Minis-
the considers emergency or urgent problems
development which is still in the projection between conferences. The Council is the
stage in the U.N. and actually in force in the OAS permanent executive body. The Pan,
Council of Europe. This undertaking is com- American Union is the General Secretariat.
plex and in some respects controversial, and Acceptance in Latin America of the con-
it would be difficult in this limited space cept of collective protection of human rights
to deal satisfactorily with all the problems was preceded, inevitably, by a long period
involved. in which concepts of sovereignty and non-
Suffice to mention only the central issue, intervention received predominant empha-
on which sharply opposing views exist even sis. These are still the dominant emphases,
within the liberal camp, as to the feasibility, though they have been counterbalanced in
in the present state of international relation- recent years by increasing emphasis on col-
ships, of hoping to protect human rights do- lective concepts, aimed at collective secu-
mestically by means of legally binding trea- rity against external aggression, peaceful
ties with international measures-commis- solution of differences between States by ju-
sions and courts-for implementation or en- dicial means, and, more recently, by the
forcement. Allied to this issue are others: concept of international protection of human
Differing attitudes toward treaty commit- rights, which has received increasing sup-
ments; problems posed by legally binding port since the end of World War II.
conventions for Federal as compared with The 1945 Inter-American Conference on
unitary states; difficulties of formulating Problems of War and Peace (Mexico) called
standards in language which will have on the American states to develop a system
agreed upon applications in different social for the international protection of human
and cultural settings-especially where phi- rights, and charged the Inter-American Ju-
losophies and practices differ sharply in re- ridical Committee with drafting a declara-
gard to the role of the state-and hence will tion of human rights. The 1947 Inter-Amer-
be amenable to adjudication and enforce- lean Conference (Rio de Janeiro) reiterated
ment in any meaningful sense. these aims. The 1948 conference (Bogota)
THE BACKGROUND moved toward these objectives in two con-
crete ways-by adopting the OAS Charter,
The term "inter-American system" em- which contained provisions on human rights,
braces the various expressions-including re- and the American Declaration of the Rights
gional agencies, treaty relationships, and and Duties of Man, a document comparable
joint declarations-of the bond among the to the U.N.'s Universal Declaration of Human
nations of the Western Hemisphere. To this Rights.
system, the Organization of American States The fifth meeting of Consultation of For-
(OAS) may be viewed as bearing a relation- eign Ministers (Santiago, Chile, in August
ship comparable to that which the U.N. 1959) attempted to move forward these
bears to the world community. The OAS earlier, more general, undertakings. In a
currently embraces the 21 independent na- historic reso:ution, which became known as
tions in this hemisphere, including the the Declaration of Santiago, it affirmed the
United States but not Canada. Like the interdependence between peace among the
U.N., the OAS encompasses a large array of American Republics and respect for human
rograms and activities, and of councils, i 1,+s nd the exercise of effective repre-
The Council of Jurists-scheduled, fortui-
tously, to convene the week after the For-
eign Ministers' meeting closed-responded
enthusiastically to its request and with re-
markable speed produced a four-part draft
convention. This convention will be re-
viewed at the forthcoming Inter-American
Conference, scheduled to be held in Quito,
Ecuador, in May, 1961.
There were two reasons why the Council
of Jurists was able to act so expeditiously:
It was able to draw on the fruits of drafting
experience of the UN and the Council of
Europe; and its members preferred to ride
the tide of enthusiasm then prevailing and
to complete a draft instrument-even one
with the flaws that are inevitably present
in hastily drafted documents rather than
delaying completion for another session in
order to produce a more refined document.
The majority of the Council of Jurists in-
clined, in regard to substantive rights, to
the precedent of the all-embracing U.N. draft
covenants, rather than to the more modest
European Convention on Human Rights.
The Council's draft thus comprised not only
civil and political rights, as does the latter,
but also economic, social and cultural rights.
For this reason, it will pose for would-be
ratifying states in the Americas many of the
same problems as are presented by the U.N.
draft covenants.
PROPOSALS FOR IMPLEMENTATION
The Inter-American Draft Convention, like
the U.N. draft covenants, provides for two
schemes of implementation, one to be ap-
plied to civil and political rights and the
other to economic, social and cultural rights.
For the former, the implementation scheme
provides for a seven-member Commission on
Human Rights, to be composed of persons
with judicial or legal experience, serving for
4-year terms in their personal capacities.
The Commission would have power to re-
ceive state-against-state complaints as well
as complaints against a state party by "any,
person or group of persons, or associations
or corporations, legally recognized by the
public authorities, alleging violation of any
of the rights in the Convention."
In contrast, the implementation plan for
economic, social, and cultural rights does not
provide for a judicial or quasi-judicial pro-
cedure. As in the U.N. draft covenant, im-
plementation of these rights is limited to
promotional devices. Thus the Commission
will not have the authority to receive com-
plaints, but it will be able to collect data,
make observations, recommendations and re-
ports, engage in studies and research (in-
cluding on the spot), and give publicity to
measures adopted.
