PREPARE FOR DECEPTION

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CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6
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July 27, 1966
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16430 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446.R000400090003-6 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE July 217, 1966 Therefore, the discharge certificate, ab initio is prohibited. The Adjutant General Issued Colonel Stephens official identification which recog- nized him in an actively identified status and capacity and in full force and effect exist- ing fourteen months beyond the date of the erroneous discharge certificate. Also, the same Second Army headquarters that issued the discharge certificate on April 28, 1960, as late as July following, continued to address Colonel Stephens, referring to and identify- ing him as an active member in the United States Army Ready Reserve. Regardless of the discharge certificate, Colonel Stephens has continued in an active status, and according to Army regulations, and the last orders he received, he has never elected relief from active duty, nor has he in active duty status. During the interim, he has passed through the zone of promotional consideration without consideration, and has, as late as November 1963, refused to accept civilian employment with the United States Air For`ee at $9,475.00 per annum due to his disability determination, both total and permanent set out by the medical board on October 1, 1957, and due to the other cir- cumstances herein explained. At the present time, after more than 20 years service, with total and permanent dis- ability rating made almost nine years past, he Is not in receipt of Army retirement bene- fits, any compensation award from the Vet- erans Administration, nor do his children have any war orphans benefits in event of his death due to heart disease which the Army has found to have existed prior to his service. Since 1942, Colonel Stephens has never been given a single adverse efficiency report by any commander to his knowledge. He has never been reprimanded or court martialed, or other wise had any discrepancy, with re- spect to his performance of duty, brought to his attention at any time. If his record indicates otherwise, it is wholly untrue; if any commander has certified to such effect, and that any discrepancies were brought to which the Army has made. Otherwise, the Committee will never be in position to have before it other vital information which should, in the interest of justice, be con- sidered. The statements herein set out contain the truth and nothing but the truth. May I have a favorable response from you and your views in this connection? All of which is respectfully submittedpor your kind PREPARE FOR DECEPTION (Mr. BURLESON asked and was give permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD, and to include cer- tain articles.) Mr. BURLESON. Mr. Speaker, Col- umnist Roscoe Drummond cautions us that Hanoi may come up soon with tricky peace overtures, but he also points out that President Johnson has made it clear we will not be budged by false hope. As the fighting goes badly for the Viet- cong, Mr. Drummond says, Hanoi may figure that the circumstances Of a con- gressional election campaign in this country provide the. right time for de- ceptive peace proposals. It will not work. As Mr. Drummond notes, President Johnson has warned against it with this statement : We will not withdraw under the cloak of a meaningless agreement. With the assent of my colleagues, I will place Mr. Drummond's column as it ap- peared in the Washington Post in the RECORD: [From the Washington (D.C.) Post, July 17, 19661 his attention for correction or improvement, PREPARE FOR DECEPTION: FIGHTING IN VIET- it is also untrue. NAM IS GOING AGAINST VIETCONG SO WE Any man in the Armed Forces of the United CAN EXPECT Tsicxs "PEACE PROPOSALS" States, who has staked his life In mortal (By Roscoe Drummond) conflict against an enemy in defense of his native land, and for the principles under which it is also governed, not knowing whether he will return to see his family or friends, is certainly entitled to a just, honest and fair hearing before his fellow man. My son would have been retired in 1954 due to physical disability had the proper actions been taken at that time. However, they were not, so, he should have been retired in 1957 at the time of his myocardial infraction, for which he has been taking medical treatment and medication ever since at his own expense. Under such circumstances, as herein ex- plained, and especially when he has spent the best part of his adult life in the defense of his country, no stone should be left un- turned in order to see that justice prevails, thereby allowing the chips to fall where they may. With fighting going badly for the Viet- cong, there is reason to brace ourselves for tricky and deceptive "peace proposals" from Hanoi. Obviously, we ought to be responsive to any initiative to end the war in a way that protects the independence of South Vietnam. But we ought to be on our guard against a trap. Those who know the ways of the Commu- nists believe the time is getting near when North Vietnam may engineer a diplomatic maneuver designed to sell Washington and Saigon a "peace package" with a false bottom. Here is why the United States must be alert: 1-The logical time to put such a move in motion would be on the eve of the congres- sional elections. 2-The Communists would expect that the It is hoped and expected that this Hon- American public would leap at anything that orable Committee will request and permit looked like peace in Vietnam, even if the him a personal appearance in order that all small type warned the buyer to beware. the details may be explained to the full and 3-They would figure that President John- complete satisfaction of this Committee, and son, eager for the Democrats to do well in when that is done, the ends of justice will the congressional voting, would not dare turn have been met. Then, the Committee will down "peace proposals" which might be have no hesitancy in arriving at a just con- made, for a time at least, to look like the' real clusion. Ifs there has ever been a miscar- article. 'They would figure that the tempta- riage of justice, as is clearly applicable in tions of election politics would coerce the this case, it has been perpetrated in the back- Administration into accepting something ground, and has been of such nature or which at any other time it would reject. degree, that he has been denied any knowl- 4-The time for such a maneuver is run- edge or information thereof. That is why it is ning out. It has to be undertaken soon- cogently necessary for him to be allowed a in the next two or three months-or it will personal appearance in order that he be be too late. allowed to present to the Committee some What would be the basic strategy of the of the records now in his possession and Communists in a move of this kind Their main purpose would be to tempt the United States into taking immedate steps that would disadvantage the United States and advan- take Hanoi's willingness to negotiate at all. What would the Communists like to ac- complish without making any final commit- ment to end the aggression? Obviously, they want to try to immobilize the United States without any guarantee the Vietcong would remain immobile. The Communists could propose that the United States begin to withdraw its forces as a "gesture" that would help bring about negotiations a little later. The Communists could propose that the United States de-escalate the fighting while they try to catch their breath and get ready for another push. The Communists could propose that, as a preliminary to a future settlement, the VC be allowed a place In the Saigon regime be- fore the new.government is elected. It is possible, of course, that there Is so much controversy at the top in Hanoi on whether to keep up the war or accept nego- tiations that nobody will dare make a move. If it comes, it will probably be soon. Pres- ident Johnson has warned against it with his public affirmation that "we will not with- draw under the cloak of a meaningless agree- ment." TRI-CONTINENTAL CONFERENCE AND ADMINISTRATION INDIFFER- ENCE BLAMED FOR INCREASING UNREST IN LATIN AMERICA-A CRITICAL MOMENT IN INTER- AMERICAN AFFAIRS APPROACHES (Mr. CRAMER asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend his remarks.) Mr. CRAMER. Mr. Speaker, on the 13th anniversary of the Castro revolu- tion I call attention to administration's failure to meet the growing communist threat in this hemisphere. Yesterday was the anniversary of Cas- tro's July 26, 1953, attack on the Mon- cada Barracks in Cuba, recognized as the bearded dictator's first revolutionary act and the administration is still with- out a policy to deal with the Communist menace only 90 miles from our shores. The administration of not following the congressional mandate aimed at halting free-world shipping to Cuba painting out that in 1965, Canada and the United Kingdom alone exported over $90 million of goods to Cuba. As chairman of the Subcommittee on Subversion of the House Republican Task Force on Latin America, I say the ad- ministration is guilty of gross ineptness in meeting the crucial events in Latin America. The administration has ignored last January's Tri-Continental Conference in Havana at which Commu- nist representatives from three contin- ents met and pronounced their goal to step up their aggression and subversion in this hemisphere. The Tri-Continen- tal Conference is second in importance only to the Cuban missile crisis of 1962. Specific targets in the Communist blueprint are Colombia, Venezuela, Peru, Panama, Guatemala, Ecuador and Puer- to Rico. Additional resolutions were passed by the Conference on topics in- volving the Organization of American States, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, Paraguay, and British and French Guiana. Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 July 27, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE plication of Army rules and regulations in separating him from the military service. Judge Stephens' statement speaks for itself. In my judgment, the statement is altogether factual. I have known Henry Stephens for more than 30 years, and have known his son for an equal period of time. I have introduced H.R. 15490 authoriz- ing relief for James D. Stephens from the circumstances outlined. I am greatly concerned about the lack of any appropriate administrative rem- edy for the circumstances of this case which leads me to the belief that the Congress should thoroughly study this matter with a possible view of enacting general legislation which will appropri- ately afford relief for other James Ste- phenses who may be similarly aggrieved by hypertechnical application of rules and regulations in such disability mat- ters. I consequently urge each Member to give attention to,the case presented by Judge Stephens on behalf of his son: WHAT THE ARMY HAS DONE TO LT. COL. JAMES D. STEPHENS AFTER MORE THAN 20 YEARS OF SERVICE (A partial statement of facts to be used in connection with H.R. 15490, now pending before the Committee on the Judiciary) James Darwin Stephens was born in Pres- tonsburg, Kentucky on May 2, 1916. At elev- en yearsof age he began his military experi- ences by attending the oldest private military school of America in the hope that he would eventually be graduated from West Point thus making the Army his career. After his graduation from military school his appointment to the United States Military Academy did not materialize. He was, how- ever, commissioned in the Organized Reserve Corps on September 8, 1937, by President Franklin D. Roosevelt. He was active in the reserves until 1941 when he was ordered to active duty effective April 21st. Within six months after being ordered to duty he was sent overseas to Panama where he was on duty with the 5th United States Infantry at the time World War II began on December 7, 1941. On completion of this overseas tour, he was returned to the United States where he received additional training in the fall and winter, 1943-44, and subse- quent thereto, he was sent overseas again, this time to serve in England, France and Germany. He was one of three young combat arms officers selected from several hundred to be- come administrative officer of a civil affairs group in American-British combined opera- tions of northwest Europe before and follow- ing invasion. He was the administrative offi- cer for the American Contingent, First Civil Affairs Group, under command of Colonel J. M. Hamilton, DSO, British Army, and carried on liaison activities with the SHAEF head- quarters in London. On fulfillment of this combined mission, in October 1944, he was assigned to the 95th In- fantry Division headquarters as assistant di- vision military government officer. This was the combat phase of military government, and in this period he performed his duty in combat and under enemy fire with the 379th Infantry Regiment, and in its three battalion zones of combat in both France and Ger- many. While his division was in combat its operations were under the jurisdiction of the Third Army Commander, General George S. Patton, Jr. Until the Battle of the Bulge, this division saw some of the bitterest fight- ing in the European theater. Certain par- ticipants in such combat, particularly those in the Moselle River, Metz, Saar River line and Searlautern objectives, were highly com- mended by the Third Army Commander, General Patton. Colonel Stephens was one of those persons. For his performance of duty under such combat conditions, in 1947, he was awarded the Bronze Star Medal. In February. 1945, he was assigned to the 12th Armored Divi- sion, which was in the Seventh Army Area under command of General Alexander M. Patch. While yet in the combat phase of military government operations, with this division he served with headquarters Combat Command "A", performing his duties with this headquarters; the 66th Armored Infantry Battalion and the 493d Armored Artillery Battalion, in the Colmar Pocket, Crallsheim, Ellwangen, Dinkelsbuhl, Goppingen, Aalen, Dillingen, Laulngen, Landsberg, Murnau and other areas. Notwithstanding the above performance and combat participation of record, the Army has certified to the Veterans Administration that Colonel Stephens had no combat. His service data shows otherwise; his Bronze Star citation shows otherwise; and General Patton's commendation shows otherwise. When it had been determined by the De- partment of the Army in 1953 that Colonel Stephens would not continue on active duty beyond May 31, 1954, in April 1954, Colonel Stephens submitted his unqualified resigna- tion from commissioned status. His Army commander recommended approval, and at that time, Colonel Stephens under the law had no further reserve service obligation. He had served more than the required two years, during the criteria of both World War II and the Korean Conflict; he had almost thir- teen years extended active duty; seventeen years or more total' commissioned service; and more than 71 months overseas service in three separate theaters of war and na- tional emergency. Before his separation in 1954 from active duty he requested a physical evaluation board for disability determination pur- poses; however, he was not properly referred, and therefore not ordered before one. The Army's representative in making out Colonel Stephens' separation certificate, effective May. 31, 1,954, determined that he was not to be assigned or transferred to any reserve com- ponent, branch or class, cognizant district or area command in any reserve capacity fol- lowing separation. This certificate Colonel Stephens also signed indicating that he had no further desire to be connected with tha reserves. Notwithstanding, without his re- quest or any indication that he wanted to be assigned to any reserve status, forty-two days following his separation, the Army assigned Colonel Stephens to the reserves anyway. He was separated as a Lieutenant Colonel on his orders, but when he was assigned to the re- serves without request, he was assigned as a Major. At the time of his separation in 1954, his physical examination had no clinical evalu- ation which was required; however, the Army elected to change this record in order to show that one was done when, in fact, it was not done. This physical examination shows that Colonel Stephens was in perfect health three days before his statement of medical history was due in compliance with his orders. In 1956, Colonel Stephens was ordered to duty at Fort Knox, Kentucky. He performed this tour of duty but the Army denied him credit which, were it granted, it would au- thorize an additional retirement year, mak- ing his total service credit more than 20 years. He had proof in his own records, as well as did the Army, that this period of service was performed. During this period of duty in 1956 a physical examination was made on him at Fort Knox, Kentucky, and on completion of it, the Chief of Medical Service postdated his review and approval by one year and three days, approving Colonel Stephens for active duty, effective June 29, 1957, nine days following his orders for active duty dated June 20, 1957. 16429 On August 2, 1957, Colonel Stephens suf- fered an acute myocardial infarction while on duty at Fort George G. Meade, Maryland. This condition was found to be in line of duty, not due to any misconduct, while pres- ent for duty, and while not under the in- fluence of any drugs or intoxicants. This finding was approved by the Secretary of the Army on September 17, 1957. On September 9, 1957, Fort Meade Army hospital published Special Orders 112, send- ing Colonel Stephens on attachment to the Walter Reed Army hospital for further ob- servation and treatment only, and on com- pletion thereof, he was to be returned to his organization and stationed at Fort Meade, Maryland by U.S. Government transporta- tion. This order Colonel Stephens did not receive for a period of more than five years. A medical board was not authorized in this order by any commander of Colonel Stephens, nor was one appointed by his com- mander as required in Army regulations. Therefore, any board action taken by the Walter Reed Army hospital not in compli- ance with orders from Colonel Stephens' commander is illegal and of no effect. Notwithstanding, a medical board did meet at the Walter Reed Army hospital on Octo- ber 1, 1957, but it was contrary to his orders not yet known to or received by him. Not one member of this board represented Colo- nel Stephens' rank and branch of service, nor was any member an officer of the com- bat arms. The president of the medical board, on October 1, 1957, misrepresented himself to Colonel Stephens and the other members of the board, by making two dif- ferent medical determinations on the same day on the same individual. The board found that Colonel Stephens' heart condi- tion existed prior to service and gave no ap- proximate date of origin as required by Army regulations. It found that his heart disease was total and permanent. The pres- ident of the medical board, as a member, .found that the heart disease existed prior to service, while simultaneously determin- ing that it did not. Now both records exist in official files of the Department of the Army. Any doctor with any reputation that would make a statement that a heart condi- tion existed 20 years before it happened should have his head examined. Any man with common horse sense would know bet- ter and he wouldn't have to be a doctor. When the findings of the medical board were approved by the hospital commander on October 3, 1957, finding that Colonel Stephens' heart disease existed prior to service, Stephens did not elect relief from active duty in writing to his commander as set out in Army regulations. When he did not do so, it became mandatory that his case be referred to the jurisdiction of a phys- ical evaluation board. The Army now asserts that Colonel Stephens has had a fair hearing when, in fact, one has not been held. But if a hearing has been held, it has been done in secrecy without notice to him, and without his knowledge as to where, when, who was present in his behalf, who was counsel of his choice, if any, and its findings. In 1959, he was informed by an Army headquarters that a physical evaluation board had set forth a disability determina- tion. Colonel Stephens has never been notified what this degree of disability de- termination was, nor has he ever been given any knowledge with regard to its nature, recommendation or effect. On April 28, 1960, the Second Army head- quarters mailed to Colonel Stephens, without prior notice that such an action was to be taken, a discharge certificate which stated that his commission as a reserve had termi- nated due to physical disqualification. This discharge certificate is erroneous, ill-founded and of no effect whatever, because, first of all, he has not been given credit for all his serv- ice which amounts to more than 20 years. Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 A proved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6- July 27, 1966 1 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 16435 iat he who sows tionarles t wold.bv#w the win rea tli i nd. PROTEST OF TREATMENT OF AMER- ICAN PRISONERS BY COMMUNIST NORTH VIETNAMESE (Mr. BROYHILL of Virginia asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend his remarks.) Mr. BROYHILL of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, the time has come for the Con- gress of the United States, and particu- larly the House of Representatives, which is closest to our people, to take an official stand in protest over the treat- ment of American prisoners in the hands of the Communist North Vietnamese. The latest figures, Mr. Speaker, reveal that there are at least 63 Americans now in the hands of the Vietnam Communists who are being starved, threatened, and, verbally if not physically, beaten into brainwashed submission as victims of so-called war crimes accusations. Unless I wrongly read the signs of an- ger and distress on the part of the Amer- ican people, these 63 Americans may well be the most important soldiers we have ever sent to foreign wars. I say so, Mr. Speaker, because our peo- ple are tired, sick and tired of Commu- nist arrogance, Communist deceit, Com- munist torture and killing. They are tired of self-serving allies whose halfhearted support leads them to trading with the enemy and the pro- longation of conflict and American casualties. They are tired of un-American activi- ties on the part of a noisy segment of our If there are no standards of decency ing for, Mr. Speaker, but I wonder if among Communists, it is time to teach those men on forced parade, jabbed by them some. Communist bayonets, jeered and ridi- If there are no qualities of mercy culed by Communist puppets, believe in among them, it is now time to cease deal- their hearts at this moment that it is. ing with them as equals among human- For what is there to sustain their kind. hopes, Mr. Speaker? We can begin here and now, Mr. The United Nations? The Geneva Speaker, to do so. Convention? The firmness and pressure The Congress can do so by officially for decency from most of our allies? serving notice now that we have had The unity of purpose and united pursuit enough. of peace at home? It can do so by refusing further for- I doubt it, Mr. Speaker. For these are eign aid to any nation trading with the weakened reeds of justice. enemy; by halting all loans and grants Our airmen, in the sweat and hunger to any nation aiding the economy or of their cells, must remember the barges abetting the foreign policies of Com- and ships of our friends in Communist munist nations; by blockading Haiphong harbors; our soldiers, the guns and bombs Harbor, as we did in China. that cut and maimed them-guns and It can do so by slamming shut the bombs made and shipped from nations gates of international travel to those we are told we must live with in peace nations; by demanding rigid compliance and friendship. with every facet of the United Nations War becomes a personal thing, when Charter; by demanding pledges of sup- you are fighting it, Mr. Speaker. port for our policies from those we have It becomes more personal if you are a aided down the years; and by public Prisoner There of it. about it that sur- against of condemnation from them against Communist aggression, subver- passes reason; the hours of it erase time sion and atrocities. and the misery of it dissolves hope. This may not be enough, Mr. Speaker, Unless there is a certainty that you for the hour is late. But it will be a are not forgotten; that you are not to start. become a victim of some higher policy It will be a welcome start, for our peo- or some grand strategy that leads to half ple and our soldiers, who know in their victories and uncontrollable stalemates, hearts that we are dealing with some- it is not endurable. thing outside the ordinary ken of human I would be ashamed as an American if behavior. - this is the only hope, the only heritage I say, Mr. Speaker, the time for busi- we leave with those in the darkness of ness as usual is past. their cells in Vietnam today. It is time to use every ounce of our I do not believe it is. intelligence, every segment of our eco- If Communist Vietnam can find a nomic power and every pledge of retri- "legal basis" for war crimes trials of our uders of civil- captive fighting men, surely we can find th ese mara bution to stop people. ized behavior. a "legal basis" for winning the war and need send no more envoys abroad, securing their freedom. They are tired of repeated breaches of W e treaties and agreements and the inef- Mr. Speaker, we need send no more visi- Today in Hanoi the North Vietnamese fectualness and lack of action on the tors to the battlefront. We need no more have backed away from the trials, be- part of the United Nations. resolutions for calm, no more editorials cause they have discovered the American And, Mr. Speaker, they are sick and f or caution. peoplereven those who cry for "peace at tired of our own State. Department's We need action, Mr. Speaker, by this any price" cannot tolerate them. But groveling submission to threats and out- Congress and this House. we are warned by unnamed administra- right violations of international law, lest- We need to serve notice today that our tion spokesmen that this backing away we anger and frustrate the very inter- retribution will be unrelenting. may be temporary and that they can national bandits who are already per- I have some personal knowledge, Mr. change their minds at any moment and petrating the atrocities. Speaker, of the plight of a prisoner of reinstitute the trials. I say, Mr. Speaker, tl'iat this is not the war. Our men are accused and may be time to remain silent, but to speak out Not many years ago, while serving as judged for conducting crimes against to our people and the world. a company commander in the 106th humanity, while serving as soldiers per- I say it is time to pledge retribution, Infantry Division in the Battle of the forming the military duties we as a na- no less lenient and no less swift, to Com- Bulge, my entire division was wiped out tion and a people.sent them to perform. munist war criminals in Vietnam who and those of my company who survived And while the trials were expected mistreat our, captured fighting men. and I were taken prisoner. The memory momentarily what help did we get from Justice no less lenient and no less swift, of the disease, the dirt, the stardation, our friends? Mr. Speaker, than that meted out at the and the fear lives with me yet. In Geneva the International Red close of World War II against those who We were marched away from the front Cross "talked" of what could be done; commuted atrocitiesround then. in their lairs. herded into boxcars like cattle, and in New York the United Nations was col- We ran them ag. twice bombed by Allied planes. During lectively mute or antagonistic; in Eng- do so Wendn we will do one bombing in Nuremberg half the land and France, nations for which we And we will our so soldiers again, in are the very group were either killed or wounded, but have done so much, there was massive jungles where ou fighting, we were proud of those bombers, and of resistance to our efforts to save freedom be. W It need can the men who were still fighting for us and the lives of captured Americans. and our country. To ask where we can turn, as a na- those We can who today are ledge aralr, lalr, M eady y the victims Speaker, s of Communist atrocities and may soon be I 'escaped from a POW marching tion, Mr. Speaker, is an admission of victims of their firing squads. column, by the grace of God and because weakness. We can pledge no less to their parents. of the courage of my cellmates, whose We can turn to ourselves-to the We can pledge no less to the thousands will to live and to fight again stemmed elected leaders of this Nation-to this of ether American soldiers fighting in from an inner conviction that our coun- Congress and this Government, and we Vietnam, any one of whom at this mo- try was worth fighting for. can act now or admit our lack of ability ment may be facing a similar fate. I still know our country is worth fight- or will to do so. Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 16436 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE July 27, 1966 In the days ahead, Mr. Speaker, the air will be filled with cries of alarm, with organized protests against America do- ing anything. And, if previous patterns of action prevail, with street protests against any decision we may make in justice and reason. But for the sake of our men in Hanoi prisons, for the safety of those still free to fight for us on the battlefield, I, for one, will endure the label of "hawk" and the slander of being called a "war- monger." I, for one, will ignore the cries of alarm; the marching protests, and the banners of surrender. I will do so, Mr. Speaker, because I believe it is my duty not only as a Con- gressman but as an American to do so- and, in addition, to do something about it. If we have to choose freedom for those we sent to fight, against the risk of a greater conflict, I shall choose freedom. If we have to choose between nations of courage as against those who pay only lipservice to freedom, I shall stand with the courageous, whatever the risk. If we must choose, as Americans, be- tween might as against sniveling threats, abject fear and weaseling foreign poli- cies, I will stand with what is right and the might that makes it so. So, I believe, will this Congress. So will our people. In fact, Mr. Speaker, if I am any judge of people, t am Sure they have had e semiwars, and semipeace, tories. I know I have. VIETNAM: THE NEED FOR A POLITICAL INITIATIVE (Mr. COHELAN asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend his re- marks.) Mr. COHELAN. Mr. Speaker, in its lead editorial yesterday the New York Times outlined a four-point plan to pro- mote a political settlement of the war in Vietnam which I warmly endorse. The plan calls for a stop to the Ameri- canization of the war by halting the buildup of U.S. troops. As the Time comments : A quarter of a million American troops is more than enough. Second. The plan calls for a civilian government in Saigon "that can open contact with the insurgent forces." The fastest and most effective action that can be taken here is the holding of free coun- trywide elections. This objective should be encouraged with every resource at our command. Third. The Times suggests a "tapering off" of the bombing of North Vietnam in order "to build an atmosphere con- ducive to negotiations." Fourth. It recommends coupling ef- forts to reconvene the Geneva Confer- ence with "broad diplomatic discussions" that can find a "formula for the neutrali- zation and economic development of southeast Asia as a whole." What is now required, as the Times makes perfectly clear "is a clear indica- tion that the American objective is not a military victory but political settle- ment. The American ability to escalate [Mr. OLSEN of Montana's remarks the war needs no further demonstration. will appear hereafter in the Appendix.] The need now is to halt the escalation and make a vigorous new effort to achieve - peace." (Mr. OLSEN of Montana asked and It may well be, as I have suggested was given permission to extend his re- before, that no political or diplomatic marks in the body of the RECORD.) initiatives will persuade the other side to come to the conference table. Their [Mr. OLSEN of Montana's remarks plan may call only for military conquest, will appear hereafter In the Appendix.] either overtly or by attrition. This plainly must be resisted. CONGRESSMAN HORTON OFFERS But the costs of this war, and the T.xv3TOT A TTr- ly threatens, require us-to pursue every TIGHT MONEY MARKET AND TO reasonable course that can lead to an INCREASE HOUSING STARTS early and just settlement. (Mr. HORTON asked and was given The proposal outlined by the New York permission to address the House for 1 Times yesterday is sound and reasoned. minute and include extraneous mate- It deserves the attention and action of rial.) our policymakers. Mr. HORTON. Mr. Speaker, it is my Mr. Speaker, I include the full text of privilege today to introduce a bill that this timely editorial for the considers- will increase by $1.5 billion the home tion of all who are concerned with this mortgage funds available through the problem: Federal National Mortgage Association. President Ho Chi Minh's statement that there is "no trial in view" for American mili- tary prisoners in North Vietnam is a victory for the moral influence of world opinion. That victory transcends the fate of the cap- tive airmen, for it offers hope that common sense and common humanity ultimately may prevail against the ever greater barbarism the war in Vietnam daily inflicts on both sides. The United States has yielded to the pres- sure of world opinion in the past by offering peace proposals and twice suspending the bombing of North Vietnam. But this is the first time that Hanoi has shown regard for the opinion of mankind. Its decision to back away from talk of "war crimes trials" fol- lows direct pleas from Secretary General Thant, Pope Paul VI, numerous governments and opinion leaders everywhere, including eighteen liberal American Senators. The hope now must be that reason can prevail on the broader issues of the war itself. The conflict in Vietnam is a political struggle that, in the end, can only be resolved by political means. In politics, timing is of the essence. A number of op- portunities to probe the prospects for peace have been neglected in the past. It is vital that the new atmosphere and the new op- portunity opened by Hanoi's response on the prisoner issue not be missed as well. The approach favored by American moderates and long urged by The Times has just been summed up admirably by Prof. Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. One essential ele- ment is to stop the Americanization of the war by halting the American buildup in South Vietnam; a quarter of a million Amer- ican troops is more than enough. The second vital element is a civilian Govern- ment in Saigon that can open contact with the insurgent forces. Third, is the need to build an atmosphere conductive to negotia- tions by tapering off the bombing of North Vietnam. Finally, efforts to reconvene the Geneva conference must be linked with broad diplomatic discussions with Moscow, Paris, and other interested states to find a formula for the neutralization and economic develop- ment of Southeast Asia as a whole. Most of all, what is needed is a clear indica- tion that the American objective is not mili- tary victory but political settlement. The American ability to escalate the war needs no further demonstration. The need now is to halt the escalation and make a vigorous new effort to achieve peace. Treasury to purchase an additional $150 million in FNMA preferred stock. Since FNMA is empowered to borrow up to 10 times the amount of its capital and sur- plus, its borrowing power would increase by $1.5 billion after this additional Treas- ury investment. I am offering this measure to pump needed funds into the housing industry, which is experiencing a sharp decline. This bill is designed to quickly ease the credit squeeze in which the builders of this country find themselves. I have seen statistics provided by Mr. Joseph F. McCue, executive vice presi- dent of the Rochester, N.Y., Home Build- ers' Association, which show that new single-family housing permits in that area will be off by 24 percent this year because of the tight mortgage market. Housing starts throughout the country are expected to be down by about 200,- 000 this year, at a time when other in- dustries are prospering. Two months ago, housing starts fell to their lowest point in 31/2 years. The FNMA assists the homebuilding and mortgage industries during periods of tight money, while its sales of mort- gages during periods of relative mone- tary ease provide a ready source of in- vestment for long-term institutional in- vestors. At present, however, FNMA is extended to the limit of its lending power since the authorization for Treasury pur- chases of its stock is fully subscribed. If we are to assist this industry during this crucial period, we should not do it at the expense of sound financial prac- tices. Increasing the percentage lend- ing power of FNMA on present Treasury- held stock would free more mortgage funds at the expense of watering down the equity structure of FNMA operations. By authorizing increases in Treasury purchases, however, we can expand the lending power of the Association without impairing the soundness of its opera- tions. This bill is fashioned to fit the immedi- ate needs of the hard-hit homebuilding industry, and it can succeed without un- duly heating up current high-speed eco- (Mr. OLSEN of Montana asked and nomic conditions. This is direct, was given permission to extend his re- straightforward action which carries no marks in the body of the RECORD.), risk of impairing FNMA's credit. Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 Approved For Release 2005/06129 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 July 27, 3966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE I hope my colleagues will view with seriousness the plight of this industry, and that the House will see fit to take immediate action to alleviate the credit squeeze that has brought about this situation. (Mr. HORTON asked and was given permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include ex- traneous material.) [Mr. HORTON'S remarks will)ppear ARTHUR SCHLESIN~`ER, JR., ON VIETNAM A (Mr. RYAN asked and was given per- mission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include ex- traneous matter.) Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, I want to bring to the attention of my colleagues the views on the war in Vietnam which Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., set forth in the August 9 issue of Look magazine. In discussing alternatives to current policy he says. We must adapt the means we employ to the end we seek. Professor Schlesinger suggests: A program of limiting our forces, actions and objectives still holds out the possibility of an honorable resolution of a tragic situa- tion. A program of indefinite escalation offers nothing but disaster; for our adver- saries can, in their own way, match our every step up to nuclear war ... He also observes that, as we increase our bombing of North Vietnam- we will only solidify the people of North Vietnam behind their government, making negotiation impossible and eventually assure the entry of China into the war. Mr. Speaker, I commend this thought- ful article to the attention of my col- leagues. [From Look magazine of Augst 9, 1966] VIETNAM? (By Arthur Schlesinger, Jr.) The moderate critics of the administra- tion's Vietnam policy do not question its proclaimed purposes: resistance to Com- munist aggression, self-determination for South Vietnam, a negotiated settlement in Southeast Asia, They do question, with the greatest urgency, the theory that the way to achieve these objectives is to intensify the war. The more we destroy Vietnam, North and South, in their judgment, the less chance there will ever be of attaining- 14 our objectives. The course of widening the war, moreover, will mire our nation in a hopeless and endless conflict on the main- land of Asia, beyond the effective use of our national power and the range of our pri- mary interests-and may well end in nu- clear war with China. And the alternatives? Instead of sup- posing that a guerrilla movement can be crushed by strategic bombing, instead of us- ing military methods to solve a political problem, we must adapt the means we em- ploy to the end we seek. 1. Stop the Americanization of the war. The bitter fact is that the war in Vietnam can nevf;r be won as a war of white men against Asians. It cannot be won "unless the peo- ple [of South Vietnam] support the ef- fort . We can help them, we can give them equipment, we can send our men out there as advisers, but they have to win it, the people of Vietnam" (President Kennedy, 1963). The more we Americanize the war- by increasing our military presence, by sum- moning Saigon leaders, like vassals, to con- ferences in an American state, by transform- ing a local war in Vietnam into a global test between America and China-the more we make the war unwinnable. 2. A civilian government in Saigon. We have never had a government in Saigon that could enlist the active loyalty of the coun- tryside, and we certainly do not have one in Marshal .try's military junta. Instead of identifying American interests with Marshal Ky, and rebuffing the broader political im- pulses of the South, we should long since have encouraged a movement toward a civilian regime that represents the signifi- cant political forces of the country and is capable both of rallying the army and carry- ing out programs of social reform. If such a government should favor the neutraliz- tion of South Vietnam, if it should want to negotiate with Vietcong, even if it should wish to release us from our commitment to stay in Vietnam, we cannot and we should not object. 3. Reconvene the Geneva Conference. We should persevere in the quest for negotia- tion.. Since the Vietcong are a principal party to the conflict, it would appear obvious that peace talks at Geneva are meaningless without their participation. And since they will never talk if the only topic is their un- conditonal surrender, we must, unless we plan to exterminate them, hold out to them a prospect of a say in the future political life of South Vietnam-conditioned on their laying down their arms, opening up their territories and abiding by the ground rules of democratc elections, preferably under in- ternational supervision. 4. Hold the line in South Vietnam. Obvi- ously, Hanoi and the Vietcong will not ne- gotiate so long as they think they can win. Since stalemate is thus a precondition to negotiation, we must have enough American ground forces in South Vietnam to demon- strate that our adversaries cannot hope for military victory. I believe that we have more than enough troops and installations there now to make this point. It is an illusion to suppose that by increas- ing the size of the American Army we can ever gain a reliable margin of superiority; for, by the Pentagon's preferred 10:1 ratio in fighting guerrillas, every time we add 100,- 000 men, the enemy has only to add 10,000, and we are all even again. Nor does "digging in" mean a static strategy with initiative relinquished to the enemy. The South Vietnamese Army of half a million men is better suited in many ways than are Americans to search operations in the villages. We should also limit our bombing in the South. Have we really no better way to deal with guerrilla warfare than the aerial obliteration of the country in which it is taking place? If this is our best idea of "pro- tecting" a country against communism, what other country, seeing the devastation we have wrought in Vietnam, will ever wish for Amer- ican protection? 5. Taper off the bombing of North Vietnam. Secretary McNamara has candidly said, "We never believed that bombing would destroy North Vietnam's will," and thus far, bombing the North has neither brought Hanoi to the conference table, demoralized the people nor stopped infiltration. As a result, pressure arises for ever-wider strikes-first oil depots, then harbors, factories, cities, the Chinese border. But these won't work either. As we move down this road, we will only solidify the people of North Vietnam behind their government, make negotiation impossible and eventually assure the entry of China into the war. And even if we bombed North Vietnam back to the Stone Age and earned thereby the hatred of the civilized world, 16437 this still would not settle the present war- which, after all, is taking place not in North but in South Vietnam. 6. A long-run program for Southeast Asia. We should discuss with Russia, France, China and other interested countries a neutraliza- tion program, under international guarantee, for Cambodia, Laos, North and South Viet- nam. If these states could work out forms of economic collaboration, as in the develop- ment of the Mekong Valley, the guarantors should make economic and technical assist- ance available to them. A program of limiting our forces, actions and objectives still holds out the possibility of an honorable resolution of a tragic situa- tion. A program of indefinite escalation offers nothing but disaster; for our adver- saries can, in their own way, match our every step up to nuclear war-and nuclear war would be just as much a moral and political catastrophe for us as it would be a physical catastrophe for the Far East and the whole world. (Mr. HECHLER asked and was given permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include ex- traneous matter.) [Mr. HECHLER'S remarks will appear hereafter in the Appendix.] REPUBLICAN POLICY COMMITTEE STATEMENT ON THE HOMEBUILD- ING INDUSTRY (Mr. RHODES of Arizona (at the re- quest of Mr. REINECKE) was granted per- mission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include ex- traneous matter.) Mr. RHODES of Arizona. Mr. Speaker, at the July 26, 1966, meeting of the House Republican Policy Committee a policy statement regarding the home- building industry was adopted. As chairman of the policy committee, I would like to include at this point in the RECORD the complete text of this state- ment. REPUBLICAN POLICY COMMITTEE STATEMENT ON THE HOMEBUILDING INDUSTRY Homebuilding and homebuying, one of the nation's largest industries, is faced with a major crisis. Due to the inflationary fiscal policies of the Johnson-Humphrey Adminis- tration, this major industry could slump by as much as one-third during the second half of 1966; It is tragically significant that the June building permit rate, an indicator of future activity, plummeted to the lowest point since the Census Bureau began keep- ing records. Private housing starts in June were down 18 percent from June 1965' and applications for FHA-insured mortgages on existing homes were down 34 percent from a year ago. The homebuilding and homebuying crisis affects millions of Americans-the young couple who is getting married and wants to buy a home of their own, but cannot saddle themselves for 20 to 30 years with swollen payments; the family that wants to sell the house it now has or buy another but is pre- vented from doing so by the absence of home mortgage money; the builders and workers in the home construction industry, and all of the related industries and services that sup- ply materials and equipment. Under the Johnson-Humphrey Adminis- tration, interest rates are the highest in more than 40 years. As a result, high interest costs have added tremendously to the cost of financing the ever-mounting Federal debt. The rising demand for credit by the Federal government and business has drawn funds Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 16438 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD HOUSE July, 27, 1966 away from credit-sensitive industries such as homebuilding. And, notwithstanding the fact that personal consumption has levelled off, plant and inventory expansion continue at a record pace as a hedge by industry against the continuing inflationary cost spiral. The only remedy offered by the Johnson- Humphrey Administration has been support for an ill-conceived effort to place a statutory interest ceiling rate over time deposits in banks and savings and loans. We are op- posed to H.R. 14026. This finger-in-the-dike approach will not create new savings nor di- rect additional funds to the homebuilding industry. On the contrary, it could drive personal and corporate savings from banks and savings and loans to government bonds, Federal agency issues, or the stock market- thereby further compounding the home- building crisis. We Republicans do more than "sympa- thize" with the plight of the homebuilders and the homebuyers. We demand that the following "crash" program be undertaken be- fore Congress adjourns: 1. Slash nondefense, nonessential domes- tic spending. Not just In regard to appro- priations as the President has urged, but also with respect to new program authoriza- tions which trigger the appropriations proc- ess. 2. Reduce point discounts on FHA and VA home financing through administrative ad- justments of rates to more realistic levels. Five and six point discounts ($1,500 on $25,- 000 home mortgage) are stifling home financ- 'ing and wiping out personal savings. 3. Suspend any further issues of FNMA participation sales other than for VA and FHA pooled housing mortgages. When the participation sales bill was being debated, we warned that this multi-billion dollar budgetary gimmick would place severe strains on the private credit market and push up interest rates to record levels. Experience with the program, has fully confirmed our fears. 4. Enact the Republican-initiated proposal to grant FNMA additional borrowing author- ity in a prudent and legal manner. b. Remove FNMA's $15,000 administrative limitation on purchase of mortgages under its secondary market operations. 6. Appoint an emergency Presidential fact- finding committee on the homebuilding crisis to report its findings in sufficient time for Congressional consideration prior to adjourn- ment of the 89th Congress. Granted these are stern measures. How- ever, the ever-deepening homebuilding crisis demands that immediate and effective steps be taken. The "do not open until after election" tag must be removed from this problem. - (Mr. KUPFERMAN (at the request of Mr. RErEJIcKE) was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) [Mr. KUPFERMAN'S remarks will appear hereafter in the Appendix.] SETTLING THE AIRLINE STRIKE: TIME FOR CONGRESSIONAL AC- TION (Mr. CRAMER (at the request of Mr. REINECKE) was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) Mr. CRAMER. Mr. Speaker, I am today introducing a resolution that is de- signed to provide an effective procedure for settling the present airline strike that -is crippling the Nation. My resolution would call for an immediate cessation of this strike, and would provide for the im- mediate resumption of the airline serv- ices that are so desperately needed by all sections of the United States. It would further provide for a special arbitration board which would settle this dispute in such a manner so as to preserve the rights, dignities, and equities of all the parties to the controversy. Mr. Speaker, I am a firm believer in the inherent value of the traditional form of free collective bargaining. How- ever, as in the railroad strikes in 1963, the public interest has been Ignored. I am offering a resolution which will de- mand compulsory arbitration in this strike, having carefully weighed the equities of the situation, and given the problem considerable thought and be- lieving a national emergency exists. The airline strike has become an in- tolerable burden on the American econ- omy and on the American people. More than 150,000 travelers and 4,100 flights each day have ben affected by the walk- out. In addition, 231 cities in the United States have had their air service limited in some degree; and, 70 cities are com- pletely without commercial air service. The strike has seriously hampered the delivering of air mail, vital medical sup- plies, and consumer goods. Many States have felt the impact of the strike on their tourist industries. It has wrecked untold havoc in such sup- portive industries as the hotel and motel, restaurant, taxicab, and retail industries. Within these industries marginal busi- nessmen are faced with imminent bank- ruptcy as a result of the strike. In my State of Florida alone, 534 daily - flights that carry an estimated. 