FREEDOM ACADEMY PLAN BACKED

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• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000600080010-7
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 14
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 1, 2005
• Sequence Number: 10
• Publication Date: August 5, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

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August 5, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX. A4345
i t
sian" (Trident). This series, exerpted from
the book, gives some highlights, starting
with the encounters between Afro-Asians
and the ugly Russian in his own front yard.)
A young Somali beaten senseless for daring
to dance with a Russian girl; a boy from
Uganda called a black monkey and beaten by
a gang of jeering Muscovites; a medical
student from Ghana found dead in a sub-
urban Moscow snowbank and fellow Afri-
cans, believing he is a victim of foul play,
riot outside the Kremlin.
These are a few of the ugly stories that
have been brought home to the new coun-
tries of Africa by embittered students, many
of whom have quit Iron Curtain universities,
claiming that racial bigotry is not the ex-
clusive shame of the colonialist-capitalist
nations-as the. Communists had led them
to believe.
"I didn't really want to study in Russia,"
a thoughtful and gregarious economics ma-
jor from Ghana explained to George Feifer,
an American graduate student at Moscow
State University, "but I can honestly say
that I was not at all anti-Soviet before I
came. That started only after I got to know
Russia and the Russians for myself. The
Americans waste a lot of money trying to
make sure that Africa does not go Commu-
nist. All they have to do is pay the way for
more of us students to take our degrees here.
Ask any of my friends-they're more disil-
mthan
lusioned about the Soviet way of life
ake
any American propaganda
them." -
ATTRACTIVE BAIT
The Africa grievances were fully justified
on even more profound grounds. To gain
African recruits, the Russians and their satel-
lite partners offered attractive bait in lands
hungry for learning and short of schools-all-
expense-paid scholarships at Communist uni-
versities. The Communists were not too se-
lective, accepting students lacking the neces-
sary educational credits. And some students
vanished into the East over secret students'
routes-without the knowledge of their re-
spective governments.
The African students, by and large, had
taken the lure on the assumption that they
And then a group of student representa- clear; Africans were barbarians, and Sove
tives-from Algeria, the Cameroons, the Con- girls were not to fraternize with them.
go, Ghana, Guinea, Kenya, Mali, Morocco, GHANAIAN FOUND DEAD
Nigeria, the Sudan, Togo, Tunisia, Egypt, and A real shocker came on December 13, 1963,
Uganda-drew up an "open letter," sent to when the body of a 29-year-old Ghanaian
the United Nations and all African govern- medical student, Edmund Asare-Addo, was
ments. It stated its aims in unequivocal discovered in a snowbank near the Khovrino
terms: "To call attention of all African gov- railroad station just outside Moscow. The
ernments to the deceits, the threats, the youth, returning to his medical school at
pressure, the brutality and the discrimina- Kalinin, 100 miles to the northwest, had been
tion" that the students had suffered in So- seen boarding a train at Moscow's Leningrad
viet Russia. Station the night before.
In February 1960, Nikita Khrushchev de- Mr. Asare-Addo had been planning to
cided the best way to handle the students marry a Russian girl against strong objections
was to segregate them. He announced his from her parents and friends who opposed
plan to establish Friendship University in such a union on racial grounds. Suspecting
Moscow, solely for students from Africa, Asia, foul play, his fellow Africans clamored for
and Latin America. The institution was soon an investigation.
after renamed Lumumba University, but to Soviet authorities claimed that an autopsy
the colored students it has always been showed no signs of violent death. They said
"Apartheid U." the victim had been drinking. The impli-
Lumumba University made it easier for cation was that he had wandered from his
the Soviets to control the students, but at train, collapsed in the snow, and died of ex-
the same time it heightened their sensitivity posure.
to Soviet racial discrimination. One of the But two Ghanaian medical students, who
first students was William Anti-Taylor, a had attended the autopsy as observers, de-
Ghanian who had studied at the University nied all this. They said that Mr. Asare-
of Ghana. "There is a big eight-story build- Addo's body bore bruises and other signs of
ing facing one of our university buildings on a struggle. They charged the authorities
Kabelnaya Street in Moscow," Mr. Anti- with trying to cover up the truth.
Taylor later recalled. "Beside this building Normally, such a story would not become
is a children's playground. On the balconies public knowledge in Russia. But the angry
of the building, the children of the tenants Africans organized a mass demonstration in
usually are found playing around their par- the Kremlins Red Square, the likes of which
ents who sit enjoyingthe sun in summer. Is had not been seen since the late twenties
there any African student on Kabelnaya when supporters of Leon Trotsky protested
Street who can really say he never has had his removal by Stalin from the Soviet leader-
'Nigger, Nigger' shouted at him by these chil- ship.
dren,.even in the presence of their parents, An estimated 500 Africans, many of them
who do not care to stop them?" wearing the traditional red Ghanaian
EMBITTERED ETHIOPIAN mourning band on their heads, surged into
In 1961, an Ethiopian named Mustafa ar- the square, scuffled with police and climbed
rived at Lumumba University eager to study over or under a barricade of trucks and cars.
his trade-servicing aircraft. He described Communist officials later launched the
himself as having "an open mind about poli- rumor that the Africans had demonstrated
tics." in Red Square because their demand for
The first thing that annoyed him was dis- brothels had been rejected. But the pla-
covering that he was to share two small rooms cards in Russian and English they carried
with six other Africans. "It was almost im- told the story: "Moscow, a Second Alabama,"
possible to study," he said. "Stop Killing Africans" and "Moscow Is the
Center of Discrimination in Culture."
would learn skills and professions with which and other African students got a Soviet al-
to return better equipped to serve their new- lowance of only $99 a month whereas the
ly independent countries. But they con- Americans and other Westerners got approxi-
plained about the incessant propaganda, the mately three times as much. At the same
regimentation on books and travel, the ma- time, it hurt his conscience to discover that
nipulation of their reading and source of in- the Africans were getting three times as
formation, and the overdose of Marxist doc- much as the Russian students.
trine in the classroom. "I didn't really mind the Americans get-
But the Africans' major complaint was ting so much," he said, "but why should I
that they were humiliated as Negroes, Abdul have gotten three times as much as the Rus-
Amir Mohammed of Somalia, a former stu- signs?" -
dent at Moscow State University, told how The fear of Africans mixing with local girls
Russian students "often surrounded us in a is as persistent in Moscow as in Mississippi.
circle and pointed out to each other our hair, "Komsomolskaya Pravda," the organ of the
our lips, our hands-emphasizing with snick- Young Communist League, purported to tell
era our racial differences." the story of a Russian girl named "Larissa"
One result has been that many African who had been in love with a young Commu-
students, unable to maintain their self-re- nist leader. Then blond-haired "Larissa,"
spect in the face of unreasoning intolerance, otherwise a brilliant law student, met "Mah-
have quit the Communist universities they moud," an African law student, and after be-
had so eagerly entered. (Not all African coming intoxicated at a party, spent the night
students found it easy to quit. True, the with him. Later they were married. After
Soviet Government guarantees them trans- leaving the Soviet Union, she was supposedly
portation to and from their home countries, sold by "Mahmoud" into the harem of a
but the return passage cannot be used until friend. The tale ended with "Larissa" at-
they have been in Russia 4 years.) tempting to escape from the harem; but, just
OPEN LETTER before she could reach the Soviet Embassy,
Another result was an African "Revolt she was recaptured.
us" in Soviet Russia. Many Africans in Moscow were outraged. They
the Cam
p
on
dark-skinned students protested the, force- demanded that the editors name the country
fed Marxist-Leninism they were subjected to, where the incident supposedly took place.
while their real studies went neglected. Somewhat flustered, the editors confessed
They demanded explanations for the repeated there was no such land and that there had
beatings of African students caught dating been no such incident. They said they had
Soviet girls, and for the reprisals taken merely intended to warn Soviet citizens about
against the girls. They began holding strate- entanglements with foreigners whose customs
gy meetings on how to survive as Africans might be different from their own. What
in the sea of Soviet bigotry around them. ever the official explanation, the message was
The students had first assembled in front
of the Ghanaian Embassy, where authorities
tried vainly to dissuade them from march-
ing on the Kremlin. They marched five
abreast, led by a young African girl carrying
a picture of Mr. Asare-Addo enclosed in a
wreath. Then came the tussle with Soviet
police and the rush into Red Square past
Lenin's granite tomb and on toward the
great Spassky Gate guarding the entrance to
the Kremlin.
Few observers could recall ever seeing the
gate closed before. But Soviet citizens who
witnessed the scene from. closed-off side
streets, or from the windows of the giant
GUM department store, would no doubt long
remember the sight of African students
singing freedom songs in Red Square, and
the sound of the huge Spassky Gate being
slammed in their faces.
SPEECH
OF
HON. LINDLEY BECKWORTH
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, August 4, 1965
Mr. BECKWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I
desire to join my colleagues in expressing
my sincere sorrow in the passing of the
late Congressman, Hon. Fritz Lanham.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX August o, 19(15
Fritz was able and outstanding. There
never was a more successful Member of
Congress than Fritz. He was a Pei-feet
gentleman, an eloquent orator and a true
Christian. The people of Texas and the
Nation have suffered a great loss and we
all shall miss him. To his wife. Hazel.
and all his folks I express my sincere
sympathy.
My Country Is Far From Perfect So Why
Am I Proud To Serve It?
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. BOB WILSON
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, August 5. 1965
Mr. BOB WILSON. Mr. Speaker.
under leave to extend my remarks in the
RECORD. I include the following article
from the San Diego Dispatch of July 30.
1965.
My COUNTRY IS FAR FROM PERFF.(-T 50 WHY
AM I PROUD To SERVE IT?
(By Lt. R. F. Ball)
First of all. have you ever seen or heard
of a perfect country? There is no such
thing. because all countries are organized,
governed, and inhabited by human beings.
and men are fallible creatures. Therefore.
recognizing that we are not gods, our Found-
ing Fathers attempted the next best thing
when they wrote the Constitution Their
goal was to form a more perfect. Union than
Ivan had ever known before.
The basic idea was, and still is. that men
can govern themselves. We do not need a
king, a dictator or a small group of "strong
men" to tell us how to run our lives. Our
Government is designed to reflect the desires
of the majority of our Individual citizens.
We all know that majority rule would be
disastrous for the minority. Therefore. In
order to protect the rights of the minority.
we have our Bill of Rights which establishes
certain individual rights which cannot be
Laken from the people.
This unusual and complex concept of ma-
jority rule with minority protection will al-
ways be difficult to master. We have had
problems in the past and we are going to
have problems in the future, but we are al-
ways striving toward the best possible way
of life for every man.
Admittedly, things seem to go wrong for
its at times, and we complain and grumble
about it. We know of injustices which go
on about us. These problems are not a re-
::ult of any basic unjustness of our gov-
ernmental system. They are the results of a
Jew individual persons who are selfish, ig-
norant, lazy or Indifferent. Unfortunately
there are always a few of these around- For-
Innately there are not too many and they
are far from representative of the average
American citizen and our basic concepts of
the American way of life. No matter how
litany complaints we may hear about our
country. we can be certain that we are always
trivinq, always aiming, toward that more
perfect union. By exercising our democratic
processes, such as our right and privilege to
vote, we can demonstrate our concern and
insure the steady aim of our country
We, r..s Individuals, are not immortal on
this earth. but the principles and ideals of
our country are immortal. They are worth
lighting for. We can be proud that we have
the opportunity to serve this great Nation.
"We have staked the whole future of
America, not on the power of government,
but on the capacity of mankind for self-
government"--James Madison. fourth U S.
President.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
its
HON. RICHARD (DICK) (CHORD
OF MISSOURI
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVE`
Thursday, August 5, 1965
Mr. ICHORD. Mr. Speaker, under
leave to extend my remarks in the REC-
ORD, I include the following newspaper
editorial by Mr. James J. Kilpatrick ap-
pearing in the Washington Evening Star
on Wednesday, August 4, 1965. entitled
"Freedom Academy Plan Backed." The
column describes the purposes and his-
tory of a bill recently reported by the
House Committee on Un-American Ac-
tivities:
FREEDOM ACADEMY PLAN BACKED
(By James J. Kilpatricki
The House Committee on Uri-American
Activities came up with a bill the other day
th:ct has been almost wholly ignored in the
press. This is a pity, for the bill is a good
bill, intended to fill a critical need, and it
-tight not to be left to languish for want of
public discussion.
The bill would create a new seven-man
Freedom Commission, whose principal duty
would he to establish and maintain a Free-
dom Academy. And the principal business
of the academy would he to teach courses
and conduct research in total political war-
fare against the Communist foe.
Such a proposal is not new. The bill just
reported by the House committee is pat-
terned generally upon a measure actually
approved in the Senate 5 years ago. Since
then, a bipartisan coalition of liberals and
conservatives in both Houses has kept the
idea alive. Sponsors of the plan include such
respected men as MUNDT. CASE, DoDD. Douc-
LAS, FONG, HICKENLOOFEa, MILLER, PROUTY.
PROxMIRE, SCOTT, and SMATHERS in the Sen-
ate, and ICHORD, HERLONG, GUBSER, BOGGS,
GURNEY, CLAUSEN. ASHaROOK, BUCHANAN,
and FEIGHAN in the House.
Some of these gentlemen may disagree on
details, but they share a common conviction
that the people of the United States-and,
more critically, the people In key posts in
Government-know pitifully little about the
nature of communism and the techniques of
the Communist conspiracy around the world.
By and large, we are babes in this wood.
Trustful, innocent, gullible, eager to be loved,
Americans by and large refuse to accept the
relentless purposes of the Communist ide-
ology. Conventional warfare we understand.
The proposed Freedom Academy would
--cek to till this gap through teaching and
research. It would maintain a library, pub-
lish papers, conduct seminars, cultivate pub-
lic understanding; and It would draw Its
students not only from Government agencies,
graduate schools and college faculties here
at home. but also from key institutions and
governments throughout the free world.
Not surprisingly, the State Department is
cold to the plan. In State's view, -the bill
as a whole would not serve as a useful In-
strument of national policy." Granted that
we must employ not only military strength
but also all of the "political, psychological,
economic. and other nonmilitary means at
our disposal." the State Department "seri-
ously questions whether comprehensive and
realistic plans for dealing with the infinitely
complex problems of U.S. foreign affairs can
l-e developed by a new, separate Government
agency, especially one without operational
responsibilities." In brief, State would leave
the job to State.
