THE CRISIS IN EASTERN EUROPE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP70B00338R000300190039-3
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 14
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 25, 2005
• Sequence Number: 39
• Publication Date: September 26, 1968
• Content Type: OPEN

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September 26, 1968 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE H 9215
played in the creation of the United
Nations. The objective of the resolution
is to request the President of the United
States to issue on October 24, 1968, a
proclamation recognizing the significant
part which Mr. Truman, as President of
the United States on October 24, 1947,
played in the formation of the United
Nations.
It should be recalled that October 24,
1947, is the date which was chosen to
enter the Charter of the United Nations.
My No. 1 constituent will be recorded by
historians as a great President for many
reasons. One of the most outstanding
actions of his career, however, as Presi-
dent, was to recognize the importance
of the United Nations as a peacekeeping
organization. Many of us today may not
be in full and complete agreement with
everything that is said and done in the
United Nations, but I think the great
majority recognize that it has served as
a valuable tool in the preservation of
peace in the world. Until something bet-
ter comes along that will be accepted by
the nations of the world, we should sup-
port the U.N.
I commend my colleague, Mr. BOL-
LING, for the introduction of this reso-
lution and I am confident not one voice
of protest will be raised against its adop-
tion. Former President Truman deserves
recognition for his contribution to the
birth of the United Nations.
THE FAA SCHEMES AGAIN
(Mr. FRIEDEL asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute.)
Mr. FRIEDEL. Mr. Speaker, I have just
received a copy of a "Master Plan Re-
port-Washington National Airport." I
understand that this has been under
preparation since 1965 pursuant to a
contract between the Federal Aviation
Administration and Vincent G. Kling &
Associates. I am advised that the con-
tract cost the taxpayers of this country
$300,000. This is outrageous.
Early in the 90th Congress I intro-
duced H.R. 2798, which would prohibit
the Federal Aviation Administration
from improving or expanding any air-
port owned and operated by the Federal
Government if the cost of improvement
or expansion would exceed $50,000. Any-
thing over that would have to have spe-
cific authorization by Congress. This
Kling report underscores the need for
such legislation, for in the report there
are four schemes proposed with total
costs as follows:
Scheme F-1 ------------------ $192,440,479
Scheme F-2 ------------------ 193, 622, 525
Scheme F-3 ------------------ 136,988,1 9
Scheme F-4 -------------- ---- 163,024,5 8
Some scheming.
Across the Nation there are many
places where airport improvements are
urgently needed. It is a crying shame that
the one place which does not need to be
expanded should be chosen for dumping
$300,000 down the drain.
Incidentally, for some reason the re-
port is encased in a book which meas-
ures 18 inches by 131/2. inches. This is a
little awkward for Congressmen to carry
around in their side pocket, so I do not
have it with me. I am not sure my file
cabinets are large enough to accommo-
date it and it costs so much I just hate
to throw it away. If any of you want to
see it, I will keep it in the office at least
for awhile. I have the feeling that Mr.
Thomas, the Acting Administrator, will
be glad to give away all of his copies if
you want to get one from him.
A number of us have been telling the
FAA formally and informally for years
that the overuse of Washington National
is ridiculous in the face of the underuse
of Dulles which has over $200 million
invested in it, and the underuse of
Friendship International, so conveniently
located between Baltimore and Wash-
ington.
I do not know what more we must do
to get this message across but I am
perfectly willing to keep at it until it
gets across.
I think that Congress is entitled to an
immediate and complete explanation as
to just how the FAA decided to spend
$300,000 for this purpose. I question their
right to do this. If they have such dis-
cretionary right, it should be removed.
I would have thought that their judg-
ment would have led them away from
such an adventure. I regret that it did
not. I will exert my efforts to have them
up just as soon as possible to determine
what additional restrictions we should
put on their authorizations. Among these
I would hope would be the one set forth
in H.R. 2798.
COMMUNIST INVASION OF
. CZECHOSLOVAKIA
(Mr. DORN asked and was given per-
mission to address the House for 1 min-
ute and to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. DORN. Mr. Speaker, the ruthless
Communist Russian aggression in Czech-
oslovakia should warn us once again that
there is no real- difference in the Com-
munist objective. Their goal is conquest
of the free world. The Communist goal
in Southeast Asia is world conquest. The
Communist goal in Europe is world con-
quest. The Communist goal in Cuba is
world conquest. All Communists are
united in their sinister design to liquidate
from the face of the earth those who
believe in private enterprise, property
rights, a Christian faith and individual
liberty.
The Red Communist invasion of Czech-
oslovakia was ruthlessly designed to
eliminate one little spark of freedom-
one faint hope of the Czechoslovakian
people to be free. The Russian Commu-
nists greatly feared this small taste of
freedom would spread and the Iron Cur-
tain would crumble. The Iron Curtain
was designed to prevent the Russian peo-
ple from finding out the truth. We can
now expect more Berlin walls and barbed
wire to prevent the Czechoslovakian peo-
ple from escaping to freedom. Further,
this ruthless aggression without warn-
ing was coldly calculated to directly aid
the Communist aggression now in prog-
ress in South Vietnam.
There is no real Russia-China rift on
the question of world conquest by the
Communists. Communist pressure is
mounting in the Far East, in the Medi-
terranean, in Europe, in the Caribbean,
in the streets of our own country, in
Mexico City, and in other free cities
throughout the world. We must become
united in the common cause of freedom
or all free nations will be destroyed. We
must strengthen our military-whatever
the cost-and win the race for the con-
quest of space. Should Russia win con-
trol of space, it will be for conquest and
slavery.
Mr. Speaker, today I have joined my
colleague, the distinguished gentleman
from Missouri [Mr. HALL], in a biparti-
san attempt to place this Nation on the
offensive against Communist tyranny
and aggression. This resolution would
express the sense of this Congress "that
the President should impose a selective
moratorium on all American trade, air
travel, diplomatic contacts, cultural ex-
changes, and other relationships existing
between the United States and the Soviet
Union and its satellites until such time
as the Soviet Union and its satellites
withdraw their troops from Czechoslo-
vakia and permit that nation to express
its national aspirations and conduct its
own independent self-government with-
out harassment from the heavy hand of
.occupying military forces of the Soviet
Union and its satellites."
THE CRISIS IN EASTERN EUROPE
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a
previous order of the House, the gentle-
man from New Jersey [Mr. PATTEN] is
recognized for 60 minutes.
Mr. PATTEN. Mr. Speaker, the events
of the last 5 weeks in Eastern Europe
opened the eyes of all idealists and opti-
mists about the evolution of Russian
communism. We are a nation desirous of
peace, balancing our national interests
in our foreign policies with the common
good of the international community and
are ready to conclude reasonable com-
promises in international disputes. Re-
sjectful of national sovereignty of others
we find it hard to accept that another
world power, possessing the key to hor-
rendous nuclear destruction, may want
to return to the days of irresponsibility,
aggression and totalitarian suppression
of allied peoples. Yet this is what the So-
viet Union has done on August 21, 1968,
and continues doing in Czechoslovakia
ever since, while threatening the same
course of action against Rumania and
Yugoslavia.
There was not even a conscious at-
tempt to create a situation containing
factors which could give at least an am-
biguous justification to the treacherous
invasion of an allied country not guilty
of any breach of treaties in the military
or economic sphere. The move of half a
million troops without warning, the ar-
rest of the highest officials of the Czech-
oslovak Government, rescinded only in
the face of unanimous resistance of the
populace and the party, display the same
cold-blooded, cynical disregard of inter-
national law, sovereign equality of na-
tions as did the Soviet attack on Hungary
in 1956.
For in Hungary, too, man's search for
freedom and dignity broke through the
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1991216 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE September 26, 1968
visible and Invisible walls of oppression In entering the country by military ag- to dismiss "objectionable" colleagues un-
ard totalitarianism in 1956 and sought gression the Soviet Union has violated til they themselves are isolated by the
a return to democratic conditions en- the public law of the United Nations new appointees and turned out of offfce-
abling Hungary to regain control of its Charter and international law In at least are being successfully applied. Undoubt-
own destiny. Twelve years ago the brave six instances, according to Herbert Reis, edly the purge will ultimately extend to
Hungarian freedom fighters' elite found U.B. delegate to the Special Committee President Svobcda, Party Secretary Dub-
death on the streets of Budapest and on Principles of International Law of the cek and Premier Czernik as well.
other Hungarian cities, or in the camps United Nations. These include violation Simultaneously, the meaning and place
of the Ukraine and Siberia. It was re- of the most basic U.N. principle: the re- of the January-to-August events in Com-
form Communists like Premier Imre spect for the sovereignty of a member munist Ideology are constantly redefined.
Nagy and Geza Losonczy who later and its right to treatment as a sovereign While Dubcek and Czerrnik consider
shared the martyrdom with the same equal of any other member, This grin- liberalization a progressive element in
Youth who wanted to rid Hungary from ciple was, of course, also violated in the communism-aster all It did not reject
Communist dictatorship. Soviet imperl- case of the Russian Invasion of Hungary Marx, Lenin, or party primacy- Soviet,
alism could tolerate neither Its na- and was denounced in many U.N. reso- East German and Polish newspapers
tional adversaries nor their nationalist lutions between 1956 and 1962. Second, agitate for the a.-emoval of "counterrevo-
ideollogical friends. The fate of Hungary the Soviet Union violated the principle lutionaries" and their physical punish-
was; Indeed a tragic one, the oppression that members of the United Nations are ment. The process will last 3 to 4 months.
of the Hungarian people a harrowing ex- bound by the charter to fulfill their In- Thereupon, the new leadership will de-
perience for the freedom-loving, pro- ternational obligations in "good faith." Clare the "liberal" period an era of
Western population, but the Hungarian Can there be any doubt that clandestine "counterrevolution" and personnel cadres
revolution has still dealt the deathblow attack on an ally is not in accordance will be rewritten. The best than can be
to monolithic communism. It awakened with the "good faith" provision of the hoped for is that passive resistance may
the 'West to the dangers of seeking a law? avoid massive failings of post-1956 Hun-
detente with the. Soviet Union that Is Third, the Soviet Government ignored gary and cushion the sufferings of those
not based on Russian acceptance of gen- the Charter stipulation that all members who have believed that free speech might
erally observed norms of international are obliged to settle international dis- be practiced in any Communist country.
law and the sovereign equality of na- Putes in such a manner that peace, secu- What can we do that would help the
tions. It Is no exaggeration that without rity, and Justice are not endangered. The downtrodden C. echs, the restive Hun-
the events of 1956 in Eastern Europe Russian Invasion and subsequent troop garlans, and the still semirational Ru-
there would not have been a Sino-Soviet concentration on the Soviet-Rumanian maniarm? War t3 out of the realm of pos-
dispute so soon and there would hardly border led to a warning of the President sibility; even the Czechs did not resist
have been American armies committed of the United States that further inva- the Russian occupation. Loans for Lndus-
to the defense of South Vietnam. The sions would be regarded with concern by trial modernization, and hence for eco-
heritage of the Hungarian revolution is the United States and that "the dogs of nomic independence from the Soviet
Eastern Europe was the persistent war should not be unleashed," certainly Union have been "negotiated" last
Yearning for more democracy and indi- not a contribution to peace and security week in Moscow out of consideration.
vidual freedom. Though after Budapest by the perpetrators of this international But we still can keep the fire of moral
it was realized that such developments crime, indignation burning under Moscow es-
must be achieved within the existing in- Fourth. Moscow disregarded the pro- pecially during the U.N. General A;sem-
ternational framework keeping the skel- hibitlon of the threat or the use of force bly session that has commenced on the
eton of Communist Party rule intact in in International relations. This was done 24th. The first two bargaining levers
order not to incite Russian military in- both against Czechoslovakia and Ru- could' be the resolutions submitted in the
tervention. It can be said that there is a mania. Security Council in August by the United
direct linkage between the ideas of Imre Fifth, the Invasion, political control States and Canada fora withdrawal of
Nagy, Joseph Dudas, Istvan Bibo in 1956 and occupation of Czechoslovakia vio- Russian troops and the dispatching of
on the one hand, and Dr. Eduard Gold- lated the principle of equal rights and a Committee of Observers by the Secre-
stuecker, Joseph Dubcek and Frantisek national self-determination of peoples, a tary General. In addition, our delegation
Kriegel on the other though the Conti- tenet of International morality, if not in the United Nations could dramatize
tutional and philosophical frameworks international law. anew the basic issues of Soviet colonial-
might have been different. Finally, there is no legal question that Ism and denial of self-determination,
When Secretary Antoni Novotny was the Soviet Invasion constituted interven- Issues of great Importance to the under-
removed from office and replaced by the tion in the internal affairs of Czecho- developed countries which are not raem-
Slovak Otto Dubcek, an era of democ- slovakia against existing treaty obliga- bens of the two blocs. A continuin:t in-
ratiza.tion has begun in Czechoslovakia. tions between the two countries. jury to Soviet interests there might help
Press censorship was abolished, first In- The Czechoslovak Government was impel the gremlin toward a less extreme
formally then by law, people were again forced tosign the-Moscow accords which course in Czechoslovakia.
free to express their Ideas, the sins of the should more aptly be called surrender The most obvious way of raising re-
Stalinist era were revealed, compensa- terms. The 14 points signed away Czecho- laced issues of suppression and occupa-
tion promised to Its victims who were slovakta's sovereignty and any possibility tion would be a reopening of the clues-
permitted to form their own organiza- of that country's people to decide their tion of the presence of Soviet troops in
tion.Economic reforms, too, were more own political future. The key point is the Hungary. This is both a violation of in-
intensively implemented, trade with the requirement that Czechoslovakia's Po- numerable U.N. resolutions, based on a
West was sought and the National Front litical course "be changed in accordance treaty made before regaining sovereignty
was to be transformed into a working with the Soviet type of socialism." A by the Hungarian Government, and a
coalition of different parties. Finally. the literal Interpretation would mean turning source of danger to the peace and secu-
Parlia.ment recovered some of its demo- back the clock In Czechoslovakia at least rity of the area. For Hungary was used
cratic prerogatives and a new party con- half a decade. For there was more free- as a staging area for the attack on an-
gress was to be held to ratify the reforms. dom In Prague toward the end of the other country and the pro-Moscow Gov-
The short-lived, cautious liberalization Novotny period than there is now in Mos- ernment even forced participation by
ended abruptly with the arrival of Soviet cow. token Hungariar units in the aggressive
armies supported by token units of the There is little ultimate difference be- acts of the Soviet Union against Czecho-
four East European allies still corn- tween the Moscow demands of August 26 slovakia. There are two ways of pro-
manded by the Russian military. The and the demands garrotted by the Kadar cedure: One would be asking the Secre-
outcome is no longer in doubt despite the group in Hungary In November 1958. The tary General to implement General
Persistent attempts of the Czechoslovak tactics used In Hungary in and after No- Assembly resolution No. 1857/XVII of
leadership, left in office In order to emas- vember 1956 are being repeated In Prague the United Nations that empowered the
culate its own reforms, that the repres- with the difference that the old leaders Secretary General to take such intlti:s.tive
give measures are temporary in character have been temporarily left In power. The as he deems necessary in regard to the
until the departure of Soviet troops. old "salami" tactics-forcing the leaders Hungarian question. The second would
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September 26, 1968 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE H
be to place the question on the agenda
on the basis of Hungarian participation
in the Russian invasion of Czechoslo-
vakia and of the use of Soviet troops
stationed in Hungary for the attack.