20,000 passengers in and out of our 3 largest cities have been totally canceled. The airlines strike has been in progress for almost 3 weeks. Yet, the prospects for an imminent settlement of the dis- pute are dim. Each bargaining session has ended with the sides more firmly entrenched in their positions than before. We are faced with an emergency sit- uation of the first order. Action must be taken to correct this situation, and it must be taken promptly. It is for this reason that I submit the following re- solution and strongly urge its immediate acceptance. WHY THE DELAY ON FISH PROTEIN CONCENTRATE? (Mr. KEITH (at the request of Mr. REI]VECKE) was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) Mr. KEITH. Mr. Speaker, Monday afternoon at a high-level meeting, Food and Drug Administration officials told the Interior Department that its petition for approval of fish protein concentrate could not be granted until the FDA had further information. I am told that FDA scientists believe that the fluoride content of the powdered fish extract may be too high. As I understand it, the question is not one of toxicity, but rather of possible "cosmetic" effects. It is thought that if large amounts of FPC were consumed by someone over a period of years, his teeth might become mottled as a result. The possibility of mottling is not con- ceivable in this country, I am told, in view of the fact that FPC would only be a very modest percentage of anyone's diet. Since FPC is a food additive, ap- propriate levels could be prescribed for adding to cornmeal or other foods so that there would be no problem even in other countries where fewer foods are avail- able. As I am speaking, children all over the world are dying from malnutrition. Each moment of delay denies some of them the chance to live. I have been advised by a number of experts that this question of fluoride con- tent is not a valid complaint. Frankly, I cannot believe that the approval of FPC is being held up for this reason. The Bureau of Commercial Fisheries scientists do not feel the fluoride content is significant. I have personally talked with a number of other eminent scien- tists, including Dr. Frederick Stare, world-renowed nutritionist, and head of Harvard Medical School's Department of Nutrition. These men assure me that they have worked with FPC and consider it to be perfectly safe. It has had re- markable beneficial effects in Latin America where I saw firsthand how in- fants who had suffered from severe mal- nutrition were transformed into happy, healthy children by an FPC additive in- troduced into their diets. The doctors seemed to be completely satisfied with the results. Last October, the National Academy of Sciences gave its stamp of approval to FPC, and since then, the Food and Drug Administration has had ample oppor- tunity to study the data presented to them by the Interior Department. What further proof is needed? What are the real reasons for this delay? If they are valid ones, they should be made public. If they are not, then the situation is intolerable. CIVIL RIGHTS ACT OF 1966 (Mrs. DWYER (at the request of Mr. REiNEcs a) was granted permission to ex- tend her remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter.) Mrs. DWYER. Mr. Speaker, it is my understanding that at the appropriate point in the reading of the bill the dis- tinguished gentlewoman from Michigan [Mrs. GRIFFrTHS] will offer an amend- ment to strengthen the bill with regard to discrimination based on sex in the selection of juries. I shall associate myself with the gentlewoman in urging the House to sup- port the amendment for, without it, the bill will fail in a major respect to con- form to the principles of equity we all subscribe to and it will fail to guarantee the kind of representative juries on which the impartial administration of justice depends. Mr. Speaker, section 201 of the bill is designed to prohibit discrimination In the selection of jurors in State courts on account of race, color, religion, sex, na- Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 July 27, 1966 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 , CONGRESSIONAL RECORD HOUSE 16441 000 with a requirement for Presidential approval of any rates above these levels. The legislation would increase bank re- serve,requirements substantially. It also would authorize the Federal Home Loan Bank Board to regulate interest paid by savings and loan associations. Mr, Speaker, this measure will not ac- complish its avowed purposes of stem- ming inflation, easing credit, lowering in- terest rates, and reviving the sagging homebuilding industry. Rather, inflation is likely to increase because the administration refuses to tackle the principal cause of inflationary pressures-Federal spending in excess-Qf revenue receipts. Mr. Speaker, I am hopeful that the Congress will unanimously make it clear to the Communists in Hanoi that the staging of "show trials" will mean an intensification and escalation of the war and will be a serious setback to the achievement of a just and lasting peace in southeast Asia. The firmness of our convictions, as expressed in the resolu- tions which my colleagues and I have introduced, may deter the Hanoi regime from committing themselves to an irre- versible, inhuman step toward widening the war. HOW PRIVATE ENTERPRISE CON- TRIBUTES TO A BETTER FUNC- TIONING LABOR MARKET (Mr. CURTIS (at the request of Mr. REINECKE) was granted permission to ex- tend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter; Mr. CURTIS. Mr. Speaker, early in May the Subcommittee on Economic Statistics of the Joint Economic Com- This condition cannot be permitted to continue forever. We cannot hope to manipulate our monetary system to con- trol the many fiscal and economic prob- 1~11 which are produced by excessive Veds eral spending. These temporary stopgap measures are only political window dressing. They may actually cause conditions to worsen. We may eve{1 experience continued in- flation and' economic recession in certain basic industries at the same time. The free market remains the most ef- fective device for achieving stability in 'prices, living costs, wages, interest, and profits. Federal controls, Mr. Speaker, will not produce a nickel of new money for home- - ` financing purposes; in fact supply of funds avalla they con urther the THE THREATENED "SHOW TRIALS" IN NORTH VIETNAM VIOLATE THE GENEVA CONVENTION (Mr. CURTIS (at the request of Mr. REINECKE) was granted permission to extend, his remarks at this poilit in the RECORD' and to include extraneous matter.) Mr. CURTIS. Mr. Speaker, I am happy to join with many of my colleagues on both sides of the aisle in introducing a concurrent resolution expressing the sense of Congress with regard to possible trial of U.S. airmen now held captive by the Communist regime in North Vietnam. It is clearly evident that such trials would violate the express provisions of _-.- of 1040 Con- --- veilt ucture 01 t t s r - school diploma or less Is u - ==. e= -Ku-- 'entions which were signed and ratified details on he curren by the Hanoi regime, as well as by the portunities in the national job market ment for mechanics, some recruiters are United States. Article 2 of the conven- at all levels, including students, appli- seeking applicants with Bachelor's, Master's, rs and degrees even for bons states that the provisions contained which ntheir eed such adviseinfor ationa for ade- crand aft, airframe assembly and test,belectr cal, c the s declared war of oapply "to f any all quate career and program planning. instrument, jet engine, radio, television, and came oc declared war or of aother qUnder unanimous consent, I include turbine mechanics. Lathrop attributes this armed conflict which may arise between in the RECORD a press release from Who's development to sharply rising technology and two more of the high co is not Hiring Who, which points out where job related changes in the concepts of technical parties, even if the state war ar is not opportunities exist in the current tight and tossional positions. recognized by one of them." Symptoms of a changing and troubled This article is binding upon the North labor market. world also crop up in who's hiring who The press release follows: ; on "work" for professional soldiers, plus de- ernm nt has dh, red ohs Hanoi neva Jos JOURNAL WEIGHS EMPLOYER DEMAND FOR tails on how to apply for such openings. As cnhaThus, , the Communist the APPLICANTS IN 1,000 OCCUPATIONAL CATE- an antidote, Peace Corps opportunities and C GORIES requirements are also spelled out in detail. conventions. government of North Vietnam has an NEw YoRIe, N.Y., March 15.-Accountants, Eight thousand employers and employ- obligation under international law to mechanical engineers, computers program- ment agencies across the nation were con- treat captured U.S. servicemen as pris- mers, and secretaries, in that order, are the tacted regarding their 1966 recruiting plans oner' of war and has no right to Uni- applicants (except teachers) most wanted by during the job-market sampling. In all, laterally abrogate the Geneva Conven- employers according to the Seventh Edition more than 68,000 job openings were reported by the recruiters as scheduled for recruit- mittby accusing these prisoners of COm- of Who's Hiring Who. matting "war War crimes." Published today the new edition of Who's went action. The reported openings are r1o.121--s Approved For Release, 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 mittee held hearings on the development recruiter emphasis on professional raider of job vacancy statistics. In June the than business graduates reflects the inten- subcommittee issued a report which em- sity of needs based on production require- phasized the importance of this data for ments even though more employers are in- a well-functioning labor market and terested in recruiting competent business urged the continued development of this and computational specialists." In all, the series. new edition covers requirements for college Since these hearings, the need for such graduates in 55 major fields of study. Although the job survey was not designed data has been reaffirmed in my own mind to measure the demand for teachers, it re- by the fact that private enterprise has ports that at least 235,000 new teachers will moved in and begun to identify and dis- be needed during 1966 if all requirements seminate information on job vacancies. are to be met. The book provides guides for While I would not ordinarily call atten- students and applicants on how to proceed if tion to the activities of a private form in they wish to help fill these needs. this fashion, I wish to do so in this case Lathrop said, "Because there are six mil- because employable handicapped people in the pecause it is a striking example of how U.S., the survey asked employers whether private effort and initiative responds to they favor hiring the handicapped when Ion- a national need. sistent with performance and safety stand- I refer to the publication Who's Hir- ards. Sixty-five percent said "yes." A Ing Who, the journal of jobs. I do not measure was also taken of the attitudes of suggest that the development of this pub- recruiters toward the 50,000 members of the nor- lication makes any less necessary a gov- Armed Forces civilian s who retire each year and ernment job vacancy series. Each, I en seek t said they would Sixt consider think, supplements other. It may percent retirees if otherwise fully qualified for well be that hat the Bureau eau of Labor States- their openings. Both of these indexes to tics can learn something from the expe- employer attitudes indicate that the barriers rience of Who's Hiring Who as it works to handicapped applicants and those over to develop its own series. forty are falling under the weight of in- " What the publication seeks to do is creasing applicant shortages. organize what appears to the job seeker For the first time in of the employ f who's to be a chaotic labor market. It is de- hiring that a they number a looking for mechanics yarned to permit dissemination of full eaten vAtl college degrees. Although a high Hiring Who reports results of its latest na- tional job survey and provides an unusually reliable index to the weight of employer de- mand for applicants in 1000 position cate- gories. The job-market study reveals that clerks, typists, bookkeepers, key-punch operators, and machinists fall well within the top 75 categories of most wanted applicants but also indicates that demand for the top three classes-accountants, mechanical engineers, and computer programmers-is so broad as to indicate highly critical shortages of ade- quately trained applicants in these fields. However, Richard Lathrop, editor of Who's Hiring Who, states, "that well qualified ap- plicants in the top seventy-five categories should find that they have an extremely wide selection of opportunities available to them." Engineering graduates will continue to be big men on campus in the eyes of recruiters between now and next June, according to the survey's measure of demand for current college graduates. This perpetuates a trend in evidence since Who's Hiring Who's, first publication-in 1959. Next highest in de- mand among this year's graduates are chem- ists followed by mathematics, physics, busi- ness, statistics, and finance majors in that order. Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 16442 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE July 27, 1966 identified in a tabulated style which per- magazine, are the 15.5 million civilians PRESSURE BY BEER FIRM IN TRUST SUrr unusuall on of mits an of the w igy eli employer "at-sight" erestca- for whom there is, in effect, only 1 (By Clark Mollenhoff) each type of applicant in the thousand post- Vietnamese doctor available for every WASHINGTON, D.C.-,Justico Department tion categories. Openings listed cover the 50,000-well over 50 times worse than records indicate that the Anheuser-Busch whole range of occupations from jail guards the physician-patient ratio in the United Co. used "political pressure" to try to bring to senior scientists. Who's Hiring Who States. a settlement on the highly controversial names the recruiters who hope to fill the I have learned that the first group of antitrust suit involving acquisition of a openings in the coming months and specifies U.S. Volunteer doctors arrived last Sep- Wisconsin malting company. minimum qualifications requirements, gen- The settlement of the suit by the John- pay levels, overseas openings, summer tember and have worked with similar son administration has been subject to Re- jobs, temporary openings, employers who teams from Korea, Switzerland, the publican criticism since it was settled dur- favorably consider older and handicapped Philippines, Iran, Taiwan, New Zealand, ing the same period that owners and repre- applicants, and other data regarding the and Australia. sentatives of Anheuser-Busch were making openings where supplied by the recruiters It is with particular pride that I men- political contributions of $10,000 to the concerned. tion that two doctors from my hometown President's Club. During the course of their job-market of Saginaw, Mich., have already partici- study, the editors uncovered basic data about PLANE TRIP 122,000 sjobs ranging from smoke- ported in this program. They are Dr. Also involved in the controversy is the jumpers summer science bssi ngtn from must smoke- Hugh T. Caumartin, a radiologist, and fact that Donald F. Turner, head of the to be filled before next June. This data includes Dr. Hugh L. Sulfridge, Jr., and ortho- Antitrust Division, went to the All-Star base- plans for about 35,000 "disadvantaged" ap_ pedist. ball game in St. Louis in a plane owned by Anh-usch. The lane ride ok lace plicants scheduled to be hired through A recent brief article in the Saginaw onlyeuser hre eweeks after the an itrust action state employment offices. Details on where News best describes the contribution of was dismissed on recommendation of Turner. and how to obtain these summer positions these doctors. Permit me to quote the Alfred Fleishman, the public relations man plus descriptions of employers offering more article: than 100,000 part-time and temporary post- who arranged for the $10,000 in contributions tions are provided. Hospital Corpsman James B. Beyersdorf to the President's Club, has said there was According to Lathrop, "Who's Hiring Who of the Navy's 1st Shore Party Battalion, sta- settlement olitical pressure in connection with the was developed to serveas a center of com- tioned in Viet Nam, has some nice words for seof the Anheuser-Busch case and munication in the national job market two Saginaw doctors serving in that country no discussions of the antitrust case with the where none had previously existed. It was as volunteers. Democratic Party people who accepted the designed to permit better coordination of the In a letter to the Saginaw County Medical $10,000. aims and actions of students and applicants Society, Beyersdorf-who comes home this that The fltheeet of trial the Justice Department show with those of employers, schools and colleges, month after more than a year in Viet Nam- lawyers assigned to the dis- employment agencies, career and guidance writes: "First of all I am proud of what missal heuser-Busch of the case were opposed to di- counselors, textbook publishers, and others these doctors (Dr. Hugh T. Caumartin and Ta the action. who focus their attention on manpower and Dr. Hugh L. Sulfridge) of my home town Trial lawyers Jem memorandum Hughes ofM Maay 9, 11 9 R. career-development problems. The require- have done. To volunteer their time and set the a historic background the case ment for improved communication, is fur- their great knowledge of medicine to the o out the historic filed a u ry, case ther served through inclusion of explicit people of Viet Nam, as well as to our service- from the came it was filed in January, 1962, guides to applicants on resume preparation, men. To give up a well organized practic then , e on the head of the antitrust nof Lee Loevinger, interviewing procedures, etc." In his view, in the City of Saginaw. They care for the the head of the atidivision. communication of applicants' deprived man and the man without. Because Anheuser-Busch )62 and lawyers , aanndto relative o qualifications to employers is a basic factor. that is what most of the Vietnamese are. one ofe them 1ts in December, 1963, in the improper utilization of manpower in I have seen a lot of sicknesses I thought I one es and efforts made the following the economy and it is his hope that these would never see-Also, we know the reason Hughes and Melinooff made the following guides will help to correct this limitation. _ we are here, and I believe the majority of comment: the nation, and especially our home town trial section) "At that time, as Mr.aware, (are, Anh Je Rashid knows why we are here. I am proud to be (chief, ttis user was PROPOSED MEDAL FOR CIVILIAN from Saginaw." pressure not the least bit hesitant to bring positiossure to bear from among others, Senators rs SERVICE UNDER PERILOUS CON- With the cooperation of the Depart- (STUART) SYMINGTON and (EDWARD) LONG of DITIONS meat of State, the Agency for Interns- Missouri." (Mr. HARVEY of Michigan (at the tional Development, the Department of The trial attorneys contended that the request of Mr. REINECxE) was granted Defense, and the President's OiHce, no a trial lawyers lawy Anheuser-Busch tried to avoid permission to extend his remarks at this great difficulty should arise in singling trial and for had haa lted l the ess tosettl ertl p th point in the RECORD and to include ex- out the men and women, in a variety of a con sentd decree everag t stages. e w ith traneous matter.) endeavors, who are deserving of this spe- However, the trial attorneys said this ap- Mr. HARVEY n,f r,r;G+t,a-?- wT- cial recognition. concurrent concurrent resolution in behalf of hun- tance to focus attention onv the~~little operating the Rahr Malting Co. at Irani- and skill to serve their coun- tart' commitment and successes, LL This Edward Barton, a lawyer for Anheuser-contended the try and fellow men under perilous con is a deserving tribute to dedicated men not e a violation t the antitrust laws, o nd ditions. My resolution reads as follows: : and women who have and are making a asked "whose interest the department (of Resolved by the House of Representatives personal sacrifice to heed a call of hu- justice) seeks to protect since all brewers, (the Senate concurring), That it is the sense manity. It is, in the truest sense, the former customers of Rahr, have alternate of Congress that the President should award real spirit of America at work for supplies." an appropriately designed medal and certif- freedom-loving people. Hughes and Melincoff replied: "Our answer irate to those citizens of the United States is that the public interest will be protected who, although not members of the Armed malt by and retaining beer a industries as possible in light C'Government, voluntarily serve in areas where tries." ligopolistic tendencies in both indus- the Armed Forces are engaged in combat SUIT trwith hostile forces in an effort to lessen the (Mr. GOODELL (at the request of Mr. They stated that "in one swoop the na- suffering and improve the conditions of the REINECKE) was granted permission to tion's largest brewer (Anheuser-Busch) ac- civilian populations in such areas. extend his remarks at this quired 9 per cent of all production of malt." point in the In Particular, I would like to point RECORD and to include extr In his recommendation to dismiss the case, aneous mat- stated: "With great reluctance, since I believe by Americans in South Vietnam, which - Mr. GOODELL. Mr. Speaker, for the there should be a strong presumption against has prompted this legislation. U.S. doe- information of the Members, I place in taking such action, I recommend that we con- tors have volunteered to work without the RECORD at this point the following sent to the dismissal without prejudice of pay for at least 2 months in South article by the distinguished, Pulitzer the above civil complaint. I have had the Vietnam. Prize-Winning Columnist Clark 11Rollen- case carefully analyzed by several staff peo- Their patients, as pointed out in an hoff in the July 22, 1966, edition of the not'supd am convinced the the facts theories which article in the May 20 Issue of Time Des Moines, Iowa, Register: I would consider of thpossible theories appropriate." Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 July 27, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 16451 TABLE 3.-Areas in the national park system for. which there are statutory fiscal limitations for land acquisition-Continued Ceiling reached with Estimated Area Ceiling Date of fiscal year Estimated needed increase I Num- authorized authorization 1966 or earlier ceiling needed in ceiling bet year appro- priations 24 Allegheny Portage NHB Pa--------------------------s----------------------------- NHS ------------- P 1 1 $445,0(1(1 ll Aug. 31, 1964 Yes____----- $445,000 None - Johnstown Flood --------------- , a---------------------------- 000 319 Sept. 13, 1961 Yes --------- 864, 000 $545,000 25 26 *.Fort Smith NHS, Ark------------------------------------------------------------ Agate Fossil Beds NM, Nebr------------------------------------------------------ - , 301,160 000 300 June 5,1965 July 14 1960 No ---------- Yes_________ ---------------- 300,000 ---------- N----- one 27 28 Morristown NHP Harpers FerryNllP W.VA.,Md-------------------------------------------------- J.(boundary change) ----------------- __________________,----- N' , 281,000 , Sept. 18,1964 Yes____ ____ 281,000 4) (* 4 None (* ?) ) 29 . , Cape Hatteras NS, N.C------------------------------------------------------------- 250, 000 -226 000 Aug. 6,1966 S8,1960 Sept. ept Yos-----__-- Yes _-------- (* ) (* ) 30 :Fort Donelson NMP, Tenn -------------------------------- -------------------------- , 000 169 31,1904 Aug. Yes _ ________ 169,000 69 None 31 82 John Muir NIIS Calif ------------------------------------------------------------- Ga__________________________________________________________ Kennesaw Mtn Cali , 155,000 June 26,1935 Yes_________ 1 ,000 Nono 33 , Mesa Verde NP, Colo--------------------------------------------------------------- 125,000 115 000 Dec. 23,1963 Sept. 8, tool No________z_ Yes --------- ---------------- 115,000 -__-___-- None Fort Davis NHS, Tex_______________________________________________________________ , *115 000 Aug. 10,1961 Yes_________ :423, 500 *308, 600 35 3 *Fort Necessity NB, Pa-------------------------------------------------------------- --------------------------- - Va rt House C tt A , 100,000 Aug. 13 1935 No ---------- ---------------- ---------------- 6 87 - -------------------------- , ou ppoma ox Petersburg NB, Va----------------------------------------------------------------- 00,000 000 *75 Aug. 24,1962 Feb. 10,1962 No ---------- Yes______ __ -------*-------- 255,000 ---------------- *180, 000 38 Lincoln Boyhood NM, Ind---------------------------------------------------------- ---------------- M T , 8 *57,100 July 3, 1926 _ Yes_________ -113,200 56,100 39 40 enn ------------------------------------------------- P, Shiloh N Cumberland Gap, Ky., Tenn., Va-------------------------------------------------- k A 30,000 25,000 July 26,1961 July 6,1960 No ---------- No ---------- ---------------- ---------------- ---------------- ---------------- *4 41 42 _________________________ r Arkansas Post, *Big Hole NB Mont- ------------------------------------------------------------ :20, 000 May 17,1963 Yes--------- (*4) ( ) 43 , ______-____ --- Fort Frederica NM Ga ---------------------------------------------- ---------------------- k BNi? Mo C W l ' 20,000 20,000 May lo, 1958 Apr. 22,1960 No__________ No--------- ________________ --------------- 44 45 , ree -------------------------------------- son s i Scott's Bluff NM, Nebr--------- -------------------------------------------- -------- 15, 000 June 30,1961 No---------- N - ---------------- ---------------- .46 Alibates Flint, Tex-------------------------------------------------------------- ---- 5,000 2 500 Aug. 31 , 1965 Sept, 6 1962 o- -------- Yes _________ ' ---- 2,b00 ; None e 47 Capulin Mtn. NM, N. Mex---------------------------------------------------------- - , 2 000 27 :1961 Ma Yes (*) (7) 4$ :Effigy Mounds NM, Iowa----------------------------------------------------------- , y ----____- *Subtotal for 18 areas for which additional fiscal ceiling Is now believed needed- 71, 464,100 --------------- 153, 446, 500 921 500 1 4 87,480 300 one Subtotal for 8 areas for which no additional ceiling needed_________ ___________ Subtotal for 22 areas for which it is not now known if additional ceiling necded 1,921,500 95, 243,150 ------- ----__________ , , _____________ ---------------- Grand total-----------------------------------------?--------------------? 168,628,750 --------------- -?-------?-- ---------------- ----?------?