From a purely administrative viewpoint.
the objection may have merit, but it foun-
ders in the blunt rebuttal that the State
Department itself has failed abysmally to
comprehend precisely this field of political
warfare. If the State Department, through
Its Foreign Service Institute, had demon-
strated a keen and continuing awareness of
Communist imperialism--if it had done its
own hard training job--more effective poli-
cles might have been devised, first to contain
the enemy and then to defeat him.
In any event, the sponsors observe, the
Foreign Service Institute exists for purposes
at once broader and narrower. Its principal
task is to teach the whole of diplomacy to
the Department's own pe-sonnel. The Free-
dom Academy would specialize in the field of
"Communist external political warfare," and
the devising of means to combat it. In the
sponsors' view, only an independent agency.
cooperating with State, Defense, and the
CIA, but separate from them. could run the
proposed institution.
The committee report gives no indication
of the probable cost of the Freedom Commis-
sion (the State Department's cool guess is
several million dollars a year), but in terms
of total outlays for national security the
sum would not be large. Quite conceivably,
the investment might bring far greater re-
turns than we got from the $900 million in
foreign aid laid out for Indonesia.
Eugene Zuckert: Story of Dedication
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. DAVID S. KING
OF UTAH
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, August 5, 1965
Mr. KING of Utah. Mr. Speaker, I
wish today to join several of my col-
leagues who have taken the opportunity
to express publicly their admiration for
former Air Force Secretary, Eugene M.
Zuckert, whose recent retirement causes
us mixed feelings-happiness that he will
have a much deserved rest: sorrow that
he has left Government service; but
above all, gratitude for his tireless and
effective leadership, his dedication to his
job, and his courtesy and kindliness to
all of his associates.
On February 10, the Air Force Times
contained an editorial which calls at-
tention to some of his accomplishments.
The record of those accomplishments
serve as the best tribute I can think of
to this distinguished American. I ask
unanimous consent for that editorial to
be included in the RECORD.
The editorial follows:
EUGENE ZUCKERT: STORY OF DEDICATi,N
WASHINGTON.-Supporters of the Air Force
are legion, but a likely candidate for the
most dedicated Air Force man is Eugene M.
Zuckert. who has completed 4 years as Sec-
retary of the Air Force. That's a record, and
all indications point toward Mr. Zuckert's re-
markable tenure-most service Secretaries
come and go like falling leaves-continuing
indefinitely.
Mr. Zuckert first came to USAF in 1947. as
it 38-year-old Assistant Secretary under the
then Secretary (now Senator) STUART SYM-
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Freedomlcademy Wins Support
1(i
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. KARL E. MUNDT
OF SOUTH DAKOTA
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Tuesday, August 10, 1965
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, now
that the House committee in charge of
the legislation has unanimously reported
favorably on the passage of the Free-
dom Academy bill, interest and support
is rapidly expanding throughout the Na-
tion and it is hoped the House will soon
have an opportunity to vote on this vital
piece of legislation.
An interesting and informative edi-
torial was recently carried in the Rapid
City Sunday Journal, of Rapid City, S.
Dak. For the information of the Con-
gress and the country, I ask unanimous
consent that this editorial be printed in
the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
FREEDOM ACADEMY WINS SUPPORT
More war, increasing numbers of young
Americans to be involved-that's the pro-
gram outlined by President Johnson because
of the conflict in Vietnam.
Not so much attention was called to action
by a committee within the House of Repre-
sentatives which would establish a Freedom
Academy for this Nation.
The Freedom Academy would be the equiv-
alent of West Point, Colorado Springs, or
Annapolis-with the objective of preserving
freedom in a cold war.
South Dakota's Senator KARL MVNDT has
been a sponsor of the measure. The U.S.
Senate passed such a bill in 1960 but no
action then resulted in the House. Prospects
are brighter now-and the need is obvious
this year, just as in the past.
Senator MUNDT explains the Freedom
Academy would "assist in the developmAnt
of methods and means employable in both
the governmental and private sectors to
counter all forms Of Communist political
warfare, subversion, and insurgency while
seeking to preserve and build free and viable
societies."
MUNDT endorses the findings of the House
committee which note:
"In total war, military defense is only
partial defense. Today the major gap in
world resistance to communism, the largely
undefended front, is the front of nonmilitary
or political warfare. The United States has
led the organization and development of the
free world's military defense in the global
struggle. It is Imperative that it now take
the lead in developing its total defense by
closing the serious gap that exists on the
front which, in the long run, could be as
decisive as the military front."
The committee outlined requirements of
such a program as follows:
Policymakers and government personnel at
many levels must understand communism in
depth, with special emphasis on Communist
conflict techniques.
Appendix
At the upper levels of Government we must SPEECH DELIVERED BY JOHN SCOTT OF
have, in addition, officials who understand TIME MAGAZINE
the full range of methods and means by Ladies and gentlemen, it-is my good for-
which this Nation and its Allies can meet the tune to appear as one of the last speakers
Communist attack and work toward our in this conference and therefore to have ben-
global objectives systematically. This means eftted from the remarks of the earlier par-
that they will have to master a broad range ticipants as they analyzed the subject of this
of nonmilitary measures which have yet to conference: "What should be the common
be developed and systematized. elements of a university education in all
Below this level, agency personnel must countries of the world?"
be trained to understand and implement this On. the basis of what I have heard, I have
integrated strategy in all of its dimensions. decided to discard the paper I intended to
The public must have greater understand- give on the, impact of electronic develop-
ing of communism, its objectives, tactics, and ments on university education and to devote
methods, especially Communist conflict
techniques and the nature of the global has the p20 laced at minutes disposal President Sammartino
v
mentioned spect of
struggle, to insure public support of the the subject est but the coneposalference to one e aspect
Nation's efforts to counter Communist ag- still imperfectly defined and
gression. More thorough public knowledge certainly cra t times problem
of communism will help prevent the ex- of the e not resolved. allocation of the e This is limited the o
tremism which, frequently arising from mis- resources
understanding or lack of information, cre- higher in less developed countries for
ates national dissention and impairs the higher education, between the demands o-
science, technology, and resource develop-
country's efforts in the global struggle. ment on the one hand, and education in the
The private sector must also be helped in broad humanities so well defined and so
understanding how it can participate in the eloquently pled for by Dr. Toynbee in his
global struggle in a sustained and systematic speech on Tuesday morning. This educa-
manner. tion finds its highest expression, Toynbee
It is necessary to assist, and to enlist the told us, in man's willingness and ability to
support of, other non-Communist countries replace national identity and national al-
by training selected foreign nationals. Equal legiance with a feeling of identity with, and
support and understanding among other allegiance to, the human race.
peoples and our allies are essential if we are I intend to approach this problem by cit-
to continue moving forward in a concen- ing several examples of problems met with
Crated effort.
A serious gap on the political war front in Soviet education. I have decided to do exists when American and Communist tech- this for three reasons:
niques and exploitation are compared. In the first place because I have had some
The Freedom Academy would be organized opportunity to observe Soviet education at
and financed as a Federal training school close range.
similar to the colleges which supply officers In the second place because the subject of
for the Army, Navy, and Air Force. It would this whole conference includes the phrase
be an educational and research institution, "in all countries of the world." Though
not a policymaking agency, nearly half the human race currently lives
This Nation seems to lag as friends are in countries dominated by one kind of com-
counted around the globe, and the inroads munism or another, no speaker has dealt In
of avowed Communists are cause for concern. any detail with Soviet education.
Skilled help for the cause of freedom could In the third place because, as I hope to
come from such a college. demonstrate, Soviet experience is relevant to
Education in the Less-Developed
Countries
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. THOMAS B. CURTIS.
OF MISSOURI
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 10, 1965
Mr. CURTIS. Mr. Speaker, I recently
had the pleasure of reading a very stimu-
lating speech, a copy of which was sent
to me by Mr. John Scott of Time maga-
zine. Mr. Scott delivered this speech be-
fore the International Conference of
Higher Education held at Oxford, Eng-
land, on the occasion of the dedication
of the English campus of Farleigh Dick-
inson University, on July. 1, 1965.
I am submitting the text for the REC-
ORD as John Scott is one of the most per-
spicacious observers I know and a tribute
to Time magazine:
and instructive in analyzing current educa-
tional problems in the less developed coun-
tries of the world.
I went to the Soviet Union in 1932 as a
very young man and worked for several years
in a steel mill in the city of Magnitogorsk.
A week after my arrival another young man
arrived in the city about whom I would like
to tell you, because through his eyes and
experience I think I can make several points
more clearly than I could with historic gen-
eralizations or statistics.
Shaimat was a Tartar. He came from an
obscure village in central Kazakhstan. When
he arrived in Magnitogorsk he had never seen
an electric light, a staircase or a locomotive.
He had seen a hammer but never used one.
He was illiterate. He spoke almost no Rus-
sian. He communicated monosyllabically
with fellow Tartars in that language. Fur-
thermore, the village from which he came
was a backward one and people believed that
washing more frequently than once a year
was not only dangerous for one's health but
verged on the sacrilegious, because it jeopard-
ived the lives of those parasites which they
considered normal expressions of man's per-
sonality. Shaimat had many such parasites,
and for this and other reasons, he was not
a person one would select as a close associ-
ate-if one had a choice.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX August 1 0) 1965
In this case there was not much choice.
For Shaimat arrived in our gang in response
to an urgent request by the foreman to the
personnel department of the plant for an
electrician. It was immediately obvious when
Shaimat appeared that he was not an electri-
cian. But this did not disturb the foreman
who, accustomed to dealing with Soviet real-
ity, did not need an electrician but in fact
only a body-a man to sit In a booth where
we had motor generators producing direct
current for electric welding. There he was
to watch an electric light bulb in the ceiling,
and when it went out, as It did several times
a day as the result of breakdowns in the
powerhouse or on the line, he was to switch
the motors off. then switch them on again
when the juice came back. The foreman
undertook to explain this simple operation to
Shaimat in sign language and Shaimat went
to work.
During his first day he burned out three
motors. During the first week several more.
For the first month Shaimat sat in his little
booth gazing up at the large Installations of
the mill without any comprehension of what
was going on. He had come to Magnitogorsk
to get a larger bread ration card-which he
had received-and that was the extent of his
interest. But gradually two things happened
to Shaimat. In the first place he began to
learn to speak the Russian language by a sort
of osmosis In contact with the people around
him. In the second place he began to learn
to read in a circle for adult illiterates, of
whom there were at that time perhaps 50.000
in the city.
I would see Shaimat at work. laboriously
spelling out words from a reader. As he
learned to read, and as he learned to speak
the language of the area, Shaimat's Intel-
lectual horizons suddenly broadened. He
became aware of things which we in the West
encounter at an early age but which Shaimat
in his twenties had previously been unaware
of. He learned, for example, that he lived in
a counrry called the Soviet Union. Pre-
viously he had been aware of his village and
of his province, but not of the Soviet Union.
lie learned that there was something called
the 5-year plan.
I remember his explanation of the sub-
stance of the plan: "You see all those ma-
chines over there? And these miserable shoes
(pointing to his own ragged footwear) ? The
leather that could have been my shoes was
sent abroad to pay for those machines." A
simplistic but essentially accurate descrip-
tion of the economics of the first b-year plan.
I remember on another occasion Shafmat's
explanation to me of the purpose of our
efforts in Magnitogorsk. You see, Shaimat
knew that he had come a long way from his
village to Magnitogorsk-he had walked
about 3 weeks-and he knew that on arrival
lie had been very ignorant. He had been
told by others that I came from America
which was even farther away, and he logi-
cally concluded that I must have been more
ignorant than he had been when I arrived.
On this occasion he undertook to explain
to me what we were doing: "You see the
idea here is to take that red dirt from the
mountain up there and bring it down here
and make Iron out of it." A simplistic but
essentially accurate description of the process
of ferrous metallurgy.
From that point on Shaimat went very
rapidly. I left the city in 1937 at which time
Shaimat was going to night school studying
about ergs and amperes, and problems of
electrotechnology frequently studied In the
West at university level. His way of life had
changed radically; he washed regularly, he
dressed much better, he read magazines and
newspapers. These to be sure were tenden-
i.fous, but Shalmat's horizons bad broadened
more than had those of his Tartar antece-
dents since the day of Genghis Khan.
Shaimat was not alone. The entire corn- all I was impressed at the fact that millions
muntty at this time was going through a sim- of Soviet citizens are becoming really edu-
ilar metamorphosis. Some two-thirds of the cated. I mean educated in Dr. Toynbee's
230,000 inhabitants of Magnitogorsk were go-
ing to some kind of school, studying every-
thing from engineering to literacy, along with
obligatory courses in political orientation.
Another example. I got a toothache. In
the dental clinic, I found myself being ex-
amined by a girl about my own age. She,
it turned out. had gone through 4 years of
primary school. then had worked In a fac-
tory where she was a political activist and a
good worker, and was rewarded by being sent
to a dental school where spent spent 3 years.
She admitted laconically that she had been
rough on her first 200 to 300 patients but
"since most of them previously had had no
dental care at all. I was an Improvement;
and now I fill teeth as well as the best."
I myself went to school. I remember viv-
idly the eloquence with which one of my
professors at the Institute of Metallurgical
Engineering I attended In the evening made
lucid poetry of the calculus. I also remem-
ber the deadening fatigue with which. after
an 9-hour shift in the mill, we spent evenings
wrestling with vector analysis.
Magnitogorsk in the 1930's was one of a
number of Soviet cities undergoing rapid
development, an Important aspect of which
was a highly pragmatic educational effort
directed specifically at teaching people to
do necessary things-to fill teeth, design
bridges, make steel.
Twenty-five years passed, during which I
was engaged In other pursuits. During those
25 years the Soviet Union survived a cruel
war. During that generation more than 100
million Soviet adults learned to read and
write, and several million went to higher
schools where they learned to design, to con-
struct and to operate the tools of peace and
the weapons of war.
During this period Soviet education con-
centrated relentlessly on science and tech-
nology. Students had no electives, there
was no room In the curriculum for music ap-
preciation or home economics. But every
week of every year all had to study the his-
tory of the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union, political economy and dialectical ma-
terialism (the Soviet equivalent of philos-
ophy and ethics). During this period the
party maintained absolute control over the
education system. The party determined not
only the curriculum, but also the budget.
the entrance and graduate requirements and
the administration.