While our Government must be and is
attempting to safeguard our national in-
terest and the interests of freedom
and national self-determination abroad,
there are many voices who would like to
denigrate our reputation by comparing
our valiant efforts to secure independ-
ence and self-determination to the non-
Communist South Vietnamese in face of
civil war and external aggression with
the Soviet rape of Czechoslovakia.
In the New York Times of Sunday,
September 15, 1968, there appeared a
half-page ad-page 4e-stating among
others:
Moreover there seems to be a growing
rhythm of international immorality. Soviet
leaders have invaded Hungary and Czecho-
slovakia so they can impose their type of
"socialism" while the American leaders in-
vade Vietnam and the Dominican Republic
to impose their form of democracy. .. . we
urge Americans who almost unanimously
challenge the Soviet right to place its tanks
in Czechoslovakia to reassess their own posi-
tion on Vietnam. Isn't this what our govern-
ment has been doing? Haven't too many of
us who are now critical of Mr. Brenzhnev
been tolerant of the same type of deception
and crimes when practiced by our own lead-
ers?
Mr. Speaker, this advertisement and
similar voices which can be occasionally
heard are an insult to the intelligence
of the American people, to the integrity
and peace-loving attitudes of the U.S.
administration, and to the bravery of
the American soldier in Vietnam. They
are strongly anti-American, factually
incorrect and small wonder that the
signers of the statement read like the
blue book of the American professional
bleeding hearts, a mixture of Commu-
nists, socialists, fellow travelers and
pacifists. We must categorically reject
any attempts to compare Vietnam with
Czechoslovakia. We were invited to
Vietnam by the lawful Government that
was attacked both by homegrown guer-
rillas and foreign troops and we are
there to expand freedom and not to
stifle it. While searching for a honor-
able peace at Paris and using all our
diplomatic means to achieve such a so-
lution we must never forget that we are
there for a noble purpose: to prevent
Czechoslovakia-type Communist aggres-
sion against other peoples of Southeast
Asia as well. May I now ask for unani-
mous consent to submit extraneous ma-
terial and for the extension and revi-
sion of my remarks and those of my col-
leagues participating in the debate for
the next 5 days?
Mr. ADAMS. Mr. Speaker, will the gen-
tleman yield?
Mr. PATTEN. I yield to the gentleman.
Mr. ADAMS. Mr. Speaker, the recent
invasion of Czechoslovakia by the Soviet
Union is wrong and no excuse can be
made for it. The deliberate suppression
of freedom by Soviet and Warsaw Pact
troops is a tragedy not only for the peo-
ple of Czechoslovakia but for the peo-
ple of the entire world.
It demonstrates that communism is
not a monolith but instead has deep divi-
sions regarding the necessity for personal
freedom and intellectual integrity. It
also, unfortunately, reveals that the old
hardline military solution Communists
still have the strength in the Soviet Gov-
ernment to overcome the Moscow "doves"
and use solely military force to main-
tain their national security. The threat
that an unfriendly Czechoslovakia might
geographically split the Warsaw Pact
states into two parts and create a pos-
sible invasion route from the west to the
borders of Russia were arguments we are
informed were used by the Russian mil-
itary leaders. to justify this invasion.
What a colossal tragedy that their mili-
tary demands should prevail, and the be-
ginnings of Czech freedom should be
snuffed out.
America must not panic nor be foolish
in the face of this display, of military
arrogance. Instead we must fashion our
future policies in light of what has oc-
curred. Many American "hardliners" are
taking the same position as that taken
in Moscow-more troops, more military
involvement-more rhetoric of the post-
Hungary variety. This is panic. Others
try to justify. the Soviet action and say
it will "be all right now"-this is foolish.
Instead we should say to the uncom-
mitted world: "See what hardline com-
munism is and learn from Hungary and
Czechoslovakia." We should say to our
allies, "You had better help us; we are
your partner, not your benefactor." Fi-
nally we should leave open our options
with regard to dissident satellites in the
Communist orbit.
America must stand strong but it must
not fall into the trap of believing the
solutions to all problems are military.
We know now that the Communist world
is not a monolith. We know that the
Communist world is suffering from
stresses and strains. Let us be strong but
also wise and compassionate so that we
resist the aggressors, convince the neu-
tral and give hope and a bridge out of
Soviet domination for the Czechs, the
Hungarians, the Yugoslavs and others.
America can do this if we reject rigid
old-fashioned solutions and move to-
ward a new America with new priorities
for its resources and new solutions for
world problems. This means reexamining
and improving ourselves. Our time today
is short, so at this point I have asked that
an article I recently prepared for pub-
lication be placed in the RECORD so you
may read some of my beliefs as to what
we must do:
[From the office of Congressman BROCx
ADAMS, 7th District, State of Washington,
August 26, 19681
TOWARD A NEW AMERICA
The crisis in Europe caused by the inva-
sion of Czechoslovakia offends the sense of
decency in every free man and starkly
demonstrates the need for America to estab-
lish new, vital, intelligent priorities.
In America today, this continuing series
of crises in our foreign policy, the incipient
revolt of our youth, and the growing black
and white racism in our cities, are not
isolated problems. They are maladies which
have spread throughout our society since
World War II but have been submerged under
the tide of our startling economic growth,
technological advancement and population
explosion.
There is a gulf developing between the
American political parties and the people.
When our political parties carry on "busincss
as usual" in the face of crisis, growing num-
bers in our society resort to nonpolitical ac-
tion, and all too often to violence.
This gulf also applies to the use of old-
fashioned terms such as "liberal" and "con-
servative" in our private and public debates.
These terms are applied to particular policies
and individuals in the sense they were used
in the 1930's when, in fact, today they have
no meaningful application. The "liberal" of
the 1930's, for example, would shudder at my
being referred to as a "liberal" Democrat. His
welfare system (not to mention agricultural
subsidies, traditional public-work programs
and other relics) is now dated and harmful
both to its recipient and the economy. The
ultimate irony, however, is that I must con-
tinue to fight and vote for his old welfare
system because the alternatives presented
to us in Congress are the cobwebs or nothing
at all. When nothing at all would breed chaos,
there is no real choice. Like the example
of the thirsty man who has the choice of
salt water or no water at all, the end result
can be the same but the salt water at
least postpones the inevitable. This salt-water
psychology permeates much of our political
system and it has brought bewilderment,
confusion, and finally frustration, not only
to our younger generation but to several
generations spanning decades.
A NEW SET OF PRIORITIES
Meeting this growing discontent really
means putting America's problems in per-
spective. As a beginning, America must de-
cide how it will use its immense but never-
theless limited resources. For twenty years
a majority of our people have lived in grow-
ing prosperity slid America has enjoyed over-
whelming strength in relationship to the rest
of the world. This has lulled and finally
trapped us into an illusion that we can do
everything at the same time. We must now
face the knowledge that our resources are
not inexhaustible. We must assign priorities
for their use. How do we assign priorities?
Very simply. First, we must meet our crises,
then necessities, next our ordinary needs,
and finally, if anything is left, indulge in
some luxuries.
Let us examine these categories and face
reality in establishing priorities for a new
America.
FOREIGN POLICY
The first crisis is in our foreign policy, and
that means bring the, war in Viet Nam into
perspective with our worldwide foreign policy
commitments and objectives. Since 1965 I
have repeatedly cautioned against treating
this small Asian country as an Armageddon.
To contend that the only way to saveour-
selves from communism is through the use
of conventional military force on the bor-
ders of communist nations-a contention
which played no small part in getting us em-
broiled in Viet Nam-is to indulge in the
luxury of a legend to which we can no longer
afford to pay tribute.
Reality dictates that the South Vietnamese
must in the end settle their own difficulties.
Based on that knowledge and the fact that
we have more than made good on any com-
mitments we have had to South Viet Nam,
we must begin to move out of Viet Nam so
the Saigon government knows that it must
meet its responsibilities. As we disengage
our troops and de-escalate our military ef-
forts in Viet Nam, we can work to assist the
South Vietnamese to produce a government
which will have enough support to avoid an
immediate collapse and we can aid those
who believe they cannot live in the country
when we have departed. We must face the
fact that our almost total preoccupation
with Viet Nam has diverted us from our
proper role in world affairs and to a large de-
gree prevented us from dealing with Ameri-
ca's legitimate concerns in the Middle East
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE September 26, 1968
(during the continuing Israeli-Arab crisig)
and in Europe (the Czech crisis, for ex-
ample).
DOMESTIC POLICY
The second crisis is In our central cities
where black and white racism, exacerbated
by poverty, Is taking hold. We must have en-
forcement of the law and the creation of
order with justice in all sections of our cities.
The alternative is anarchy. We must also
more Intelligently divert a large portion of
our national tax dollars Into meeting the
problems of poverty in our cities. The alterna-
tive Is urban chaos.
Repeatedly I have warned In speeches, to
both civil rights groups and law enforce-
ment groups, that our law enforcement sys-
tem has been buried In the back row of our
priorities for too long. Today we most urgently
need new police administraltons equipped
with money and social insight to deal with
our ever-worsening crime problems. Instead
we have too many old-timers preaching the
philosophy of the club and gun. Conversely,
too often our civil rights groups will excuse
violent criminal acts as being solely a result
of past social ills. We most urgently need
expanded criminal courts and correctional
institutions. Our police departments are un-
dermanned and underpaid. Archaic prisons,
rather than correcting a man, solidify his
commitment to crime. Radical improvements
In our law enforcement system can be
brought about at a relatively modest cost.
Increased salaries and educational incentives
for the police officer, expanded court feeil-
ities to make justice accurate and swift,
variation in custodial Institutions to make
rehabilitation possible and increased em-
phasis on probation and parole services to
make them function properly are minimal re-
quirements which can be brought about at a
relatively modest cost. These must have high
priority.
Black and white racism is the greatest
threat to American cities today. The black
population to our cities has been and con-
tinues to be shut out of the political, eco-
nomic and social structure of this nation. As
a result, the pent-up energy of new and bet-
ter educated leaders in the black community
has been increasingly funneled into anti-
political and antisocial action. The moderate
leadership of the Negro community which
historically has sought gradual accommoda-
tion with whites through traditional pro-
grams has been in retreat before black mill-
tancy for several years. This retreat has been
hastened by the shocking loss of Dr. Martin
Luther King.
The violence that has now erupted could
have been avoided by meaningful antipov-
erty and social action programs a few short
years ago. But these preventive antipoverty,
education and job programs initiated dur-
ing the early 1980's began suffering cut-
backs almost at birth. Agriculture. the mili-
tary, public works, and other traditional
programs all retained their "untouchable"
status so that when Viet Nam began to pres-
sure the budget, the new programs for the
poor became number one target for the
budgetary axe. The long-range objective is,
as it always has been among men of good
will, to provide Negro citizens with equal op-
portunities and the sense of dignity and
respect that all freeborn men have a right to
expect. But legal equality has little meaning
If the Negro has no political and economic
Stake in American society. Our interim ob-
jective must be to stake him. This will take
new programs and new money, supported
by the country and Implemented by bright,
tough-minded men, both black and white.
As a beginning, the Interim programs must
include., (1) local cooperative ownership of
business; (2) local control of a wide range
of jobs in the central city by those living
there; (3) creation of new housing, prob-
ably including suburbs, by new financial
Interests; and (4) radically revamped school
systems to bring acceptable public educa-
tion back to the central city,
It is essential that we understand that
at this point In time, more old-time give-
away programs will lead only to further dis-
appointment among whites and greater rejec-
tion among blacks. We have learned that
equal opportunity and brotherhood among
the noes depends not on how much whites
give blacks. but rather on how much whites
are willing to share with them.
This Is at the heart of the concept of
Negro ownership, for until the Negro com-
munity actually owns something, it has
nothing to share. Giving and sharing are
very different concepts. The elimination of
racial tensions in our society depends to a
large extent on our willingness to acknowl-
edge this difference. How senseless and
tragic It would be should we decide to do
otherwise.