-- I These are tentative, preliminary estimates which are subject to change. f Total ceiling, including ceiling on land acquisitions by the Forest Service in the Whiskeytown-Shasta-Trinity National Recreation Area. 8 The act of June 28, 1048, providing for the establishment of the Independence National Historical Park authorized $4 435,000 for land acquisition. Subsequent authorizations have brought the total to 7,950,000. The last authorization was con- In fiscal year 1965. 4 In condemnation. Increase needed will depend on court award. Index Area No. Agate Fossil Beds NM, Nebr------------ 26 Alibates Flint, Tex____________________ 46 Allegheny Portage NIIS, Pa ------------ 24 Appomattox Court House, Va---------- 36 Arkansas Post, Ark____________________ 41 Assateague Island NS, Md.-Va---------- 3 Big Hole NB, Mont_____________________ 42 Cape Cod NS, Mass____________________ 4 Cape Hatteras NS, N.C----------------- 29 Capulin Mtn. NM, N. Mex-------- _----- 47 Colonial HNP, Va_________________ ____ 13 Cumberland Gap, Ky.-Tenn.-Va-------- 40 Delaware Water Gap NRA, Pa.-N.J------ 1 Effigy Mounds NM, Iowa_______________ 48 Everglades NP, Fla-------------------- 12 Fire Island NS, N.Y------ -------------- 5 Fort Davis NHS, Tex______ ____________ 34 Fort Donelson NMP, Tenn______________ 30 Fort Frederica NM, Ga----------------- 43 Fort Larned NHS, Kans________________ 23 Fort Necessity NB, Pa__________________ 35 Fort Smith NHS, Ark__________________ 25 Golden Spike NHS, Utah_______________ 17 Great Falls, Va________________________ 18 Harpers Ferry NHP, W. Va.-Md----- --_- 27 Herbert Hoover NHS, Iowa_____________ 14 Hubbell Trading Post NHS, Ariz -------- 19 Independence NHP, Pa_________________ 7 John Muir NHS, Calif----------------- 31 Johnstown Flood NHS, Pa_____________ 24 Kennesaw Mtn. NBP, Ga -------------- 32 Lake Mead NRA, Ariz.-Nev------------- 16 Lincoln Boyhood NM, Ind______________ 38 Mesa Verde NP, Colo___________________ 33 Minute Man NHP, Mass________________ 10 Morristown NHP, N.J. (boundary change) ---------------------------- 28 Nez Peres NHP, Idaho_________________ 22 Ozark National Scenic Riverways, Mo___ 8 Padre Island NS, Tex__________________ 9 Petersburg NB, Va------------ t-------- 37 Piscataway Park (Mockley Point), Md__ 20 Point Reyes NS, Calif------------------ 6 Shiloh NMP, Teln--------------------- ' 39 Scott's Bluff NM, Nebr ----------------- 45 5 Land acquisition and construction and relocation of roads. Land acquisition and development. 7 Firm estimate has not been made. 8 When the Shiloh National Military Park was authorized by act of June 4, 1897, a fiscalpimitation of $50,000 for land acquisition was imposed. The act of July 3 1926 raises this an additional $7,100. Appropriation of the $7,100 was not completed until year 1962. of including estimates for 5 areas for which increases will depend on court award TWO MONTHS IN VIETNAM cal coverage? Is it factual? As little as a year ago, some of the correspondents were (Mr. CORMAN (at the request of Mr- battling their offices over what the true WALDIE) was granted permission to ex- picture was. tend his remarks at this point in the Answer. I think the people I met there RECORD and to include extraneous are good and honorable men doing a testing matter.) job. I think that personal opinions have to Mr. CORMAN. Mr. Speaker, Wally become involved because the men are per- McNamee, staff photographer for the sonally involved themselves. They are bound to have Buddhithe sts pro- Washington Pont, has recently returned cal situation ion the le way ay It it opinions. is, With from - i2 months of covering the war in testing, elections being scheduled, and ques- Vietnam. tions being asked as to whether or not the His comments, found in the June 1966 Americans will stay, it had to be interpreted publication of the White House News as well as written as a news story. What to be Photographers Association, will be of par- happens in Viet Nam is going up to the people of the country themselves. The tioular interest at the present time. American press, therefore, has to look the Under general leave to extend my re- situation over very carefully. marks, I insert into the RECORD the White Question. Then you feel the war is being House News Photographer interview with covered fairly. Mr. McNamee: Answer. Yes, but remember there is a dif- MCNAMEE CALLS UNITED STATES VIETNAMESE ference between the political story and the COVERAGE Tops actual war. They are both covered fairly and well. For the war coverage, the reporters Question. Wally, there has been criticism, and photographers go where the war is. They even from within our own business, on the see for themselves what is happening. lack of responsibility used in the war cover- Question. Then the stories about the cor- age. The AP and UPI recently have even respondents covering the war from Saigon been attacked on the floor of Congress for are not true? handling "phony pictures." How do you feel Answer. Well, no, it is true in some cases. about these charges? In fact, you can sit at the bar on the 6th Answer. There have been examples of poor floor of the Majestic Hotel near the Saigon coverage of the war, but I feel they are Riverfront some nights and watch the war isolated. When you think of the hundreds, being fought across the water. Maybe only even thousands of pictures produced by the 10 or 20 miles away. You see the mortar pat- wire services and other people in Viet Nam, tern and the flare ships. you realize what a fantastic job is being done Question. Were you in combat in Korea? over there. It's easy to cover the war itself. Answer. Yes. I was a photographer there - That's like going to a baseball game and wait- too. But it's a different kind of war in Viet ing for something to happen. Reporting the Nam. So much of the fighting in Korea, war in words is the same way. Covering the when I was there In 1953 and '54, was done political part of the struggle is almost im- at night. No one took many pictures. You possible because nobody can really under- couldn't use flash, and people get tired of stand what's going on. Things change looking at tracer patterns and search lights. rapidly and the Vietnamese are sometimes This is one of the reasons so many great pie- reluctant to talk to the Americans. For tures are coming out of Viet Nam. So much Vicksburg NMP, Miss__________________ 11 Instance, I tried to get to (militant Buddhist of the fighting is in the daylight. Then too, Virgin Islands NP, V.I------------------ jr, leader) Tri Quang for two weeks but was the cameras have improved so much. People Whiskeytown-Shasta-Trinity NRA, Calif- 2 never permitted to see him. can carry small cameras, lots of film and ex- Wilson's Creek BNP, Mo---------------- 44 Question. What do you think of the politi- tra lenses. Approved For Release 2005/06/29: CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 16452 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE July 27, 1966 Question. What kind of equipment did -you take to Viet Nam? Answer. I had three Nikon F's with five lenses. A 28mm, 35mm, a 50mm, a 150mm and a 200 mm. All performed well. I didn't take a motor. I carried 200 rolls of Tri-X, 36 exposure film, 60 rolls of Ektachrome X and 40 rolls of highspeed Ektachrome. All the color film was outdoor type. This proved to be plenty of film. In fact, I had to ship some home when I left Saigon. Question. How did you work in the field? Answer. I wore a pack. It's a lot easier than trying to handle a camera bag. The first time I went out I carried three cameras with a lens on each. But this proved awk- ward. One camera was always slipping or hooking onto a vine. After that I carried only two cameras-one with a 35mm and one with a 105mm. A 200 was always in my pack. This combination is what most of the photogs carried in the field and proved very adequate. Some of the people carried Tele- extenders, too. Question. How about food and clothes when you're out in the field? Does the mili- tary give you that? Answer. No, they won't give you or allow you to buy army uniforms. You have to buy .them on the black market or from a surplus store. I didn't have any of this stuff when I got there so I had to scrounge. Fatigues, -pack, cartridge belt, and canteens. Question. What is your estimate of the war itself? How does it look compared to Korea? Answer. Well, in Vietnam, when a unit gets into a fight, they don't send everybody charging in. They call on firepower and artillery and air strikes and really blast 'em. When I was in Korea it was all trench war- fare. We would send out probes and recon patrols. There was a stalemate and we were trying to hold onto what we had without get- ting the other guys too mad at us. In Viet- nam the war is entirely different. There is no front line,- You go through a village one day and it's like a Sunday afternoon walk. But a day or week or month later you can be in the fiercest fight in the world in the, same place. The Viet Cong choose the fighting time and the fighting place. They want to fight you on their own terms and in spots where they figure they have a good chance. Question. In this operation, then, you live as a civilian? Answer. Right. The military will take care of you as best they can while you're in the field. Question. When it's time to take pictures of the war, what do you do? Answer. The first day, the MACV (Mili- tary Assistance Command-Viet Nam) people advise you of the various ways of getting around the country. The army runs passen- ger flights starting from Saigon each day to major concentration areas. So, if you de- cide you want to go to An Khe, where the 1st Cavalry is based, you call the Special Projects Officer the night before and he books you on this flight. If you don't make prior arrangements, you just go out to the airport and walk up the flight line asking the pilots where they're headed. Most times they're very accommodating. The Marines try to keep an escort with you all the time, but then, each outfit does it differently. With the 1st Cav., It's all up to you. They advise you that something is happening here, or there, and you go with them if you choose. You ride with Medevacs, or re-supply heli- copters or walk in with the troops. Question: Aside from being a newspaper man, simply as a citizen who has got some indication, are you personally satisfied with the way the war is being fought? Not just the individual unit or fighting man, but are you convinced that the U.S. Is in Viet Nam for a good reason? Answer. I sure am. I'm satisfied that we should be there and fighting the way we are. We should continue to do it this way as long as we're welcome. As long as the gov- ernment of South Viet Nam wants us. Question. If a government should take service on submarines was one of the most over in Saigon and ask us to leave, do you democratizing experiences of my life. And think we should? never more intense than when I had the Answer. Yes, definitely. We're there un- privilege and duty of command. der a legal commitment. We were asked One night, nearly a quarter century ago, there by the government of South Viet Nam, the U.S.S. Pollack was at test depth, trying and if that government says they don't want to elude a long, persistent and accurate us any more, I don't see how we can stick depth charge attack. The heat inside the around. If we didn't leave, any military hull was overpowering. We were all ex- victory would be negated by the trouble we'd think the U.S. can keep going into countries In that time of great trial, I looked around any time they feel they have to. That way the control room and saw for the first time, we're just as bad as the other guy. We may really saw-human beings from four races say "you're doing the wrong thing if you and from so many national origins that I chase us out of here, pal," but we'd. have to could not count them. Literally and. fig- go., After all, it's their country. uratively, as this one great nation is today, Question. Were you satisfied with the trip we were all in the same boat together. I and its results? realized then with stunning force, the ax- Answer. Yes, but I was just getting to rogance, the' futility and the comedy of any know my way around when I had to leave. human being's thinking that he was en- (Mr. LEGGETT (at the request of Mr. WAIDIE) was granted permission to ex- tend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter.) [Mr. LEGGETT'S remarks will appear hereafter in the Appendix.] (Mr. BOGGS (at the request of Mr. WALDIE) was granted permission to ex- tend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter.) Mr. BOGGS. Mr. Speaker, one of the most noble and inspiring speeches I have ever read was made last Friday at the U.S. Naval Submarine Base, Groton, Conn., by our colleague, Congressman GEORGE GRIDER, of Memphis, Tenn. - The occasion of this wonderful address was the commissioning of the U.S. ship Flasher, a new and powerful nuclear sub- marine, equipped with Polaris missiles. This occasion-the commissioning of a new submarine Flasher-was particu- larly poignant for GEORGE GRIDER, for it was he who commanded the old. U.S.S. Flasher in World War II. As com- mander of that submarine in the war, Captain GRIDER directed the sinking of more enemy tanker tonnage than has ever been sunk on any single patrol by any other submarine in history. GEORGE GRIDER was truly one of our Nation's naval heroes in World War H, and I am proud to salute him once again for his courage and his distinguished service for our country, both in war and now in peace. What GEORGE GRIDER did for our coun- try in World War II in the highest tradi- tions of devoted public service, he is now doing for the people of Memphis in the House of Representatives. Never more titled to preferential treatment either from his Maker or from his society because of such inconsequential and accidental consid- erations as color or place of birth. For a long moment I no longer heard the depth charges outside. This remembrance, coupled with GEORGE GRIDER'S actions today, reveal the strength of character in our fellow colleague, and I am pleased to share his friendship and enjoy his advice and counsel. I commend to my fellow col- leagues this splendid address which Con- gressman GRIDER delivered last Friday at Groton, Conn., on the occasion of the commissioning of the new U.S.S. Flasher as a member of our nuclear submarine fleet. His message is courageous, inspir- ing and noble. The speech follows: COMMISSIONING OF UNITED STATES SHIP "FLASHER" (SSN-613) FRIDAY, JULY 22, 1.966, U.S. NAVAL SUBMARINE BASE, GROTON, CON- NECTICUT (Address by GEORGE W. GRIDER, Member of Congress of Tennessee) This festive occasion brings to mind an- other commissioning ceremony of sorts held in Washington, D.C., in January of 1965. A somewhat decrepit retread of a submarine sailor was being launched in the United States Congress on those troubled waters filled with cross currents, storms and wind- above all wind. As he opened up his office he put forth a gleaming and untouched guest register. He opened the door for busi- ness, and hopefully sat back. I think it sig- nificant that his first caller was Commander Kenneth M. Carr, prospective commanding officer of this ship. It is an honor to return the call, Captain, and I hope you are as glad to see me as I was to see you. It was just up river from here that I stood on the deck of a noble ship in March 1.946 and mournfully ordered the striking of the commission pennant. On that day a shadow settled on the spirits of the small group of sailors who stood there. The crew had been scattered during the decommission period. was GEORGE GRIDER'S remembrance, of had been made under ignominious tow from the Navy his realization as skipper of the U.S.S. e v her in enPhiladelphia, gines silenced, her her torpedo Pollack, of the injustice of prejudice be- removed, tubes sealed forever. aWe shook hands all tween men because of the differences in around and walked slowly ashore with our the color of their skins, their religions, shoulders slightly stooped because a name their national origins, and so on. made so gallant in Pacific combat had been But let GEORGE GRIDER'S powerful removed from the lists. words speak for themselves: Today that shadow lifts, our shoulders If you will forgive a personal reference, straighten, and we look with joy on this new I came into the Navy as a product of the inheritor of the renowned name of Flasher. Southern way of life as it existed in 1932. These eyes, in the span of years, have never In my childhood I even knew an ancient lost their love of caressing the lines of a ship gentleman named Uncle Charlie who had of war, and this new Flasher brings a catch once been a slave on my grandfather's plan- to my throat. Deadly, menacing, sinister, ex- tation, I was the product of that en.viron- citing and beautiful she is. Within her steel ment, and brought aboard my first sub- hull nestles the most awesome weapons, the marine all of the prejudices and misconcep- most modern equipment, the most efficient tions that such a background produces. My and inexhaustible machinery that clever and Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 16462 -Approved For Release 2005/06/29: CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE July 27, 1966 issue, and discovered the article about your program for collecting names of local serv- icemen and forwarding the Journal to them. I have It soft here in Rome, Italy. I work on a civilian airport, wear civilian clothes to., work, and live on the economy rather than on a base. But, regardless of location or type of circun3stances, the Journal is very wel- come, and makes available all the local news that I miss. In view of what the Journal means to me here, it isn't hard to guess what it means to the guys in Vietnam, Thailand, Korea, Ber- lin and Okinawa. Seeing photos of and reading about old friends means a great deal to all of us. I can assure you, and keeping up on new civic building projects, i.e., new' buildings, roads, etc. helps avoid that lost feeling when our military tour is over and we return home. I'm sure that there are many young men who would like to write and express their gratefulness to you and to the staff of the Forest Hills Journal for your thoughtfulness and effort in their behalf, but due to duties, don't have the free time. Please accept my thanks, speaking for all of us who are re- ceiving and enjoying news from home. I want to publicly commend the Mt. Washin ton Junior Women's Club and the edit r of the Forest Hills Journal for tiyis ne public service to the mem- TRIALS IN VIETNAM OF AMERICAN SERVICEMEN (Mr. FOUNTAIN (at the request of Mr. WALDIE) was granted permission to ex- tend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) Mr. FOUNTAIN. Mr. Speaker, if Hanoi entertained any doubt as to haw we would react to war crimes trial of any of our pilots, it should have none after President Johnson's news confer- ence statements on the matter. An editorial in the Scripps-Howard Washington Daily News relays this warn- Ing. The newspaper lists the warnings that have come previously from various offi- cials at home and the appeals of Pope Paul VI and Secretary General U Thant of the United Nations. Now the President has declared the American people would find such trials revolting and repulsive, and would react accordingly. The editorial makes no claim to under- stand just why Hanoi has made the ugly threat. It expresses hope, however, that the President's warning sinks in and the threat is abandoned. Confident that this is a hope we all share, I propose to place the entire edi- torial In the RECORD. NATIONAL ECONOMY SUFFERS DAILY (Mr., FLYNT (at the request of Mr. WALDIE) was granted permission to ex- tend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter.) Mr. FLYNT. Mr. Speaker, it was with surprise bordering on shock when I read a few minutes ago that the. Secretary of Labor testified before the Senate Labor- Committee that the present airline strike does not amount to an emergency which requires legislative action by Congress. My good friend Secretary Wirtz knows better than this. He knows that the air- line Industry is partially paralyzed and that many other segments of the na- tional economy are suffering daily be- cause of the very serious effects of the present strike which has halted opera- tions of five major airlines. The cessation of operations of these five airlines is causing a loss of more than $7 million per day, and the daily rate of loss is increasing each day. There are 66,200 airline employees out of work; 4,100 regular scheduled flights have been canceled. More than 150,000 passengers per day are unable to obtain air transportation which they desire. These facts meet-my definition of an emergency. Some of the airlines which are operat- ing are receiving calls which originate at the White House demanding that a named person be placed on a confirmed reservation status-or else. Many of these people have no urgent or emer- gency business. The only basis for pri- ority handling of such requests for con- firmed reservations is that such requests originated at the White House. When told that the flight on which such a reservation is requested is already fully sold out, the response is, "Provide a reservation anyway." When the air- line representative then asks, "Even if it means canceling a previously con- firmed reservation?" the answer comes back, "Yes, even if it means canceling a previously confirmed reservation." Members of Congress, executive de- partment officials, and independent agency officials are also involved in ask- ing for special handling of requests for airline reservations. We in Congress cannot smugly wash our hands and say we know nothing about it-because we do. Mr. Speaker, in order that the effect of the airline strike might be made per- fectly clear to the Secretary of Labor and to other Government officials, I suggest the immediate consideration of a resolu- tion which I shall- introduce Thursday which would provide an embargo on commercial air transportation requested by members of the White House staff, by officials and employees of the U.S. Gov- ernment, including Representatives and Senators in Congress. If this is done, Mr. Speaker, I think that the people who presently deny the existence of an emer- gency will recognize the true situation. Mr. Speaker, an emergency does exist in the air transportation industry, and it is time that something was done about it. I respectfully request that my resolu- tion be appropriately referred, and that it be considered by the House. (Mr. FLYNT (at request of Mr. WALDIE) was granted permission to ex- tend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) [Mr.FLYNT'S remarks will appear hereafter In the l ppentiix. i RIGHT POLICIES IN VIETNAM The SPEAKER. Under previous or- der of the House, the gentleman from Delaware [Mr. McDOWELL], is recog- nized for 30 minutes. Mr. McDQWELL. Mr. Speaker, the Christian Science Monitor commends President Johnson for re-emphasizing what it sets forth as the two indispensa- ble pillars of successful policy in south- east Asia. These are a determination that ag- gression will not be allowed to succeed and a readiness to keep the hand of re- conciliation, peace and negotiation ex- tended to North Vietnam and Commu- nist China. In his recent speech on policy in Asia, the newspaper remarks, the President extended the hand of reconciliation still further to Red China. This is another of many laudatory press observations on the President's statement of Asian policy, and I ask that it be inserted in the RECORD, together with President Johnson's speech of July 12 to the American Alumni Council. [From the Christian Science Monitor, July 15, 1966] RIGHT POLICIES IN VIETNAM The two firm indispensable pillars of a successful American policy in Southeast Asia today are an unswerving determina- tion that aggression must not be allowed to succeed and a readiness to keep the hand of reconciliation, peace, and negotiation ex- tended to North Vietnam and Communist China. President Johnson's White Sulphur Springs speech wisely reemphasized these two foundation stones of American policy. Indeed, his speech did more. In addition to keeping the hand of reconciliation in view, in the case of China he extended that hand still further. Not only did he review the recent steps taken by Washington to re- open lines of communication with mainland China (to none of which Peking has yet responded) but he also made it plain that he was ready to do more if China showed any receptivity. White House aides termed the speech the President's first major statement on China. It was in the right direction and established a policy which we hope will be adhered to. Someday, somehow America and China must again learn to live together in peace and co- operation. There must never be any doubt about America's willingness to speed that day. Simultaneously, the President could, not have done less than reiterate with utter firmness anti determination the United States' undeviating intention of proving that aggression, political and territorial imperial- ism, and terrorism will not be allowed to suc- ceed. It is imperative that the Communist leadership be convinced that aggression will not pay off and that a military victory is be- yond their grasp. At the same time, however, the President wisely repeated earlier assurances that Wash- ington has no intention of overthrowing the North Vietnamese government, attacking North Vietnamese independence, seizing an Inch of South Vietnamese territory or setting up permanent bases there. If Hanoi does not believe these assurances, Washington must be ready to take any steps-consistent with its obligations to Saigon-to prove its clean-handedness in these matters. Meanwhile, Britain, India, and the United States all appear to be pressuring the Soviet Union to agree to seek to reconvene the Ge- neva Conference on Vietnam. It is believed that, in its heart, Russia too would like to see such a step, but that it fears Hanoi's re- Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67,B00446R000400090003 6 July 27, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE ` 16461 capability of the airport on a manageable basis of a total number of operations each hour spaced evenly through the hour. The Bureau of National Capital Airports has de- termined that the instrument flight capacity of the airport is approximately 60 operations per hour. The historical use has been 73 percent air carrier and 27 percent general aviation. The application of these percent- ages would divide the available capacity be- tween the competing users of the airport by allocating 40 operations per hour to air carriers (other than air taxi operators) and allowance for extra sections. Air carrier flights serving passengers at Washington National Airport will continue to be limited to those whose last stop before landing at the airport and whose first stop after taking off at the airport are within 650 statute miles from