During this period the question of aca-
demic freedom never arose. Indeed, the
phrase sounds strange and unreal In the Rus-
sian language. For example, Soviet genetics
was set back a generation by a conflict be-
tween academician Vavllov. a world renowned
scholar, and Trofim Lysenko. a party charla-
tan who for purely political reasons sup-
ported the contention that acquired char-
acteristics could be inherited. This argu-
ment was "settled" when Vavllov died in a
concentration camp leaving Lysenko to domi-
nate the field for a generation. Only years
later, after Stalin's death. was Lysenko
qutetiv defrocked.
But in spite of the political controls and
other inhibitions In Soviet education, Im-
mense progress was made. Recent Soviet
feats in space technology are symbolic of the
advancements of Soviet education and sei-
ence In the past generation.
I returned to the Soviet Union recently,
making five visits there in the last 7 years.
During these visits I saw many of the men
and women whom I had known earlier and
in some cases met and talked with their
children, some of whom were not university
students,
I was Impressed by the Improvements in
Soviet living conditions-material, cultural,
recreational, artistic. But perhaps most of
Lion did not come as part of the formal
schooling, but was acquired in spite of it.
It came from reading, thinking, from discus-
sions. Let me illustrate.
I remember being pressed hard by several
graduate students on the subject of the cate-
gorical imperative. As a defensive ploy, I
mentioned to them that when I had attended
the Magnitogorsk Institute of Metallurgical
Engineering, my professor of dialectical
materialism skipped nimbly from Heraclitus
to Hegel and then on to Engels and Lenin,
with no mention at all of Kant. They
shrugged and smiled, "Things have changed.
Now they evoke Kant to illustrate the
poverty of bourgeois philosophy. But we are
not stupid."
Let me illustrate further: My wife and I
went to a workers' theater in Leningrad to
watch a performance of Macbeth. The pro-
duction was excellent, the audience respon-
sive. Afterward we took six graduate stu-
dents from the University of Leningrad to
the Astoria Hotel where we spent 2 hours
sipping reasonably good Soviet champagne
and talking. Though all of our guests were
students of technology, they were all ac-
tively interested in Shakespeare. I asked
them what the play meant to them. "Well,"
said one, "perhaps for us Macbeth was Stalin,
Banquo-Trotsky, Duncan-Nicholas ? "
that leaves us with Khrushchev as Macduff."
"You have to reach for that one," said
another dubiously. This was discussed for
several minutes. Then I asked this ques-
tion: "Assuming the plausibility of this
analogy, who were Macduff's English? Whose
foreign troops may he brought into Russia
to overthrow a tyranny the Russians them-
selves seem unable to cope with? Perhaps
it might have been the Germans? Or, in the
future, the Chinese? Or the Americans?"
An intense discussion followed for half an
hour. Two of our friends refused to accept
the legitimacy of the analogy. The others
argued about the propriety of accepting any
of the three suggested candidates for the
invidious role of helping the Russian people
organize a better government.
The discussion ended inconclusively except
for one thing, It was clear that these young
people were educated. They were discussing
intelligently the application of the universal
human problems so deity analyzed and elo-
quently described by Shakespeare to their
own experience.
To illustrate further, let me tell you two
students' stories. The first like many Euro-
pean anecdotes is formulated as a question
and answer.
Question. What is the difference between
capitalism and communism?
Answer. Under capitalism man exploits
man. Under communism, it Is just the op-
posite.
Another story, apocryphal but indicative.
A capitalist cell was functioning in Moscow.
At Its surreptitious meetings older members
made speeches, younger members asked ques-
tions. At one meeting an older member
presented a vibrant defense of the free enter-
prise system. When be had finished a
younger member arose and said, "This is fas-
cinating but will it work? Can one change
human nature?"
Millions of Soviet citizens are becoming
educated in the broad and universal Toyn-
bean sense of the word. .
In spite of pervasive restrictions on foreign
travel, in spite of the prohibition of critical
thinking, in spite of rigid Marxist Indoctri-
nation, Russians are becoming educated
citizens not only of the Soviet Union but of
the world.
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It would be presumptuous to say what
position he would take on Vietnam if he were
alive today. But the principles which would
,guide him in making that decision ring out
true and clear from the record of his public
statements.
Speaking at the Republican Convention in
Chicago in 1944, he said:
"We want to live in peace.
"We want no territory.
"We want no domination over any nation.
"We want the freedom of nations from the
domination of others.
"We want it both in the cause of freedom
and because there can be no lasting peace if
enslaved people must ceaselessly strive and
fight for freedom."
There was no fuzzymindedness in his
analysis of the cold war. To him the choice
between communism and freedom was crys-
tal clear. He said: "The world is divided by
opposing concepts of life. One is good, the
other is evil."
Yet, while he hated the Communist idea
the great humanitarian had no hatred for
the Russian people. It was his leadership
after World War I which helped feed and save
the lives of millions of Russian children.
In summary, the principles which Herbert
Hoover would apply in making a foreign
policy decision could be summed up in one
sentence. He wanted peace, freedom, non-
intervention, self-determination, and prog-
ress for all peoples and all nations.
America's critics at home and abroad con-
tend that our policy at Vietnam is diametri-
cally opposed to every one of these principles.
They contend that America is intervening
in a civil war.
They contend that we are fighting a losing
battle to perpetuate white colonialism in
Asia.
They contend that we are on the side of
reaction, resisting the forces of change and
progress.
They contend that we are increasing the
danger of world war III.
Even among the majority of Americans
who support our policy too many seem to
believe that we had no business getting in-
volved in Vietnam in the first place and that
all we can hope or try to do is to make the
best of a bad situation.
There is no reason for Americans to be
defensive or apologetic about our role in
Vietnam. We can hold our heads high in
the knowledge that-as was the case in
World War I, World War II, and Korea-we
are fighting not just in the interests of
South Vietnam or of the United States but
for peace, freedom, and progress for all
peoples.
This is not a case of American intervention
in a civil war. We are helping South Viet-
nam resist Communist intervention.
We are not attempting to impose American
colonialism in Vietnam. We are there to pre-
vent Communist colonialism and to preserve
the rights of self-determination without
outside intervention for the people of South
Vietnam.
We are fighting on the side of progress for
the Vietnamese people; the Communists are
fighting against progress. One of the rea-
sons the South Vietnamese have been will-
ing to fight so long and so bravely against
the Communists is that they know that
North Vietnam, under communism is an eco-
nomic slum. The per capita income of South
Vietnam under freedom is twice as high as
that of North Vietnam.
The greatest fallacy is the contention that
U.S. policy in Vietnam increases the danger
of war. On the contrary, stopping Commu-
nist aggression will reduce the danger of war.
Failing to stop it will increase the danger
of war.
This is true because, if the Communists
gain from their aggression; they will be en-
couraged to try it again..
It is true because, if aggression is rewarded
those who advocate the hard line in Peiping
and Moscow will have won the day over those
who favor peaceful. coexistence, and we shall
be confronted with other Vietnams in Asia,
Africa, and Latin America.
It is true because, if the Communists gain
from their aggresslofi in Vietnam, all of
southeast Asia would come under Commu-
nist domination, and we would have to fight
a major war to save the Philippines.
A crucial issue is being decided in Viet-
nam: Does the free world have an answer
to the Communist tactic of taking over a
free country not by direct attack as in Korea,
not by winning a free election, but by fo-
menting and supporting a revolution? If
this tactic proves unsuccessful in Vietnam,
the steady Communist march to world dom-
ination will be halted. If it succeeds, the
Communists will have the green light for
conquest by support of revolution all over
the world, and we will be helpless to stop it.
This is one of those critical turning points
in history. Today Russia and Red China are
not allies. Red China without Russia is a
fourth-rate military power with no signifi-
cant nuclear capability. Five years from now
the two Communist giants may have patched
up their differences. Even if they have
failed to do so, Red China will then have a
dangerous nuclear capability.
Time, therefore, is not on our side. If
the Communist aggressors are not stopped
now, the risk of stopping them later will be
infinitely greater.
Too much of the discussion on Vietnam
has been in the dreary terms of day-to-day
tactics, of targets to be hit or excluded, of
the cost involved.
It is time for all Americans to raise their
eyes proudly to the great goals for which we
are fighting in Vietnam.
We are fighting in Vietnam to prevent
world war III.
We are fighting for the right of self-deter-
mination for all nations, large and small.
We are fighting to save free Asia from
Communist domination.
We are fighting for the right of all people
to enjoy progress through freedom.
We are fighting to prevent the Pacific from
becoming a Red sea.
To achieve these goals, Americans must be
united in their determination not to fail the
cause of peace and freedom in this period of
crisis.
The noisy minority which constantly talks
of the need to make concessions to the Com-
munist aggressors in order to gain peace are
defeating the very purpose they claim to
serve. This kind of talk discourages our
friends, encourages our enemies, and pro-
longs the war.
The Communists do not have to be told
that we are for peace; they have to be con-
vinced that they cannot win the war.
We shall agree to any honorable peace but
on one issue there can be no compromise:
There can be no reward for aggression.
Forcing the South Vietnamese into a coali-
tion government with the Communists would
be a reward for aggression.
Neutralizing South Vietnam would be a
reward for aggression.
Forcing the South Vietnamese to give up
any territory to the Communist aggressors
would be a reward for aggression.
History tells us that a coalition govern-
ment would be only the first step toward
a complete Communist takeover.
Neutralization, where the Communists are
concerned, as we learned in Laos, would
mean-we get out, they stay in, they take
over.
Attempting to buy peace by turning over
territory to the Communist aggressors would
only whet their appetite for more.
We welcome the interest of the United
Nations in seeking a settlement. But we
must insist that where the security of the
United States is directly threatened by inter-
national Communist aggression, the final
policy decision must be made by the United
States and not by the United Nations.
We respect the views of nations who choose
to remain neutral in the struggle between
communism and freedom. But in evaluating
those views let us remember that no nation
in the world could afford the luxury of
neutrality if it were not for the power of the
United States.
The struggle will be long. The cost will
be great. But the reward will be victory over
aggression and a world in which peace and
freedom will have a better chance to survive.
Herbert Hoover's record gives us guidance
also with regard to our future policy when
peace finally comes in Vietnam.
The man who hated communism helped
save the lives of millions of Russian people
living under communism after World War I.
The man who hated dictatorship set up
the Committee for Small Nations to aid the
people forced to live under Hitler's dictator-
ship in World War II.
Herbert Hoover took a dim view of trade
or aid programs which might strengthen the
power of dictatorial governments over their
people. That is why he insisted that Ameri-
can aid to the starving Russian people be
administered not by the Communist govern-
ment but by the American Relief Adminis-
tration which he headed.
We must continue to step up our air and
sea attacks on North Vietnam until the Com-
munist leaders stop their aggression against
South Vietnam. But completely consistent
with that policy would be the establishment
now of an American Committee To Aid the
People of North Vietnam.
What I am suggesting is not a govern-
ment-to-government program which would
simply strengthen the domination of the
Communist Government of North Vietnam
over the people o that unhappy country but
a people-to-people program. The American
people, through contributions to such a
committee, would send to the people of
North Vietnam food, medicine, clothing, and
-Fher materials which v.'ould help them re-
cover from the devastating destruction of
war.
If the government of North Vietnam raised
objections to allowing an American agency
to administer the program, the distribution
of supplies could be undertaken by an in-
dependent agency like the International Red
Cross.
Certainly a program of this type would be
in the great humanitarian tradition of Her-
bert Hoover.
As we consider the problems we face, let us
not overlook one great factor which is work-
ing in our favor in Asia.
Twelve years ago, the Communist propa-
gande, in Vietnam and in other free Asian
nations was based on one major theme-
choose communism and you will enjoy a bet-
ter way of life.
Today that propaganda line no longer has
any credibility. Those who join the Viet-
cong in Vietnam do so not because they like
communism, bu` because they fear it.
In the past 12 years the only nations f:a
southeast Asia and the Pacific which have en-
joyed sustained economic progress are those
in which freedom has been given a chance--
Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, the Philippines,
Thailand, and Malaysia. The economic fail-
ures have been Communist China and Com-
munist North Vietnam and Burma and In-
donesia-both' of which chose the Socialist
road to economic bankruptcy.
There is a lesson in this record for America.
At a time when other nations are turning
toward freedom, let us not turn away from it.
Herbert Hoover spoke eloquently on this
subject at West Branch on his 75th birth-
day:
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"A splendid storehouse of integrity and
freedom has been bequeathed to us by our
forefathers- Our duty is to see that that
torehouse is not robbed of its contents.
"We dare not see the birthright of posterity
to independence, Initiative, and freedom of
choice bartered for a mess of a collectivist
system.-
Again on his 80th birthday he returned to
tale same theme:
"ft is dinned into us that this is the cen-
tury of the common man, The whole Idea
another cousin of the Soviet proletariat.
The uncommon man is to be whittled down
to size. It is the negation of individual dig-
a ity and a slogan of mediocrity and uni-
formity-"The greatest strides of human progress
have come from uncommon men and women.
"The humor of it is that when we get sick,
i e wan. an uncommon doctor. When we go
to war, we yearn for an uncommon general.
When we choose the president of a university,
we want an uncommon educator.
"The imperative need of this Nation at all
times is the leadership of the uncommon men
or women."
And, lust 1 year ago on his 90th birthday,
he reminded his fellow countrymen again for
the last time: "Freedom Is the open window
through which pours the sunlight of the
Yuman spirit and of human dignity."
We were privileged to have lived in the
:' ire century with this uncommon, extraor-
tihtary man. As we meet in this typically
American town. in the heartland of our
country. may we honor his principles as we
lay tribute to his memory.
Freedom Academy Bill Advancing
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF SOUTHDAKOTA
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Monday, August 16, 1965
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, unani-
mous committee approval in the House
()f the Freedom Academy bill has stimu-
lated greatly expanded Interest in and
support for the inauguration of this
badly needed program for training Amer-
ica's peacetime operatives in the cold war.