ECONOMIC POLICY
The third crisis we must Immediately face
is really an offspring of the first two. It In-
volves the stresses on our economic system
brought on by excessive deficit spending to
cover the rising cost of Viet Nam while
meeting domestic emergencies. This has
caused a challenge to the dollar, a reduction
of our gold reserves, and spawned a plethora
of palliative tax programs which patch but
do not meet the crisis. Again we have a crisis
caused by our inability-or unwillingness--
to change past policies in the face of new
problems.
Despite the fact that In 1988 we are
engaged In a fantastically costly land war In
Asia, we continue to maintain troops and
their dependents in Europe, Korea, Japan.
and elsewhere at a cost of over $3 billion
without a firm policy as to what they are
there to accomplish. We continue bilateral
aid, Including military assistance of ques-
tionable necessity, to scores of small coun-
tries- This continues while we engage in the
luxuries of farm subsidies, unusual space
program hardware, and traditional public
works, to name a few. I do not mean that
each of these programs is without value.
What I do mean Is that in any sense of na-
tional priorities, such programs must be
subordinated In time of crisis.
Clearly there are a number of steps we
must take to abate the challenge to the
dollar. They are steps to be sure which will
find little support among the powerful
lobbies, or for that matter the present
Institutional committee structure of Con-
gress. They are steps which run directly con-
trary to the inertia of the past. But with the
support of the people at the grass roots. I
think we can: (1) reduce the annual $30
billion cost of Viet Nam if we disengage and
de-escalate our military involvement; (2)
sharply reduce the $3.4 billion we are spend-
ing to maintain troops and their dependents
in developed areas of the world by re-exam-
ining their function and our commitment;
and (3) re-examine and substantially re-
duce our bilateral aid commitments, espe-
cially military aid to developing countries In
Latin America, Africa and Asia.
Putting our priorities in perspective for
the new America we want to create really
means reltevrng. If not solving. three inter-
related crises--the Viet Nam war, urban and
racial unrest and financial Instability.
These are our crises, but this is not meant
to suggest that no other problems are
troubling our society.
There are, for example, unfair draft laws
and Inequitable income tax laws. There is a
desperate need for better air and water pollu-
tion control, modern comprehensive trans-
portation systems, stiffer air safety stand-
ards. and a host of other problems to be met
with worthwhile programs. But each must
seek Its own level of importance after we
have met our crises.
Our mistake heretofore has been our stub-
born retention and expansion of nonessen-
tials even when crises face us---our inability
to put first things first. When disagreement
between the two political parties with their
so-called "liberal" and "conservative" wings
becomes nothing more than a dialogue over
how to roll back or maintain the present
order, we no longer have a healthy confron-
tation of old ven:us new. Today our political
parties seem to be souping up their horses
and buggies to race In a Grand Prix. Souped-
up and renamed programs will not solve the
crises of the new smerica.
John F. Kennedy liked to say that there Is
nothing so powerful as an idea whose time
has come. Everywhere In America-in the
ghettos, in the suburbs, on the farms-we
can, if we will listen, hear new people using
new - words to express ideas whose time has
come.
No doubt "old pros" chortle at the sug-
gestion that the American people desire a
clear choice between traditional policies on
the one hand and a creative, problem-solving
meeting of our priorities, on the other. I be-
lieve they are m staken and 1988 wil! mark
one of those turning points in American his-
tory when the people demand that this na-
tion hoist the old anchors and set out on a
new and enlighte.aed course. Let us begin.
(Mr. ADAMS asked and was given
permission to revise and extend his re-
marks snd Include an article.) .
Mr. PEPPER. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentlelr,an ytele.?
Mr. PATI'EN. I yield to the gentle-
man from Florida.
Mr. PEPPER. Mr. Speaker, I thank
the able gentleman from New Jersey for
yielding.
I commend tae gentleman for taking
this time to express the indignation of
this House and this country at the das-
tardly, brutal aggression which has been
perpetrated upon the brave people of
Czechoslovakia by the Soviet Union. We
remember, Mr. Speaker, it was in 1923
that the Japanese made a dastardly at-
tack upon China and laid the predicate
for World War II. We also very vividly
recall that Hitler also attacked, without
provocation, in furtherance of nothing
except his own evil, devilish ambition for
conquest, the nation and the people of
Austria and of Czechoslovakia, and he
assured the inevitable coming of World
War II.
The regrettable thing, Mr. Speaker, is
that in 1923, when Japan made that, das-
tardly assault, the League of Nations
and the leading powers of the world stood
by and did not (to anything to prevent it
or to punish the perpetrator of the ag-
gression. Also, one of the grievous mis-
takes of our time was the fact that again
the leading nations of the world stood by
and allowed Hitler to perpetrate his ag-
gression upon Austria and Czechoslo-
vakia. Even the Prime Minister of a great
country with a great past, and a great
record of humanitarian accomplishment
and contribution, said that, it was no
concern to the people of his coun-,ry if
Hitler invaded a nation the name of
which a lot of his people could not pro-
nounce, and which was far away from
their homes. That was a part of the con-
tribution to the bombs that later fell
upon the country of that Prime Minister.
We saw a little while ago another ag-
gressor, a totalitarian from the left, if
Hitler was a totalitarian from the right,
perpetrate the same kind of assault and
conquest and tyranny upon the people
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September 26, 1968 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
of Hungry. Again the United Nations and
the leading nations relatively stood aside
and, like Pilate, relatively washed their
hands of that episode.
Now another brutal aggression has
come, and a half million soldiers of the
Soviet Union, certain members of the
Communist Warsaw Pact and bloc went
into that brave little country and took
over the physical possession and domi-
nation of it to show the world that they
were utterly impervious to world opinion,
had no sentiment except contempt for
what the world thought of what they
did, determined to hold that brave peo-
ple so tightly in their orbit that they
could not politically breathe except by
permission of their Soviet master.
Again what concerns me is that the
United Nations and the leading nations
of the world stand by. I have heard
relatively little of expressions of. indigna-
tion, let alone proposals to give assist-
ance to these brave people. I want to join
in what was said by the able gentleman
from Washington [Mr. ADAMS], that we
should let those people know that while
the time may not be propitious for us to
do all that we would like to do, that we do
not intend to stand aside, indifferent to
their being conquered by a sinister mas-
ter and brought within subjection of
that ambitious, imperial polder, that we
can do something, and we do propose in
good time to do something. To help them
regain their freedom.
I would also say to many of my fel-
low citizens living in the Miami area
and in other parts of America, be-as-
sured, we have not given up hope of get-
ting rid of Castro in Cuba. We may not
find the time as I have said, propitious
to do all that we would like to do right
now, but we want them to know that we
are not accepting Castro's domination of
the beautiful Caribbean with his com-
munistic oligarchy and his imperialism
there.
So I think it is well that others, like
the able gentleman from New Jersey,
who has set us a good precedent here
this afternoon, should speak up and let
those Czechoslovakia people who are to-
day having to make the critical decision
of whether they will put up with a mili-
tary subjection, overwhelmingly con-
quered And overwhelmingly ruled by sol-
diery, or whether they will give up their
aspirations to be a relatively free people.
It will influence them in order to get rid
of the armed forces now upon their
necks, it will give them moral strength
and courage to hold out if they know that
in this great country where we love free-
dom we are aware of the freedom that
they have lost. We want to give them en-
couragement to believe that in God's
good time freedom will come again to
this brave country of Czechoslovakia.
Mr. PATTEN. I thank the gentleman
from Florida, and I welcome your re-
marks and I agree with you.
I intended to explore this in depth,
but I see such distinguished company
here wanting to pay tribute to our col-
league, that great Virginian, Governor
Tucx, that I will not continue.
(Mr. PA'rI'EN asked and was given
permission to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. GERALD R. FORD. Mr. Speaker,
today my distinguished. colleague from
New Jersey, and others, are discussing
the impact of recent Soviet aggression in
Czechoslovakia.
I commend them, and I join them in
denouncing the Soviet-led Invasion of
Czechoslovakia. This is a country which
tried to proceed cautiously in the direc-
tion of a more humane interpretation of
socialism within the Warsaw Pact frame-
work. As a result, Czechoslovakia has
been dealt a blow similar to that of Hun-
gary, where the popular uprising of 1956
sought to restore full democracy and to
sever Hungary's ties with the Soviet
Union.
Soviet suppression of freedom move-
ments in Czechoslovakia and Hungary
shows that the Soviet Union is unwilling
to tolerate any evolution toward indi-
vidual liberty in the countries of East
and Central Europe, lest the yearning of
man for freedom might infect various
parts of the Soviet Union herself. It also
shows that the Soviet Union is still not a
law-abiding member of the international
community.
No less than six basic provisions of
international law and the United Na-
tions Charter have been violated by the
occupation of Czechoslovakia. These in-
clude the two bases of international
law and order: the sovereign equality
of nations in relation to one another
and the fulfillment of treaties in good
faith. Moreover, all the U.N. injunctions
against a military solution of interna-
tional disputes were disregarded by the
Soviet Union.
There appears to be little hope for
Czechoslovakia despite the exemplary
passive resistance of the people and their
governmental leaders against the occu-
piers at this time. Six of the nine major
liberal leaders have already been purged,
and the rest, including Dubcek, may be
forced to resign in a matter of months.
The ramifications of the events in
Czechoslovakia extend over a wider field.
Not only were the dissident Communist
countries of Rumania and Yugoslavia
threatened militarily, but the Soviet dip-
lomatic offensive is now directed against
the Federal Republic of Germany. Some
West German Government leaders com-
plain that the Soviet Union is acting as
if West Germany should be in the Soviet
sphere of influence, according to Wash-
ington Evening Star writer Crosby O.
Noyes. The Soviet claim to a legal right
of intervention in West Germany pre-
sages, if not an invasion of Germany,
then perhaps another explosive Berlin
crisis.
In order to avert such developments
we- must take energetic diplomatic and
military measures in time.
Strong steps should be taken in the
United Nations to place the American
resolution that was vetoed by Russia in
the Security Council on the agenda of the
General Assembly. Also, similar efforts
must be made with regard to the Cana-
dian resolution calling for a U.N. fact-
finding mission to Prague.
In this connection, the U.N. Secretary
General should be called upon to report
back to the assembly on the initiatives he
has taken on the Hungarian question
H 9219
under resolution of the U.N. Assembly
of December 20, 1962. -
Finally, we must take steps to
strengthen NATO militarily and politi-
cally. The task is not ours alone. The
European allies must contribute their fair
share. But the United States must assume
the moral and political leadership.
Mr. MINSHALL. Mr. Speaker, I join
with my distinguished colleagues in con-
demning the Russian invasion and
occupation of Czechoslovakia. Russian
threats of military force subsequently
have been extended against the Federal
Republic of Germany and even to two
Communist satellites, Rumania and
Yugoslavia.
The free world has expressed its revul-
sion and disgust over these manifesta-
tions of Soviet aggression, but this has
helped little so far as the. Czechoslovak
people and their leadership is concerned.
More than 24 divisions are stationed
in Czechoslovakia; six of the reformist
leaders already have been purged and
Party Secretary Dubcek still is high on
the Russian purge lists; most of the re-
forms which had taken place since Jan-
uary were rescinded under the muzzle
of Russian guns. There is little doubt
that the remaining liberal leaders will
ultimately have to resign under Soviet
pressure. A curtain of silence will fall
over this pro-Western nation.
The similarities to the situation in
Hungary in 1956 are striking. On both
occasions man's yearning' for freedom
has created powerful pressures within
and without the party to create a dem-
ocratic order to pursue policies in the
national interest. While the pent-up
pressures in Hungary were not permitted
by Communist leaders to find expression .
without a revolt, this revolt was so unan-
imous that a new government of -Com-
munists and non-Communists could be
created under the reformist In-ire Nagy.
Yet both Dubcek and Nagy were de-
nounced by Russia, Nagy even suffering
the fate of martyrdom in 1958 by the
Soviet and Hungarian authorities who
had been put in power by Moscow.
The invasion was fought by the Hun-
garians, still hoping for Western help.
Twelve years later the Czechs and Slo-
vaks have no such illusion. The same
salami tactics are used in Czechoslovakia
which were used in Hungary. Unless
Western diplomatic pressure is stronger
than in 1956, Czechoslovakia also will
share the same sad fate as Hungary.
The General Assembly of the United
Nations has just opened. In remarks on
this floor earlier today I urged the House
Committee on Foreign Affairs to quickly
adopt my concurrent resolution which
would start the machinery moving to
involve the United Nations in behalf of
all the captive nations. It is mandatory
that the United States move with more
elan and consistency to achieve the con-
demnation of Soviet actions in Prague.
It is essential that a U.N. factfinding
mission be sent to Czechoslovakia.
But beyond 'the actions in the U.N.
we must take strong measures in bi-
lateral Russian-American relations and
abandon the illusion of a detente. We
cannot "do business as usual" and re-
main credible to the world in our de-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE September 26, 1968
nunciation of Soviet aggression. Let us
not extend the credibility gap to Czecho-
slovakia as well. Much damage has been
done by the pursuit of a summit meeting
between the President and Soviet lead-
ers in Moscow even after August 21, but
seemingly the project has finally been
put off.
In NATO we must take constructive
steps to insure greater participation of
our Allies and must ourselves pursue a
NATO summit meeting as proposed by
West German Chancellor Kirt-Georg
Kiesinger. It should be held immediately
after the Foreign Ministers' meeting of
NATO on October 7.
I believe that former Vice President
Richard Nixon has made a valuable con-
tribution, has, indeed shown the way, by
calling his staff together to devise new
policies for countering the Russian threat
in Europe and by sending former Gov-
ernor William Scranton on a factflnd-
ing tour of Europe. Certainly the Con-
gress should follow suit with hearings
and studies by the House Committee on
Foreign Affairs and the Senate Commit-
tee on Foreign Relations.
Mr. GREEN of Pennsylvania. Mr.
Speaker, I want to thank the gentle-
man from New Jersey for allowing me
to participate In this discussion.