the airport (in place of the 500-mile limitation in the policy state- ment of July 1, 1966 (31 F.R. 9148)), except for non-stop flights of less than 1,000 miles operating to or from the fololwing: (1) Miami, Florida. (2) Memphis, Tennessee. (3) Minneapolis, Minnesota. (4) Orlando, Florida. (5) St. Louis, Missouri. (6) Tampa, Florida. (7) West Palm Beach, Fla. The types of airplanes used to perform such operations would be subject to the ap- proval of the Director, Bureau of National Capital Airports. The Director will be guided in granting approvals by considerations such as whether the airplane is a type that would increase congestion, whether it is appropriate to the airport's physical limitations, and whether it contributes to the use of the airport on a manageable basis, with due re- gard to the public need for service. The Agency hopes that the limitation of 40 air carrier operations an hour can be ac- complished by agreement among the various air carriers, Due to the urgency of the matter and the limited period of time avail- able, agreement by the carriers to schedule operations within the 40 operations an hour limitation will be accepted, provided such schedules would be effective by the date the regulation becomes effective. Should the above alternative not prove feasible, operational limitations would be im- posed by applying a formula that would re- suit in a proportional roll back, on an hourly basis, of current air carrier schedules 'during those hours of the day when there are more than 40 air carrier operations. Under this latter alternative, any changes to schedules that would result in moving any operation from a crowded to a non-crowded hour would be subject to the approval of the Director, Bureau of National Capital Airports. Interested persons are invited to participate in the making of the proposed rule by sub- mitting such written data, views, or argu- ments as they may desire. Communications should identify the docket number and be submitted in duplicate to the Federal Avia- tion Agency, Office of the General Counsel, Attention: Rules Docket; 800 Independence Avenue, S. W., Washington, D. C. 20553. All communications received on or before August 3, 1966, will considered by the Ad- ministrator before taking action on the pro- posed rule. The proposal contained in this notice may be changed in the light of com- ments received, All comments will be avail- able, both before and after the closing date for comments, in the Rules Docket for exam- ination by interested persons. The proposed amendments would become effective September 1, 1966, or at the end of the present strike against the airlines, which- ever is later. The Administrative Procedure Act does not require notice or public rule-making proce- dures to be used in any matter relating to public property. However, in view of the Importance of the proposals contained here- in, comments from Interested persons con- cerning the proposed action would be beneficial. This amendment is proposed under the authority of section 1602, Title 2, District of Columbia Code: section 2, Act of June 29, 1940, as amended (54 Stat. 686); section 4 of the Act of September 7, 1950 as amended (64 Stat. 770). DIRECTOR, BUREAU OF NATIONAL CAPITAL AIRPORTS. Issued in Washington, D.C. CORRECTING AN INEQUITY SUF- FERED By RETIRED MILITARY PERSONNEL (Mr. FULTON of Tennessee (at the request of Mr. WALDIE) was granted permission. to extend his remarks at this point' in the RECORD and to include ex- traneous matter.) Mr. F(JLTON of Tennessee. Mr. Speaker, today it is my pleasure to in- troduce legislation designed to correct an inequity suffered by retired military personnel. Prior to 1958, with an exception dating back to 1949 regarding disabled retirees, retirement pay was based on current ac- tive duty pay. In 19,58 the Congress granted active duty pay increases but said that for the purpose of that act persons on the retired rolls would not receive an increase in benefits. In 1963 the Congress granted another military pay raise for personnel on active duty but at this time amended the law with a specific provision to put retired personnel on a cost-of-living benefit in- crease and take them off the former system whereby their retired benefits were computed on the basis of active duty pay. Since that time active duty military personnel have received increases aver- aging between 10 and 13 percent. How- ever, retired personnel have only a 4??4 percent cost of living increase and a small percentage given in lieu of the raise they would have received in 1963 if computation had continued to remain on the active duty pay scale basis. Mr. Speaker, this is a great disservice to these retirees. They knew when they elected the military as a career that their active duty pay would be relatively low compared to civilian pay, but they also knew that they would receive a generally more liberal retirement. The changes in the 1963 law have denied them this retirement and we have, in effect, broken faith with these persons whom had been promised that their retirement would compensate for their relatively low ac- tive duty pay. This bill will restore the retired pay system to its former status of equity and I urge early and favorable consideration by the Congress. SENDING FOREST HILLS JOURNAL TO MEN IN ARMED SERVICES (Mr. GILLIGAN (at the request of Mr. WALDIE) was granted permission to ex- tend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter.) Mr. GILLIGAN. Mr. Speaker, I in- sert in the RECORD the following letter received in my office on June 15, 1966, from Mr. E. B. Wright, Jr., editor of the Forest Hills Journal, a weekly newspaper in Cincinnati, Ohio, serving Anderson Townsihp, Mount Washington, Newtown, and West Claremont areas: DEAR CONGRESSMAN GILLIGAN: For some time I have been meaning to bring to your attention something which you may wish to include in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD at your convenience. The Mt. Washington Junior Women's Club has decided to send each week a copy of the Forest Hills Journal to men in the service who live in the Mt. Washington-Anderson Township-Newtown vicinity. For several months this has been going on and it has proved very popular with the servicemen. Enclosed are some tearsheets which provide the details. I thought you should know of this effort of the Women's Club because of your con- stant efforts to help the servicemen. In a previous letter or two you have asked that I bring anything to your attention which I feel you should know about. Well, this I feel you should. If there is any other information you need, please feel free to contact me or Mrs. Mary Jo Wheatley, Chairman of the Club's Community Improvement Committee, who sponsored the idea. This project began in December of last year. By February, 86 servicemen were receiving free subscriptions to the Journal, and by this date I am sure that many more names have been added. The women's club has received many letters from servicemen and their fam- ilies thanking the club for this fine ges- ture. I would like to quote a letter writ- ten by a lieutenant on the U.S.S. Kitty Hawk and which was addressed to Mrs. Wheatley: We have never met, but as a way of intro- duction I will say that I am one of the 86 servicemen receiving the Forest Hills Jour- nal. When I saw the article in the February 9 Issue of the Journal, I felt it would be appropriate to express, my thanks. Until now I wasn't exactly certain why or how I was receiving the subscription. Now that my questions are answered I can only say that it is much appreciated. When I was in the States I never read a Journal but now I eagerly read each page to see what has been happening. Though it takes ap- proximately two months for a copy to arrive, it is still welcome news of home. After six months away from the States and almost eight months away from Cin- cinnati, I am already eagerly anticipating my return home in June. Having flown al- most 100 combat missions myself, I know all too well how hard men in the service are working over here; not only in the air but on the land and the sea. And this aids me all the more in appreciating, how much encouragement and enthusiasm from, the 'folks back home' seems to shorten our stay and make our job, though not very often a pleasant one, all the more worth- while. I hope that you will convey my thanks to all the members of the Mt. Washington Junior Women Club. Another serviceman-an airman in Rome writes: DEAR MRS. WIIEATLEY: For the several months that I have been receiving the Forest Hills Journal, I've been racking my brain, and those of my parents in Mt. Washington, to discover who was responsible for the gen- erosity and thoughtfulness. It wasn't until yesterday that I received the February 9th Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 `Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 97 1966 'CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 16463 Jul y , n must fusal. and Peking's charges of betrayal. But ten merely in the words of treaties, but peace it Every Ame yvericae trying know oex ct y what eventually some international conference is the day-by-day work of builders. must be held either under the sponsorship The peace we seek in Asia is a peace of our greatest resource, really, in this con or within the United Nations or under the conciliation between Communist states and flirt--our greatest support for the men who aegis of a reconvened Geneva Conference. their non-Communist neighbors : between are fighting your there-is your r understand- Thus rstand- Thus we are grateful to Britain and India rich nations and poor; for pressing such a meeting. tions and large; between men whose skins are for a long time-the heavy burden of a con- brown and black, and yellow and white; be- fusing and costly war. REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT ON NATIONWIDE twee'n Hindus and Moslems, and Buddhists naWe are not trying to wipe out North Viet- RADIO-TV TO AMERICAN ALUMNI COUNCIL and Christians. ned FROM THE WHITE HOUSE THEATER, JULY 12, thrIt is a ough the peace durable tbcan only be stained mWe are not trying to change their govern- 1966 international trade; through the free flow of We are not trying to establish permanent Ladies ei in West and West Gentlemen: Virginia rginiI to wanted very much people and ideas; through full participa- bases in South Vietnam. to b m oun 1, speak to tion by all nations in an international com- And we are not trying to gain one inch of the American Alumni Council, bulb the munity under law; and through a common new territory for America. weather has prevented it. However, the mfr- dedication to the great task of human prog- Then, you say, "Why are we there?" Why? ac of electronics has made it possible. ress and economic development. We are there because we are trying to make Ie Very Is such a peace possible? the Communists of North Vietnam stop am happy the be Wh hate Hu g se you tonight from here special wa in the Hr h In a very With all my heart I believe it is. We are shooting at their neighbors. special way, this s really your wouke. not there yet. We have a long way to jour- Because we are trying to make this Com- Ihay own great respect of for l the work that you ney. But the foundations for such a peace munist aggression unprofitable. an. like yoou, owes who a l have large mdebtade it to per- men in Asia are being laid tonight as never be- Because we are trying to demonstrate that o fore. They must be built on these essen- guerrilla warfare, inspired by one nation and women wn like y sable for the young people of our country tials: against another nation, can never succeed. learn. First is the determination of the United Once that lesson is learned, a shadow that I know what alumni mean to the support States to meet our obligations in Asia as a hangs over all of Asia tonight will begin, I tr du higher almost $300 education. million year talumni he con- Pacific power. think, to recede. rosf this s Nation. the the faefaf colleges You have heard arguments the other way. "Well," you say, "when will that day the universities t daughters, t and as h re They are built on the old belief that "East come?" I am sorry. I cannot tell you; only an country two in which more at the President our is East and West Is West and never the the men in Hanoi can give you that answer. a ther a ens ntra in which more than half of our "twain shall meet." We are fighting a war of determination. It tnoow now how important 25 years s age, Isistance -that we have no business but business may last a long time. But we must keep on thhinkink I know that h assistance in Asia; until the Communists in North Vietnam is to the youth m this Nation. -that Europe, not the Far East, is really realize the price of aggression is too high-y entire risthe e warning that life, the I world have is takeen- n our proper sphere of interest; and either agree to a peaceful settleme.zt or gaged seriously in a t race a between education and chaos. os. -that our commitments in Asia are not to stop their fighting. gag the last years I e a with worth the resources they require; However long it takes, I want the Ccm- 'Fo the daily awareness ss that have at lived here k with -that the ocean is vast, the cultures alien, munists in Hanoi to know where we star d. ea lde ens ne that the fate t mankind the languages strange, and the races dif- First, victory for your armies is impossibl rally the outcome of that race. ferent; You cannot drive us from South Vietnam by So I came came here tonight because you are -that these really are not our kind of your force. Do not mistake our firm stand us der de tha the name of That education to is the most help people. for false optimism. As long as you persist pavictooctrty we can contest. ever That win is the most im- But all of these arguments have been in aggression, we are going to resist. portant o v thoroughly tested. All of them, I think, Second, the minute you realize that a milt- ov have set out in this country life. im- really have been found wanting. tary victory is out of the question and turn e are concthe quality of all American life. We They do not stand the test of geography: from the use of force, you will find us ready. are cerned with each Wen's opportunity Because we are bounded not by one, but by and willing to reciprocate. We want to end defies a his talents. We are concerned two oceans. Whether by aircraft or ship, by the fighting. We want to bring our men back satellite or missile, the Pacific is as crossable home. We want an honorable peace In Viet- with his i ves, the s, the air t he breathes, cities and foa s hede k liv o ecthe as the Atlantic. nam. In your hands is the key to that peace. that drinks. educate hiseen to enrich the Schools pr They do not stand the test of common You have only to turn it. him. to improve sense. The economic network of this shrink- The third essential is the building of po- him and, er course, ments that the eoven at wa against hm, ing globe is too intertwined-the basic hopes litical and economic strength among the We are r agnem ohs nt that that of men are too interrelated-the possibility nations of free Asia. deprives hiwam, the unemplyment ahat de- of common disaster is too real for us to ever For years they have been working at that grades him, and the prejoudice that defies ignore threats to peace in Asia. task. And the untold story of 1966 is the him. They do not stand the test of human story of what free Asians have done for them As we look at es being o the world, in concern, either. The people of Asia do selves, and with the help of others, while Ae similar battles being fought in Asia, r matter. We share with them many things South Vietnam and her allies have been busy frica, hand hnd we and see in the thirst Latin America. for independence, m eppe. On every every the in common. We are all persons. We are all holding aggression at bay. human beings. Many of you can recall our faith in the struggle for s taking education, 11 one place disaster n either. Asia is no longer sitting outside the when we began the Marshall Plan. We on the one hand, and disaster have the other. big door of the 20th Century. She is here, in backed that faith with all the aid and com- In all these regions we, too, have a very the same world with all of us, to be either passion we could muster. stake. our partner or our problem. Our faith in Asia at this time is just as higher Nowhere are the stakes you tons than in Americans entered, this century believing Asia. So I want to talk to you tonight about that our own security had no foundation great. And that faith is backed by judgment Asia and about peace in Asia. and reason. For if we stand firm in Vietnam outside our own continent. Twice we mis- against military conquest, we truly believe Asia Is now the crucial arena of manor took our sheltered position for safety. Twice striving for independence 'and order, and for the emerging order of hope and progress in life itself. we were dead wrong. Asia will continue to grow, and to grow. people This is in all true his worl live out As illevery flue m If we mistakes are of wise the now, past. we We will will not not repeat our retreat Our very able Secretary of State, Dean ia to be use of millions from the obligations of freedom and security Rusk, has just returned from a trip through This is exist because hundreds 25 cents a day. in Asia. the Far East. He told me yesterday afternoon of them exist on because than 25 a day. The second essential for peace In Asia is of many of the heartening signs he saw as the Thh is true beve Co force in order to in As to o this: to prove to aggressive nations that the people of Asia continue to work toward com- tonige still believe force use of force to conquer others is a losing man goals. achieve their Communist goals. . game. And these are just some of them. In the So it enduring peace can ever come to There is no more difficult task, really, in a last year: long- Asia, all mankinh will benefit. But Ic peace world of revolutionary change-where the -Japan and Korea have settled their long- milents s real therel nowhere else will our achieve- rewards of conquest tempt ambitious standing disputes and established normal mils peace in be sia I d. not meansimply the appetites. relations with promise for closer cooperation; armed hostilities. For wherever As long as the leaders of North Vietnam -One country after another has achieved absence Asia men hunger and hate there can really be no really believe that they can take over the rates of economic growth that are far beyond people of South Vietnam by force, we must the most optimistic hopes we had a few years peace. I do not, an the peace conquest. For not let them succeed. ago; m humiliation can be the seedbed d of of war. We must stand across their path and say: -Indonesia and its more than 100 million I do not mean simply the peace of the con- "You will not prevail; but turn from the use people have already pulled back from the brink of communism and economic collapse; ference table. For peace is not really writ- of force and peace will follow." Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 16464 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003r-6 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE July 27, 1966 --our rriends in India and Pakistan-800 million strong-have ended a tragic conflict and have returned to the immense work of peace; -Japan )ias become a dramatic example of economic progress through political and social freedom and has begun to help others; -Communist China's policy of aggression by proxy is failing; -Nine Pacific nations-allies and neutrals, white and colored-came together on their own initiative to form an Asian and Pacific Council; -New and constructive groupings for eco- nomic cooperation are under discussion in Southeast Asia; -The billion dollar Asian Development Bank which I first mentioned in Baltimore in my televised speech a few months ago is already moving forward in Manila with the participation of more than 31 nations; --and the development of the Lower Mekong River Basin is going forward despite the war. Throughout free Asia you can hear the echo of progress. As one Malaysian leader said: "Whatever our ethical, cultural, or religious background, the nations and peo- ples of Southeast Asia must pull together in the same broad sweep of history. We must create with our own hands and minds a new perspective and a new framework. And we must do it ourselves." For this is the new Asia, and this Is the new spirit we see taking shape behind our defense of South Vietnam. Because we have been firm-because we have committed our- selves to the defense of one small country- others have taken new heart. And I want to assure them tonight that we never intend to let you down. America's word will always be good. There is a fourth essential for peace in Asia which may seem the most difficult of all: reconciliation between nations that now call themselves enemies. A peaceful mainland China Is central to a peaceful Asia. A hostile China must be discouraged from aggression. A misguided China must be en- couraged toward understanding of the out- side world and toward policies of peaceful cooperation. For lasting peace can never come to Asia as long as the 700 million people of mainland China are Isolated by their rulers from the outside world. We have learned in our relations with other such states that the weakness of neighbors is a temptation, and only firmness, backed by power, can really deter power that is backed by ambition. But we have also learned that the greatest force for opening closed minds and closed societies is the free flow of ideas and people and goods. For many years, now, the United States has attempted in vain to persuade the Chi- nese Communists to agree to an exchange of newsmen as one of the first steps to increased understanding between our people. More recently, we have taken steps to per- mit American scholars, experts in medicine and public health, and other specialists to travel to Communist China. Only today we have here in the Government cleared a pass- port for a leading American businessman to exchange knowledge with Chinese mainland leaders in Red China. All of these initiatives have been rejected, except the action today, by Communist China. We persist because we know that hunger and disease, ignorance and poverty, recognize no boundaries of either creed or class or country. We persist because we believe that even the most rigid societies will one day awaken to the rich possibilities of a diverse world. And we continue because we believe that cooperation, not hostility, is really the way of the future in the 20th Century. That day is not yet here. It may be long in coming, but I tell you it is clearly on its way, because come it must. Earlier this year the Foreign Minister of Singapore said that If the nations of the world could learn to build a truly world civil- ization in the Pacific through cooperation and peaceful competition, then-as our great President Theodore Roosevelt once remarked -this may be the greatest of all human eras-the Pacific era. As a Pacific power, we must help achieve that outcome. Because it Is a goal worthy of our Ameri- can dreams and it is a goal that is worthy of the deeds of our brave men who are dying for us tonight. So I say to you and I pledge to all those who are counting on us: You can depend up- on us, because all Americans will do their part. SPECIAL ORDERS GRANTED By unanimous consent, permission to address the House, following the legisla- lative program and any special orders heretofore entered, was granted to: Mr. KUPFERMAN, (at the request of Mr. REINECKE), for 30 minutes, July 28; to revise and extend his remarks and to in- clude extraneous matter. Mr. DON H. CLAUSEN (at the request of Mr. REINECKE), for 15 minutes, today; to revise and extend his remarks and to include extraneous matter. Mr. MCDOWELL (at the request of Mr. WAI.DIE), for 30 minutes, today; and to revise and extend his`remarks and to in- clude extraneous matter. By unanimous consent, permission to extend remarks in the Appendix of the RECORD, or to revise and extend remarks was granted to: Mr. ROGERS of Colorado and to include an article which appeared in the Denver Post. Mr. ABERNETHY and to include extra- neous matter. Mr. BURKE and to include a newspaper article. Mr. ZABLOCKI in two instances and to include extraneous material. Mr. HORTON and tp include extraneous matter. Mr. RUMSFELD in two instances and to include extraneous material. Mr. GRAY in two instances and to in- clude extraneous material. Mr. CALLAWAY and to include a. letter during general debate in the Committee of the Whole today. Mr. MARTIN of Alabama and to include a letter and an editorial during general debate in the Committee of the Whole today. Mr. MARTIN of Alabama (at the re- quest of Mr. REINECKE) and to include letter and Times editorial during his re- marks in general, debate. Mr. CALLAWAY (at the request of Mr. REINECKE) and to include letter during his remarks in general debate. Mr. WHITENER to incorporate in his re- marks the minority views contained in the report on the Civil Rights Act of 1966 and certain statements and letters by clerks of U.S. district courts and U.S. district judges. (The following Members (at the re- quest of Mr. REINECKE) and to include extraneous matter:) Mr. AYRES. Mr. KUPFERMAN In two instances. Mr. YOUNGER. Mr. CONTE. Mr. RUMSFELD in two Mr. SCHNEEBELI. Mr. ROUDEBUSH. Mr. DON H. CLAUSEN. Mr. NELSEN. Mr. HARVEY of Indiana. Mr. BUCHANAN in three instances. Mr. MOORE in three instances. Mr. QUILLEN. (The following Members, at the re- quest of Mr. WALDIE) and to include ex- traneous matter:) Mr. CORMAN. Mr. FOGARTY in two instances. Mr. CALLAN. Mr. BINGHAM in two instances. Mr. RYAN in six instances. Mr. Nix. - Mr. FASCELL In two instances. Mr. CAREY in two instances. Mr. DENT. Mr. GONZALEZ in two instances. Mr. CLEVENGER. Mr. BECK WORTH in two instances. Mr. TEAGUE of Texas in six Instances. Mr. MACHEN in four instances. Mr. GETTYS. Mr. FARNSLEY in two instances. Mr. REUSS in six instances. Mr. VAN DEERLIN in two instances. Mr. VIVIAN. Mr. RACE. Mr. KING of Utah in three instances. BILLS PRESENTED TO THE PRESIDENT Mr. BURLESON, from the Committee on House Administration, reported that that committee did on this day present to the President, for his approval, bills of the House of the following titles: HR. 1407. An act for the relief of Leonardo Russo; H.R. 1414. An act for the relief of Jacobo Temel; H.R. 4083. An act for the relief of Mr. Leo- nardo Tusa; H.R.4437. An act for the relief of Bryan George Simpson; HR. 4458. An act for the relief of Michel Fahim Daniel; H.R. 4584. An act for the relief of Mrs. Anna Michalska Holoweckyj (formerly Mrs. Anna Zalewski); H.R. 4602. An act for the relief of Maj. Donald W. Ottaway, U.S. Air Force; H.R. 7508. An act for the relief of Guiseppe Bossio; HR. 8317. An act to amend section 116 of title 28, United States Code, relating to the U.S. District Court for the Eastern and West- ern Districts of Oklahoma; HR. 8865. An act for the relief of Ronald Poirler, a minor; and H.R. 11718. A. act for the relief of Jack L. Philippot. ADJOURNMENT Mr. WALDIE. Mr. Speaker, I move that the House do now adjourn. The motion was agreed to; accordingly (at 5 o'clock and 22 minutes p.m.) the House adjourned until tomorrow, Thurs- day, July 28, 1966, at 12 o'clock noon. Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 Approved For C81 1614 c~ 1Vc~j ffibNy RT 0067 A6H900400090003 uty 27, 1 - 966 nomic life, a 150 year payout period and in- Electronic Engineers, the very distinguished them, constitutes approximately five per cent 2 New Engl terest at 31/4 per cent, total $11.9-million Vice-President Franciat the Boston Edison carCom- of eful andhwould bee old7to them atasubstan in ly per year. The benefit-to-cost ratio thus pany, Mr. calculated is 1.8. These figures reflected study of the relative merits of the Dickey- below the $21.03 per kilowatt year calculated Federal Power Commission estimates of Lincoln School project and certain alterna- by the FederalPower Commission as the cast lus a acit eakin develo own propos 2.3 kilowatt per hour telectricity deli eredlin the companies ,arri ed ea d ba tconclusionr e ctly pumped storage pnit assuming $100 per ilo- watt of installed capacity and pumping s area, and kilowatt er kilowatt year opposite to mine. plus 2 2.9 mills per kowathour for electricity In his statement, Mr. Staszesky pointed energy at three mills per kilowatt hour. delivered in Maine. A composite power value out that under the "Big Eleven" proposal the It is my sincere belief that the rural elec- of $23.50 per kilowatt year and 2.6 mills per companies would add to the power supply of tric systems of New England have no choice kilowatt hour was used by the Commission New England some 6.25 million kilowatts by but to actively advocate immediate construc- in developing the hydro-electric power bene- 1972, plus some seven hundred miles of 345 tion of the Dickey-Lincoln School project as fit attributable to the Dickey-Lincoln School kv transmission line. This very large in- their best alternative for obtaining lower project of $21.5-million per year compared crement of new capacity, he added, would cost wholesale energy. It seems to me also, $25.1-million per year as originally esti- tgenerate more than otal requirements of 60 the per area at an average capacity of the project available tfori mated peaking per cent of New ng- med b by FPO PC in 1963. During the August 1965 hearings on the cost of 4.76 mills per kilowatt hour. This, purposes is some five Dickey-Lincoln School project before the when combined with the 1965 average cost of land's anticipated 1972 peak load and some- Flood Control Subcommittee of the House generation for all of New England of 9.7 thing on the orde of only ten per cent of Committee on Public Works, an alternative mills per kilowatt hour, would result in an what the investor owned companies them- to the Dickey-Lincoln School project, con- over-all reduction of 26.4 per cent to an selves conse a installing by 1972, that advantageously sisting of privately-financed pumped stor- average of 7.14 mills per kilowatt hour in its peaing a b ity can be grid system. age and nuclear baseload, was suggested 1972. Based upon these circumstances, Mr. , used on t Entland f New Staszesky concluded that (1) the Dickey by the investor-owned companies o England. Immediately thereafter, Senator project should not be substituted for one of Y the the Big Eleven projects, and (2) that there t i o rec r o MUSKIE of Maine asked the D Bureau of the Budget to again evaluate the is no place for Dickey-Lincoln School in New MCINTYRE. Mr. President, an editorial McINTYRE. benefits and costs of the proposed Federal England's power picture. Mr. Washington Daily Ndevelopment in the light of the alternative THE PROBLEM OF THE COOPERATIVES editor al in Chi 1ashins on Daily News ens presented by the companies in their testa- The differing viewpoints of the Dickey- that he has ordered partial mobilization mony before the House Subcommittee. The Lincoln School project developed by Mr. of North Vietnam's partial Bureau of the Budget again called upon the Staszesky and myself are probably not un- He left unclear just what "partial" reserves. Federal Power Commission for technical expected, and, in my opinion at least, prob- assistance. On September 30, 1965, over ably arise from the different operating con- means, but the editorial in this Scripps the signature of F. Ste%art Brown, Director ditions of the particular segments of the Howard newspaper expresses the feeling of its Bureau of Power, the Federal Power industry which each represents. that it is worse news for the people of Commission, in a memorandum to Budget, Rural electric systems in New England North Vietnam than for us. calculated the benefit-to-cost ratio of the badly need a source of wholesale energy at a There is no joy in reading Ho's bitter proposed Federal project at 1.58. substantially lower cost than that which is denunciation of our role in Vietnam, This benefit-to-cost ratio transmitted by available to them at the present time. Al- the FPC staff on September 30, 1965, was though the average revenue per kilowatt adds the writer, but in the face of his based upon a privately-financed alternative hour realized by the companies in New Eng- stubborneSs we can only keep. up the consisting of a hypothetical pumped storage land from residential sales has steadily de- pressure until he agrees to negotiate or site located within 75 miles of New England clined from an average of seven cents. per gives up trying to conquer South Viet- load centers, which could be constructed at kilowatt hour in 1930 to an average of three nalrl an investment cost of $100 per kilowatt, plus cents per kilowatt hour in 1964, the average I ask unanimous consent that this edi- a 600,000 kilowatt nuclear plant north of rate for wholesale service available to the tonal be included in the RECORD. Boston with transmission for 100,000 kilo- cooperatives has not shown a similar trend. There being no objection, the editorial watts of 50 per cent load factor power from In addition, as I understand it, the 26.4 per said plant to Maine. The Commission staff cent savings attributable to the "Big Eleven" was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, calculated that such an alternative, includ- combine will apply to generation only. Pre- as follows: Ing transmission, would provide peaking ca- sumably, the generation component consti- HO's MOBILIZATION pacity at $21.03 per kilowatt year including tutes only 28 per cent of total cost and 25 North Viet Nanfs President Ho Chi Minh energy, and load factor power at $36.38 per per cent of revenue. Thus, the savings to has ordered the "partial mobilization" of his kilowattan year including energy. These fig- the rural electric systems would probably not arm reserves, as a response to American air ures yielded a total cost attributable to the be more than seven per cent below present strikes against petroleum depots near Hanoi proposed alternative for the Dickey-Lincoln costs under the "Big Eleven" Proposal. and Haiphong. He left unclear just what School project of $18.3-million per year com- By contrast, Federal power from the "partial" mobilization means, but we have pared to the $11.5-million annual cost of the Dickey-Lincoln School development would the feeling It is worse news for the people of Federal, project. The resulting benefit-to- be available to rural electric systems at frgm North Viet Nam than it is for us. cost ratio for the Federal project is, there- seven to eight mills per kilowatt hour deliv- In He's and other week-end statements fore, 1.58. erect at load centers. This compares to the from Hanoi, there is the standard condem- One plan provides for operation of the 7.4 mills per kilowatt hour estimate for the nation of American "imperalists." But sig- Federal project to develop 100,000 kw of 4500. average cost of generation in New England nificantly there also is the admission the ,000 kw o p per g capat ty Its power and 6would be as of 1972. "Vietnamese people in the whole country are sold,Including n trans. Its output would be Rural electric cooperatives in Maine pur- facing an extremely serious situation," and a sold, including transmission, for $15 per kilo- chase approximately 46 million kilowatt new appeal to fellow-communist nations to watt 4500 plus 3 mills per kWh for energy, hours per year at an average cost of 11.8 mills help "more resolutely and effectively." about Thus 6. 46 .3 mills hour with pelectricityeakinwould g ng capacity wholesale avail-, Per kilowatt hour. In short, Ho seems to be warning his peo- able e at about $17.40 per kw year including uding Federal power from the proposed St. John pie that for all the destruction the American energy. The resulting revenue would be River development could be delivered to air raids have caused so far, there's going to They e the s t fosse-million per year assuming ten per cent them would save mills per yearoor 37 per beForousothere sano joy in reading Ho's bit- losses, SOME DIVERGENT VIEWS cent on present cost. In New Hampshire ter denunciation of our role in Viet Nam, _ mists ists and Various econom aengineers and, the cooperatives purchase some 82 million and his emphatic rejection of the idea of sometimes lawyers, evaluate hydro-electric kilowatt hours per year at an average cost of open negotiations. But it's at least some projects as well as conventional and nuclear- 13.3 mills. Even at a delivered cost of eight comfort that Ho, in a big speech, refrained fired thermal plants by different methods mills, Federal power would save them nearly from ordering the mobilization of his 350,000 and using a great variety of assumptions. $435,000 per year or 40 per cent on present man army for a thrust across the seven- As a long-time advocate for a particular seg- cost. Thus, the problem, from the stand- teenth parallel, stopped short of asking other ment of the electric industry, I, of course, point of the rural electric cooperatives, re- communist governments for "volunteers," recognize that various approaches to a single lates to the availability of low-cost power at and said nothing about the rumored trial of problem frequently yield different results. load centers. From our standpoint, the downed U.S. pilots. Apparently our warn- This is especially true in cases where engi- Dickey-Lincoln School project offers the best ings not to tamper with the lives of our cap- neering and management decisions have fac- alternative for solving our problem. tured pilots has sunk in, tored into them elements of politics or phi- From the standpoint of the investor-owned In the face of North Viet Nam's stubborn- losophy. Thus, in an address of April 13, companies, I can only point out that the nest, there is nothing for us to do but to 1966, to the Power Chapter of the Boston some 700,000 kilowatts of peaking power, a continue to battle in the South, keep up Section of the Institute of Electrical and major portion of which would be available to pressure thru air raids on the North, until Approved For Release 200,5/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 July 2~, 1966 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIARDP67B00446R000400090003-6 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 16513 Cooperative Association. I commend him for his clear and well-documented statement, which is further. testimony to the overall economic worth of the Dickey-Lincoln School project to north- ern New England. I ask unanimous consent that the full text of Mr. Robin- son's speech be printed at this point in thQ,. RECORD. ?There being no objection, the speech was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: PANEL ON Low COST POWER FOR NEW ENGLAND (Remarks of Charles A. Robinson, Jr., staff engineer and staff counsel, National Rural Electric Cooperative Association, 1966 New England Conference of Public Utilities Commissioners, Stowe, Vt., June 27, 1966) It is indeed a privilege to be afforded this opportunity to exchange ideas and opinions with a group as thoroughly knowledgeable and experienced in electric power system planning, financing and operation as are the persons in attendance at this Conference. I deeply appreciate your invitation to partici- pate in this panel. The Conference itself is, I believe, render- ing a very substantial public service by fur- nishing a, forum in which persons possessed of similar objectives, but perhaps with dif- fering views on how these objectives should be achieved, can meet with the common pur- pose of discussing ways and means by which an indispensable commodity such as elec- tricity can be made available to the gen- eral public at the lowest possible cost. Cer- tainly, nothing but progress ought to result from a meeting such as this. It is my intention, in accordance With Commissioner Gibson's request, to discuss the facts as I know them concerning the topic assigned to me-the Dickey-Lincoln School project in Maine. This is a project, I recognize, which has stirred as much bit- terness between various segments of the elec- tric power industry in New England and has given rise to as much political controversy as has any similar proposal in recent years. It is my hope that this controversy and the strained relationships which have stemmed from it, will ultimately be reconciled, and that all of the plans and proposals for re- ducing the cost of power throughout the northeast can proceed together in harmony. RURAL ELECTRIFICATION IN PERSPECTIVE The REA-financed portion of the electric utility industry, with which I have been associated for some 16 years, is small by any standard when compared with the magnitude of the investor-owned companies which serve 80 percent of the nation's population. The total investment in REA-financed sys. tems throughout 'the United States is less than $5 billion compared to the more than $70 billion of assets owned by the investor-. owned companies. Electric cooperatives op- erate only one percent of the nation's in-, stalled generating capacity and themselves generate only some twenty percent of the total energy input to their own systems.. They serve some eight percent of the nation's electric consumers with five percent of the total electric energy sales for which they receive about six percent of total U.S. electric revenue. Even if legislation now pending in Con- gress, which would provide supplemental capital for REA-financed systems, were en- acted immediately, total investment in such systems might reach some $15 billion by 1980 compared with an estimated industry total by that date of $170-200 billion. And, If all regular and supplemental financing, pro- grammed for REA-financed generation and transmission facilities through 1980, were expended by that date, such facilities would then constitute about 3.5 percent of the total Industry. (Statistics for electric coopera- tives in New England are shown in Table II.) TABLE IL-Selected statistics for electric cooperatives in New England (fiscal year 1965) Consumers served I Miles of line 1 Annual Consumers Revenue revenue I per mile per mile Maine- ---- ------------------ Now Hampshire_______.__________ ----- 6,843 22 598 1,077 2 017 999,644 6. 3 $925 ------------------- U it --------- , 7,277 , 1 993 2,655,012 7.8 912 1 247057 n ed States______ 5,440, 189 1,556:956 , 3.6 625 815, 432, 624 3. 5 522 Kilowatt- hour sales X 1,0001 38, 093 72,176 42, 477 41, 382, 098 2.6 3.7 2.9 2.0 Kilowatt-hour sales per consmner 5, 560 3, 200 5:820 7,600 Revenue per consumer $146 118 172 150 Revenue per kilowa tt-hour (cents) = Figures furnished by REA directly, per unit figures derived via slide rule. Source; Report of the Administrator, REA, 1965. I emphasize these statistics not because they are per as related to the Dickey-Lin- coln School project, but because the advocacy of such projects by the electric cooperatives is frequently misconstrued as an attempt to harm the investor-owned segment of the in- dustry. In fact, the co-ops are so small a part of the industry as to be incapable of accomplishing many of the nefarious pur- poses with which they are sometimes charged. COST OF WHOLESALE ENERGY Most of the energy distributed by the elec- tric cooperatives in New England is pur- chased at wholesale from other power sup- pliers. A very small amount is generated in REA-financed plants. All of it is extremely high in cost. During the past twenty years, the cost of wholesale power purchased by rural electric cooperatives from investor- owned electric companies throughout the United States has fallen continuously and steadily from an average of 10.1 mills per kilo- watt i n 1945 to 7.5 mills per kilowatt hour in 1965. By contrast, as shown on the attached Chart I (not printed in the RECORD) the price of wholesale energy purchased by REA- financed systems in New England has fluc- tuated between very wide limits during the same period of time, except for the state of Vermont which exhibits a steady decline be- tween 1950 and 1960 with slight increases thereafter. The downward, trend In Vermont between 1958 and 1960 is accentuated by the availability of 8.5 mill power from the St. Lawrence-Niagara system. In Maine the ;recent steep decline in the average Wholesale cost of power to REA-financed systems is di- rectly traceable to the importation from Can- ada of increasingly large blocks of power supplied by the New Brunswick Electric 1: ower Commission. By contrast, however, as Indicated In Table I, the average 1965 No. 121--18 cost of power from some wholesale suppliers has actually increased over the cost of the same power from the same supplier in 1950. In other cases there is little or no difference between the average rate of such purchases in 19150 and in 1965. TABLE I.-,overage wholesale cost for whole- sale energy purchased by electric coopera- tives in New England by source 1 [In an ills per kilowatt-hourl Source Bangor Ilydro Electric Co__ _____ Maine Public Service Co___________ Meddybemps Lake powerplant Now 13runsw1 ck Electric Power (1011 s- sion nnecticat Valley Electric Co---------- Co New Ilampshire Electric Co----- _---_ Public service Co. of New Ilampshire_____ White Mountain Power Co___________ New Hampshire Electric Coop__-_- Central Vermont Public Service Corp_____ Citizens Utilities Co-_ __ Ureen Mountain Power Corp.__- --------- public ____ _ Service Board of Vermont_ U. S. total average__ 13.3 19.1 16. 1 19.3 12.0 9.5 15. 3 12. 6 12.9 17.4 15. 2 12. 4 10.0 20.4 8.3 1 Source; REA Bulletin 111-2, fiscal year 1965. DICKEY-LINCOLN SCHOOL From this type of wholesale power supply situation there has arisen, as might be ex- pected, tremendous pressure on rural electric system management in New England to seek out and explore every possible avenue which might hold promise of lower wholesale rates. It should come as no surprise, therefore, that these systems have strongly supported eon-, struction of the Federal Dickey-Lincoln. School hydro-electric development. our, support of the Dickey-Lincoln School proj- ect stems, not from the fact it is to be con- structed by the Government, but rather from the fact that wholesale power from it can he delivered to our cooperative load centers at rates reflecting major savings over presently available alternative sources. The Dickey-Lincoln School project, as presently contemplated, would have an in- stalled capacity of 760,000 kilowatts at Dickey Reservoir an the St. John River in Maine, with an additional 34,000 kilowatts at the Lincoln School re-regulating impound- ment downstream. The natural flow at the Dickey site, controlled by eight million acre feet of reservoir storage, would assure an- nual generation of. just over one billion kilo- watt hours from the combined project. As planned, the power and energy from the project could be marketed by a twin circuit 345 k.v. transmission line system with ter- minals at Bangor and Portland, Maine and Boston, Massachusetts. Both load factor energy and peaking capacity could be pro- duced. Total Federal Investment in the Dickey- Lincoln School project is estimated at $227- million. The above-mentioned associated transmission system would cost an addi- tional $73-million-.bringing the total In- vestment In Federal facilities to $300-million, including interest during. construction. Based on February 16, 1965 Federal Power Commission figures, annual benefits attrib- utable to the combined project total $21.5- million of which 98 per cent represents the hydro-electric potential. Benefits assigned to the hydro-electric features of Dickey-Lin- coln School were at that time corrected downward to reflect a comparison by FPC with the cost of equivalent power and energy to be produced at a new 500,000 kilowatt steam station and a new 125,000 kilowatt steam station scheduled for installation in Massachusetts and Maine respectively. An- nual charges for the combined project in- cluding transmission, using a 100 year eco- Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 Approved For Release 2005/06/29: CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 July 27, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE the Hanoi regime agrees to negotiations, or decides it has had enough and quietly gives up trying to conquer the South by force of arms. CAPT. JAMES R. MITCHELL- ANOTHER UTAH HERO Mr. SENNETT. Mr. President, the war in Vietnam has produced many heroes and fora brief moment, I would like to pay tribute to James R. "Dick" Mitchell of Ogden, Utah, who has joined that group of men who are proving once again that courage and daring are still very much American characteristics. Captain Mitchell was recently rescued from the North Vietnamese panhandle by a brave helicopter crew-another of those units to which American pilots owe a deep debt of gratitude-after his F-105 had been shot down by North Vietnamese ground fire. As fate would have it, Cap- tain Mitchell was flying his 100th and last combat mission. We in Utah are proud of this native son who is a graduate of Ogden High School and the University of Utah. Captain Mitchell is not new, however, to individual competition. The son of Mrs. Louise Mitchell and the late Ralph Mitchell was a- member of the 1956 Olympic ski team which competed in Italy. His flying skill and his courage re- flect the physical stamina and independ- ent thought which made him a top com- petitor in the Olympic Winter. Games. In behalf of the people of my State, I want Captain Mitchell and his family to know that we appreciate the sacrifice which he has made in defense of the free world. I am pleased that his rescue will make it possible for this Nation to bene- fit again from his fine skills and his great courage: That he is alive and well makes us very grateful and proud that we can claim him as a native son of our State. POLISH MILLENNIUM HONORED THE ISSUANCE OF A COMMEMO- RATIVE STAMP Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, 1,000 years ago King Mieszko was baptized and the whole Polish kingdom he had united was converted to Christianity. Al- though the Catholic Church grew stead- ily in Poland throughout the centuries, there were often great times of trouble. In 1079 a great spiritual leader, Stanislav, was martyred while Bishop of Cracow. He is now the revered patron saint of Poland. The 20th century has been one of the m6st difficult for Christians in Poland. But the hardships they have endured and continue to endure have not diminished their abiding faith. We in the United States have tried in some small way to show the Polish people in our country and in their native land that we acknowledge the great signifi- cance of their millennium. On July 30 a commemorative stamp will be issued celebrating the 1,000th anniversary of Christianity in Poland in hopes ` that everyone in the country will join with their Polish brothers in observing this truly great day of the millennium. I am proud of the part I was able to play 1n'the issuance of the commemora- tive, stamp. I ask unanimous consent that my letter concerning the millennium stamp and Postmaster General O'Brien's xesponse to it be included in the RECORD. There being no objection, the letters were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: FEBRUARY 18, 1966. Hon. LAWRENCE F. O'BRIEN, Post Office Department, Washington, D.C. DEAR LARRY: I appreciate your assurance that the suggested Polish millennium stamp is under consideration as the last commem- oratives for 1966 are being selected. In writing now, I want to reaffirm my in- terest in this stamp and suggest how very meaningful it would be to the American people. Poland has long been a beleaguered land. But her creative, strong-willed people have endured partition, tyranny, war, and now the oppression of communism, maintaining their love of beauty, their spiritual strength, and intense pride in their Polish heritage. Our society has been nourished by the Polish people who have come to the United States and taught us to appreciate more than we might otherwise have learned of the re- markable culture now trapped behind the Iron Curtain. A stamp to commemorate the Polish millennium will awaken even more interest in the glory of Poland's ancient heritage. I very much hope that it will be approved. With thanks for your consideration, and best wishes. Faithfully yours, PAUL H. DOUGLAS. THE POSTMASTER GENERAL, Washington, D.C., February 23, 1966. Hon. PAUL H. DOUGLAS, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: It gives me great pleasure to advise you that I have approved a com- memorative stamp to mark 1,000 years of Polish culture. Because of your personal interest in this subject, I thought you would like to know about the stamp in advance of the public announcement. The date and place of first- day sale have not been determined at this time. Your endorsement contributed signifi- cantly to my decision to issue a stamp for this important anniversary. Sincerely yours, LAWRENCE F. O'BRIEN. SEDUCTION BY STATISTICS Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, in the July Issue of Nation's Business there is a most interesting and provocative arti- cle, entitled "Seduction by Statistics," written by the distinguished Republican leader in the Senate, EVERETT MCKINLEY DIRxsEN. As Nation's Business describes it, the minority leader indicts those Washington wizards who employ hallu- cinatory estimates for masquerade and mirage in an extravaganza of political chicanery on the American public which is no less than seduction by statistics. I ask unanimous consent that the ar- ticle be included in the body of the RECORD. 