Likewise, our continuing problems in
Vietnam provide a daily reminder of the
deficiencies involved in a national pro-
cram which relies too greatly on guns
and bombs, on blood and bullets, to win
enduring victories which cannot be ob-
tained without a sharply revised and
reenforced approach to the problems
of training our friends in South Vietnam
on the important and Imperative tech-
niques required to maintain a stable,
,ound, and strong civilian government
:,apable of preserving the victories won
in a shooting war.
South Dakota newspapers have with
lcreat unanimity expressed their ap-
proval of the Freedom Academy ap-
Iroach and I ask unanimous consent that
there appear in the Appendix of the
ifEcoRD a recent editorial from the Aber-
doen, S. Dak., American News tinder the
i -ading of "Freedom Academy Bill
Advancing."
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
a:; follows:
i'E:--EDOM ACADEMY BII.t. ADVANCING
noath Dakotans, aware of the merits of
t..".e Freedom Academy proposal that has
been advocated for years by Senator KARL
MUNIDT. Republican, of South Dakota, are
encouraged by the progress It has made this
summer.
The Freedom Academy bill, a measure to
establish a comprehensive nonmilitary pro-
gram to meet political warfare needs in the
global struggle against communism, has been
given unanimous approval by the House Un-
American Activities Committee.
Although the bill, introduced by Senator
MUNDT, in 1959, had won Senate approval in
1960 it had been victim of a legislative Jam
in the House.
With reintroduction in the House and Sen-
ate this year-under Senator MUNDT's guid-
anni--the bill received a helpful recommen-
dation from the committee report.
The report outlined the effectiveness and
history of Communist efforts in political
warfare and detailed the fact "there is a se-
rious gap In the defenses of the United
States, and the non-Communist world gen-
erally, on the political warfare front." It
said: "There Is a vital and pressing need for
an extensive and thoroughgoing program of
education, research, and training In this area
to close the gap."
In additional argument In favor of the bill
the committee report said:
"Clearly, if freedom Is to remain a dis-
tingulshing characteristic of our civiliza-
tion. if world peace and the national interests
of the United States are to be preserved.
communism must be decisively countered
and checked ? ? (The Communists have
developed i a new form of warfare which has
enabled them to render conventional mill-
tory power ineffective in many situations.
The new form of warfare is variously re-
ferred to as nonmilitary, political, unconven-
tional. total, or fourth-dimensional warfare.
protracted conflict, etc. ? ? ? Communist
capabilities in this new type of warfare are
the result of a massive development and
training program which began decades ago,
in secret, conspiratorial meeting and has
been continued in and through a vast net-
work of so-called political warfare or political
training schools.
"The challenge to the United States and
Its allies today Is not to atomize the military
installations and capital cities of world com-
munism. Rather, It Is to meet the Commu-
nists on all fields of battle In this new form
of warfare and emerge victorious in order
that nuclear war may be prevented ? ? ?.
(The United States) has led the organiza-
tion and development of the free world's
military ? ? . It IF; imperative that it now
take the lead in developing ita total de-
fense by closing the serious gap that exists
on the front which ? ? ? could be as decisive
as the military front ? ? . It Is essential
that a thoroughgoing program of research,
education, and training In the area of Com-
niunist political warfare be established'"
Developments in world affairs since Sena-
tor MUNDT started his campaign for the Free-
dom Academy bill should strengthen the
support for it.
Mtnv Americans would 11ke to see Congress
approve the bill without further delay.
Military Construction Appropriation Bill,
1966
SPEECH
HON. JULIA BUTLER HANSEN
OF WASHINGTON
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 10, 1965
The House in Committee of the Whole
House on the State of the Union had under
consideration the bill (HR. 10323) making
appropriations for military construction for
the Department of Defense for the fiscal
year ending June 30, 1966, and for other
purposes-
Mrs. HANSEN of Washington. Mr.
Chairman, last November the Depart-
ment of Defense announced closure of
several bases. Among them was an Air
Force radar station at Naselle in Pacific
County in my congressional district in
the State of Washington.
The contemplated closure of this 13-
year-old Naselle air base will remove
from Pacific County 180 military and 20
civilian workers and their families with
a payroll of more than $1 million-about
8 percent of the annual nonfarm in-
come.
Estimates indicate that about 350 per-
sons will be affected. Naselle School Dis-
trict will lose 81 students and undoubt-
edly also will lose Federal payments for
their education as other school districts
have lost such funds when defense bases
have been deactivated.
Total population of Pacific County in
1964 was approximately 14,000 and the
loss of the personnel now manning and
serving Naselle Radar Station will mean
that a substantial percentage of the
population will be lost to this area.
For many years Pacific County has
been one of the depressed areas under
the criteria developed by the Area Re-
development Administration. On Feb-
ruary 1, the unemployment rate was ap-
proximately 17 percent. It has not risen
above that mark for more than a few
months in the last decade. Thus, the
significance of the radar site at Naselle
to the economic health of the community
is readily apparent.
The Air Force invested considerable
money in this installation, It must be
presumed that its technicians knew
what they were doing when in 1950 this
base was built as an aircraft control and
warning installation on top of a 2,000-
foot mountain at a cost of about $6 mil-
lion. These technicians must have
known also what they were doing when
an additional $650,000 was invested to
convert the equipment to a SAGE heavy
radar site.
Again, the Air Force technicians must
have known what they were doing when
in 1962 a further sum of $72,000 was
invested in an improved communications
system which was placed in service on
November 15, 1962.
Further confidence in the Naselle site
was evidenced by the Air Force when in
1963 the Naselle site was selected as a
key link in the improved communica-
tions system now being built by the Air
Force.
At this time, we should be reminded,
also, that this Naselle Air Radar Station
has an outstanding record. It has been
operating when others in the immediate
vicinity had broken down or in some
way had failed to carry out their in-
tended mission.
Consistently, the efficiency of the base
has ranked high among similar installa-
tions.
I would like also to quote from a let-
ter I received from Mr. Carlton Appelo,
manager of the Western Wahkiakum
County Telephone Co., dated January
18, 1965:
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Appendix
Soil Conservation in West Virginia
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ROBERT C. BYRD
OF WEST VIRGINIA
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Monday, August 16, 1965
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr.
President, the July 1965 issue of the De-
partment of Agriculture publication,
Soil Conservation, featured a look at Ap-
palachia, its problems, past corrective
programs, and future efforts for econom-
ic betterment of the region.
One of the articles in the publication
dealt with West Virginia, and I ask
unanimous consent to have it printed in
the Appendix of the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article,
"In Perspective," was ordered to be
printed in the RECORD, as follows:
A Loop AT APPALACHIA: IN PERSPECTIVE-
WEST VIRGINIA FLASHBACK TRACES EBB AND
FLOW OF PEOPLE AND PROSPERITY IN HIGH-
LAND AREA
(By Glendon P. Burton and Ross Mellinger,
area conservationist, SCS, Parkersburg,
and Woodland Conservationist, SCS, Mor-
gantown, W. Va.)
Let's take a trip into a part of Appalachia
from the junction of the Little Kanawha
and Ohio Rivers at Parkersburg, W. Va. Our
flashback in time will take us over 165 years
of land-use history in one of America's
unique resources regions.
Starting about 1800, we join up with the
first settlers traveling by boat and on foot
eastward along the Little Kanawha River
and its tributaries into Wood, Wirt, Ritchie,
Calhoun, and Roane Counties. They gain
footholds in the wilderness along the stream.
When their first rough shelters are built,
they spread out from the stream bottoms to
conquer the hills. Their growing families
and improving markets for food and timber
force them to clear the steep hillsides. They
find the soil is good. They can grow corn,
wheat, hay, and pasture.
INDUSTRIAL BOOM
In the 1860's, the discovery of oil at Burn-
ing Springs, Wirt County, sets off a boom-
ing oil and gas industry. Oilfield workers
establish homesteads farther back in the
hills. There is soon a family in every hollow.
Oil did for the Kanawha River area what
coal mining did to much of the rest of Ap-
palachia-etimulated an industrial develop-
ment that left its workers stranded when the
resource faded.
Soon lumberjacks move in with axes, saws,
and oxen to move the timber to the streams.
Trees that can't be sold for timber are log-
rolled and burned. Leases to clear land for
three crops of corn are common.
Food must be grown for home use; and for
barter; woodland must be changed to pasture
to grow cattle and sheep. There is no corner
grocery store or supermarket. This is a pe-
riod when each farm is nearly a self-sufficient
unit. The land responds to human needs-
but at a price.
During World War I more steep 'land Is
plowed for. grain. Farmers soon begin to
notice that the plow often strikes rock where
it didn't before. Are the stones growing
out of the soil?
PRICE OF THE PLOW
Parts of the field are now red instead of
brown and the corn doesn't grow well there.
Gullies begin to appear. Even when plowed
in or filled with stones, they soon wash out
again.
Pasture fields don't green-up as early in
the spring; strange grasses and weeds begin
to replace bluegrass. On steep slopes. the
land begins to slip and slide in large chunks.
The streams run muddy red after hard
rains, and they completely dry up in the
summer. Dug wells have to be dug deeper.
What is happening to the land and water?
This is a period of large farms for hill
country. Many are 200 acres or more. Wheat
and oats are often cradled on fields too steep
for a binder. Corn is the big grain crop.
RiUside plows and sure-footed teams make
it possible to plant the steepest slopes. The
average mechanized farm of this period has
a team of horses, hay rake, two-horse mowing
machine, a wagon, and a sled.
This is truly the time of the family farm.
The whole family works from dawn to dusk.
But it is not an unhappy time. Neighborly
visits; exchange of labor at harvest time;
Saturday night in town; Sunday at church;
husking bees; homecomings; picnics and
political rallies-these provide social con-
tacts and recreation.
THE WEARY ROAD
Roads are a real problem. The soils con-
tain heavy red clay; slips and slides are com-
mon. From early November until the first
of May, travel for any distance is a major
task. Horses sink to their knees and wagons
to the axles when the ground softens. A
hard road is a rare treat for the mud-weary
traveler.
Following the big family period, farms be-
come smaller. Land is being divided up
among heirs, until in the 1930's the average-
size farm is about 100 acres. About 30 acres
is woodland; the other 70 equally divided be-
tween pasture and former cropland used as
meadow. Farmers have a subsistence level
of living, but wants are few and some folks
comment that they made it through the de-
pression years by "lack of expense."
Soils are impoverished and eroded; live-
stock prices are riding the bottom; there is
little incentive for farmers to invest in large-
scale soil Improvement measures. In fact, it
is almost impossible to find the money, no
matter how attractive the promised returns.
Yet this period spawns the soil conservation
program and the concept of "using land
within its capabilities and treating It accord-
ing to its needs for protection and improve-
ment."
EXODUS BEGINS
During and after World War II, the rapid
expansion of industry creates new jobs.
Young people leave the farm. The old folks
pass away or retire, and many farmsteads are
abandoned. Population declines rapidly,
and the land starts to revert to its original
state of the 1800's-timber.
The farmers who stay see that it takes
more and better land, more intensively used,
to survive.
Mechanization joined with modern soil
conservation techniques turn the trick. But
only a few farms can do this because the
kind of land needed is scarce.
Now,. on long weekends the children and
grandchildren return to the old homestead,
driving late model cars. The young people
left Appalachia to earn their way in indus-
trial areas of the Piedmont and East. There
they established a reputation as excellent
workers in industry.
A few small industries appear in Harris-
ville, Grantsville, Elizabeth, and Spencer-
clothing, rubber goods, metal fabrication, and
wood products are manufactured. These
help utilize the skills of local people, but
there is still a surplus of labor and the
better opportunities for ambitious young
people lie elsewhere.
In the 1960's, local leaders begin to study
their communities and themselves. They
realize that the vision of large industries,
employing thousands of people, appearing
back in the hills, as if by magic, is only a
dream. They agree that progress must come
mostly from conservation and development
of the region's natural resources, supple-
mented by smtl,1 industries where possible.
They adopt the "drop your bucket where
you are" philosophy.
WOOD IS HOPE
With 68 percent of the land now in wood-
land and with 1.73 billion board feet of tim-
ber on good timber-growing soils, wood-using
industries are developing. Pulpwood is be-
ing produced from the pine that sprang up
on the old crop fields. Trees are being
planted. Sawmills and wood-treating plants
are starting to utilize the hardwoods. The
idea of tree farming for continuous produc-
tion is catching on.
In the 1960's, soil and land use problems
are still present. After heavy rains, the
streams still run red. We see raw, eroded
areas in overgrazed pastures; slips and slides
on hillsides; eroding road banks and stream-
banks.
Here and there, as we get close to Parkers-
burg, we see erosion problems created by 111-
planned housing developments as the city
moves to the country.
We see thousands of acres of rough, un-
stable land gradually being taken over by
low-value trees and brush. We wonder if
good trees will be planted on these areas be-
fore it is too late and too costly.
Roads are still a problem. Designed to
"get farmers out of the mud," hard tops
were put on old roadways. They are not
suitable for high speed travel and heavy
loads. Bridges are small. and posted with
low load limit signs. We wonder hove. heavy
wood products can be moved to market over'
these inadequate roads and bridges.
Where roads are good, people who like
rural living locate homesites. Some are fac-
tory workers in plants along the Ohio River.
Some are retirees. Some are former resi-
dents returned to the scenes of their child-
hood. Where roads provide quick trans-
portation, they prefer to live in the country.
BEAUTY BECKONS
The great natural beauty of this land in
the spring, summer, and fall beckons the
vacationer. The Little Kanawha River is
noted for its bass, muskies, and big catfish.
In the woodlands, squirrels, grouse, and deer
are plentiful and on the increase. A good
boating pool is located behind the Eliza-
beth Dam. All of these things, plus many
other outdoor activities, are recreational op-
portunities yet to be fully developed.
We wonder what it's going to take to effect
the conservation and development of natural
resources necessary for better living in this
part of Appalachia.
A4537
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Landowners cooperating with soil conserva-
tion districts have succeeded In curbing ero-
sion and improving land use on individual
properties. Some with adequate land re-
sources for profitable agriculture have found
a measure of security. But not more than 50
percent of the land has been placed under
safe and profitable conservation manage-
ment.
A small watershed project on Bonds Creek
provides protection to valley farmers and
r.:creation facilities for the city of Penns-
boro, but its 9,435 acres is just a patch on the
mountainous terrain needing such co)rdi-
nated planning and treatment.