The ruthless invasion of Czechoslova-
kia, last month, by Soviet forces should
pain all those who love freedom for the
move was made to stifle the spirit of a
people who dared to express individual-
ism.
Czechoslovakia, through the 1920's and
1930's, had been the showcase of democ-
racy in Central Europe. It was a pros-
perous and productive nation of differ-
ent national groups who had learned to
live together. The agreement at Munich
betrayed Czechoslovakia and doomed
her to conquest by Hitler and to eventual
subjugation by the Russians.
While I recognize that our Govern-
ment was in no position to commit
troops at the time of the Russian In-
vasion, I feel strongly that we should
take economic action that will make
those who crushed Czechoslovakia re-
consider their action.
If the cold war refrigerates to Its 1950
temperature, the onus Is on the Russians
but the Czechs unfortunately are the
first victims.
Mr. DULSKI. Mr. Speaker, free people
everywhere are dismayed at the new So-
viet aggression. There was the recent
march on Czechoslovakia, the threats
against our NATO ally, the Federal Re-
public of Germany, and the continued
presence of Russian troops In Hungary.
The Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia
has again demonstrated the unwilling-
ness of Russia to abide by the rules of
international law which it professes to
accept. At least six principles of interna-
tional law were violated. Further, the
United Nations Charter obligations have
been breached.
Russia also violated the U,N. Charter
when it notified the Federal Republic of
Germany of its claim to the right of in-
tervention under obsolete and misinter-
preted Charter clauses. The menacing
moves against Rumania at the end of
August were further violations of the
U.N. Charter.
As long as Russian troops remain in
Czechoslovakia, there Is little hope of
any degree of national independence or
effective domestic control by the surviv-
ing government. The purge of the present
leadership has already begun and likely
will continue despite the unanimous sup-
port displayed by the Czech people for
the Dubcek-Czernik government.
The situation also Is bleak in Hungary,
which has been occupied by Soviet troops
since 1956 when they crashed the short-
lived attempt of the Hungarian people
and Government under Imre Nagy to
throw off the yoke of Moscow.
The narrow limits allowed the Hun-
garian Government are made clear by
the presence of Russian troops and the
nation's complete economic dependence
upon the U.S.S.R. The presence of Rus-
sian troops in Hungary facilitated
Russian military moves against Czecho-
slovakia and would do the same in case
of a Soviet attack against Rumania or
Yugoslavia.
This is a disturbing and intolerable
situation for the freedom-loving Hun-
garian people. These people had to dis-
pute with the Dubcek-Czernik regime,
which was the first government since
1945 that listened to the legitimate com-
plaints of the 700,000 Hungarians in
Slovakia.
We must increase our efforts in the
United Nations to achieve a condemna-
tion of the Russian occupation of both
countries. There has been no discussion
in the past 6 years of the Soviet presence
In Hungary which the Secretary General
has treated as a problem solved by
inaction.
We must also reenforce the deter-
minnation of our NATO allies to con-
tribute militarily and politically to
halting the erosion of the alliance. Per-
haps the United States should take the
Initiative in calling a NATO summit
meeting to take a whole new look at the
alliance.
Here in Congress, I am joining my col-
leagues In recommending that the House
Committee on Foreign Affairs hold hear-
ings and make a study of the situation in
Central and Eastern Europe with the as-
sistance of academic and political
experts.
The dangers inherent in unchecked
Russian aggression in Europe require
that we do our utmost to devise adequate
countermoves.
Mr. BYRNE of Pennsylvania. Mr.
Speaker, I am joining my colleagues,
ably led by the distinguished gentleman
from New Jersey, in condemning recent
Soviet aggression in Czechoslovakia and
calling for further moves in the United
Nations to insure the withdrawal of all
Russian occupation troops from that
country and also from Hungary where
they are still stationed in violation of
numerous U.N. General Assembly reso-
lutions.
Twenty years ago the universal decla-
ration of human rights was voted by the
United Nations General Assembly but
the callous disregard for human rights
displayed by Soviet occupation troops in
Prague, Bratislava and other cities of
Czechoslovakia shows that progress has
been slow or nonexistent in Communist
countries.
While more flagrant in Czechoslo-
vakia, where even a reformist faction of
the Communist Party believing in a lim-
ited freedom of expression of the people
Is forcedby military power to rescind its
liberalizing measures, violations of hu-
man rights continue in the entire Corn-
munist bloc.
The massive influx of Russian divi-
sions, 24 extra since August 21, into
Central Europe also creates a dangerous
strategic situation for NATO and urgent
measures are needed to restore the bal-
ance and the confidence of the Western
European nations which are both shocked
and intimidated by the aggressive moves
of the Soviet Union.
Firally, I am joining my colleagues in
asking for a study by the House Foreign
Affairs Committee of the current situa-
tion In Easte:.?n and Central Europe and
its ramifications for our commitments
and interests in Europe. Hearings should
be held and outside academic and polit-
ical experts asked to undertake a scho-
lastic, policy-oriented study of the situa-
tion. We also hope that the State
Department :s undertaking an in-depth
study on this vital subject.
Mr. CONTE- Mr. Speaker, I am join-
ing my colleagues today in discussing re-
cent developments in East Central Eu-
rope as a result of the Soviet occupation
of Czechoslovakia and the use of threat
of force against several other European
nations like West Germany, Rumania,
and Yugoslavia.
It is with sad heart that we are con-
templating the strangulation of Czecho-
slovakia by the Soviet Union's military
command and political leadership. De-
spite the brave attempts of the present
leadership which possesses the support
of the overwhelming majority of the
population to hang on and preserve at
least some of the liberalization measures,
the outcome can not be in dcubt. Al-
ready now Russian pressures for the re-
moval of Party Secretary Dubcek have
been renewed, several of the others have
already resi;ned under pressure and
glelchschaltung will take its place slowly
but inescapably in Czechoslovakia.
There is cne avenue which we must
continue without respite and re:uctance.
This is to bring upon the Soviet Union
the moral indignation of the world, ex-
pres;ed through United Nations actions.
The Canadian proposal for the dispatch-
ing of a fact-finding commission to
Prague should be renewed in the As-
sembly and every informational agency
or instrumentality of the U.S. Govern-
ment and public must be used to de-
nounce the Nape of Czechoslovakia and
demand the withdrawal of all Russian
troops from that country and also from
Hungary where they are stationed in
violation of numerous United Nations
resolutions. While full success will prob-
ably be denied to these moves, they might
well have a restraining influence upon
Moscow in its dealing with Czecho-
slovakia and alleviate the suffering of
its people.
We must also urge a reassessment of
NATO commitments in the view of the
deployment of 24 Russian divisions in
Czechoslovakia. A NATO summit might
well be a useful step as would be an ac-
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celation of returning the withdrawn of the Red army from the central Euro-
troops to Central Europe on our part. pean heartland. Given such circum-
While not abandoning all hopes for stances, the people's yearning for free-
later negotiations with the Soviet Union, atom and independence would help the
we must realize that until the balance is present regime evolve in a more demo-
restored and the Soviets are aware of our `cratic and truly national direction.
determination not to permit aggression The United States has the moral duty
in Europe, any talks would only condone and political interest to promote such a
the August invasion and the subsequent . policy. Now the whole world is condemn-
Russian diplomatic and psychological of- -1ng the Russian occupation of Prague,
fensive ag"dinst the Federal Republic of including many western Communist
Germany. As the Earl of Avon wrote on parties as well. We must do everything
September 14 in his New York Times In our power diplomatically to have the
editorial: U.N. General Assembly condemn the ag-
The history of the thirties has taught us gression, authorize the dispatching of a
mercilessly that to attempt new agreements, factfinding commission to Prague, and
while ignoring flagrant breaches of the old, to reopen the Hungarian question. For 6
earns contempt, not progress. years the latter has been relegated to
Finally, it is necessary for the House -oblivion by the resolution leaving it up
Foreign Affairs Committee to investigate to the Secretary General to report back
and analyze the changes occurring in to the Assembly after he has , niti-
European security and American secu- ative which he deemed necessary. Our
city in view of the Czechoslovak and administration should ask Mr. U Thant
related events. Hearings and a study by to report back and place the question' on
outside academic experts should be un- the agenda of the General Assembly
dertaken at the earliest feasible date. In again.
this connection, I must commend the The Russian moves created legitimate
Republican presidential candidate for of deep doubts about the effectiveness
arranging for a study of American com- of NATO defenses which have been pur-
mitments by his staff and for sending sued with leisure in the last few years as
former Gov. William Scranton to Europe -a result of the Vietnam war and bridge-
for a fact-finding tour. We, in Congress building policies. The holding of a NATO
are also obligated to undertake a com- summit might be a good step to start
prehensive study of the ramifications of strengthening our NATO ties and de-
the Russian occupation of Czecho- fenses. More importantly, the Congress
slovakia. -should take part in the deliberations
Mr. HELSTOSKI. Mr. Speaker, it gives over policy revisions by the House For-
me great pleasure to join my colleagues, eign Affairs Committee. It would be ad-
ably led by the distinguished gentleman visable for the committee to hold public
from New Jersey [Mr. PATTEN], in ana- hearings and authorize a study by aca-
lyzing the situation created by renewed -demic and political experts of the situa-
Russian aggression in Czechoslovakia for lion.
the entire region. Mr. ADDABBO. Mr. Speaker, it is with
Just as 12 years ago when the brave concern that I am joining the responsi-
people and youth of Hungary rose ble remarks of the distinguished gentle-
against their Soviet masters and estab- man from New Jersey on the serious sit-
lished a government which promised slovakia, the its continued Russian id presence invasion in Hun-
-
democratization under Premier Imre e
rin
force
Nagy, the people of Czechoslovakia have, agar, and i threat ptt of the use ofo
in the last weeks, experienced the crush- against Rumania,ic of Germany, and the
Federal Republic
has
ing weight of the Russian juggernaut. created f
security many, of the
While circumstances were different, and rh
while at least the tremendous blood- region and nd the ebl its peace a freedom-loving g popula-
while that had accompanied the valiant, tide.
but futile, resistance of the Hungarian We have with
and econothe mic invasion and
slow political and witnessed
strangula-
youth and army units was avoided in tion of Czechoslovakia so aptly. described
Czechoslovakia, the fate of both coun- by the New York Times on September 20,
tries has been, and will be, essentially the 1968:
same. Both are deprived and will con- The heavy reality overwhelms the con-
tinue to be deprived of national inde- trary appearance of a permissive or confused
pendence, domestic sovereignty. Their Occupation, an appearance given off by re-
people will miss the basic human rights peated outcroppings of Czech dignity and
of expression and assembly and will have valor. The Russians are strangling Czecho-
to adopt the "Soviet type" of socialism, slovakia.
. The repetition of the 1956 events in Yet, the move of over one-half million
Prague shows both that man's yearning troops into the small country is now used
for freedom is a fundamental, non- by the Kremlin leaders for the achieve-
ideological fact that breaks through the ment of wider objectives. The Russian
bondage of tyranny even if has some- policy has had repercussions already in
times to use the same ideological argu- two directions: toward the Balkans and
ments which the invaders have forced the Middle East and toward the Fed-
upon them. eral Republic of Germany
The threat
.
The basic evil in central and eastern of invasion of Rumania has already same time our Ambassador to the United
Europe today has been now exposed: it caused our President to warn against 'Nations has denounced the hideous dis-
is the presence of Soviet occupation "unleashing the dogs of war" and the regard of international law by the Soviet
troops in the various countries, most par- "caving in" of the Rumanian President 'Union.
titularly Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and on the conclusion of a friendship and bias not the renewed- Russian aggres-
Poland. One must concentrate on these alliance treaty extension with the ?sion been sufficient to convince the
issues and force as much as possible, U.S.S.R. and restricting intergovern- dreamers and bridgebuilders? Is it not
with diplomatic means, the withdrawal mental visits between Rumania and her -enough that because of the failure of a
,second largest economic partner, West
Germany, Yugoslavia also feels mili-
tarily threatened and ft looks like Rus-
sia is trying to clear the decks before a
new Middle East crisis is in order, to be
in a better position to intervene.
Equally serious is the constant Rus-
sian propaganda barrage accusing the
Federal Republic of aggressive policies
and new-Nazism, claiming the right of
intervention under the hostile state
clause-article 107-of the United Na-
tions Charter. if ever tried in earnest,
this would mean world war III and the
nuclear holocaust. But even the bluff is
supposed to work on the West German
attitude toward America and NATO and
to lead up to- a new Berlin offensive by
Ulbricht and the Kremlin.
Under such grave circumstances, the
need for a wide and far-reaching re-
assessment of our NATO and East Cen-
tral European policy becomes manda-
tory. Today I am calling for such a
review within the executive branch, but
it is also necessary to undertake an in-
depth study and hearings on the situa-
tion by our House Committee on Foreign
Affairs.
Particular attention should be given
to the consequences of continued Soviet
military presence in Hungary and Czech-
oslovakia. A victim of Russian aggres-
sion about 12 years ago, Hungary has
had to maintain over 50,000 troops on
her soil since 1956, despite numerous
U.N. General Assembly resolutions and
strong protests of the majority of all na-
tions in the world. These troops were
used against Czechoslovakia and now
Russians are manning the missile and
anti-missile installations in Hungary di-
rected against the West. The strategic
repercussions of the presence of one-half
million Russian crack troops in Czecho-
slovakia is too obvious to need detailed
explanation. Under these conditions, the
strengthening of NATO and a full-
fiedged psychological counteroffensive
pointing out Russian aggression and
calling for its ceasing becomes the de-
mand of the hour and it is my hope that
both the administration and Congress
will find ways and means to implement
such policies in the near future.