The convention also provides for the estab-
lishment of a Court of Human Rights com-
posed of jurists, equal in number to that of
the ratifying states and elected by the OAS
for 9-year terms from lists nominated by
these states. Its jurisdiction would be
limited to interpreting and applying the
civil and political rights.
agencies, commissions, and committees es- sentative democracy. It formulated a set As might be expected, the Inter-American
tablished to implement them. of eight principles and attributes of the Draft Convention was not approved without
The OAS came into being in its present democratic system in this hemisphere in- serious reservations from several of the most
form in 1948 at the ninth International tended to aid public opinion in gaging the powerful OAS member states. Argentina
Conference of American States in Bogota, character of political regimes. noted that it had voted for approval of the
Colombia. Like the U.N., however, it had BACKSTOPPING RESOLUTIONS draft, on the understanding that it was pre-
antecedents reaching back many decades. backstopped by a liminary and that it had many technical de-
The 1826 Congress" of Panama, in which Si- This declaration was fects which needed correction. A similar
mon Bolivar played the leading role, is usu- series of other resolutions aimed at imple- reservation was made by Mexico. Uruguay,
ally regarded as the starting point of the menting its principles. Of these, perhaps while voting affirmatively, subject to reserva-
tions movement. A subsequent the most important was resolution VIII on tions of a constitutional nature, also ob-
milestone was the 1890 (First) International Human Rights, which called on the Inter- jetted to the immediate creation of the Com-
Conference of American States (Washing- American Council of Jurists to draft con- mission on Human Rights which, it held,
ton, D.C.) at which was created the Inter- ventions on human rights, on the creation of should follow rather than precede the held,
national Union of American Republics, and an Inter-American Court for the Protection boll should the convention, lest it endanger op-
its central office or secretariat, the Commer- of Human Rights, and of other organizations boll of principle e nonintervention.
cial Bureau of the American Republics. The for the protection of those rights. This far- THE U.S. enrol.
Union and Bureau were the predecessors, reaching resolution went even further: it
respectively, of the OAS and the Pan resolved to create at once a Commission on The U.S. position was, in effect, the same
American Union. Human Rights. as that which it has taken in the U.N. with
Approved For Release 2004/10/12 : CIA-RDP64B00346R000200160019-7
 Approved For Release 2004/10/12 : CIA-RDP64B00346R000200160019-7
6068 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE
respect to human rights conventions gen-
erally-namely, that because of its Federal-
State problem it did not find It possible to
join in multilateral human rights conven-
tions, though It had no objection to other
states doing so.
As noted, the August 1959 meeting of the
consultation of Foreign Ministers had re-
solved that a Commission be created at
once. This resolution was Implemented by
the OAS Council in May 1960, when it
adopted a statute spelling out the Commis-
sion's objective, structure and functions.
The Commission's statute describes it as
"an autonomous entity" of the OAS, its func-
tion being to promote respect for human
rights, these being those set forth in the
American declaration on the rights and
duties of man. The Commission is to be
composed of seven members elected by the
OAS Council from lists proposed by members
States.
The Commission is given these functions
and powers: to develop an awareness of hu-
man rights among the peoples of America;
to make recommendations to member gov-
ernments concerning human rights meas-
ures; to prepare studies or reports; to invite
member governments to supply it with in-
formation on human rights measures
adopted by them; and to serve as an advisory
body to the OAS on human rights.
It is not authorized to consider specific
complaints, It could hardly be expected to
be given such authority outside the context
of a rigorously debated, drafted and ratified
convention. Even so, its functions and
powers are very flexibly formulated, and can
be given either a liberal or a narrow con-
struction. Obviously, the authority to make
:recommendations and reports can be exer-
cised in far-reaching ways, if the members
wish to do so. However, since the Commis-
sion is a creature of the consultation of
Foreign Ministers and the OAS Council, its
:members are not likely to interpret its
powers more liberally than these bodies are
likely to accept.
At its first session, in October 1980, the
Commission, whose permanent seat is in the
Pan American Union in Washington, con-
ducted an exploratory discussion concern-
ing its authority, policies and procedures,
and decided to initiate its activity with a
limited program of studies and reports. The
session revealed a considerable ambiguity In
the minds of the members as to the nature
and scope of their mandate. But it was
anticipated that, in time, the projected
studies and reports, each assigned to a dif-
ferent memberfor preparation for submis-
sion to the next session in May 1961, would
lead gradually to more concrete recommend-
ations and activities, and also to a clearer
definition of its realistic role.
Although this is the most interesting
recent human rights development in the
inter-American system, it is not the only
one that has taken place there. Many
other projects in the economic, social, and
cultural fields, which are properly classi-
fiable as "human rights" activities, are un-
derway under the auspices of various bodies
in the OAS, Including the Inter-American
Economic and Social Council, the Inter-
American Cultural Council, and the Council
of Jurists. All of these projects-whether
legal, educational, or social action-war-
rant the attention and encouragement of
the American people, and surely of agencies
devoted to the cause of human rights.
SIDNEY LISKOFSKY,
American Jewish Committee.