Currently, committees of local leaders are
exploring the possibilities of a Resource Con-
servation and Development project for five
counties under the Department of Agricul-
ture program administered by the Soil Con-
servation Service.
And now, the Appalachian Regional De-
velopment Act offers promise of new aids for
building a stable economy on the region's
natural resources.
Of one thing we are sure-the land en-
dures and if the people put their minds and
Lands to it. they can fashion a good life In
Appalachia.
~a-
St. Louis Globe Sparks Freedom Academy
Drive
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. RICHARD (DICK) ICHORD
OF MISSOURI
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday. August 16, 1965
Mr. ICHORD. Mr. Speaker, a recent
issue of the St. Louis Globe carried a
column by Edward O'Brien. a well-
known and respected Washington cor-
respondent, bringing attention to a bill
which is presently awaiting action In
the Committee on Rules and Adminis-
tration and a bill on which this House
will soon be required to act. The column
ably points out the connection between
our situation in Vietnam and the need
for the Freedom Academy. Had the
Freedom Academy been established 10
years ago I would dare to say there would
be no need for American troops in Viet-
nam today. The present premier of that
war-torn land has stated on several oc-
casions that one of the key problems of
,he war is acquiring and maintaining
the support of private citizens. Few
would deny that the Communists have
created this war through the efforts of
trained professional insurgents. Viet-
nam is no civil war. Vietnam is not a
legitimate revolutionary war. Vietnam
is the result of professional agitation, ini-
tiated and directed by Communist pow-
ers. Armed intervention will not pre-
vent wars of liberation. Only through
concentrated nonmilitary efforts by the
United States and the free world can
she citizens of the world be afforded the
opportunity to choose between self-
government and communism; for as it
ii. now only the other side presents their
case to the people on their level and in
a manner conducive to organization and
support.
Without further comment, I recom-
mend the above mentioned article to the
lttention of the Congress. Mr. Speaker,
under unanimous consent I place an
article from the St. Louis Globe-Demo-
crat written by Edward O'Brien and en-
titled. "Washington" at this point in the
RECORD:
WASHINGTON
(By Edward W. O'Brien)
WASHINGTON.-Topic A in this city is the
military conflict in Vietnam and President
Johnson's search for acceptable means to
turn the Communist victories at least into a
stalemate.
Rut little thought is being given to the
larger problem that lies beneath the Vietnam
fighting and will persist and grow in other
countries. This is the fact that Communist
warfare takes many forms other than mlli-
tary, that these Red nonmilitary techniques
are hlehly developed, and that the non-Com-
munist world has not yet learned how to
overcome them.
As the Vietcong reap their victories, there
is, however, a new stirring in Congress and
the beginning of recognition that the United
States must make a genuine effort to under-
stand Communist use of political, Ideological,
psychological, sociological, technological. eco-
nomic. and other nonmilitary weapons.
A few days ago the House Committee on
Un-American Activities approved a bill, spon-
sored by Representative RICHARD H. ICHORD,
Democrat, of Missouri, to establish a Free-
donl Academy as an Independent Govern-
ment agency that would mount a compre-
llenaive nonmilitary progrcun to meet the
Communists cold war offensive.
Though the Academy Idea has been lying
around in various congressional bills since
1959, this was the first time the proposal has
moved as far as committee approval in the
House. The Senate approved a similar bill to
1960 but since then, the Academy has been
stalled, apparently because of opposition by
Democrat, of Ar-
Senator J W. FULBRIGHT,
kansas. the foreign relations committee
chairman.
In a speech In 1961. President Kennedy
seemed to be agreeing to the need for some-
thing like the Freedom Academy.
"We dare not fail to grasp the new con-
cept, the new tools, the new sense of urgency
we will need to combat (communism)
we intend to reexamine and reorient our
forces of all kinds, our tactics, and our insti-
tutions," he said.
In the Senate, the proposal has always had
support from Democrats and Republicans,
Liberals and Conservatives. The Senate JudL-
ciary Committee said of the 1960 bill:
"This is the first measure to recognize that
it concentrated development and training
program must precede a Significant Improve-
ment In our cold war capabilities. The vari-
ous present agencies and bureaus can be
shuffled and reshuffled. but until they are
staffed by highly motivated personnel who
have been systematically and Intensively
trained In the vast and complex field of total
political warfare, we can expect little im-
provement in our situation. This one, lone
Freedom Academy can lay the foundation
for a major breakthrough."
At present, the United States does not even
possess an adequate library for research and
training in political warfare. The State De-
partment, U.S. Information Agency, and
other agencies working directly In the field
do no more than brush the subject In pre-
paring their professionals.
The Communists. on the other hand. have
operated, for almost 50 years, dozens of first-
class political warfare schools for Reds of
every country. The Vietcong subversion and
terror In South Vietnam are a result.
The State Department has always opposed
Freedom Academy bills, claimlpg, though the
record shows otherwise, that the same job
can be handled by State or other existing
agencies. It wants no rivals In the field of
International relations.
The other factor is the belief held by many
State Department officials and by Senator
FtLDRIGHT that the cold war is over, making
the Freedom Academy concept obsolete. But
Representative IcHORD and others merely have
to point to Vietnam, the Dominican Republic,
and dozens of other hotspots to show that
freedom is in greater peril than ever.
Shrine Award Presented to 0. Carlyle
Brock
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. HUGH SCOTT
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Monday, August 16, 1965
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, the Im-
perial Session of the Ancient Arabic
Order of the Nobles of the Mystic Shrine
for North America was held here in
Washington from July 12 to July 16,
1965. During the opening session the
Eloy Alfaro Grand Cross and Diploma of
the Eloy International Foundation of the
Republic of Panama was bestowed upon
my friend, fellow Shriner, and constitu-
ent O. Carlyle Brock who had served as
Imperial Potentate of the Shrine for
North America during the year 1964-65.
The presentation address was made by
Dr. Herman A. Bayern, American Pro-
vost of the Eloy Alfaro International
Foundation, and the formal presentation
was made by the newly elected Imperial
Potentate, Barney Collins. I ask unani-
mous consent that Dr. Bayern's remarks
and the acceptance speech of O. Carlyle
Brock be inserted in the Appendix of the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the ad-
dresses were ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
Imperial Sir, O. Carlyle Brock, Imperial
Potentate for the Shrine for North America,
we are assembled here this afternoon to hon-
or you, our dedicated and distinguished lead-
er of nobility for North America.
You have been voted the highest honor
of the Eloy Alfaro International Foundation
of the Republic of Panama, in recognition of
your outstanding serltce to mankind, and
for your merit and accomplishments in all
worthy endeavors, including the shrine's
hospitals, and in further recognition of your
untiring efforts toward the establishment of
International peace.
This foundation, named after the soldier,
patriot, statesman, martyr, the former presi-
dent of Ecuador. at the turn of the century,
Is for the perpetuation of justice, truth, and
friendship among peoples and nations; and
seeks to promote the moral values with per-
sonal integrity, for which General Alfaro de-
voted and laid down his life.
President Alfaro (1842--1912) established
in Latin America, many schools, colleges and
universities, as well as hospitals and other
welfare Institutions: and furthered coopera-
tion and unity among the countries of the
entire Western Hemisphere. Under his lead-
ership, the legislature of Ecuador passed
laws, separating church and state.
Whenever there was a threat to the peace
in the Western Hemisphere, he was the dy-
namic leader who brought about a peaceful
settlement of such disputes.
General Alfaro sowed the seeds for Pan
American understanding and cooperation.
In 1907 he called a peace conference in Mex-
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August 17, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
And as one person explained it, neither
of the planes on order, the medium-range
Boeing 727 three-engine jet or the short-to-
medium range Douglas DC-9 two-engine jet,
would appear to be the total answer for
the region.
The Boeing ship, of course, isn't meant for
short-haul operations. And the DC-9, al-
though designed for local service, or regional
routes, possibly won't be able to operate
effectively out of most of the 22 New Eng-
land airports now served by Northeast.
Thirteen of these airports have runways
shorter than 5,000 feet, the minimum figure
being used for the DC-9, and limited pas-
senger yields at such fields would not justify
the spending of large sums for runway
expansion.
Then, again, the DC-9 ordered by North-
east isn't a "small" jet in any sense, even
though it can operate on route segments as
short as 100 miles.
It is a plane that will seat up to 115 pas-
sengers-and thus hardly suited to the light
traffic loads of the so-called intra-New Eng-
land network. Undoubtedly, however, it will
be utilized on some of the more heavily
traveled, and longer routes.
If the analysis is correct, where will this
leave the rest of New England?
Well fbr one thing, Northeast has not said
that the DC-9, is the complete answer to
better New England service.
Furthermore, it seems likely that the car-
rier has additional aircraft purchases in
mind, planes better suited to the majority
of the New England communities it serves.
The concern about regional air service is
understandable, particularly in the areas
north of Boston.
But Northeast has found its financial
legs-or should it be wings-in spectacular
fashion.
STRONG FEELING OF OPTIMISM
And in view of the vitality being shown
by its new owners, it isn't surprising to
sense a strong feeling of optimism emerg-
ing about the future of New England air
service.
The New England air market has been
permitted to Wither. But it is ripe for devel-
opment, in the opinion of many, and the
new look at Northeast may give it its chance
for growth.
Obviously, it is in Northeast's interests,
as part of its effort to keep the Florida route,
to give solid service wherever it operates,
whether to Montreal, New York, Miami, Bur-
lington, Bangor or Berlin.
A $100 million airplane order would appear
to be as good a sign as any that Northeast,
all but down and out a few short months ago,
is making the kind of dramatic comeback
that will benefit all the areas it serves, in-
cluding New England.
PS. A reminder that Northeast is helping
the Jimmy Fund, too, by offering three scenic
flights out of Logan Airport each Saturday
afternoon in August.
Tickets-for contributions of $5 or more-
are available at Northeast ticket offices, or at
the airport, on a first come-first serve basis,
on Saturdays.
Federal Government and Arizona:
Partners in Crime and Vice
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. PAUL A. FINO
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 17, 1965
Mr. FINO. Mr. Speaker, today I
would like to tell the Members of this
House about the ignorant partnership of
the Federal Government and the State
of Arizona in keeping gambling illegal
in Arizona thus making gambling's
lucrative profits available to finance the
needs of the crime syndicates.
Last year, the parimutuel turnover in
Arizona came to $22 million. More sig-
nificant-and more menacing-is Ari-
zona's illegal gambling, which makes
Arizona parimutuels look puny. Testi-
mony before the McClellan committee
indicated that off-track betting comes
to about $50 billion annually, throughout
the Nation, with this figure accounting
for only some 42 percent of the national
annual illegal gambling total, which
would thus be $120 billion. On a popu-
lation basis, illegal gambling in Arizona
would come to about $1 billion a year.
The mob cuts itself 10 percent of the
illegal gambling take, which means that
Arizona could be an as much as $100-
million desert treasure trove for the syn-
dicates. Government-run gambling
would siphon these moneys from mob
treasuries, putting gambling revenues to
work at public rather than criminal
tasks.
The best way to make gambling work
for the public good-since it is basically
ineradicable-is a national or series of
State lotteries. If the State of Arizona
would wake up to social and financial
reality, it would legalize, regulate, and
control gambling so that the gambling
urge of the people of Arizona could be
made to benefit the people rather than
buttress the mob.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. A. WILLIS ROBERTSON
OF VIRGINIA
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Tuesday, August 17, 1965
Mr. ROBERTSON. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent to have printed
in 'the Appendix of the RECORD an edi-
torial from the August 16, 1965, issue of
the Richmond Times-Dispatch, entitled
"Rejiggered Dirksen Amendment."
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
REJIGGERED DIRKSEN AMENDMENT
Senator DIRKSEN's determination to get
through Congress a constitutional amend-
ment modifying the drastic one-man, one-
vote ruling the U.S. Supreme Court on legis-
lative reapportionment, is commendable.
Whether he can succeed in securing the
adoption of this revised version is debatable.
Even if he manages to obtain the neces-
sary two-thirds' majority in the Senate, de-
spite the threatened filibuster by "liberals"-
who consider the filibuster an Instrument of
Beelzebub when used by anybody but them-
selves-he will have to get a two-thirds' vote
in the House. Then three-fourths of the
State legislatures will have to ratify.
All this is extremely difficult, given the
amount of pressure that has been applied
against the Dirksen amendment, especially
by civil rights and labor organization, Mr.
DIRKSEN's revised version should take care
A4577
of most of the objections, but whether it
will or not is uncertain.
DIRKSEN was quoted, after he failed by
seven votes to get the required two-thirds in
the Senate, as saying:
"Several Members sneaked up on my blind
side and said they would like to give me a
vote, and that something may develop that
they could."
An absolute requirement that there be a
reapportionment of both branches of every
State legislature every 10 years, to take ac-
count of the census, is a feature of the re-
vised Dirksen amendment. It would have to
be_ approved by both branches, and then by
the voters of the State in referendum, if one
branch were apportioned on any basis other
than population.
Senator DIRKSEN stresses the thought in
advocating the foregoing that it puts in the
hands of the voters of a given State the final
decision as to whether the plan should be
adopted. It is hard to see how even the
"knee-jerk liberals" can find any plausible
objection to that-but they probably will.
There is always the possibility that if this
method of writing an amendment to curb
the one-man, one-vote principle fails, two-
thirds of the State legislatures will petition
Congress to call a constitutional convention.
Such a convention would not be limited,
and, as Senator Hucu SCOTT of Pennsylvania
puts it, this might really open up a "bucket
of eels."
Either 22 or 23 of the required 34 States,
including Virginia, have already petitioned
for such a constitutional convention, ac-
cording to a study made by the Library of
Congress for Senator A. WILLIS ROBERTSON.
Many, including Senator ROBERTSON, doubt,
however, if the needed 34 State legislatures
will ever sign the petition. The possibility
that they might do so was held over the Sen-
ate's recent deliberations, in the hope of get-
ting Senate approval for the Dirksen amend-
ment.
But the prospect that a convention called
by petition of the States would be wide open,
and hence free to rewrite the entire Consti-
tution, may well prevent any such conven-
tion from ever being brought together.