Mr. FINO. Mr. Speaker, today I am
joining my colleagues in condemning
Russian aggression in Czechoslovakia
and subsequent moves to create fear and
confusion among our NATO allies, parti-
cularly the Federal Republic of Germany.
In this connection it must be remem-
bered that our administration has also
committed many errors of omission, par-
ticularly because of its failure to warn
the Soviet Union against invading Czech-
oslovakia and the deployment of 24 new
divisions in Central Europe. The hypo-
critical attitude was best displayed when
the President until very recently let the
public know that he is still considering a
trip to Moscow for a summit meeting
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strong American response we are gen-
erally considered In Europe as partners
of a secret sphere of influence agreement
with the Soviet Union that allows the
Soviet Union to act like the rogue ele-
phant in its own sphere? Is it not enough
that since September 2 the Soviet Union
initiated a new diplomatic offensive un-
der the latent use of force threat against
our major NATO ally on the continent,
the Federal Republic of Germany? That
even a liberal, but truly American, schol-
ar-diplomat like George Kerman con-
siders the prospect of a summit sheer
madness? And that he is no longer sure
that because of our defensive attitudes
after the Prague occupation and recent
changes within the Kremlin that Soviet
Union might not attack Western Europe?
The time has come to take energetic
and remedial actions. The restoration of
NATO as an effective political alliance
with sufficient military strength, a task
which was neglected on both sides of the
Atlantic since 1964, must become first
priority beginning with a summit meet-
ing of the NATO countrys' Presidents or
Prime Ministers.
We must also assume the pyschological
offensive and try through the use of
world opinion in the General Assembly
at least partially restrain unbridled res-
toration of Stalinism in Czechoslovakia
and the other occupied country of East
Central Europe: Hungary. it would be
certainly to our advantage and to the
advantage of the Hungarian people as
well to raise the issue of Soviet presence
in Hungary together with the Soviet oc-
cupation of Czechoslovakia. For the past
6 years as a result of our bridgebuilding
policies the United Nations tabled the
issue by leaving It to the Secretary Gen-
eral to take any measures or Initiatives
he deems necessary on this Issue. Of
course, Mr. U Thant has taken none. It
would be time to remind him of his dele-
gated power to report back to the
Assembly.
? Finally, it would be helpful if the
House Foreign Affairs Committee were to
undertake a comprehensive study of the
situation in East Central Europe and its
repercussions on American and NATO
interests in Europe and hold hearings on
the subject and preferably also secure
the cooperation of well-known academic
and political experts in the field to such
a study. In this connection I have to
commend former Vice President Nixon,
our presidential candidate for having
commissioned such a study by his staff
and for having sent former Gov. William
Scranton on a factfinding tour to Europe.
The Congress should not do any less.
Mr. JOELSON. Mr. Speaker, I am
joining my colleagues led by the distin-
guished gentleman from New Jersey In
condemning recent Russian aggression
against Czechoslovakia and discussing
Secretary Dubeek and President Swoboda
as well. Censorship has been restored,
Soviet brutalities continue and while
hoping against the hope the population
realizes that the Moscow agreement of
August 26 under the muzzle of Soviet
tanks has robbed them of the last sem-
blance of independence and sovereignty.
The present deployment of over 500,000
Russian troopF in Czechoslovakia and the
continued deployment of more than 40,-
000 Russian troops in Hungary are both
danger's to peace and security in Europe
and should be attacked with all diplo-
matic means at our disposal.
Such measures must include a spirited
diplomatic offensive in the United Nations
General Assembly both for the condem-
nation of Soviet presence in Czechoslo-
vakia and new denunciation of callous
Soviet disregard for U.N. resolutions in
regard to withdrawal from Hungary.
The truth about Russian aggression and
American determination not to let a cur-
tain of silence and diversionary propa-
ganda attacks by the Soviet Union con-
fuse the world opinion about its validity,
must be the leading arguments of our
diplomats, journalists, and policymakers.
We must also take urgent steps to
strengthen NATO both as a military
alliance and a political organization. The
calling for a NATO summit as proposed
by the West German Chancellor Dr.
Kurt Georg Kiesinger should be taken
up as a means to discuss the military and
diplomatic coordination necessitated by
the Russian moves.
It would be also advisable if the House
Foreign Affairs Committee as my col-
leagues have suggested would hod hear-
ing and undertake an outside academic
and political experts study of the situa-
tion in Euro;,e and come up with some
recommendation of a revised policy es-
pecla'ly as we may soon face a Berlin
crisis and further Russian political moves
in the Balkans.
Mr CABEI.L. Mr. Speaker, I am join-
ing my colleagues today in expressing
our serious concern about the Soviet In-
vasion of Czechoslovakia, the threats of
the use of force against West Germany,
Rumania, and Yugoslavia and the con-
tinued occupation of Hungary by the So-
viet Union. We call for a reassessment of
our policies toward Eastern Europe and
NATO in the light of the change in the
balance of power and the intentions of
the Soviet lerdership.
The lights were again extinguished in
Prague after an exhilarating spring and
summer when press freedom was re-
stored and hope was prevalent that hu-
man rights and civil freedoms would be
at least limitedly returned to the people
after 20 years of dictatorship and terror.
The promise of the freedom of the indi-
vidual, no matter how limited, sounded
an alarm to the masters in Moscow and
after unsuccessful attempts of political
tral Europe by the infusion of massive ing the invaders and backing the be- and econom'c intimidations, the Red
Soviet military forces and the threat of sieged leadership against them, there is Army moved in and only the unanimous
the use of force by the Soviet Union little question on the outcome of the un- passive resistance prevented a blood-
against other states in the region. equal struggle. The purge has begun with bath. However, no Czech diplomacy or
All Americans, indeed most people over the resignation of Interior Minister internal resistance can do away with the
the world, even including some Com- Pavel, the last of Its present victims being fact of the Irvasion and the laws passed
munists in the Western countries, Yugo- Foreign Minister Jirl Hajek, and the in Implementation of the Moscow Ac-
slavia and Rumania were shocked by the salami tactics dictated by the Soviet High cords which were the surrender terms of
monstrous act of invasion of Czecho- Command will ultimately eliminate Party reformist Communist Czechoslovakia to
solvakI&by the Soviet Union. That coun-
try's Communist leadership did not even
want to detach itself from Russian tute-
lage. but only restore some freedom of
expression to the people and to stream-
line the atrophied economy by expanding
trade with the West and abolishing some
of the central planning procedures.
On the top of the invasion of Czecho-
slovakia and forcing its reformist lead-
ers either to resign or carry out the
emasculation of their reforms the Soviet
Union, aware of the condemnation of the
world is attempting to start a diversion-
ary propaganda and diplomatic cam-
paign. The target is the Federal Repu--
lic of Germany. There is much indica-
tion that the East German puppets of
Moscow are being encouraged to start a
new Berlin crisis to test Western
determination.
We should reinforce our efforts at the
new session of the United Nations Gen-
eral Assembly to push through a resolu-
tion condemning the Soviet acts in
Czechoslovakia and to send a factfinding
mission to Prague. We must also raise
the parallel issue of Soviet presence In
Hungary as the presence of Soviet troops
appears to be the hub of the danger to
the peace and security of the region and
its free national development. This can
be done by requesting the Secretary Gen-
eral to report back to the Assembly under
the December 1962 resolution which. au-
thorized him "to take any initiatives he
may deem necessary," and by placing
the question on the agenda again.
We must also take positive steps in the
military and political field to avert a new
Berlin crisis, or a German crisis. The
convocation of a NATO summit meeting
after the Foreign Ministers' meeting of
October 7 might be a good opening
measure, as asked by the West German
Chancellor.
Finally, I hope that the House Foreign
Affairs Committee will also take part in
clarifying the issues and the needed poli-
cies by holding hearings at the situation
in Central and Eastern Europe in the
near future including preferably also a
study of the p=,oblem by academic ex-
perts. In these dangerous circumstances
we cannot afford to do less.
Mr. DANIELS. Mr. Speaker, It gives
me great pleasure to join my distin-
guished colleagues led by the distin-
guished gentleman from New Jersey [Mr.
PATTEN] in expressing our serious appre-
hension about the Russian Invasion and
occupation of Czechoslovakia and the
subsequent deterioration of peace and se-
curity in Europe. Recent Soviet threats
to Rumania. Yugoslavia, and the German
Federal Republic show that the Kremlin
leadership had wider designs than just
the bringing into line of reformist Czech-
oslovakia.
While we are admiring the spirit of the
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September 26, 1968 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
the orthodox Moscow leaders. Soon the the lines of Soviet socialism. Since there tente and I wouldn't trust any so-called de-
purge which began with the removal of was no freedom in the last 2 years of tente if it is not supported by free contacts
between governments and peoples ... Their
Pavel, Hajek, and Kriegel will extend to the Novotny regime in Prague, it is logi- (Russian) conspiratorial method of diplo-
Dubcek, Swoboda, and Czernik as well, cal to assume that this point of the matic action cannot create such an atmos-
and all the accomplishments of the Jan- agreement will turn the Czech clock phere. There has been some progress in the
uary-to-August period will have been backward to 1963, rather than January field of the central weaponry, Mr. Kennan
undone. of 1968, as we would be led to believe. said: But, he added: "This is not detente.
Not only did Russian aggression occur, Moderate ministers have been re- This is simply the dictate of an obvious and
but Moscow leadership forced four of the moved, press censorship restored, Soviet bitter situation, presenting danger for both."
satellite countries, including reluctant internal security personnel are every- Ambassador Kennan attacked allu-
Hungary, to participate in the attack. where, and the United Nations has vir- sions that President Johnson might
Especially in the case of Hungary, this tually been told to observe a hands-off meet with Soviet Premier Kosygin before
would not have occurred except for the policy. The Soviet regime has also de- the end of the year. He commented:
presence of Russian divisions in Hun- clared that the Czech border with West The suggestion ... smacks of one of the
gary. For even the Communist Party Germany is not defensible at present worst phenomena of American diplomacy in
leadership sympathized on some issues and must be secured by Warsaw Pact earlier years, namely: the abuse of external
with the Czechoslovak leadership and troops. relations of our people as a whole for the do-
the people of Hungary had certainly no At present there is little hope for a mestfc political advantage of a single faction
aggressive designs against the Dubcek reasonable solution to the crisis, despite or party. The idea of President's going to
Russia at this time strikes me as pure
government. For after 23 years of oppres- the continued support by the Czech peo- madness.
sion, the new Prague government has pie for the Swoboda-Dubcek regime. As
been the first one which at least listened pressures upon him mount, Dubcek's fall We must counter the Russian moves-
to the legitimate grievances of the 700,000 is merely a matter of time, and we may which also included threats of the use of
Hungarians in Slovakia. reasonably expect the Iron Curtain to military force against Rumania-by a
The impact of the Russian invasion of fall, just as it did over Hungary 12 years combination of diplomatic and military
Czechoslovakia transcends that of East ago. measures. Among the measures indi-
Central Europe. It changes the balance The New York Times on September 19 cated are the strengthening of NATO
of power in Europe and the Soviet Union summed up the situation succinctly: forces and a psychological propaganda
has already begun the next phase of if the Russians do not know how to gov- offensive against the Soviet Union, which
attack: the diplomatic and propaganda ern Czechoslovakia, they do not know how now stands exposed as an aggressor in
offensive against West Germany, claim- to humiliate it. Thus their press smears the the minds of most Western European
ing the legal right of intervention under Czechs without allowing them to answer Communists.
certain circumstances under the United back. They deny Prague the openings for When the issue is raised before the
Nations Charter. The aim of. the offen- trade with the west which they have long United Nations General Assembly, the
since taken for themselves. They are stuff- entire question of Russian occupation of
sive is twofold: to intimidate the German ing down Prague's throat the very economic
people and to set the stage for further reforms they have adopted for themselves, both Central European countries, Czech-
moves at West Berlin. Our administra- the very reforms initiated in Czechoslovakia oslovakia and Hungary must be con-
tion has countered it with the automatic four years ago by the. neo-Stalinist No- sidered. Numerous resolutions of the
guarantee recently announced, but more votny . . . The heavy realities overwhelm United Nations General Assembly have
than words are needed if Russian ag- the contrary appearance of a permissive or denounced Russian occupation of Hun-
gression should not be given further confused occupation, an appearance given gary and demanded withdrawal of the
opportunities. Measures for strengthen- off by repeated outcroppings of Czech dig- Soviet troops, but in the last 6 years the
nity and valor. The Russians are strangling question has been dormant. In a study
ing NATO militarily and politically are Czechoslovakia. q
needed and the military commitments of based on international law rules and
all NATO powers -eassessed in the light Anti-Semitism is also used by the So- practices, the American Hungarian Fed-
of new developments. A NATO summit as viet Union in its campaign against eration in late 1966 analyzed the valid-
urged by German Chancellor Kiesinger Czechoslovakia. One of the chief objects ity of the Hungarian-Soviet Troop Sta-
would be a helpful step in this direction. of their purge was Dr. Frantisek Kriegel, tioning Treaty of May 27, 1957 which,
Finally, I am agreeing with my col- president of the National Front, arrested in the Soviet view, enables them to main-
leagnaes today on calling for a broad study at the beginning of the invasion and re- tain troops in Hungary. The Federation
of the situation of Eastern and Central leased only after personal intervention found that it was a treaty signed under
Europe and its impact upon American of President Swoboda during the Moscow duress by a government that has not yet
interests in Europe and Western Euro- talks. Another was Foreign Minister, regained its sovereignty either at home
pean security. I hope that the House For- Prof. Jiri Hajek who was accused by or in international relations. As evidence
eign Affairs Committee will call for hear- Pravda falsely as having betrayed his for this conclusion the study cited the
ings at the earliest feasible moment and _ Jewish brethren in the concentration following facts:
have outside academic and political ex- camp during World War II. The third As late as in March 1957, the Soviet
perts and officials to undertake a com- Jewish victim was Deputy Prime Minister Military Command was in direct control
prehensive study of the events as well. Ota Sik, the father of the Czechoslovak of peace and tranquility in Hungary.