'There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: SEDUCTION DY STATISTICS (By EVERETT M. DIRKSEN) The city of Washington is the world center for the manufacture of statistics. Several thousand of the 2,542,590 employees on the 16515 United States government's $17 billion an- nual payroll spend their days feeding mag- netic tape into computers and drawing off columns of figures. What kind of guidance do their statistics provide? Who is really benefiting from them? Studies such as those dealing with the perspiration problem of Australian aborigines, or with the rate per hundredweight for trucking yak fat from Omaha to Chicago, are not at issue here. My concern is with statistics essential to the formulation of sound national policy. And I charge that some of them reflect not facts but a mirage. Some are pure sleight of hand. Still others are hallucinatory. In- deed, figure management now reinforces news management in Administration tactics. The combination, as I intend to show, can be doubly dangerous. The foremost example of sleight of hand statistics is, of course, the national budget. The President has raised it from just under $100 billion-a figure known to have been inaccurate when presented-to $112.7 billion, To you and me that looks like, and is, an in- crease of nearly $13 billion. But the image- makers in the Administration noticed that the President, as all Presidents must do, had trimmed some of the more pendulous fat off the amounts of money requested by various agencies and departments. So out came an inspired news release, headlined "President Lops $10 Billion from Budget." Can a $13 billion budget increase really be a $10 billion cut? It cannot. It is an example of what George Orwell identified in his prophetic book, "1984," as "newspeak." It is like describing the world's biggest spender as "frugal," or Russia as a "democ- racy." Nobody really should be fooled by the federal budget. Much of the same sort of numerical flum- mery, as many citizens are discovering, goes for last year's loudly trumpeted tax cut. What was benevolently extended by one hand of government as an income and ex- cise tax cut, with withdrawn by the other as a hike in social security taxes, a little later. The harsh fact is that today the tax collec- tor at all levels of government, local, state and national, takes 35 per cent of the na- tional income. WHERE THE HOCUS-POCUS STARTS Largest and most potent of government's hallucinatory statistics is the gross national product. The GNP-most widely accepted indicator of the pace of America's economic growth-is used by the government also for divination and to produce euphoria in the face of inflationary spending. It is a gross national illusion. One man toiling away in the Department of Commerce, "guessti- mates" the GNP by counting the dollars spent for certain goods and services, every time they go by. He may not wear a conical hat and a black robe decorated with cabalistic dia- grams, but mystic and intuitive elements do seethe and bubble in his pot. The synthetic figure produced is stu- pendous-$720 billion this year. With in- flation now going at the rate of more than two per cent a year, the GNP rises auto- matically by $4 billion every quarter. To make it leap upward still faster, a skeptic suggests that every man be ordered to pay his wife $40 a week as cook and house- keeper. That would not produce any more wealth though it might set off some fire- works. But it would, as if by magic, push the GNP statistics on toward the $1 trillion figure. At that level, incidentaly, the GNP would about equal the real national debt, $947 bil- lion, which is three times as high as official statistics report it. (The official debt figures omit about $600 billion--owed for services already rendered, such as the $40 billion the government owes the civil service re- tirement fund.) The GNP is not wealth, Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67-B00446R000400090003-6 r 16516 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July 27, 1966 nor earnings nor anything else you can touch, borrow or spend. It is only a statistic, but every day someone says we can afford still Another vast expenditure because it would "require less than one per cent of the G11P." And all too often we do make the down pay- ment on still another tremendous program, with tremendous and unkown costs to fol- low. Ironically, last summer the U.S. Commerce Department itself renounced as erroneous the GNP figures it had produced since 1929. It recalculated the lot, and then came up with a higher figure for the annual increase in labor productivity. The increase was small, from 3.6 to 3.7 per cent, but it was sufficient to provide labor union economists a basis for demanding that another famous figure-the Administration's guidelines for wage increases-be adjusted upward. THE STATISTICAL SNOW JOB A bureaucratic technique now being skill- fully employed in Washington can be proper- ly termed the statistic avalanche. A distinguished practitioner of the ava- lanche is Sargent Shriver, a handsome and voluble man with energy enough to run (until recently) two high government jobs while dreaming of a third. The avalanche device is triggered, for example, when Mr. Shriver is questioned at press conferences about instances of what he defends as high- spirited mayhem or arson in his scandal- ridden, politically manipulated Job Corps, which is part of the federal poverty program. On one occasion last fall, he called down a tumbling mass of statistics which rolled end over end, at express train speed, to en- gulf the reporters. It included data rang- ing from the annual cost of keeping an in- mate in the Illinois penitentiary at Menard to the median Consumption of fish, classified as to. Weight and species, by seals in the Seattle zoo. When at last the rush subsided, the shaken questioner was sorry he had asked the little question that started it all, namely: "How much more does it cost to keep a boy in the Job Corps than in Harvard University?" The question had been buried in the statistical snow-job. There it will remain forever unless a shift in the political glacier opens a crevasse and exposes it to view. Plain deception meets the needs of some, Arthur Sylvester, assistant secretary of de- fense for public affairs, has made it clear that the Administration would not hesitate to deceive about defense affairs when it deemed deception necessary. Some of the news out of Viet Nam persuades many of us that he was, in that statement at any rate, telling the truth. Those who class the war on poverty with Viet Nam in importance surely are engaging in deception. So are the postal snoopers and the Internal Revenue wiretappers, whose work seems more suited to a collectivist than to a great society. A phantom statistic which even compels its compilers to smile is that showing "the rising productivity of government employ- ees." There are, of course, many conscien- tious, hard-working government employees among the myriads, but they are all sup- ported by the work of someone else. What could they produce, but statistics? HAULING OUT THE BOGEYMAN An old favorite is what might be called the Cheshire statistic. It is pulled out of the air like a magician producing a bowl of goldfish, Such a statistic was the basis for the charge during the 1960 Presidential cam- paign that "17 million Americans go to bed hungry every night." Not four million or 18.1 million, but 17 million exactly. Unless many of them were reducing, that seemed to Indicate a deplorable breakdown in a public relief system which was even then the most gigantic ever conceived. But then President Johnson raised the figure two years ago to 35 million. it hung on the campaign air a while like its predecessor and then faded gently from view. So did the terrifying missile gap discovered by Democratic creators for use in the same campaign. Both were meaningless as fact, but useful as bogies for whipping up, emo- tion. The dictionary defines that as dem- agoguery. Cheshire or phantom statistics are common in foreign affairs, too. Successive Presi- dents have extolled military aid as assuring the United States of staunch allies, ready to spring to our side in the fight for freedom with "250 strategic bases, five million ground forces, 10,000 aircraft and 2,500 vessels." Well, thousands of American men are fight- ing for freedom today in the dark jungles of Viet Nam, but where are those eager allies? We know where some of them are. More than 200 different ships of a dozen free world nations which have received $29 billion in American aid are busily hauling munitions to our communist foe, the Viet Cong. Others which received even greater sums are run- ning supplies through our toothless "'quar- antine" to Communist Cuba, in defiance of all our pleas and entreaties. If we cannot expect gratitude for the $130 billion we have poured out in postwar for- eign aid, might we not demand decency? The scale of our generosity, by the way, is shown by the fact that interest on the public debt, ballooned by this aid, now runs more than $1 billion a month, or about twice the current cost of our struggle in Viet Nam. THOSE STRETCHABLE YARDSTICKS Rubber statistical yardsticks to fit varied occasions also are common in government. For gauging unemployment, the long yard- stick is used. Housewives, youngsters, peo- ple resting unconcernedly between jobs, are all counted as jobless to bring the unem- ployment total up to a level intended to cause public worry. Although unemploy- ment is given as 2.9 million, a former director of the census recently estimated the number of male family heads out of work at only 600,000. Nobody really knows. The official guess is extrapolated from a survey of only 35,000 families, An effort to provide a count of job open- ings available was defeated last year in Con gress by labor union pressure, as tending to minimize the pathetic plight of the honestly apathetic. The myth of suffering millions searching in vain for work apparently must be pre- served, even though employers from one end of the country to the other complain of their inability to hire help. There's a saying now which goes: "'If you don't like the beat, change the thermometer." For many years, the Administration's economists, along with pundits and com- mentators, had bemoaned the existence of a "dollar gap" abroad. But more recently, as everyone knows by now, the recipients of American bounty abroad have drawn down our gold reserves by billions. They have been, able to buy gold because our gifts, loans, investments and purchases abroad have been running about $3 billion a year greater than their transactions with us. So, suddenly with the mysterious unanimity of a cloud of gnats, they all changed direction. The dol- lar gap had become a dollar glut. A cut in business investment and tourist purchases ordered by the Administration did not help enough. (Nobody knows what tourist purchases amount to.) The glut continues to grow. The Administration it- self keeps on spending and donating dollars abroad through a dozen spigots. The money goes out as foreign aid, as bounties to foreign governments for sugar and coffee, as research grants to foreign scientists, as expenditures to keep U.S. troops in Europe to defend pros- perous allies from whom we now are bor- rowing money, and in other ways. Further damage to our dwindling gold stocks seemed certain. What to do? NOW YOU SEE IT-- The problem, as our leaders saw it, was how to make things look better without actually turning off or curtailing their spigots. Last August somebody came up with an idea. The government began com- puting the balance of payments in a new way. Dollars held by private institutions abroad were dropped from the liability column on the government's statistical tables, althought they had been included in the earlier system of accounting because they can become official claims against our gold the moment they are turned into a central bank. So, where the old fiscal thermometer showed a deficit of more than $3 billion for 1964, the new one cut it In half. The fever has not been changed, just the thermometer. We have a new statistical mirage, and the band plays on. One of the most serious of all the govern- ment's statistical fantasies, however, reflects our balance of trade, which is a vital part of the total balance of international payments problem. For 20 years, Commerce Depart- ment officials have been pleased to inform the President, the Congress and the people that the United States regularly sells more goods to foreign lands than they sell to us. Our foreign trade was seen in wonderful health. With the assurance of great and rising prosperity in foreign trade, Congress has gone along with successive Administrations, Re- publican as well as Democratic, in acts of generosity to our outdistanced trading part- ners abroad. We out tariffs, increased foreign aid and borrowed $130 billion to lend or give away overseas. At the same time we shipped-and are still shipping now-mountains of food and fiber as outright gifts or in exchange for non- spendable forints, dinars, zlotys, kips and rupees, all of which are reported by the De- partment of Commerce as commercial exports. This, of course, swells the export balance, but we receive no dollars. Ameri- cans who questioned our financial capacity to do whatever we liked, without limit, or who doubted the wisdom of supporting dic- tators who were busy sharpening the swords of our enemies, were laughed to scorn. Not until the dollar stood shaken and defoliated, not until our gold stock had plummeted, did people begin to wonder if our balance of trade had really been as great as reported over the years. We began to ask if we had exposed ourselves to the gold drain by a statistical mirage in foreign trade earnings. The answer, if you dig deep enough, is this. The United Kingdom and most other nations value imported goods on the "c.i.f." (cost, insurance, freight) basis. That means they take the purchase price abroad, add shipping and insurance costs, and end end up with the total cost of the merchandise landed in their own country. The difference between the seller's figures and the buyer's is just frefght and insurance. It is proper that those costs be added to the valuation of imports. But here's the catch: The United States does not add freight and insurance costs in computing the volume of imports. We do not keep the same kind of books as our trad- ing partners. We value our imports on the "f,o,b. " basis, foreign pert of shipment. Our valuations are simply the cost of the goods abroad, with freight and insurance disre- garded. From that difference in accounting arises the mirage. Our statistics are not compar- able with those of other nations. We under- state the value of our purchases from Great Britain, for example, by an average of 22 per cent. And that, in computing trade balances, produces a violent distortion of fact. Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 ? ~ Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 Judy 27, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE the letter, photograph it-without even breaking the seal." Perhaps the most troubling aspect of the Fishbowl Society is that most of those who live in it seem to view it with equanimity. There has been no great public outcry in re- sponse to disclosures of mounting invasions of privacy. "People have to learn that they can say no to these things," says Rep. CORNELIUS E. GALLAGHER (D-N.J.). But Long warns that "by the time the people finally become in- dignant enough to demand that something be done, it will be too late." In one of. the definitive legal statements on the right of privacy, Samuel D. Warren and Louis D. Brandeis wrote in the Harvard Law Review that "modern enterprise and in- vention have, through invasions upon his privacy, subjected (the individual) to mental pain and distress far greater than could be inflicted by mere bodily injury." (!'heir article appeared in 1890. Modern enterprise and invention have come a long way since. ECONOMY HITTING NEW PEAK Mr. McINTYRE. Mr. President, the rate is not as fast, but the key indica- tors show that our economy is still climbing to new highs. Sam Dawson, the Associated Press business writer, points this out in the face of considerable talk about the econ- omy's turning down. It simply is not so. With few exceptions, Mr. Dawson re- minds us, key segments of the economy have not turned down or even leveled off, And there are special circumstances governing the exceptions, such as auto sales, housing starts, and new orders for durable goods. What is really happening, as Mr. Daw- son says, is that unlike the booming ex- pansion of,the first quarter of the year, the economy is now advancing at a more normal pace and responding in more healthy fashion to seasonal factors. With the approval of my colleagues, I will enter this column in the RECORD as It appeared in the Washington Evening Star. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: ,MOST KEY FIGURES INDICATE ECONOMY HITTING NEW PEAK (By Sam Dawson) NEW YORK.-Much of the talk these days is about the economy turning down. But most of the key statistics show the economy is still climing to new highs. What is happening Is that while the econ- omy was booming ahead at a rapid rate in the first three months of this year, it is now advancing at a more normal pace and responding in a more healthy fashion to seasonal factors. With few exceptions, the key segments in the economy haven't turned down or even leveled off. And the exceptions, such as auto sales, housing starts and new orders for durable igoods, have exceptional circumstances of their own. spending for that period grew by $3.3 billion to a seasonally adjusted annual rate of $458.9 billion. You can view this with alarm be- cause the gain was less than the $10.4 billion advance in the first quarter of the year, or you can hail the more normal rate of advance and the new high it set, Housing starts have had periodic sinking spells for two years now. At the moment a new uncertainty-tight money In the mort- gage fund field-is complicating the pic- ture. And tight money stems from the in- flationary boom of the first three months of 1966-both because of official efforts to tighten credit and of still booming demand for loans in many fields. New factory orders for durable goods- watched as a guide to future output-in June came to a seasonally adjusted $24.1 billion. This was $100 million below the May and April totals. But the June orders were $2.8 billion higher than a year ago. And a "large increase in bookings for de- fense products" is reported by the Commerce Department. These seem more likely to con- tinue to gain than to drop. The backlog of durable goods orders ac- tually rose by $1.2 billion to a total of $70.7 billion at the end of June, or $13.2 billion more than a year ago. Factories apparently still have lots of orders to keep them busy. GNP ALSO RISING Worriers gout the economy like toy point to a slowdown in the advance of the Gross Na- tional Product. Actually, this measure of the total output of goods and services Is still rising. In the 'second quarter it hit a new high, a seasonally adjusted annual rate of $732 billion. The annual rate gain was $10.8 billion above the previous record of $721.2 billion set in the first three months of 1966. But it was the abnormal and unexpected $16.8 billion advance in the first quarter that sparked all the worry about the onset of in- flation and the Overheating of the economy, and sparked a campaign in some quarters for a rise In federal income tax rates. The economic pace may moderate a bit more this summer. But even professional worriers aren't suggesting that the Gross National Product actually will turn down overheating. VIETCONG ATROCITIES Mr. HARTKE. Mr. President, a few days ago, some of us in this body joined in an open letter to the leaders of North Vietnam to caution them against a re- ported plan to place on trial our airmen now in their captivity. We pointed out that we were among those whose strong- est efforts remain dedicated to an early peace. We pointed out also that public humiliation of these pilots, followed by a kangaroo trial and, perhaps, by the death sentence would be reprehensible. in fact, such sordid, barbaric drama would be so repugnant to the good sense Each of the five experts has a particu- of the world that American public opin- lar view on our policies in southeast Asia. Ion might well demand further escala- Each disagrees with the others. tion of the war as to compensation. We must assume that if each of these Indeed, the patience of Americans of all experts were President of the United opinions is not in h tibl ex aus r sales are lower at the moment than a e. States, each would pursue a different pol- a While the leaders of North Vietnam icy and each would have harsh criticism But no one when the.were at a can be sure whether rthat means have shown restraint and prudence thus of the others. that consumers are tightening up on spend- far in not continuing the humiliation of I think the article underscores the fact, ing or are influenced by all the talk about the captured fliers, their men in the field Mr. President, that we are not con- auto safety. _ have not shown such concern for fronted with a simple choice in Vietnam. aoNSUMER SPENDING ' humanity and decency. We have a series of alternative policies, Althot~ gh Americans were buying fewer In the last few days we have learned each of which can be defended or at- cars in April, May and June, total consumer that the Communist forces in Vietnam tacked by articulate experts. No. 121-19 16521 have shelled our hospitals with mortars and have systematically killed wounded marines unable to defend themselves. Both these acts are clear violations of the Geneva Agreements. Both are acts of barbarism seldom seen in civilized countries in many years. It is to these events that I wish now to address myself. We who urged a continuing ban on the bombing of North Vietnam some months ago and who have remained in the fore- front of seeking peace have done so as loyal Americans. It remains our con- viction that violence breeds violence and escalation breeds escalation. We felt that bombing the north-even military targets-perhaps retarded peace, in that it might stiffen opposition. We urged new efforts at an honorable peace in the military struggle so that the war-wracked Vietnamese might turn their energies better to the political and social struggle of elevating themselves. We were concerned with humanity, wanting to spare human life and elimi- nate suffering. We wish to avoid the ulti- mate escalation that could breed atomic warfare. The North Vietnamese, by inhuman acts of recent days, flout the efforts of all Americans to govern themselves by re- straint. They invite retaliation. Let it never be said that we who urge caution to one side fail to do so with equal vigor when the other side violates international convention. So long as our men are committed to battle in Vietnam, I, for one, intend to vote to give them everything they need. As one who himself served his country in wartime, I could not do less. Until such time as the differences can be settled at the conference table, we shall continue to press for peace and to speak out for humanity, temperance and justice-regardless of source. We seek questione cans or b our patriotism be by our fellow Ameri- U.S. POLICY IN VIETNAM-VIEWS OF FIVE EXPERTS Mr. MUSKIE. Mr. President, the Au- gust 9, 1966, issue of Look magazine con- tains an article entitled: "Vietnam- What Should We Do Now?" It is composed of answers to this ques- tion by five foreign policy and military affairs 'experts: Hans Morgenthau, Henry Kissinger, Hanson W. Baldwin, Herman Kahn, and Arthur Schlesinger, Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 16522 Approved For Release 2005/06/29: CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 .- CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE July 27, 1966 dill pursued. This policy assumes that the war victory, not with one seeking a negotiated h I commend the article and t e 1 e is primarily a civil war; that its global sig- settlement among the Vietnamese factions. ences of opinion to Senators and ask nificance is remote; that, far from contain- :2: We would hold the cities and coastal rint mous consent that the article be ing China and communism, it opens the gates enclaves that we and the South Vietnamese p printed at this point in the RECORD. to both-by destroying the social fabric of military now control. That is to say, we There being no objection, the article Vietnamese nationalism, which is implacably would be satisfied with a de facto division was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, hostile to China; and that, in consequence, of South Vietnam. as follows: the risks we are taking in the pursuit of 3. We would expect the Vietcong to re- s'UPPOSE THE PRESIDENT ASKED You "WHAT victory are out of all proportion to the in- ciprocate byour ceasing tioatta ds by upon the SHOULD WE Do Now?'-FIVE EXPERTS GrvE terests at stake. perimeter TuEU, Arrswri? We should never have gotten involved in sabotage within them. It can be assumed (NOTE: We are at war in Vietnam. this war, but we are deeply involved in it. that we and the Vietcong have a reciprocal Whether we should have gotten into it or The aim of our policy must be to avoid interest in maintaining the military status not is a separate issue. We are in Vietnam. getting more deeply involved in it and to quo pending negotiations. (Americans have always backed their extricate ourselves from it while minimizing The policy here advocated, Mr. President, armies with the moral certainty that in our our losses. Recent events in Vietnam offer is anathema to the men who advise you. victory right would triumph. But to many us the opportunity of initiating sucha new Yet it has always been supported by officials today, our cause seems stained by doubt. policy of disengagement. fairly high In your administration. It now Never, during a foreign war, have Americans These events have clearly demonstrated two has the support of a number of senators who debated our national policy with such pas- facts: The Saigon government is hardly in the past have been "hawks" rather than sion: "Get out ... Escalate ... Negotiate worthy of the name; and the great mass of "doves." . 