So it appears that if the one-man, one-vote
principle is to be modified-and it certainly
should be-the best hope of action is
through the rejiggered Dirksen amendment.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. EDWARD J. PATTEN
OF NEW JERSEY
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 17, 1965
Mr. PATTEN. Mr. Speaker, in New
Jersey many of our leaders have a prob-
lem involving the remarks of a professor
which many of us feel very distasteful
and repugnant to our beliefs and I was
impressed by an editorial in the Advocate
on academic freedom I thought my col-
leagues would like to read.
The editorial follows:
(From the Advocate, July 22, 19651
ACADEMIC FREEDOM-I
In our democracy, free and open discus-
sion is essential to assure mature action.
Thus administration policy in military mat-
ters is enthusiastically supported by some
and energetically questioned by others. An
instance was the vigorous exception to ad-
ministration policy In Vietnam taken by a
Rutgers professor.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX August 17, 1965
t,overnor Hughes, while disagreeing with
the professorial "prejudices and opinions"
enunciated, reminded alarmed critics that
the "security of the Nation ' ' ' Is Intended
to protect the basic principles of the Ameri-
can system and these Include freedom of de-
bate as well as-academic freedom."
Just what is "academic freedom"? Tradi-
tionally it is described as the freedom of
scholars to direct their search for truth and
to report the results of their findings. Those
who feel that many more incompetent peo-
ple are kept on faculty payrolls In the name
of academic freedom, than are dismissed In
violation of it contend that the modern def-
inition seems to maintain the right to say
what one thinks without thinking what one
I-avs.
31owever, after serious study of the benefits
and drawbacks of an unfettered freedom In
academe many have agreed that the costs
and dangers of suppressing ideas will always
be greater than the real or the fancied risks
of permitting their expression. The encour-
aging of independence and originality of
thought is a source of educational strength.
Controversy cannot be outlawed In our
universities. Rather it must be presented
there in the citadel of learning to guarantee
the most reasoned argumentation, considera-
tion, and conclusion by a free citizenry de-
:ermining governmental action.
While there cannot be rights without ob-
ligations, neither can there be obligations
without rights. Here do we discover the dis-
rinction between open and closed societies.
A mature man Insists upon freedom that he
might thereby exercise responsibility.
The official catalog of the archdiocesan
-.university includes this sentence: "Seton
Hall takes a positive attitude toward the
,raditional American concern for liberty un-
der law. Thus it is that she defends an aca-
demic freedom which respects the common
good, the Inviolable dignity of each person.
and equality of opportunity for all."
Those among us who are disturbed by
teach-ins might reflect upon these words of
Justice Brandeis written decades ago: "II
there be time to expose through discussion
the falsehoods and fallacies, to avert the evil
by the processes of education, the remedy to
be applied is more speech, not enforced
silence." -~}---
The Fredoi* Academy
HON. STROM THURMOND
OF SOUTH CAROLINA
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Tuesday, August 17, 1965
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, on
July 30, radio station WOKE, in Charles-
ton, S.C., broadcast an editorial by its
able president and general manager,
Harry C. Weaver, on the Freedom Acad-
etny bill now pending in Congress. I ask
unanimous consent that the text of this
editorial be printed in the Appendix of
the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
fA WOKE radio editorial. July 30, 19651
CONGRESSIONAL APPROVAL OF THE FREEDOM
ACADEMY SILL Is NOW A POSSIBILITY
(By Harry C. Weaver, president and general
manager, WAKE, Charleston, S.C.)
Six years ago, during the 86th Congress a
proposal was made by Congressman A. SYD-
NEY HERLONG. of Leesburg, Fla., that it Fed-
eral agency be established to be known as
Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy.
On July 20. 1965 the House Committee on
Un-American Activities, to which the Free-
dom Academy bill was referred, gave Its
unanimous approval of the final bill with
some amendments, reported it out to the
Committee of the Whole House and recom-
mended that the Freedom Academy bill, as
amended. be passed by the U.S. House of
Representatives.
What is the purpose and objectives of the
Freedom Commission and the Freedom
Academy?
The formation of such an agency could
be a most significant step forward In our
land of freedom after so many years of
hard endeavor to enact a comprehensive
nonmilitary program for the United States
and the free world In the global struggle
against the swelling tide of communism.
The purpose and objectives: of the Freedom
Commission and Freedom Academy would be
to conduct research to develop an integrated
body of operational knowledge in the po-
litical. psychological, economic. technolog-
ical, and organizational areas to Increase the
nonmilitary capabilities of the United States
and other nations In the world struggle be-
tween freedom anti communism: to educate
and train Government personnel and private
citizens to understand and implement this
Federal body of knowledge: and to provide
education and training for foreign students
In these areas of knowledge under appropri-
ate condtlons. There is a crying need in our
country today for such an Institution as the
Freedom Academy "to asalet in the develop-
ment of methods and means employable in
both the governmental and private sectors
to counter all forms of Communist political
warfare, subversion. and insurgency, while
seeking to preserve and build free and viable
societies."
The companion bill to Congressman HER-
I nvc's House legislation was introduced into
the US Senate by Senator KARL E. MUNDT,
of South Dakota. 2 months later In 1959 and
finally passed the Senate out August 31. 1960.
There was no opportunity for action on the
House bill for Congress adjourned 1 day
later The present Senate bill (S. 1232) was
introduced by Senator MUNDT and cospon-
sored by 11 other senators. senator MUNDT
is very optimistic that with the unanimous
vote of the House Committee on Un-Amer-
ican Activities will come serious considera-
tion for early action by the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee. It is Senator KARL
MUNDT's conviction that the findings of the
House committee sound anew the warning
that. we Americans cannot depend only upon
military defenses In the cold war effort to
preserve freedom. The Senator from South
Dakota was greatly Impressed with the House
committee's six major points In Its conten-
tion that "If this country and other non-
Communist nations are to realize their full
-tp aeity to engage in the type of global
struggle which has been forced upon them
it Is essential that a thoroughgoing pro-
gram of research, education, and training In
the area of Communist political warfare be
established."
In preparing ourselves for psychological
warfare with the enemies of freedom, we
can better meet the Communist challenge
if we know what the challenge Is all about.
We are yielding ground to communism which
we need not yield If we have in hand a com-
plete understanding of the most effective
and appropriate methods for advancing free-
dom's cause. We of WOKE feel that such
an anti-Communist agency as the Freedom
Commission and the Freedom Academy would
greatly benefit the cause of freedom through
proper education of uninformed American
citizens. We urge the people of the low
country to write our two Senators and six
Congressmen in Washington and urge their
support and influence with other Senators
and congressmen for passage of this Sen-
ate and House Freedom Academy bill.
V-i Day and Our Fighting Men in Vietnam
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or -
HON. LYNN E. STALBAUM
OF WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 17, 1965
Mr. STALBAUM. Mr. Speaker, my es-
teemed colleague, Representative CLEm-
ENT J. ZABLOCKI, second highest ranking
member of the House Foreign Affairs
Committee, and chairman of the House
Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the Far
East and Pacific. recently gave an ana-
lytical firsthand report on the accom-
plishinents and objectives of America's
fighting men in Vietnam. He gave this
presentation on August 13 to the Allied
Veterans Council joint observance of
V-J Day at Milwaukee where the theme
fittingly was: "A Tribute to Our Fighting
Men in Vietnam."
The close and accurate knowledge'that
Congressman ZABLOCKi has of the free
world committment against the spread
of communism is of such great import to
all Americans that I take exceptional
pleasure in inserting into the Appendix
his worthwhile address to the council,
which is composed of 15 veterans organi-
zations in Milwaukee County.
The address follows:
V -J DAY AND OUR FIGHTING MEN IN
VIETNAM
(Speech of Hon. CLEMENT J. ZABLOCKI at the
Allied Veterans Council V-J Day Cere-
monies, Milwaukee, Wis., Friday, Aug. 13,
19651
It is indeed a privilege and an honor to
have bee nasked by the Allied Veterans Coun-
cil of Greater Milwaukee to participate in the
events of this evening.
These V-J Day observances, sponsored by
the council, have become an important an-
nual event in our community. They have
reminded us of the sacrifices which so many
made in World War II in order that we might
enjoy freedom and prosperity in our great
land.
The Allied Veteran's Council is particularly
to be commended for having dedicated this
evening's program W the American fighting
men in Vietnam.
It is entirely fitting as we observe the
20th anniversary of the victory over Japan
and the end of World War II, that we pay
tribute to those who are fighting and dying
to preserve freedom against Communist ag-
gression In southeast Asia.
This occasion also affords an excellent op-
portunity to make certain meaningful com-
parisons between World War II and the pres-
ent conflict in Vietnam.
Many of us recall the protests which ac-
companied increasing American Involvement
in World War II before Pearl Harbor. Each
attempt by the Roosevelt administration to
strengthen the Nation's defenses and assist
our traditional Allies In Western Europe was
met with criticism. Mother's marches and
peace demonstrations were organized in an
attempt to dissuade the military buildup
which later proved not only neccessary but
vital to the security interests of our Nation.
In 1939 and 1940 it was fashionable in
some quarters to say: "I didn't raise my boy
to be a soldier." Others quoted President
George Washington's advice about avoiding
foreign entanglements.
Who were these peace-at-any-price advo-
cates For the most part they were well-
intentioned, genuinely concerned individ-
uals. They lacked, however, any real appre-
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ing, the time seems to be now-or perhaps
never-for the evolution of a stronger spirit
from which growth and changes can spring;
a stronger spirit to carry it, in the next years
of its history, into a position of equal part-
nership and leadership with all elements of
a total thou g p am."
/1 n~ 1 Y/
E FREEDOM ACADEMY
intention to address the Senate briefly
each week in order to emphasize our
need for legislation patterned after our
Freedom Academy bill (S. 1232). I
intend to present timely evidence sup-
porting the contention behind the bill
that we are yielding ground which we
need not yield in our efforts to stem the
expansion of aggressive comlinunism.
To the many observers who support
the Freedom Academy concept, this at-
titude that we are not so successful as
we might be has required no argumen-
tative support; and, naively perhdps, we
have thought we needed no considerable
evidential support in contending that
our side of the world is not prepared to
fight in the specific arena where the
battle between Communist aggressors
and their victims is being fought.
This arena is essentially the nonmili-
tary or only quasi-military arena. We.
Americans, who exhibit pride in our his-
toric guerrilla-type warfare capabilities
which we demonstrated so effectively
during the French and Indian War, our
American Revolution, and the conquest
of the West, inherit from our ancestors
a contempt for militarists like Braddock
who refused to recognize the impotence
of continental-type enemies against
backwoods guerrilla bands, now find
ourselves the ones who send million dol-
lar jet aircraft armed with thousand-
pound bombs against an ephemeral
enemy whose operational capacities are
so adroit that he may well not be there
when the bomb arrives.
But the guerrilla game has gained
sophistication, too, since we left it.. Its
political side is far more thorough now.
Psychological warfare is mounted
against a people by their enemies from
within to soften their resistance to the
more tangible guerrilla or quasi-military
operation conducted in conjunction with
it at the later stages of attack.
And we seem to stand by, wringing
our hands, wondering what is.going on
as we see the will to resist among an
ally's people wafting away like so much
smoke.
The L. L. Sulzberger column in Wed-
nesday's New York. Times testifies to
our need for the Freedom Academy.
Listen to some poignant observations
from this gifted observer of foreign
affairs.
American defense plans during the past
decade have carefully and expensively pre-
pared to fight the only kind of war we are
least likely to face. And we have not in
any major sense prepared to fight the kind
of war both Russia and China surely intend
to press.
* * * Moscow endorsed peaceful coexist-
ence* * * always reserved one vital area
* * * to support wherever possible "wars
of liberation."
* * * The modern elaboration of guerrilla
techniques called "revoluntionary warfare"
by the Communists does not depend on
heavy weapons or atomic arsenals. It de-
pends upon simultaneous organization of
partisan units and . civilian administrators
who seek to rot a selected country from
within like fungus inside an apparently
healthy tree.
* * * Even today, when we have growing
special service counterguerrilla units, some
with kindergarten training in revolutionary
warfare, we are absymally behind.
* * * we have nothing capable of off-
setting what revolutionary warfare calls
"parallel hierarchies" * *-the secret politi-
cal apparatus that undermines morale and
softens up the population.
* * * while we are engaged in blue-
printing superplane and superrockets, we
risk losing the world to guerrillas.
* * * The quintessential problem is how
to defeat revolutionary warfare * *
Not merely the aggressive Chinese but the
relatively less aggressive Russians are com-
mitted to sponsor "wars of liberation"
Despite this glaring truth, both in weapons
and in training we are basically prepared
alone for the war our adversaires don't
intend to start.
Those, Mr. President, are Sulzberger's
words. I ask unanimous consent that
his article "Foreign Affairs: One Kind
of War We Can't Fight" from the New
York Times of March 3, 1965, be printed.
in, the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the New York (N.Y.) Times,
Mar. 3, 19651
FOREIGN AFFAIRS: ONE KIND OF WAR WE CAN'T
FIGHT
(By C. L. Sulzberger)
PARIS.-Some wars become associated with
the names of individuals, and thus we have
the Napoleonic Wars, the Black Hawk War
and the War of Jenkins' Ear. There have
been those who have sought to label the
Vietnamese campaign "McNamara's war,"
after the U.S. Secretary of Defense and, poli-
tics aside, this is not wholly unjust.
M'NAMARA'S INFLUENCE
For Secretary McNamara has clearly had
more influence in our evolving Vietnam pol-
icy than his senior colleague, Secretary Rusk.
McNamara has been a familiar Saigon visitor;
his former military right hand, General Tay-
lor, is now Ambasador there; and United
States-Indochina strategy is more heavily
marked by the Pentagon than by the State
Department.
American defense plans during the past
decade have carefully and expensively pre-
pared to fight the only kind of war we are
least likely to face. And we have not in any
major sense prepared to fight the kind of
war both Russia and China surely intend to
press.
When post-Stalinist Moscow endorsed
peaceful coexistence it always reserved one
vital area. It openly promised to support,
wherever possible, what it calls "wars of lib-
eration." Khrushchev tried to play a trick
on us in Cuba, but he had to back down be-
cause he was patently not engaged in a lib-
eration war-only in directly threatening our
vital interests. Our strategy was prepared
for such a showdown.
However, when the Communists stick to
their own rules they have a demonstrated ad-
vantage. The modern elaboration of guer-
rilla techniques called "revolutionary war-
fare" by the Communists does not depend on
heavy weapons, or atomic arsenals. It de-
pends upon simultaneous organization of
partisan units and civilian administrators
who seek to rot a selected country from
within like fungus inside an apparently
healthy tree.