I also trust that similar steps have been economic reform who also has been re- Thus, military and police power in May
taken by our State Department. moved from his government position. 1957 still rested directly or indirectly
Mr. HALPERN. Mr. Speaker, it gives Polish press particularly stresses that with the armed forces of the Govern-
me great pleasure to join my distin- Jews were in forefront of the Czech ment of the U.S.S.R. in Hungary. The
guished colleague from New Jersey in "counter-revolution." Hungarian army was still in a state of
expressing deep concern over the Rus- However, the events in Czechoslovakia disarmament and reorganization, and
sian occupation of Czechoslovakia, and have wider implications. The balance of could not exercise an independent func-
additional Soviet moves which threaten forces in Europe has changed by the in- tion at that time. This, combined with
the peace and stability of Eastern troduction of 24 new Russian divisions the fall of the Nagy government in No-
Europe. into the area. Russian and Warsaw Pact vember 1956, shows that the new Gov-
The details of the Russian occupation forces now outweigh NATO forces in ernment could not have had full sov-
of Czechoslovakia closely parallel the Central Europe by 2 to 1, and the ereignty.
strategy and tactics used in crushing crescendo of the war of nerves against The problems are complex and the
Hungary in 1956. Despite almost com- the Bonn government by the Soviet Un- need for alternative policies is both
plete national unity, Czechoslovakia is ion bodes nothing good for Berlin or urgent and vital. In my opinion, the
being strangled by the Soviet Union. NATO security. House Foreign Affairs Committee would
The agreement announced August 26 In an interview printed in the New perform a great service by holding hear-
In Moscow completely negates any inde- York Times on September 21, ex-Ambas- ings on the situation in Central and East-
pendent Czechoslovak policy abroad or sador George Kennan, a leading author- ern Europe, and its impact upon Amer-
domestic sovereignty.' The most lethal ity on the Soviet. Union, stated: - ican and NATO interests in Europe. An
point in the so-called agreement calls I have never understood this talk about independent study by academic and po-
for Czech political development along detente. I have not seen any evidence of de- litical experts would also be a welcome
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE September 26, 1968
step in clarifying issues and deciding up-
on new policies. A good example was set
by the Republican presidential candi-
date, former Vice President Richard M.
Scranton to Europe for a factfinding
tour and commissioning a study by his
staff of American commitments.
Mr. BATES. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate
this opportunity to join the gentleman
from New Jersey [Mr. PATTEN] and other
distinguished colleagues in expressing
concern about recent events in Europe,
particularly the Soviet Invasion of
Czechoslovakia and the threats of force
against West Germany, Rumania, and
Yugoslavia.
The suppression of incipient efforts to
permit some Individual freedom and na-
tional independence for the Czecho-
slovakian people has been a clear example
of naked Russian aggression in every
sense of the word, and it cannot be
ignored. Sad to relate, the tactics used
by the Soviet Union in Hungary in and
after November of 1965 have been and
are being repeated in Prague, except
that some of the old leaders have been
temporarily left in power. The process of
forcing those leaders to get rid of "ob-
jectionable" colic I
a
ue
ti th
aptly wrote in the New York Times
recently :
The history of the thirties has taught us
mercilessly that to attempt new agreements.
while ignoring flagrant breaches of the old,
earns contempt. not progress.
We should heed those words.
Conditions throughout the world de-
mand a reappraisal of the U.S. role in
the peacekeeping efforts. I am sure,
too, that the forthcoming session of the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization will
be one of the most crucial in Its history.
As part of our sombre re-evaluation of
the world situation, therefore, I join my
colleagues In calling for an in-depth
study of conditions and prospects in
East Central Europe by the House For-
eign Affairs Committee. This study
should include public hearings at the
earliest feasible moment, with testimony
from academic experts and appropriate
officials versed in the subject.
Mr. RODINO. Mr. Speaker, I am
pleased to join my distinguished col-
league from New Jersey [Mr. PArrsir]
in denouncing the newest evidence of
Soviet aggression in Central Europe-the
invasion and occupation of Czechoslo-
vakia.
g
s, an
eir sue- The conscience of the entire world has
cessors achieve a sufficient majority to been shocked by the August 21 events.
push the old leadership out of office, As In 1938, Czechoslovakia again lost
means that inevitably the purge will in- whatever national severeignty she has
elude President Swoboda, Party Secre- had and now exists as a Soviet protec-
tary Dubcek, and Premier Czernik as torate. This Is true despite the valiant
well. attempts of the Czechoslovak Govern-
Simultaneously, the meaning and place ment's leaders to find compromises to
of the January-to-August "liberaliza- preserve at least a small part of the re-
tion" events in Czechoslovakia are con- forms of the spring and summer of 1968.
stantly redefined in Communist ideology. In Invading Czechoslovakia-its own
While Dubeek and Czernik consider ally and loyal friend-the Soviet Union
their liberalization efforts as a progres- committed grave breaches of Interna-
sive element in communism-because tional law. As a member of the United
they did not, after all, reject Marx, Nations the U.S.S.R. violated the provi-
Lenin, or party primacy-Soviet news- sion of the U.N. Charter forbidding the
papers agitate for the physical punish- use of military force in solving disputes
ment of the "counterrevolutionaries." with other United Nations members.
Attacks are now concentrated on the The similarity of the situation in the
media; soon the writers and regional Prague and Budapest events of 1956 Is
party officials will be denounced; finally, striking, In both cases the people and
the leadership will be isolated and re- a reformist Communist government
moved. Thereupon, the new leadership worked together to remove some of the
may be expected to proclaim the "liber- unbearable barriers to individual free-
alizatton" period as an era of "counter dom and national sovereignty erected
revolution," and personnel cadres will be during the Stalinist era. They sought a
rewritten accordingly. And the silence freer society, a more efficient economy
of coercion will once again shroud the and better understanding between the
Czech and Slovak lands. nations of the East and West. In Hungary
We must use the present disgust felt there were even the multiparty system
all over the world to Initiate a psycho- as practiced In Western democracies,
logical and political offensive against ag- press, assembly, and religious freedom
gressive Soviet moves lest further such and a revamping of economic life.
aggressions put us into a position where While the Hungarian
l
...
eop
e
ted
we may have to use more drastic methods more violently and demanded full free- matter of fact, we have another one of
to deter them. The present Russian dip- dom, the Czechoslovak people and gov- those meetings scheduled within a few
lomatic and propaganda offensive ernment took the more prudent road of days.
against West Germany, Rumania and compromises, endeavoring to stay within It had seemed to me that in one fell
Yugoslavia confirm that the Soviet de- the Warsaw Pact. However, both the swoop. the Soviet Union managed to re-
signs are more encompassing than Communist reformers and the popula- verse the modest progress of the past
Czechoslovakia alone. Neither can we tlon; led by the intellectuals and the decade leading toward some semblance
separate the import of these develop- young people, have become or are becom- of liberalization in Eastern Europe, to-
ments from the newly acquired Russian ing victims in Czechoslovakia just as ward the resumption of East-West con-
dominance In the Middle East. they were victims In Hungary. Avoiding tacts, toward the reductions of tensions
In the light of the August invasion of military resistance to the Soviet Army and dangers o:.' war, and toward the cre-
Czechoslovakia and the Soviet threats averted a bloodbath in Czechoslovakia, ation of a stable base for peace and
which have followed, meaningful nego- unlike in Hungary where 35,000 of the justice not only in Europe but through-
tiations with the Kremlin on almost any freedom fighters died and many thou- out the world.
subject become extremely difficult, If not sands perished later in jails and Soviet Certainly the shocking display of the
impossible. Former British Minister labor camps. brutal Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia
Anthony Eden, now the Lord of Avon, However, the tragedy of Czechoslo- left no room for doubt about the true
vakia has broader implications. The
presence of more than 20 Russian divi-
sional in that country has upset the mili-
tary balance of power in Europe. Lan-
guage akin to the iciest period of the
cold war is now used against both the
West and "people's democracies" such as
Rumania and Yugoslavia.
Under suc 1 circumstances we must do
everything to be prepared both militarily
by strengthening NATO and politically
by reinforcing cooperation between the
Western powers. We should also de-
nour.ce the deployment of Russian troops
in Central Ei:rope as an act of aggression.
We must urge the United Nations Gen-
eral Assembly to adopt a resolution con-
demning the Soviet action and to de-
mand immeclate withdrawal of Russian
troops. Simultaneously, we should sup-
port a resoli;.tion akin to the Canadian
resolution in the Security Council pro-
viding for the sending of a U.N. fact-
finding mission to Prague and other
Czechoslovak cities. Furthermore, we
should ask Secretary General U Thant
to report back to the Assembly on the
question of the Soviet military presence
in Hungary, as under resolution No.
1857,XVII of December 1962 he was em-
powerred "to take any initiatives he may
deem necessary." On this question he has
not reported back for 6 years. No one
can doubt that the presence of Russian
military forces in Central and Eastern
Europe creates a grave danger to peace
and security in the area.
Mr. Speaker, I join my colleagues in
calling for early hearings on the general
situation in Central and l'sastern Europe
and possibly also for a study by academic
experts commissioned by the Foreign Af-
fairs Committee. In these dangerous
times. clarifying the issues and devising
revised policies to deal with he chal-
lenges: is a demand of the hour.
Mrs. KELLY. Mr. Speaker, today I am
Joining my Colleagues led by the distin-
guished gentleman from New Jersey in
discussing the situation created by So-
viet aggression against Czechoslovakia
and Soviet threats against the Federal
Republic of Germany and other Euro-
pean countries.
As chairman of the Subcommittee on
Europe of tl,..e Committee on Foreign
Affairs, I have followed the developments
of the past few months In Eastern Eu-
rope with great Interest and profound
dismay. Our committee has given close
attention to that part of the world. We
have held meetings with officials of the
executive branch, including Secretary of
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September 26, 1968 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE
character and intentions of the Soviet "take any initiatives he may deem neces- viets very uncomfortable. Hopefully, they
Total reliance on naked, brutal power;
paranoid fear of an attack from the out-
side; mistrust of all non-Soviet peoples
are as much trademarks of Soviet lead-
ersIdp today as they were during the
height of the cold war.
Mr. Speaker, since the dark clouds of
Soviet displeasure and possible Soviet
aggression began to hang over Czecho-
slovakia, I have taken the floor of the
House on a couple of occasions to call
to the attention of my colleagues the fast-
breaking sequence of developments in
that country. In this regard, I would par-
ticularly like to call the interested Mem-
bers' attention to the CONGRESSIONAL REC-
ORD of July 30, 1968, page H7883, and of
September 5, 1968, page 1-18330.
Moreover, I would like to point out
that on September 5, 1968, together with
the distinguished chairman of the Com-
mittee on Foreign Affairs, Dr. MORGAN,
and 26 other Members, I cosponsored a
resolution in the House condemning the
Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia and
expressing our admiration for the cour-
age of the Czechoslovak people.
Mr. Speaker, I feel very strongly that
the House should approve that resolu-
tion before adjournment. I also feel that
we ought to serve notice that the un-
warranted entirely excessive use of force
by the Soviet Union is endangering world
peace and plunging mankind down the
road towards the type of tensions that
prevailed during the height of the cold
war.
The tragic fate of the Czechoslovak
nation which was Just emerging from the
darkness of totalitarianism that had
ruled it for 20 years, is shocking indeed.
Any excuse, power political or ideological,
was avoided by the Czech leaders which
could offend the Soviet Union, or could
be construed as nonfulfillment of pre-
vious treaty obligations. Only a modicum
of personal freedom was to be secured for
the population, no transition to Western
democracy has been planned. Yet even
these fledgling steps toward freedom
were considered to be too dangerous to
the security of the Soviet Empire and
were crushed by the invasion and occu-
pation of Czechoslovakia by more than
500,010 troops.
Unfortunately, despite the valiant ef-
forts of the people and the remaining
reformist leaders, the fate of Czecho-
slovakia seemed to have been sealed by
the Russian occupation.