MARKUP OF THE PUBLIC-AID-TO-
EDUCA77ON BILL
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, today I
issued a release announcing that the
Education Subcommittee of the Com-
mittee on Labor and Public Welfare,
which is considering the administra-
tion's Federal aid-to-education bill for
elementary and secondary public schools,
will start its markup of that bill on
April 27, at 9:30 a.m.
This is the administration bill which
I had the honor to introduce in the
Senate, at the same time that a Member
of the House of Representatives from
the State of New Jersey introduced an
identical bill in that body.
I wish to stress that there has been an
unavoidable delay in holding the sub-
committee executive sessions on this im-
portant measures. We had to postpone
meetings while the Senate considered
the minimum-wage bill, because several
members of my subcommittee serve also
on the Labor Subcommittee.
I endeavored to proceed with the ex-
ecutive sessions sooner than next Thurs-
day; but some members of my sub-
committee will necessarily be absent
from the Senate, on official business--
one of them, abroad. I find that it is
possible to assemble all of them for our
first markup session next Thursday. I
thought, therefore, I should make this
announcement, so that those who may
have wondered when we will proceed
with the measure can have the bene-
fit of this official statement of the
subcommittee.
THE SITUATION IN CUBA.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, at this
time I wish to make a very brief state-
ment.
I desire to say how proud I was of the
reply which President Kennedy made to
Khrushchev, on the Cuban crisis;; how
inspired I am and also how proud I am
of the very brilliant speech on the Cuban
crisis and on a number of facets of U.S.
foreign policy which the President of the
United States made to the newspaper
editors and publishers. I make these
comments as chairman of the Senate
Subcommittee on Latin-American Af-
fairs.
There is not a scintilla of evidence that
the U.S. Government has intervened in
the sporadic rebellion which has occur-
red inside Cuba. That rebellion has
been aided from the outside by Cuban
rebel refugees who have sought to over-
throw the Castro regime.
Mr. President, in my judgment, based
on such knowledge as I have of the
Cuban. situation, President Kennedy
made a clear statement of fact to the
American people and to the world, when
he said that this affair is a Cuban af-
fair. and involves a Cuban revolt against
tyranny by Cubans.
Having said that, Mr. President, I
think we are also aware of the fact that
the Cuban situation is going to continue
to create a very tense situation which
has the potentiality of developing into
a much more serious crisis, so far as
world peace is concerned.
In recent days, I have said from plat-
forms and over the air, that by all means
the American people must remain calm.
We must proceed to approach this prob-
lem with rationality, not with emotional-
ism.
April ,2c,
Certainly I yield to no one in my very
deep feelings of patriotic resentment to.
wr;.rd the course of conduct which the
Soviet Union and other members of the
Communist bloc: have been following in
respect to Cuba.
it is perfectly obvious that with the
complete concurrence of Castro and his
associates, the Communists of the world
have aided and abetted in setting up a
Communist beachhead in Cuba. It is
there. It is perfectly clear that the pres-
elal; tyrannical regime in Cuba is putting
into practice, in its administrative pro-
cedures and policies, a Communist pro-
gram.
CUBAN PEOPLE DESERVE FREE CHOICE
,The people of Cuba have the sovereign
right to do that, if that is the;orm of
government they want. It can be asked,
"Bat, Senator, you know, do you not,
that undoubtedly the majority of the
Cuban people, if they had a free choice
in the matter, would not want that form
of government?" That is my belief; and
that belief is strengthened by the fact
that Castro has never been willing to put
that to a test, because the test is a very
simple, democratic one, and apparently
he abhors a democratic test.
The test is the exercise of the voting
right that free men ought to be granted
if their government really intends to ex-
tend freedom to them. All of us know
that at the time of the Castro rebellion
and revolution against what can prop-
erly be described as a form of a Fascist
dicsatorship in Cuba, under the Batista
regime, Castro won a great deal of sup-
port and aroused a great deal of hope
in the United States, and elsewhere in
the free portions of the world, by his
promise's that elections would be held in
Cuba at an early date.
We have all come to recognize that
there is the difference of high noon and
black midnight between Castro's profes-
siorLs and his procedural governmental
:practices. Therefore, frankly, Mr. Presi-
dent, I despair of any hope for the im-
mediate future of the establishment of
democratic processes in Cuba.
I pray that I may be mistaken. My
hope is that reason would come to pre-
vail once again among the leaders of
Cul-a and that they would test the ac-
ceptability of their policies by putting
those policies to the decision of the free
ballot box. But, Mr. President, such ex-
pre:,slons of hope will not solve Cuban
problems; and so we have a very diffl-
cult problem confronting us, with the
apparent hopelessness of any successful
revolution in Cuba in the immediate
future.
WHAT SHOULD FUTURE POLICY BE?
What shall be the policy, not only on
the part of the United States, but of
other free nations in this hemisphere,
toward Cuba? I am sure that some
views held concerning policies which the
free world ought to offer to follow in con-
nection with Cuba will not be approved
by those who believe that the time has
comp for direct action by the free nations
of the Western Hemisphere against the
encroachment of communism upon this
hemisphere through what appears to be
a. Soviet beachhead in Cuba.
Approved For Release 2004/10/12 : CIA-RDP64B00346R000200160019-7