For years we refused to face the fact that,
equipped as we were for holocaust, we had
neither the trained manpower nor the polit-
ical apparatus to fight revolutionary war-
fare. To some degree, under both President
Kennedy and the brilliant McNamara, this
was rectified-but only in part. Even today,
when we have growing special service
counterguerrilla units, some with kinder-
garten training in revolutionary warfare, we
are abysmally behind.
It is expensive and ineffectual to blow up
jungle acreage or fill it with paratroopers in
search of vanishing guerrillas. And we have
nothing capable of offsetting what revolu-
tionary warfare calls parallel hierarchies
(know in Vietnam as Dich-Van) the secret
political apparatus that undermines morale.
and softens up the population.
SHIFTING STRATEGY
U.S. strategy tends to shift according.to
availability of weapons systems. It has
moved from massive retaliation to flexible
response and from land bases to seaborne
armadas. But, while we are engaged in blue-
printing superplanes and superrockets, we
risk losing the world to guerrillas.
Vietnam is McNamara's war because, in
fighting it, we have overstressed the mili-
tary and ignored. the political aspect. We
have, furthermore, been preoccupied with
selling an American way of life and political
philosophy unsuited-to the people we would
help.
FACING THE THREAT
The heart of the crisis is not truly in Viet-
nam. The quintessential problem is how to
defeat revolutionary warfare. Elsewhere in
Asia and Africa we will continue to face the
threat of this technique no matter what hap-
pens to the Vietnamese. That is inescapable.
Not merely the aggressive Chinese but the
relatively less aggressive Russians are com-
mitted to sponsor wars of liberation. Despite
this glaring truth, both in weapons and in
training, we are basically prepared alone for
the war our adversaries don't intend to start.
Mr. MUNDT. A. nucleus proposal of
the Freedom Academy bill (S. 1232)
which I introduced in this session of the
Senate together with the following
sponsors:. Senators CASE, DODD, DOUGLAS,
FONG, HICKENLOOPER, LAUSCHE, MILLER,
PROUTY, PROXMIRE, SCOTT, and SMATHERS,
is that the U.S. Government should di-
rect priority attention to providing ade-
quate training for our own people and
for our allies' people in this crucial area
of nonmilitary-psychological warfare
aggression:
We propose to prepare our people who
face this test in the field to recognize
nonmilitary aggression for what it is in
all its variable forms. We propose to en-
able them to adopt appropriate counter-
techniques and counterstrategies against
such aggression.
Maintaining that our people should be
so prepared is not tantamount to urging
our adoption of Communist tactics. But
we can better meet this challenge if we
know what the challenge is all about and
have in hand a complete understanding
of the most effective and appropriate
methods which we can employ for ad-
vancing freedoms cause.
THE PRESIDENT'S WAR ON POV-
ERTY-SPEECH BY SENATOR WIL-
LIAMS OF NEW JERSEY
Mr. PELL. Mr. President, at a recent
dinner of the New Jersey Chamber of
Commerce, the Senator from New Jer-
sey [Mr. WILLIAMS] delivered an excel-
lent speech in support of the President's
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war on poverty. Senator WILLIAMS' fine
work with America's migratory farm-
workers has given him a great knowl-
edge of the problem of poverty and what
can be done to solve it. In his speech,
the Senator from New Jersey pointed
out that our attack on poverty Is moti-
vated not only by humanitarian con-
cerns, but also by sound commonsense.
The point Senator WILLIAMS made that
we must take the poor off the relief rolls,
and put them on the payrolls and the
tax rolls-Is a good one. I think all Sen-
ators will be interested in Senator Wn.-
LIAws' remarks, and I ask unanimous
consent that they be printed at this
point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the speech
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
REMARKS OF SENATOR WILLIAMS FOR CHAM-
BER OF COMMERCE DINNER, Frssu*aY 4,
1965
For too many of us, the phrases "Great
Society" and "war on poverty" are glib
campaign slogans, adman phrases without
real meaning. And with the easy stoicism
of the prosperous, we forget them and lull
our consciences with the thought that the
biblical thought that "the poor are always
with us" is still as true today as It was
2,000 yearn ago.
To a great degree it Is still true today.
With growing prosperity, the percentage of
families living in poverty-or with Incomes
of less than 83,000--declined from 32 percent
in 1947 to 19 percent in 1913. The question
and the challenge now before us is whether
this level of poverty has reached an Irreduci-
ble minimum and whether the number of
poverty stricken will remain, as has the num-
ber of unemployed, an impassable barrier
which even our great and expanding economy
will be unable to cross.
I do not believe that this is true. As a Na-
tion, we have made. and will make, a tan-
gible commitment in bard cash that it is not
true. This year the President will ask for
one and a half billion dollars to be spent on
the war on poverty. In other words, the
war on poverty is not a campaign slogan-
it Is a billion-dollar pledge by the United
States that the age-old precedents of his-
tory can be overturned. When the Congress
passes this legislation-as I think It will-
we will have given hard evidence of our de-
termination as a Nation of free men that
we will not allow, through our inaction,
poverty to spread its cancer within our bor-
ders.
The idea of a war on poverty Is both amaz-
ing said exciting. It is amazing because we
are the first nation in history to turn our
great resources and wealth to a practical at-
tempt to lift the poor and the disadvantaged
from the rut of despair. And it is exciting
because we have set ourselves the almost
revolutionary task of proving that the sad
teachings of history are wrong.
But as businessmen, as taxpayers, and as
legislators we must ask ourselves some tough
questions. Is the war on poverty a fool's er-
rand. a quixotic tilting at windmills doomed
to failure from the beginning by hard
economic fact? I do not think so. I think
that this is a war that must be fought-
and can be won.
The reasons for waging this war are not
only Idealistic and humanitarian. It they
were. I doubt that a nation as hardheaded as
we are would support the President's war
on poverty. Our motives involve plain,
honest dollars and cents. For you and I are
supporting, at a great cost, one-fifth of the
Nation. Our tax dollars-whether paid to
the Federal Government, the State, or to
local government-ire supporting these peo-
ple at a subsistence level to the tune of more
than $4 billion a year. And this Is money
spent for outright relief. It treats the
symptoms, not the disease. We are doling
out expensive aspirin where penicillin is
needed.
Our free enterprise economy depends on
rising consumption and rising demand. Al-
ready Idle plant capacity has created a per-
sistently high level of unemployment. Yet
until recently we have been willing to tol-
erate the fact that almost 20 percent of our
population are nonspenders or nonconsumers.
From an economic point of view they are a
useless deadweight holding back growth and
expansion.
According to the Council of Economic Ad-
visers, the median income of a poor family
is 81,800 per annum. It we assume that an
income of almost twice that figure is a
poverty-level income, then this median in-
come figure means that the situation is much
worse than we had believed It to be.
But even if we accept the fact that it
makes good economic sense to do something
about the problem of poverty, what steps
can we take to produce practical results for
the dollars we spend? The most obvious and
Immediate cause of poverty is the lack of
education and the skills suitable for 20th
century Industry. And what might be called
"industrial Illiteracy" Is passed on from
generation to generation.
The uneducated and unskilled parent will
leave unemployment and the address of the
welfare office as his only heritage to his chil-
dren. Therefore, the main attack of the war
on poverty is directed at lack of education
and particularly at lack of education among
young people. The Job Corps, the Neighbor-
hood Youth Corps, and the work study pro-
grams all will invest large sums of money In
training and preparing our youth to meet
the demands of space-age America.
Even in our prosperous Nation poverty is
widespread. Despite the fact that New
Jersey's citizens have one of the highest
average per capita Incomes in the Nation, our
State is still a major participant In the war
on poverty.
in New Jersey, 17 communities have al-
ready formed community action organize-
tions-citizen action groups which will mobi-
lize the resources of local communities to
solve effectively their own problems. Six of
these community action programs have al-
ready received grants totaling more than
$650,000. This 1s the practical cooperation
between Federal and local governments
which will develop the beat means for elimi-
nating poverty In New Jersey.
In addition more than 813% million has
been granted to New Jersey for a Job Corps
center. work-study program, and for Neigh-
borhood Youth Corps programs.
Governor Hughes, John Bullitt, and com-
munity leaders have done a fine job In
putting New Jersey in the forefront of the
war on poverty.
There Is already good evidence that a con-
certed attack on poverty is not only a moral
necessity but also produces positive results.
One aspect of poverty that I know well is the
living and working conditions of the migra-
tory farmworkers who harvest our crops.
Three years ago, the Congress passed the
first major legislation in more than 30 years
directed specifically at migrant farmwork-
era-the Migrant Health Act of 1962. With
funds provided by this law, New Jersey's
department of health has been able to
provide the basic elementals of health care
too often denied to migrant farmworkers.
Three years ago a mother would deliver her
child without ever having seen a doctor-
and sometimes even in the field where she
worked. And that child would quite likely
grow up without even having been given the
basic immunization against diphtheria,
smallpox, and polio, which most babies re-
ceive almost automatically. Yet In 2 years
we have been able to change all that. Today
basic medical care is available to the mi-
grant worker who comes to our State, and
our farmworkers are no longer treated as
remnants of a medieval past.
Our war on poverty is not only a moral Im-
perative, it is an economic imperative. If
we can take the poor off the relief rolls and
put them on payrolls and tax rolls, we will
have turned one-fifth of a nation from a fi-
nancial burden into a productive asset. But
more importantly we will have fulfilled the
dream of the men who began this Nation,
and who were the true founders of the Great
Society. The Great Society Is not a new
and revolutionary idea--it Is the modern ex-
pression of the vision of Jefferson, Hamilton,
Adams, and Washington. find we can thank
God that we have in our power the means
and the resources to make and to build the
great and happy America which they fore-
saw. It is not only to our economic advan-
tage to do so-it is our solemn duty to do so.
"BONANZA IN SUGARBEETS ELUD-
ING KANSAS FARMERS"-ARTICLE
BY SENATOR PEARSON
Mr. YOUNG of North Dakota. Mr.
President, the February 20 issue of the
Kansas Farmer featured an excellent
article by the Senator from Kansas [Mr.
PEARSON], in which he ably outlines the
problems our present sugar policies are
creating for farmers, not only in his own
State, but In all areas interested In, and
capable of, producing sugarbeets.
Under present policies, the U.S. con-
sumer is dependent upon foreign pro-
ducers for 40 percent of his sugar sup-
plies. Our State Department has been
insistent on maintaining this policy, even
though the folly of such a course was
clearly demonstrated when a world sugar
shortage developed in 1963.
It makes little sense to require the
American sugarbeet producer to reduce
his plantings, as is being done for the
1965 crop, while continuing to seek the
same high level of sugar supplies from
foreign sources.
We are attempting to control the build-
up of surpluses of many of our crops,
chiefly wheat, feed grains, and cotton.
Sugarbeets can economically be produced
in many areas now devoted largely to
these crops. Additional acreages of
sugarbeets can increase the income ca-
pacity of farmers, help reduce the sur-
plus problems we face with other crops,
and provide the United States with a
stable supply of sugar at reasonable
prices.
Mr. President, the article written by
Senator PEARSON, one of the most knowl-
edgeable and understanding Members of
the Senate on agriculture matters, is an
excellent presentation of the problems
faced by the American sugarbeet indus-
try. I ask unanimous consent that it be
printed in the RECORD as a part of my re-
marks.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
BONANZA IN SUGARBEETS ELUDING KANSAS
FARMERS
(By JAMES B. PEARSON, U.S. Senator)
Sugarbeets can give Kansas' agricultural
economy a fresh new look.
The potential that exists for increased
production of augarbeets in Kansas is sub-
stantial. However, this potential will be lost
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This action by Young Americans for
Freedom was called irresponsible pres-
sures. Does that mean that anyone who
disagrees with administration policy is
irresponsible? Should we do away with
our Bill of Rights in order to secure
unanimity on foreign policy?
Young Americans for Freedom is a
group that represents the best of our
youth. They number many Phi Beta
Kappas, campus presidents, and leaders
among their membership. They have
supported President Johnson in his Viet-
nam policy. How many other so-called
groups in this Nation have spoken out
in support of our policy in Vietnam?
It was said that the rubber company
incident was "a case study in the defeat
of an important and carefully considered
policy of the U.S. Government by ir-
responsible private interests, aided and
abetted by the failure of Government
officials actively to support the the Presi-
dent's established policy."
Now all the policies of our Govern-
ment are important and presumably
carefully considered, but this does not
mean that they are necessarily correct.
There were many in the Congress that
held that the policy of the then admin-
istration with respect to Cuba was cor-
rect in 1962, and that certain Republi-
cans were being irresponsible in their
criticism of that policy, until it was dis-
covered that our good friend Nikita
Khrushchev had planted ICBM's in
Cuba. Then suddenly that policy was
changed.
It is a well-known fact that the Execu-
tive, and in particular our State Depart-
ment, constantly send out people and
information designed to secure public
support off; our official policies. Should
this right be denied to private citizens
and organizations?
The right of individuals and groups
to protest has been upheld in the courts
time and time again. And this does and
should include foreign policy. The courts
specifically have upheld the right of our
American maritime trade unions to boy-
cott merchandise from Communist coun-
tries or ships which trade with our Cuban
Communist enemy.
What is perhaps even more astonish-
ing, another rubber company was at-
tacked for its decision not to build a syn-
thetic rubber plant in Rumania. Should
not any company have the right to
choose whether or not to build bridges to
satellite Europe, and especially so when
they state that they were acting, in their
opinion, in the national interest?
Many of us feel that this avowed
policy of building bridges to the Com-
munist world is open to serious question.
Should it not be that the Communist
world ought to build the bridges, not
we? The Young Americans for Freedom
feel, as do many of us, that by aiding
Communist governments, we may betray
our highest ideals. We certainly do not
help the Rumanian people by assisting
their Communist government to main-
tain itself in power. Who truly speaks
for the Rumanian people, living under
totalitarian communism? Why should
we lend respectability to a government
imposed upon them by force?
Now it is contended that Young Amer-
icans for Freedom has stopped two in-
dustrial giants in their tracks and up-
ended the whole State Department. Ac-
tually, I wonder if perhaps there is not
a little more to the story than that?