At this time, we must give the people of
Czechoslovakia support by pressing
diplomatically for the condemnation of
the Russian actions in the U.N. and
use our leverage in bilateral relations
with the Soviet Union. This might not be
sufficient to effect a withdrawal of all
the troops, but will still exercise a re-
straining influence on the Soviet Union
in handling the Czech and Slovak na-
tions. We should also press for a revival
of the Hungarian question in the United
Nations. The occupation of Czecho-
slovakia and Hungary are kindred affairs
and they constitute the major danger to
peace and free national development in
the area. In resolution No. 1857/XVII of
December 20,1962, the General Assembly
has empowered the Secretary General to
sary on the matter. For 6 years, the Sec- will think twice before repeating such
retary General has not reported back to an act.
the General Assembly and we would be There are many in the United States
on solid grounds to ask for a report who believe that the Soviet-led invasion
and ask the Assembly to contemplate should induce us to reduce our contacts
action because of noncompliance. We with Eastern Europe. To me, this Is a
should not forget that Hungary was used short-sighted approach. We must distin-
as a staging area for Russian aggression guish between the government regimes
against Czechoslovakia and that except and the people of these countries. We
for the constraining influence of Rus- must make sure that those who are anx-
sian military presence, not even the sous to improve the atmosphere for free-
present Hungarian Government would dom In their own countries know that
have sent troops into Czechoslovakia. they have the support of free nations
The comprehensive significance of the elsewhere and free peoples both behind
August 20 events extend to NATO se- and outside the Iron Curtain.
curity as well. The presence of more than U.S. tourists, Journalists, and perform-
24 Russian divisions in Czechoslovakia ers, visiting in Iron Curtain countries,
has redressed the military balance in demonstrate that free peoples are crea-
Europe In favor- of the Soviet Union. We tive people. Artists, tourists, and Journal-
must take energetic actions together ists from Eastern Europe, traveling in the
with our NATO allies to balance the United States, cannot avoid seeing that a
military strength of the two alliances in democracy can protect freedom without
Central Europe and to coordinate NATO suppressing dissent. Our ability to pro-
political strategy as well. In my state- vide an atmosphere where nationality
ment of September 5, I dealt with this groups can preserve their cultural heri-
question. Here may I only add that a tage demonstrates that our people are
meeting of the heads of states of the not enemies of peoples behind the Iron
alliance might be a good way to expedite Curtain even if we are whole-heartedly
the necessary measures that must be opposed to the totalitarian regimes
taken if we want to avert another Berlin which run their governments.
crisis or a walk to the brink. One final word: I have no patience
Mr. BINGHAM. Mr. Speaker, first, let with those who argue that the United
me express my appreciation to our col- States because of its actions in Vietnam,
league from New Jersey [Mr. PATTEN], is somehow responsible for the Soviet
for stimulating this discussion of the actions in Czechoslovakia. This is non-
situation in Eastern Europe, sense. Although I have been often criti-
We are all shocked and bitter at the cal of our Vietnam policies, I believe the
armed invasion of Czechoslovakia by the Soviet Union alone is responsible for the
Soviet Union and some. of its satellites. evil it has brought in Czechoslovakia and
It was a cruel and naked attempt to elsewhere.
suppress small, first efforts to restore Moreover, I greatly regret the recent
democratic freedom in the European na- statements by U Thant in which he im-
tion which has so rich a heritage of plied that U.S. actions in Vietnam are
democratic liberty. The crime of the more to be condemned than the Soviet
Czechs was that they wanted free speech move against Czechoslovakia, -because
for their awn people. The threat to the they involve military action. Two points
Soviets was that freedom is contagious should be made: What the United States
and, if Czechoslovakia moved in that di- is doing in Vietnam has been at the re-
rection, other satellites might follow. quest of a series of Governments of South
It is is inspiring to see that, though den- Vietnam; whereas the Soviets, even after
a the fact, can find no Czech leaders to
ocratic forms may be suppressed de
sponsor
. Moreover, obvio
dictatorship, the dream of freedom can- viets their
c oslov akia were
the usly
be suppressed. Moreover, it was an prepared Czese their guns there had
astonishing sight to see Czechoslovaks, been itary y aggression
no o less resistance.
confronted with Soviet tanks and troops t. Military is
evil tu uancese because it is not resimed.
in their streets, rally behind their lead- Mr
Join-
ers to frustrate the Soviet program of r . my colleagues CRAMER. Mn Speaker,
expressing I our sinreplacing the Dubcek regime with pup- cconcern rn on the ramifications oe
ecof kia
the
pets. This message and this example Russian core o occupation Cz
echoslovakia
should be brought home to all of those both for that unfortunate t ountry ad
n
behind the Iron Curtain because it must for the t threatened country Rus and
c
encouraged the enslaved. other states t the Federal Repulic
I am pleased that the United States Is of Germany, Rumania, ndYugoslavia.
providing refuge for those who - left The deterioration of law and order In
Czechoslovakia because of their out- our country coincides with the break-
spoken support for freedom. These peo- down of international law and morality
ple have a message for the world and the on the international scene. Now the other
United States should make certain that world power, too, has demonstrated
it is disseminated. This can be done again that it is not bound even by the
through the privately-financed Radio tenets of international law officially sub
Free Europe and through our own Gov- scribed to by it; but will use naked ag-
ernment outlet, the Voice of America. gression. if it fits its own national policy.
Public journals, the world over, must Russian aggression, a sign of strength
describe what happened. I am very and weakness simultaneously, succeeded
pleased that our country took the. lead in stamping out much of the reforms in
In bringing the Soviet-led aggression Czechoslovakia and force the Govern-
against Czechoslovakia before the United meet and the people of Czechoslovakia
Nations. Obviously, the glare of an to. follow without any afterthought the
aroused world community made the So- Russian Communist. line. The hopes for
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE September 26, '1968
a more humane life in Czechoslovakia
are gone after the censorship law and
the new economic agreements with the
Soviet Union.
The presence of over 500,000 Rus-
sian troops has serious consequences for
NATO, too. NATO forces are now out-
manned two to one in the central section
and while it is unlikely that the Soviet
Union would be brazen enough to attack
West Germany despite its claim to legal
intervention under the U.N. Charter
against an "enemy state," the Implica-
tions as far as West Berlin is concerned
are unmistakable. We must take meas-
ures to strengthen our position in Europe
and Berlin, both diplomatically and mili-
tarily, if we are not to help the Soviet
Union to conjure up the most explosive
Berlin crisis since 1948.
We must use all diplomatic means
available to secure the withdrawal of So-
viet troops from Czechoslovakia and also
from Hungary where they are stationed
for 12 years despite numerous resolutions
of the United Nations General Assembly.
The changing situation calls for a
careful study of the changes and their
impact upon our and NATO Interests in
Central and Eitstern Europe. Such a
study should be undertaken by the House
Foreign Affairs Committee by means of
hearings and an independent academic
study on the subject at an early date.
Former Vice President Richard M. Nixon
has already showed the necessity for this
step by having his staff undertake a
study of American commitments and
sending ex-Governor William Scranton
to Europe for a fact-finding tour. It is
my hope that the Foreign Affairs Com-
mittee will also (to its part to clarify the
issues and arrive at policy recommenda-
tions after a careful study of the situa-
tion.
Mr. HOWARD. Mr. Speaker, I rise
today to join my distinguished colleague
from New Jersey. in expressing the shock
and indignation of all Americans over
the recent invasion of Czechoslovakia by
Soviet troops.
I feel very strongly about the basic
right of sovereignty of all countries, and
their right to determine the course of
their internal affairs without outside
influence. By forcefully entering the bor-
ders of Czechoslovakia, the Soviets have
violated not only the moral code of all
civilized countries, but international law,
and the United Nations Charter as well.
The freedom of a people to choose
their own way of life is the principle on
which our great country was founded.
The Soviet Union, in trying to force these
people to accept their philosophies, only
serves to demonstrate how tenuous is
their hold on the hearts and minds of
the mass of people. Further, it has served
to harden the resistance to those philos-
ophies by those in the small nation of
Czechoslovakia who feel the need to be a
part of the entire world, rather than only
a part of the Soviet bloc.
Even though we may not be able to
assist the Czechoslovaks in a concrete
manner, I am hopeful that our words
here today will at least express to them
the depth of our sympathies, and those
of the vast majority of American people,
as well as the depth of our moral indig-
nation over this step backward in the
progress toward peace and good will
among the nations of this earth.
Mr. ASHBROOK. Mr. Speaker, the In-
vasion of Czechoslovakia by the Soviet
and Communist-bloc troops in August
left quite a few red and long faces among
our so-called foreign policy experts in
and out of government. These are the
people, of course, who have been pushing
the bridge-building policy as the best
avenue to world peace. Those of us who
have opposed this policy have emphasized
that this was a one-way bridge and that
the Communists still sought to enslave
the entire world. After the Soviet's role
in the rape of Budapest, no one should
have been surprised at the recent de-
velopments in Czechoslovakia. It is now
high time that the Munichmen-those
who hope for peace while ignoring total-
itarian regimes-should have their
fallacies discredited. -
Among those who have been realistic
concerning Soviet goals and designs
have been American citizens of Hun-
garian descent who will never forget the
Soviet record concerning Budapest. On
August 28 the American Hungarian Fed-
eration sent a letter to the Secretary
General of the United Nations, U Thant,
with a copy to Secretary of State Dean
Rusk. outlining specific proposals con-
cerning the Soviet invasion of Czecho-
slovakia. As past victims of Soviet ag-
gression, members of the federation are
certainly qualified to comment knowl-
edgeably on this present crisis. I include
the above-mentioned letter signed
by Rt. Rev. Dr. Zoltan Beky, chairman of
the board of the federation, In the
RECORD at this point:
lion. U THANT.
Secretary General of the United Nations,
United Nations,
NeiG York, N. Y,
Dras SECRETARY GENERAL: The American
Hungarian Federation, representing the ma-
jority of American citizens of Hungarian de-
scent and referring to the telegram of Its
Chairman of the Foreign Relations Commit-
tee. Dr. Emery G. Szekely of August 21. 1968,
respectfully appeals to Your Excellency to
use all your personal and official weight to
ensure the withdrawal of Soviet Russian,
Polish, East German, Hungarian and Bul-
garian military units from the Czechoslovak
Peoples Republic.
The illegal occupation of Czechoslovakia
by Soviet and other East Central European
forces as attested by the Czechoslovak For-
eign Minister before the U.N. Security Coun-
cil on August 24, 1968 violates both the letter
and spirit of the United Nations Charter and
the tenets of human decency as well. It rep-
resents stark Imperialism and callous dis-
regard of principles usually espoused by the
Soviet Government like national self-deter-
mination and non-interference with the
domestic affairs of other states.
We Americans of Hungarian descent re-
member too vividly the bloody aggression of
the US.S.R. against Hungary in 1956 which
Your Excellency has also condemned in harsh
terms as a delegate of the Republic of Burma.
May awe remind Your Excellency that despite
numerous General Assembly Resolutions So-
viet troops are still stationed in Hungary?
We support fully the resolution of the
United States Government calling for a with-
drawal of Soviet and East Central European
troops from Czechoslovakia and also the pro-
posal by the Canadian Government to estab-
lish forthwith a Committee of Observers to
be dispatched to Prague with the duty of
reporting back to the Council and Your Ex-
cellency on the political and legal situation
in Czechoslovakia and the observance of
human rights by the occupation forces. May
we also ask for .he support of Your Excel-
lency toward thei e proposals?
May we also assure Your Excellency that
American Hungarians in particular, but the
Hungarian people in general as well, harbor
no ill-feelings toward the couragecus at-
tempts of the Czech and Slovak peoples to
reassert their national Independence, restore
their individual rights and work toward a
represertative democratic socialism. May we
call Your Excellency attention to the fact
that even the pro-Soviet Hungarian Govern-
ment originally expressed warm sympathies
toward the reforras of the Dubcek regime and
even toward the- end only mildly criticized
the Czechoslovak Government. Hungarian
participation in the aggression is a command
performance of it satellite country that has
no choice but to follow his master.
We alto believe that Soviet action in Czech-
oslovakia extends beyond the regional im-
portanco of the Livasion and displays a spirit
ofaggression and disregard for national and
human rights, elements which will aggravate
the search for a lasting peaca. May we re-
spectfully ask Your Excellency to emphasize
in your discussicns with Soviet leaders that
they are not only depriving a small nation
of its national self-determination and in-
dependence, but are ultimately endangering
the peace of the world?
We remain
Very sincerely yours.
Rt. riev. Dr. ZoLTA i BfcKY
Chairman of the Board.
Mr. ST. ONGE. Mr. Speaker, I am
pleased to join the distinguished gen-
tleman from New Jersey [Mr. PATTEN]
In condemning the fresh demonstration
of Soviet aggression in central Europe
by the invasion and occupation of Czech-
oslovakia and continuing threats to Ru-
mania, Yugoslavia and West Germany.
The tragic fate of the Czech and Slovak
nations, now deprived of the hope of a
more humanistic Interpretation of life
and of their national independence,
shocked the civilized world, inc uding
even some of the Communist parties,
into realization that Russian Imperialism
and Communist, totalitarianism are very
much with us. It is further realized that
we have to be prepared to defend our
freedom against. potential aggressors, un-
less we slip into the fatal mistake of
appeasement.
Unfortunately, there is little hope for
an acceptable volution of the crisis for
the Czechoslovak people. Press freedom,
nonparty social and political activity,
personal safety are things of the past in
Czechoslovakia. Six of the nine major
reformist leaders have been removed
from office and the Russians are zeroing-
in on Party Leader?Dubeek es well. Soon,
the January-to-August period will be de-
clared "countelzevolution" and the si-
lence of the graveyard will envelop the
unfortunate country.
The similarities with Hungary in 1956
are obvious, thcugh the old leaders were
temporarily kept by the invaders In view
of unanimous popular resistance. How-
ever, they only have the tragic task of
dismantling the edifice they have created.
The immediate task facing us is to pro-
vide the diplomatic help and moral as-
sistance to those Czech leaders who are
trying the impcssible. The first require-
ment is an energetic push In the United
Nations General Assembly for a resolu-
tion condemning Russian occupation of
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September 26, 1968 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
Czechoslovakia and calling for the imme-
diate withdrawal of the Warsaw Pact
forces, and another one calling for the
sending of a U.N. fact-finding commis-
sion to Prague. Furthermore, it would be
just and advantageous to raise the ques-
tion of Soviet military presence in Hun-
gary as well. After all, the Secretary Gen-
eral despite his authorization "to take
any initiative he may deem necessary"
in December 1962 failed to take any steps
or report back to the General Assembly
and the crux of all tensions in Central
Europe lies in the continued presence of
the Red Army.
We must also undertake constructive
steps to strengthen NATO, politically and
militarily. The days of neglect must end
and NATO must assume high priority in
planning and implementing American
policies. The convocation of a meeting
of the NATO leaders, a summit meeting,
might be necessary upon completing the
session of the foreign ministers in New
York on October 7, 1968.
Finally, the House Foreign Affairs
Committee must also contribute its share
toward a reassessment of our policies by
calling hearings and commissioning a
study of the issues by academic and po-
litical experts. The gravity of the situa-
tion demands full attention by the ad-
ministration and the Congress of the
United States.
Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Speaker, today I
am joining my colleagues led by the dis-
tinguished gentleman from New Jersey
in denouncing renewed Russian aggres-
sion in Europe.
We were all shocked by the events
since August 21, when the Soviet Union,
forcing four of her satellites, Poland,
East Germany, Bulgaria and Hungary, to
follow her lead, invaded and occupied
Czechoslovakia
The Czechoslovak Government was by
no means pro-Western or democratic in
our sense of the word. But it attempted
to restore some human rights to its peo-
ple including limited press freedom and
tried to modernize its industry by man-
agerial reforms and increasing trade with
the West. The stirrings of human free-
dom in Czechoslovakia between January
and August 1968 were considered to be as
dangerous to the Soviet Union as were
the Hungarian revolutionaries and Pre-
mier Imre Nagy in Hungary. That
Czechoslovakia .did not incur the same
blood losses is only a result of nonre-
sistance of its armed forces. Otherwise,
the, events of Prague and Budapest are
strikingly familiar even to the mass
passive resistance. of the people against
the invaders. The same divide et impera
play is used by the Soviets in Czecho-
slovakia as it has been in Hungary and
after the resignation of six of the reform-
ers under Soviet pressure it is only a
matter of time until Dubcek, Cernik, and
even President Swoboda are replaced by
more malleable personalities.
The influx of 24 Russian divisions into
Czechoslovakia also upset the military
balance in Europe and threats of the
Soviet Union to Rumania, Yugoslavia,
and West Germany demonstrate that the
Soviets would like to exploit their mo-
mentary military superiority in the
region.
We must, therefore, take energetic
countermeasures ranging from diplo-
macy and propaganda in the U.N. to
diplomatic steps in our bilateral relations
with the U.S.S.R. and to a thorough
revitalization and strengthening of
NATO.,
In the General Assembly we must press
incessantly for a resolution condemning
the Soviet action in Czechoslovakia, call-
ing for a withdrawal of Soviet troops
from all countries of the Warsaw Pact
until a peace treaty from Germany is
in effect, and by reintroducing the Hun-
garian question as, even after 12 years
and numerous U.N. resolutions, Soviet
troops are still stationed in Hungary..
They participated in the aggression
against Czechoslovakia as did the units
based in Poland and forced both the Pol-
ish and Hungarian Governments to send
token units to accompany the aggressive
Soviet forces to Czechoslovakia. Resolu-
tion No. 1857/XVII of the 1962 Assembly
offers the procedure for such a step. It
did empower the Secretary General to
"take any initiative he may deem neces-
sary" to hasten the departure of Soviet
troops from Hungary. He should be
called upon to report back to the Assem-
bly; after all, 6 years have passed since
he has been given his mandate.
The House Foreign Affairs Committee
must also do its best to clarify the issue
and devise alternate policy suggestions
by holding hearings on the subject of
Central and Eastern Europe and prefer-
ably also by commissioning a study by
academic and political experts. The dan-
gers of the present situation in Europe,
which probably will explode in a new
Berlin crisis, urge us to do so at an early
date.
GENERAL LEAVE TO EXTEND
Mr. PATTEN. Mr. Speaker, I ask
unanimous consent that all Members
may have 5 legislative days in which to
extend their remarks on the subject of
this special order, the crisis in Eastern
European affairs.
The SPEAKER. Is there objection to
the request of the gentleman from Illi-
nois?
There was no objection.
TRIBUTE TO HON. WILLIAM M, TUCK
The SPEAKER. Under a previous order
of the House, the gentleman from Vir-
ginia [Mr. HARDY] is recognized for 60
minutes.
(Mr. HARDY asked and was given per-
mission to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. HARDY. Mr. Speaker, I ask un-
animous consent that all Members may
have 5 legislative days in which to extend
their remarks on the subject of the re-
tirement of our colleague, Hon. WILLIAM
M. TUCK.
The SPEAKER. Is there objection to
the request of the gentleman from Vir-
ginia?
There was no objection.
Mr. HARDY. Mr. Speaker, among
those of our colleagues who will be miss-
ing at the rollcall when the 91st Con-
gress convenes is our genial and good
friend, BILL TUCK, the able and out-
standing representative of Virginia's
I1 9227
Fifth Congressional District. BILL is
voluntarily retiring after 16 years of
faithful and dedicated service as our col-
league in the House of Representatives.
His retirement will mark the end of more
than 40 years as an elected public serv-
ant, and during much of this time I have
known him well and have been privileged
to have him as a friend.
To most of us BILL is affectionately
known as "Governor," and he came to
Congress in 1953 following distinguished
service as Virginia's chief executive. And
this had been preceded by 4 years as
Lieutenant Governor of Virginia, which
in turn had been preceded by 10 years in
the Virginia Senate and 8 years in the
Virginia House of Delegates. Most of his
life has truly been in the-service of the
people.
Just glancing at the background of
the "Governor's" political activity be-
fore he came to the House of Represen-
tatives, we can appreciate the founda-
tion in representative government
which he had already acquired. He was
well versed in the government of Vir-
ginia, and had a deep and abiding ap-
preciation of our Constitution and the
Bill of Rights. He had strong convic-
tions about the prerogatives which were
reserved to the States by the Constitu-
tion and all through his public service
he has devoted much effort to protect-
ing the rights of the several individual
States from encroachments of the Fed-
eral Government.
The people of the Commonwealth of
Virginia have long recognized BILL
TucK's tremendous qualities of leader-
ship, his strength of character, his sin-
cerity, and his integrity; and all through
his public service he has demonstrated
these qualities.
While he was Governor of Virginia he
provoked considerable controversy when
on numerous occasions, without hesita-
tion, he arrived at his own independent
judgment concerning pressing issues and
acted on that judgment without regard to
criticism or disfavor. Among the most
controversial of his espousals was the
Virginia right-to-work law which he
sponsored and which was adopted by
the Virginia general assembly during
his administration. That statute still
provokes controversy, but I am sure his
conviction with respect to its correct-
ness is as strong today as it was when
this bill was passed.
There were many internal problems
confronting Virginia when BILL Tucx
became Governor, and through his
initiative great strides were made in such
things as improving teachers' salaries
and educational opportunities generally.
He also contributed much to Virginia's
long-neglected mental institutions, and
he will always be remembered for his de-
termination to "get the farmers out of
the mud." He initiated a program of
farm-to-market roads which was soon
to lead to a secondary road system which
I dare say is hardly surpassed in any
State in the Union.
BILL TUCK has a farm background. He
is a farmowner and as a matter of fact
still owns and operates the farm on
which he was born, as well as other
surrounding farmland.. He has main-
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H 9228 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE September 26, 1968
tained all through his public life a close
association with his early surroundings
and loves to spend as much time as he
can back in his hometown, or on his
farm, visiting with his neighbors, and
enjoying their fellowship. I can appre-
ciate how BILL's neighbors must have
enjoyed his trips back home; for his
genuine good nature, his love of people,
his fondness for the simple things of life,
for mountain music, for cornbread and
brunswick stew, and his delight in story-
telling, all are characteristics which
endear BILL TUCK to us as they do to
Virginians all over the Commonwealth.
BILL T CK is genial, colorful, contro-
versial, unimpressed by stuffed shirts
and scornful of shirkers. There is no
deceit in his unpretentiousness and he
still speaks of himself as a "country
lawyer."
I know that BILL will be missed here
In the House. Since he and I are both
dropouts this year, I shall not miss him
here, but instead I may even get a chance
to see him occasionally in his own terri-
tory. In fact, I plan to make it a point
to do this. BILL, I hope you will get down
to see me occasionally in retirement, and
whether you call it a threat or a promise,
I am looking forward to an occasional
visit to Halifax. I hope you will let me
enjoy with you some reminiscing about
our colleagues in the House and our ex-
periences here, and I hope you will also
the incomparable stories you can to
Perhaps we might even do this with
background of the strains of some moon=
twin music coming from your fine new
stereo.
And so I wish you good health, and
,the ultimate of enjoyment and satisfac-
tion in a well-deserved retirement.
Mr. POF'F. Mr. Speaker, will the gen-
tleman yield?
Mr. HARDY. I yield to the gentleman
from Virginia [Mr. PoFFI.
Mr. POFF. Mr. Speaker, thank you
for your courtesy in yielding to me to
perform what will be an act of pleasure,
I assure you
I first became aware of the existence
of big BILL TUCK when I was a student
at the University of Virginia Law School.
At that time he had established himself
in his profession and in statecraft. But
his act of heroism in 1958 was the thing
which commanded by attention, my re-
spect, and my continuing admiration, I
respected, admired, and applauded the
many fearless deeds he performed as
the Governor of our Commonwealth.
I think it is fair to say that his service
in that august position was unsurpassed
by any of his predecessors and will re-
main forever unsurpassed by any who
might succeed him there. He won the
respect and affection not only of his own
party in our State but of members of
the other party as well.
Mr. Speaker, I have been privileged
to be a guest under his roof and at his
table, and I can assure you that the
menu you recited a moment ago, PORTER,
while almost complete, is not entirely
complete. It omitted the good Virginia
country ham and chitterlings. If our
colleague, the gentleman from Virginia
[Mr. ABBITr7, had been here we could
have reminisced about a little experience
we had out near the battlefield which to me and my wife when my wife went
lies nearby the great Capital City several down to Richmond on one occasion when
years ago, he was Governor to speak and he was so
What I have said I think reflects-at gracious and hospitable to her. I felt
least, I intend that it should-my per- when I came to know him here that we
sonal affection which runs so deep for were already old friends.
this great and good man. I admire him Mr. Speaker, I would not want to em-
not alone because he has acquitted him- barrass my good friend, the able gentle-
self so honorably in such high positions man from Virginia [Mr. TUCK] by having
but also because I recognize a character either hm or any of his friends to be-
which a person cannot acquire super- lieve that by my speaking in tribute to
ffcially and which must shine through him here this afternoon that he shares
to the surface even through the most my political philosophy. We do not exact-
genial spirit. It is a steadfastness of ly share the salve political philosophy.
character which commands the respect However, that is what makes this House
of all. and this Congress and this country what
Often BILL Tucx and I have sat to- they are. We do not ask whether a fellow
gether in his office or mine discussing.-.-cUs_.o-l that side or on this side of the
what we regard as some of the p ld aisle; or whether he votes with or against
verities of the day. In the se of one us; or whether he agrees with us or op-
of these shortly after came to the poses our views. What we ask is, Is he
House he recited a iji, a poem which he a gentleman, is lie an honorable msn, is
has often used s e and which at the he a good American, and is he sincere in
time I commi d to my own memory what he believes and advocates, and is he
and must n of confess that I, too, have a delightful and likable fellow whose
used on asion, In order to illustrate friendship you cherish? If a Member
the type, f character and the depth and meets these crit ria and he leaves this
consta cy of character which is his, I House one does deeply regret his de-
will dndertake to recite It now from parture.
me ory: Mr. Speaker. BILL TUCK has been a
THZ MAN IN T113 GLASS very able legislator. With his long and
When you get what you want in your struggle wide experience in government, he
for sett, knows the matters that per_.ain to the
And the world makes you King for a day, Government's in,erests. He Is genuinely
Just go to the mirror and look at yourself dedicated to the service of his. people. He
And see what that man has to say, has rendered em:.nent service to his dis-
It isn't your father or mother or wife trlct, to his Stale, and to his country,
whose judgment upon you must pass. but above all he has been one of the most
The one whose verdict counts most In your delightful and charming gentlemen who
life e o have ever sat in this body.
ne staring back in the glass.
I shall never fcrget some of the stories
He's th
that he has told here. My only complaint
the must satisfy beyond all
the rest, is that he has not told enough of them.
up to t'he.ends
For he's with you right I wish he would :.till leave us a little leg-
And you have passed your most dlillcutt t?st -acy to rcmembei him by before he de-
If the Man in the Glass is your friend! partsor home. I hope that when he goes
You may be one who got a good break- home it kill write some when he has the
Then think you're a wonderful guy; time for refie on on it.
But the man in the glass says you're only a He has made-,a contribution to this
fake
If you can't look him straight in the eye.
You may fool the whole world down your
pathway of years,
And get pats on the back as you pass:
But your Shat reward will be heartaches and
tears
If you've mated the Man In the Glassl
For the
Mr.
many
every
tive y
fax, I hope that we sh not do to him
what so many friends d to Thomas
Jefferson, that is , so ma visited him
that they almost ate him ut of house
and home, but I will certa y accept his
invitation tendered to me come down
and visit with him and I am sure that he
will be a very bus>y host en rtaining all
of us who would like to c. a and share
with him the friendship rh we have
enjoyed so much in this ouse. We want
him to know that he cal es with him our
affection and esteem d best wishes for
man
M
pursu r. HARDY r. Speaker, I yield to my
the paths that our forefathers
good fr
have ier d colleague, the gentleman
ways thought worthy.
Mr. Y. I ank the gentleman, from ma [Mr. ANDREWS].
ANDREWS of Alabama. Mr. Bpi
gentlemanorida [Mr. PEPPE ,-..- peaker, t want to thank the gentleman
Mr. PEPPER. WT -Speaker; eeply from Virginia [Mr. HARDY] for yielding to
thank the able gentleman from Virginia me in order to pay my respects to a dear
[Mr. HARDY] for allowing me to share friend, BT.LL Tucs:.
with him and our colleagues some words Mr. Speaker, had the pleasure of
of tribute to our esteemed friend that we meeting BILL TUCK for the first time in
know as BILL TucK. November 1948 at the country club in
I have developed a. great admiration for Selma, Ala. He was just out of the Gov-
this Governor of Virginia, this very ernor's office at that time and had flown
charming and distinctive gentleman, down with the law great Senator Harry
IMr. TUcxl, but he first endeared himself Byrd, Sr. I fell in love with BILL the first
an who looks back from that
shaves every morning is his
ong years and as long as he lives
ear will be a fruitful and produc-
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