Does not this action really represent the
opinion of the majority of our people?
It is now popular in Washington to
refer to a consensus. Does this mean we
should all march like lennings down to
the sea for the sake of accommodation
with the Communist world? Young
Americans for Freedom may not espouse
a line of thought popular with this ad-
ministration, but they speak realistically
in a world where one system or the other
is bound to prevail because the Commu-
nist definition of peace presupposes the
liquidation of all non-Communist na-
tions. If these young people do not un-
derstand why we should bolster the
economy of Communist nations, then I
confess I share their questioning.
So, Mr. Speaker, instead of criticism
we should express pride in the under-
standing of the world situation and
patriotism demonstrated by Young
FREEDOM ACADEMY
BACKED
(Mr. ICHORD asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minuto and to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. ICHORD. Mr. Speaker, last
night's edition of the Washington Eve-
ning Star contained an editorial by Mr.
James J. Kilpatrick entitled "Freedom
Academy Plan Backed." As the sponsor
of the bill which is now awaiting a rule
I can testify to the accuracy of Mr. Kil-
patrick's statements. He has captured
the essence of the proposal in a brief but
comprehensive description of some of
the history and by citing some of the
objectives of this legislation. H.R. 9713
is a bill which deals with national se-
curity and the cold war. It deserves the
attention and the serious consideration
of the Members of this body. I com-
mend this editorial to the Congress and
hope it will be studied and reflected upon
by each Member.
NEIL MAcNEIL ON CONGRESS AND
THE INTELLECTUAL COMMUNITY
(Mr. ELLSWORTH (at the request of
Mrs. REID of Illinois) was granted per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. ELLSWORTH. Mr. Speaker, Mr.
Neil MacNeil, congressional correspond-
ent for Time magazine, has made one
of the most perceptive and compelling
statements I have seen on Congress and
its image in American society. The oc-
casion was the George Washington Uni-
versity American Assembly at Airlie
House, Warrenton, Va., on May 14. I
include it at this point and urge my col-
leagues to read and study it-and I am
taking steps to see that it is circulated
widely in the intellectual community:
CONGRESS AND THE INTELLECTUAL COMMUNITY
The theme of this conference, "Congress
and America's Future," carries the implicit
suggestion, in today's context, that the rad-
ically new world aborning requires basic al-
terations in - the legislative branch of pur
Government. We live, obviously, at a time
of convulsive economic and social change.
We stand at the threshold of an age of tech-
nological miracles, beggaring the imagina-
tion, that will transform life on this planet
and bridge the far reaches of space. Con-
fronted with this revolutionary prospect,
concerned and anxious citizens question
whether the American Congress, constructed
by a primitive society In the 18th century,
can serve as.an effective instrument of gov-
ernment today and in the future.
This conference, reflecting that anxious
concern, has met to appraise Congress as a
political institution, to weigh and consider
its assets and liabilities, and to propose, if
possible, ways and means for Congress better
to meet the immense complexities of the
world of tomorrow. I don't propose here to
offer a new assessment of Congress to compile
another catalog of its sins and virtues, or to
try to devise a better parliamentary struc-
ture. Rather I want to speak of a more
fundamental problem, and that is the double
task of making a valid assessment and of
proposing changes that Congress can be per-
suaded to adopt.
No matter how telling a critique of Con-
gress this conference makes, no matter how
rational and reasonable the proposals it sug-
gests, the all-important fact is that Congress
traditionally has resisted all outside interfer-
ence with its formal processes. By consti-
tutional grant, the House and Senate hold
the exclusive power to determine their own
rules. But it is not alone this constitutional
prerogative that prompts Congress to ignore
proposals for institutional change from out-
side its halls. A far more personal reason
lies at the core of its resistance.
I have heard it said that Congress does
not know or does not care what the people
of this country think of it, and that this
congressional indifference has created a dan-
gerous schism between Congress and the
public. I disagree with that analysis. It
was offered by a critic who regarded Congress
as "outrageously unrepresentative" and out
of touch with the American people. Con-
gress cares deeply what the public thinks
of it and of all other things. But almost
every Member of Congress-four out of every
five-has been elected and reelected and re-
elected again by a wide margin of his people.
It is difficult to persuade such a man that
he does not reflect his constituents or that
they disapprove of him or the place they
send him to.
There is, however, a dangerous schism
In Congress' relations with the outside
world. It is the yawning chasm that sepa-
rates Congress and the intellectual commu-
taity. There are many reasons for this
separation, and I wish to discuss them in
some detail, but this estrangement between
Congress and the intellectual community is
the primary cause that prompts Congress to
reject out of hand almost any intended help
from outsiders.
Congress, institutionally, feels toward its
critics in the intellectual community much
the way the catfish felt toward the fisher-
man. "Hold still, catfish," the fisherman
said. "I only want to gut you."
In our time, the intellectual community
seems to want to denigrate Congress at every
turn. If it is not a rubber stamp Congress,
It is a do-nothing Congress. Most of the
reforms proposed by outsiders reveal an emo-
tional commitment to the President and his
legislative program. At times, this Commit-
mont almost amounts to a sense of presi-
dential infallibility Many congressional
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CONGRESSIONAL. RECORD - HOUSE August 5, 1965
critics tend to regard struggles over legisla-
tion in purely moral terms, rather than as
power struggles between competing political
philosophies. Like bullet-vote voters, they
tend to pralse or damn Congress, depending
on whether Congress passed or rejected their
favored bills. In at least some instances,
they are confused about the realities of con-
gressional life, and. thus, in their proposed
reforms, they strike at symptoms of the dis-
ease they diagnose and not the disease Itself.
An example of this Is the continuing contro-
versy over the House Rules Committee.
The Members of Congress have valid cause
for reacting with suspicion to much of the
intellectual community, for a latent hostility
toward Congress permeates the thinking of
many leaders of public opinion outside Con-
gress. It is evident In the books of political
scientists, in newspaper editorials, and even
In the witticisms of our humorists. It is
most evident of all in many of the reforms
of Congress that are suggested. Too often.
proposed reforms smack of an obvious Intent
to reduce Congress from its status as a sep-
arate and Independent branch of the Federal
Government. The Members of Congress.
whether Democrats or Republicans, liberals
or conservatives, are jealous of the preroga-
tives of Congress, and they fight tenaciously
to maintain them.
This dichotomy between Congress and the
intellectual community is no new thing. It
has existed for decades. In 1925, Nicholas
Longworth, of Ohio, as Speaker of the House
of Representatives, referred to this long-
standing animosity toward Congress in his
years of service. "During the whole of that
time," Longworth said, "we have been
attacked, denounced, despised. hunted, har-
ried, blamed. looked down upon, excoriated
and Raved.? And then he added. signifi-
cantly: "I refuse to take It personally."
Longworth's refusal to take the criticism
personally was not mere intransigence. It
was the reaction of a man who felt keenly
that the criticism was not warranted. that
the assessment of Congress on which the
criticism was based was not valid. His words
summarized the feelings of Congressmen
since time out of mind, and they summarize
the feelings of Congressmen now.
Members of Congress, as a whole. normally
do not listen to the political scientists, and
the political scientists do not listen to the
politicians on Capitol Hill. This has pro-
duced the long estrangment between Con-
gress and the intellectual community. Its
roots Ile In a fnudamental disagreement on
just what Congress is and is not. The politi-
cal scientist's understanding and description
of Congress often are incomprehensible to
the Members of Congress, and theirs are fre-
quently incomprehensible to the political
scientist. The mutual enmity, borne of this
disagreement, has prevented a meaningful
dialog between the two. The resulting ant-
mosity and recrimination has made it diffi-
cult for anyone to stand between them as
referee or as friend of the court, for he faces
assault on one side as an apologist for in-
comptence and on the other for mor.iliatlc
sophistry.
The hostility is at every hand, in speeches
in the House and Senate. as well as news-
paper editorials and the books of political
scientists. Take the American Assembly's
current volume. "The Congress and Amer-
ica's Future," on which this conference is
based. In his Introduction, David Truman
has described with aptness the Image of the
typical Congressman as seen by the Intel-
lectual community. "The cartoon symbol."
Professor Truman wrote. "of the bewhiskered,
frock-coated, and bungling old man, famil-
iar to all newspaper readers, effectively illus-
trates a persistent stereotype." But Tru-
man's description has a greater application
than he intended, for it will serve as well for
the Congressman's image of the typical po-
litical scientist: A bewhiskered. frock-coated.
bungling old man.
The Congressman repays the Intellectual
in kind for his hostility. It's a natural re-
sponse. If the intellectual regards the word
"politician" as an epithet, the typical Con-
gressman equates the professor with the
pedant. If there Is justice In both views, at
least In some cases, the effect is to impede
any real communication between Capitol Hill
and the academic world. And this, in turn,
has created that dangerous chasm between
Congress and the intellectual community.
In plain terms, they do not understand each
other, and too frequently they do not bother
to try to understand each other.
The loss Is the Nation's loss. for Congress
needs help in meeting the challenges of to-
day and the promise of America's future.
Congress needs the help of the academic
world: The imagination, the skill, and the
talents of men and women who can help
Congress fathom the depths of its institu-
tional needs, and then bring forward viable
remedies to meet them.
Parliamentary practice, like law. Is based
not on logic, but on experience. It is prag-
matic, rather than scholastic. It is senti-
mental, rather than scientific. Without an
understanding of the Inwardness of the con-
gressional experience, the psychology of the
congressional mind, the student seeking
meaning of Congress and Its ways Is lost.
He cannot produce that understanding by
logic.
Out of its traditions come the instincts of
Congress toward Itself, the other branches of
the Government, and the outside world. It
operates on a live-and-let-live philosophy
that Is not merely a vulgar and amoral in-
difference to ethical considerations. Involved
here is a tolerance toward opposing views, a
willingness to let those other views be voiced
and voted. a recognition of the fundamental
right of disagreement, which Is the heart of
a free society. If Congress tolerates the
mountebanks and deniagogs in Its ranks, on
the grounds that they too were elected, It re-
spects only Its men of character, industry,
ability, and sincerity.
The Members of Congress share a sense, if
not thesame sense or to the same intensity
as the academic world, that Congress must
change now, as It has always changed, to
meet new conditions and new tasks. It is
this sense that prompted Congress this year
to order unanimously a new study of its
procedures and organization. The formal
hearings for this congressional reappraisal
began this week. But it Is scarcely possible
for the academic world to contribute to this
change. so long an political scientists think
of Congress as a loathesome thing and Con-
gressmen regard professors as merely mis-
informed cranks. There is a pressing need
to build bridges across the chasm that sepa-
rates Congress and the intellectual commu-
nity and to develop, eventually, a working
partnership between them.
In this estrangement, I do not for a mo-
ment exonerate Congress from Its share of
the blame. Frequently, the Members of
Congress have been. and are. guilty of a self-
serving complacency about Congress and the
rules and practices of Congress- They have
been guilty, as charged, of entrenched paro-
chialism and root-hog-or-die attitude toward
projects for their districts and States. Too
often, they have been guilty of what Senator
FULsRlGHT once called "the swinish blight of
anti-intellectualism." The Members of Con-
gress. many of them, bear a heavy respon-
sibility for the III repute of Congress in the
intellectual community.
But a large share of the blame falls also
on the academic community, and on none
more importantly than the political
scientists, those most responsible to interpret
for us all the meaning and substance of Con-
gress. In large part, I suggest, the political
scientists are to blame for the discrepancy
between the Congressman's understanding of
Congress and that of the intellectual com-
munity. Here, it seems to me, the essential
fault lies in the method of many political
scientists in their examination of Congress,
and method Is all important to intellectual
discipline and validity.
From the beginning, many political
scientists have approached the study of Con-
gress with techniques strikingly at variance
with those of other academic disciplines. I
have already suggested that this approach
has been ethical and moralistic, rather than
scientific. Too many political scientists have
not learned what Lord Acton called "the les-
son of intellectual detachment." Often they
have seemed more intent on reciting the
litany of reform than in describing the place
with precision and understanding. They
have seemed more anxious to devise new ways
to alter Congress than to learn how it truly
functions. Too many have not followed the
dictum of Thomas Huxley a century ago:
"Sit down before fact as a little child, be pre-
pared to give up every preconceived
notion * * ? or you shall learn nothing.
Every discipline has its methods, its tech-
niques grown of usage, to acquire intelli-
gence and to make judgments from that in-
telligence. In Shakespeare's play, "King
Henry V," the night before the battle of
Agincourt, a messenger reports to the Lord
High Constable of France that the English
Army is camped within 1,500 paces of his
tents. The Constable of France has but one
question: "Who has measured the ground?"
It's a pertinent question for the miltiary
tactician, or the historian or the political
scientist. In rough terms, I would like to
sketch briefly the differences I have found
In the methods of many American political
scientists and those of American histori-
ography, the discipline in which I was
trained.
The American historian reflects a tradition
running back to Francis Parkman, whose
great history Is right now being republished.
As a young man In the 1840's. Parkman began
to prepare himself to write the history of the
struggle between England and France for the
North American continent. A Protestant, he
went to Rome to study the Catholic faith
and ritual. He lived with the Indians not
only the broken tribes of the East, but the
wild savages of the Great West. He examined
the fort at Ticonderoga, and he traced
Montcalm's battle lines. He visited and ex-
plored all the places on the continent that
were a part of his history. He measured the
ground.
Parkman spared nothing, least of all him-
self, that he might know his subject totally.
He would not be satisfied with mere book
learning, although here too he exhausted all
known sources of information that might
help illuminate his theme. He would not,
however. be satisfied with secondhand ac-
counts. "It is evident," Parkman once
wrote, "that other study than that of the
closet is indispensable."
Parkman wrote a history, nine volumes
long, that remains one of the great land-
marks of American letters and scholarship.
His books still ring with the authenticity of
a writer who steeped himself in the life and
spirit of the time he described. His books
still shout with the excitement of that vivid
time and the robust men-French. English.
and Indian-who shaped it. Parkman thus
set the tradition of American historians.
Out of that Parkman heritage, American his-
torians scorn the merely popular and super-
ficial. At the same time, they view with
contempt the pretensions of the pale anti-
quarian who has never left his library. They
revere the scholar whose sympathies, as
Henry Osborne Taylor once wrote, quiver to
understand and feel as the men and women
before him.
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