'Hole in' at coastal enclaves ... Block- the people of South Vietnam prefer an end You, Mr. President, will have to decide ode Haiphong Push 'hot pursuit' into to the war rather than a fight to the finish whether the present policy-morally du- Laos." The bitterness of the partisans con- with the Vietcong. The two main arguments bious, militarily hopeless and risky, politi- solidates the confusion. with which our involvement has been Justi- Bally aimless and counterproductive-shall a (Look invited five experts, who hold vary- fled have thus been demolished: that we have _. be continued or whether a better policy Ong views about Vietnam, to answer this a commitment to the government of Saigon shall take its place. You aspire to be a " great President. Whether you remain the question: "Suppose the President today asked to assist it in the fight against the Vietcong; that the people of South Vietnam want prisoner of past mistakes or have the cour- and eac 'What reply should the do now?'' intentionally We brief urged to be saved by us from the Vietcong-even age to correct them will eh to reply at the risk of their own destruction. The be the test of your space of 1,000 words-for we sought not a prospect of elections to be held in South greatness. pablum of agreement but sharp, specific pro- pHenr Kissinger: Professor of government, posals. Vietnam provides us with the chance to use (Henry a Harvard, and member of The Center o:for (Here are their answers. Each man pre- these new facts for the initiation of new International Affairs; consultant to the for Bents a program that millions would no policy of disengagement. Such a policy would proceed on two fronts, the political National Security Council under President doubt support.) and the military. Kennedy; author of "The Troubled Part- (Hans Morgenthau: Distinguished Service politically, we ought to work for the nership, Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Professor of Political Science and Modern achievement of four goals. Policy," etc. "We are no longer fighting History, University of Chicago; director, 1. We must promote the establishment of in Vietnam only for the Vietnamese. We Center for the Study of American Foreign a broadly-based government in which the are also fighting for ourselves and for in- and Military Policy; has served as con- elements seeking an end to the war would ternational stability.") sultant to the Department of State and the have decisive. Influence. This government The war in Vietnam is dominated by two Department of Defense; author, of "In De- would have the task of organizing elections factors: Withdrawal would be disastrous, fense of the National Interest, The Purpose for a constituent assembly and a legislature and negotiations are inevitable. American of American Politics," etc.) at an early date. It must be recognized that policy must take both of these realities into President Johnson is wont to ask the critics such elections will neither be representative account. of his Vietnam policy, "What would you do if nor "free." The group that organizes them 1. The impossibility of withdrawal. An you were in- my place?" This is a legitimate Is likely to win them. Hence, the crucial im- American withdrawal under conditions that question, and it deserves an answer. Hav- portance of the composition of the govern- could plausibly be represented as a Com- ing been a consistent critic of our Vietnam ment presiding over the elections. munist victory would be disastrous for these policies for more than four years, I have tried 2. We must see to it that the government reasons: to answer that question before and am glad that-emerges from these elections will nego- Within the Communist world, Chinese at- to do so again. tiate with the Vietcong for a modus vivendi. tacks on Soviet "revisionism" have focused Mr. President, I would say, you must Such a settlement would no doubt increase on the Russian doctrine of peaceful co- choose between two alternative policies. You the risk of a complete takeover by the Viet- existence. A victory by a third-class Com- can start with the assumption that in Viet- cong. However, It is quite possible to visual- munist peasant state over the United States nam the credibility of the United States and ize a coalition government, under which dif- must strengthen the most bellicose factions its prestige as a great power are irrevocably ferent sections of, the country, after the in the internecine Communist struggles engaged; that the war in Vietnam is a test model of the Laotian settlement, would be around the world. case for all "wars of national liberation"; governed by different factions. One can even and that in consequence, the fate of Asia, visualize a South Vietnamese government In those c Southeast ountries-esp Asia, eci it ally L would aos, demomorralize laze and perhaps even the non-Communist world that would be anxious to maintain its in- the Philippines -d eci aly athat os haal yup- at large, might well be decided in Vietnam. dependence vis-a-vis the North. the P our effort. If you believe this, then you must see the 3. We should put United States military long-term orientation of such coun- war through to victory. That is to say, you forces stationed in South Vietnam at the The tries as India and Japan will reflect to a must escalate the war both in the South and disposal of the government that emerges t t ie extent pan their ll of In the North by committing what will from the elections, to be used as bargaining considerable as In America's willingness and abil reflect ity to honor amount (according to authoritative esti- counters in negotiations with the Vietcong. America's commitments. For example, whether or , whe er or mates) to a million American combat troops In other words, we would honor our commit- not oIndia mm decides to become a nuclear and by bombing, without restrictions, the ments and would leave it to the South Viet- de ads crucially to ie confidence in Aaneer industrial and population centers of North namese Government to interpret them-in loan support against Chinese nclein Amer- black Vietnam. By doing this, you will destroy order to bring the war to an end. mail. Vietnam, North and South, and risk a mili- 4. Our ultimate goal would be the with- demonstration of American Impotence in tary confrontation with China or the Soviet drawal of our armed forces from South Viet- A Asia cail no lessen the poten y in Union or both. Yet these risks are Justified nam. Such a withdrawal would be coordi- a cannot a American of fail to other fields. cre The stabilof f by the magnitude of the issues at stake. nated with the progress of negotiations be- d oved from This is the policy that the Joint Chiefs of tween the government of South Vietnam and ity of areVietnamas will geographically far affected b the oo Staff have been advocating and that you the Vietcong. Our military forces would be come there. have pursued since February, 1965, even gradually withdrawn, and our military pres- though you have been anxious to differenti- ence would always be commensurate with In short, we are no longer fighting in for the Vie se. We ate truth, your olicy from that the Joint Chiefs. the political such withd awaIntended oour military also fighting - not ourselvestand efor Inters- Inn trutthe difference between the two has g not been one of kind but rather of degree. policy would come in three parts: tional stability. You have been escalating the war at a slower 1. We would stop both the bombing of 2. The inevitability of negotiation. His- pace than the Joint Chiefs recommended. North Vietnam and the search-and-destroy torically, the goal of a war, for the United But escalate you did, and you will continue operations in South Vietnam that seek to States has been the destruction of enemy escalating because the assumptions from kill the Vietcong and occupy territory con- forces. Negotiations could start only after which you have started leave you no choice. trolled by them. For the continuation of the enemy had been crushed. But the pri- There Is another policy, Mr. President, such operations in,the North and South is mary issue in Vietnam is political and psy- i which you could and, in my view, should have compatible only with a policy aiming at chological, not military. Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 Jul y - 27, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE What make the war so complicated is the existence of a Communist "shadow govern- 'ment," permeating every aspect of Vietna- mese life. A favorable outcome depends on the ability to create a political structure that can command the loyalties of the Vietnamese people. A. purely military solution Is impossible also because ,Vietnam directly engages the interests and the prestige of so many major powers. Finally, the Administration has stressed its unconditional readiness to re- spond to any overture by Hanoi for negotia- tions. In these circumstances, the political pro- gram-both within Vietnam and for nego- tiations-is crucial. Military victories will prove empty if they are not coupled with an effort to build political structures. Negotia- tions will be sterile or dangerous unless we enter them with significant areas of the country substantially free of terror. WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE? 1. Negotiations are likely when Hanoi real- izes that its political apparatus in the coun- tryside is being systematically reduced, and that this process will accelerate the longer the war lasts. It follows that the primary goal of military operations should be the creation of secure areas. It is better to have 100-percent control in 40 percent of the country than 40-percent control in 100 per- cent of the country. This is not to say that we should adopt a static "enclave" theory, which would leave us with three Hong Kongs and two Berlins in the midst of hostile pop- ulations. Nor does it mean that we must write off all the territory that we cannot securely control. We will always retain a capacity for preventing the consolidation of Communist control even in areas that we do not control ourselves. It does mean that the highest priority must be given to creat- ing "secure" zones that contain a maximum ,of population-zones that can be expanded if the war continues and that will give us reliable negotiating counters at a conference. 2. We must understand that political in- stability in Vietnam reflects the transforma- tion of an essentially feudal structure Into a modern state-a process that took centuries in the West. Such a process involves a pro- found shift of loyalties-a task that would- be searing in the best of circumstances, but is compounded by the pressures of civil'war. This imposes two requirements on us: (a) We must have compassion for the travail of a society that has been wracked by war for two dacades and not use its agony as an alibi for failing in our duty; and (b) we must give special emphasis to building political structures from the ground up. 3. The notion drawn from our experience in Europe, that economic assistance auto- matioally produces political stability, does not apply in Vietnam. On the contrary, there is a danger that our enthusiasm and our concern with technical refinements will over- whelm slender administrative resources and compound political demorafization. The test should be whether a program can enlist local support and thus give the rural popu- lation an incentive to defend It. Bfforts should be concentrated in areas of maximum military security and spread out from there. 4. It may prove impossible to settle the war at a large conference that deals with all issues simultaneously. If the negotiations are conducted in a forum consisting of many nations that are already rivals (e.g., the U.S.S.R. and Communist China, or the U.S. and France), energies may be dissipated in political jockeying that is peripheral to the central problems in Vietnam. It may be wiser to separate the issues into their com- ponent elements, each to be settled by the parties primarily involved. A larger confer- eriee could then work out guarantees for set- tlements already achieved in other forums. 5. The war in Vietnam is a crucial test of American maturity. In the lives of -nations, as of individuals, there comes a point when future options are limited by past actions, The choices of 1966 are not those of 1961. We must recognize that to be on the defen- sive often forces us to be engaged in places chosen by opponents for their difficulty and ambiguity. We do not have the privilege of deciding to meet only those challenges that most flatter our moral preconceptions. If we cannot deal with political, economic and military prob- lems as an integrated whole, we will not be able to deal with them individually. (Hanson W. Baldwin: Military editor of the New York Times, Pulitzer Prize winner for journalism, graduate of Annapolis, war correspondent in the South Pacific, North Africa, Normandy, Korea, Vietnam) It's the eleventh hour in Vietnam. The United States must decide to win or get out. It is not too late to win, but it soon may be. Victory means, first of all, a Governmental and national determination to win. Congress should declare a state of national emergency and authorize a limited mobiliza- tion. Our trained and ready military power is spread thin all over the world. Limited mobilization would provide-more quickly than any other means-a pool of at least partially trained manpower and organized logistical, training and combat units to sus- tain a rapid buildup in Vietnam and, ulti- mately, to strengthen our weakened posi- tions in other parts of the world. The President should be authorized to mo- bilize up to 500,000 reserves for two-year, service. Draft calls should be increased as necessary. All enlistments should be ex- tended for a minimum of six months. South Vietnam, North Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia and Thailand must be regarded as a strategic whole. 'The war in South Vietnam is clearly nourished from outside. Soldiers, medicines, supplies, and especially arms and ammunition, today reach South Vietnam by sea, from Cambodia, through Laos, and from North Vietnam by any and all methods. Most of the small arms now used by the Vietcong "main-force" units are standardized on the Soviet 7.62-mm caliber basis and are Chinese-manufactured. All of the heavy arms-mortars, antiaircraft guns, SAM milliles, M1G's, IL-28 bombers, and the world's -largest helicopter, the Mi-6-are either Chinese- or Russian-manufactured. We must shut off, to the best of our abil- ity, the stream of Communist supplies into North Vietnam. We should turn off the faucet, not merly put a stopper in the drain. This means blocking the seaborne arms traf- fic to North Vietnam-by mining, bombing, naval gunfire; the sinking of a dredge in the narrow, silted ship channel to Haiphong; by so-called "pacific blockade" or "quarantine" or other means. The land supply routes, even more im- portant to the Communist war effort, must also be interrupted. Past limitations upon the bombing of railroads and roads, and of the choke points and communications bot- tlenecks in North Vietnam's extensive road network, must be removed. We must reduce the flow of supplies from North Vietnam through Laos and Cambodia. Many of these supplies move partway by truck; we have been bombing the trucks but, until recently, not the fuel-oil supplies that power them. We should bomb all the fuel-oil depots in North Vietnam. Electric power plants, which provide power for a variety of war pur- poses, should also be bombed. Interdiction of the many branches of the Ho Chi Minh Trail (which leads over various passes from North Vietnam through Laos or Cambodia into South Vietnam) must be im- proved-by eliminating some of the restric- tions that now hamper bombing and par- ticularly by assigning more trained Forward Air Controllers, both on the ground and in the air. 16523 Air Cavalry raids by helicopter against Laotian bottlenecks on the supply route should be undertaken whenever possible. The doctrine of "hot pursuit" must be ap- plied to any guerrilla forces that use Cam- bodia as a sanctuary. At sea, the Navy's coastal surveillance and river patrols must be extended and tight- ened-to stop Vietcong gunrunning by junks and sampans. This will require more air and small-craft bases in South Vietnam and and Thailand. U.S. troop strength in South Vietnam should be doubled to a figure of 500,000 to 700,000 men, to enable U.S. and South Viet- namese forces to patrol areas that have been Communist sanctuaries for years. We must find and fix the main force of the enemy, and force him to expend his supplies in ac- tion, if possible. An enemy "body count" is not the proper yardstick by which to judge success in this kind of war. Even if the enemy refuses action and fades away into the jungles, or into the shadows of the U Minh Forest, the capture and destruction of his base camps, of his rice and food supplies, of his medicines and weapons and ammunition will reduce his combat capabilities. The war must ultimately be won on the ground by destroying or breaking up the mainforce units of the Vietcong, and especially by de- stroying the enemy's bases of operations. The final part of the strategy for victory- the part that will shape the peace-is the pacification program. TI-fe American and South Vietnamese military can launch search-and-destroy and search-and-clear op- erations; but only specially trained South Vietnamese administrative and paramilitary forces can hold the areas that are cleared. The pacification program-in the past mis- handled and underemphasized-has this year started slowly but well; it must be pushed to the maximum. For one can confirm vic- tory in a guerrilla war only if one wins the people over and protects them against the enemy. This is a slow, a comprehensive, a tedious process. The administrative, police, educa- tional and health authority of the central government must be built up from what Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge calls "the precinct level." The enemy cannot win in a military sense; he is stymied on the field of battle.' But political instability in Saigon, and U.S. im- patience at home, may cause us to lose the struggle-politically and psychologically. We have no easy choices-only grim alter- natives. Victory, which means making it possible for a South Vietnamese government to govern without interference from outside, is posisble; but it may not be possible soon. The victory road will be long and hard and bloody. But defeat or stalemate in Vietnam will gravely impair the U.S. position in Asia and in the world; and if we lose, our children and grandchildren will face tomorrow a far worse problem than we face today. (Herman Kahn: Director of the Hudson In- stitute (a nonprofit organization conduct- ing research in the area of national security and international order) ; former member of the Rand Corporation; author of "Thinking About the Unthinkable, On Thermonuclear War, On Escalation: Meta- phors and Scenarios") I have been asked by Look to describe my personal position, rather than give an analysis of the pros and cons. The first and over- whelming point is that whether or not one agrees with the steps that led to it, our present commitment to oppose force and terror by the National Liberation Front in South Vietnam is as solemn an engagement as any modern nation has made. I do not believe that commitments must be blindly kept, regardless of costs; but just as we should be careful about making commitments, we should be very careful about honoring them. Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 16524 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE July 27, 1966 Maintaining 'the credibility of our commit- :ments Is not just a matter of "saving face." Our ability to support world peace and security, particularly without using exces- sive force, depends in great measure upon the faith that other nations repose in Ameri- can commitments. (Germany, Japan, India and Israel, for example, restrain their activi- ',ties in obtaining nuclear weapons partly be- cause of American commitments.) To renege on commitments as serious as those we have made in Southeast Asia could be a major step in a disastrous erosion of faith in the United States. If faith in our commitments became: so weak that we would have to give excessive commitments in order to make them believable-for example, giving minor states control over our policy (as the British had to do with Poland in 1939)- then the likelihood of major escalation, such as a war with China, would be dangerously increased. The United States also has a crucial inter- est In dispelling two illusions that have grown up since World War II: that radical terrorists almost always win; and that radi- dal regimes can subvert, or intervene in, a neighboring area with little risk. History is replete with examples of how a victory by terrorists in one area powerfully influenced the likelihood and the tactics of subversion in other areas. The invalidity of oversim- plified "domino theories" should not lead us to underestimate the worldwide costs of let- ting the Vietcong succeed with their resort to violence. In addition, I am seriously con- oerned about the political and moral reper-y cusaions within the United States were we to "pull out" of Vietnam. Our cause in South Vietnam is not im- moral. Many think we, are creating more destruction, more.death, ore human sufler- 1ng than our cause justifies. But what would happen were we to let South Vietnam fall into the hands of the National Liberation Front? It Is not likely that a victorious NLF would treat with restraint: the Cao Dal, the Hoo Hao, the Catholics (each a community of about 1,000,000 human beings) ; the 500,000 South Vietnamese soldiers; the many other groups that have demonstrated they are anti-Communist; the tens of thousands who would probably be labeled enemies of a Communist state. Those who dismiss this likelihood need only look at how the Chinese Communists and the Indonesian Army treated their opponents, and might ask them- selves it the victorious NLF is likely to be more restrained. Nor should the West view with equanimity 15,000,000 people passing behind a Communist Iron Curtain. What, then, should we do In Vietnam now? 1. An important aspect of the battle for "the hearts and minds of men" is this: Which side will succeed in symbolizing national identity? Many Vietnamese prefer good gov- ernment to bad government, but even more prefer self-government to foreign control. We should encourage self-government, and should minimize our nonmilitary role. 2. Thus, we should accept and encourage more independence by the South Vietnamese in handling their political and economic problems. Even if a Buddhist nationalist comes to power, he is likely to be more op- posed to the NLF than to the Americans; and if his government does not want our pro- tection, or makes it impossible, we can then leave with honor-having fully honored our solemn commitment. (I assume we would not have connived at his election or policy.) 3. To the extent that it can be encouraged to, the Saigon government should compete with the Vietcong in promises of social re- form, should launch selective but significant social-reform programs now, and should cary out pacification programs in a legal and humane way. 4. We should replace the present system of four levels of American advisers In the Viet- namese Army (which tends to result in four levels of double veto) with a singular, more unified system. 5.'We should urge the South Vietnamese Army to. make promotions and assignments on the basis of merit. The efficiency of the fighting forces would be' greatly increased if the army adopted the simple expedient of promotions on the battlefield, raising enlisted inert to officer rank, regardless of edfacation- rewarding proven ability, aggressiveness and dedication. 6. The amnesty program offered to the Vietcong should be broadened and liberal- ized. The counterinsurgency wars that have been won since World War II o;ten.4nvolved generous, well-publicized amnesty programs. (The Philippine Government, for instance, promised and gave farms to many Huk guer- rillas who surendered.) Although the South Vietnamese think it wrong to treat rebels bet- ter than loyal peasants, it is clearly worth a good dehl to South Vietnam to make sur- render safe and attractive, and to guarantee a decent, useful life to the man who sur- renders. 7. We probably do not need to escalate military activities against North Vietnam. The military tactics we have Introduced- aggressive patrolling to carry out search-and- destroy and clear-and-hold operations-con- tain ma}iy significant benefits that have not yet been fully realized, but should soon show important results. 8, I believe we can pacify Vietnam. A stable, reasonable government there is pos- sible. Although the political situation looks bad today, many current political problems are likely to be solved following, and as the result of, military victories. The political difficulties in South Vietnam are likely to be diminished when and after elections are held-especially if the elections follow mili- tary victories. Our present policy is the only realistic al- ternative the United States really has. It is a hopeful policy. If we are patient, resolute, realistic, that policy can probably realize our goals. I have yet to hear of an alternative that is not likely to involve costs fax greater, far more deplorable, far more inhumane in both the short and long run. (Arthur Schlesinger, Jr.: Albert Schweitzer Professor of the Humanities, City Univer- sity of New York; professor oJ? history, Harvard, 1954-61; twice winner, Pulitzer Prize; winner, National Book Award; as- sistant to Presidents Kennedy and John- son; author of "A Thousand Days," etc.) The moderate critics of the administra- tion's Vietnam policy do not question its proclaimed purposes: resistance to Commu- nist aggression, self-determination for South Vietnam, a negotiated settlement In South- east Asia. They do question, with the great- est urgency, the theory that the way to achieve these objectives Is to intensify the war. The more we destroy Vietnam, North and South, in their judgment, the less chance there will ever be of attaining our objectives. The course of widening the war, moreover, will mire our nation in a hopeless and end- less conflict on the mainland of Asia, beyond the effective use of our national power and the range of our primary interests--and may well end in nuclear war with China. And the alternatives? Instead of suppos- ing that a guerrilla movement can, be crushed by strategic bombing, Instead of using mili- tary methods to solve a political problem, we must adapt the means we employ to the end we seek. 1. Stop the Americanization of the war. The bitter fact is that the war in Vietnam can never be won as a war of white men against Asians. It cannot be won "unless the people [of South Vietnam] support the effort , . . . We can help them, we can give them equipment, we can send our men out there as advisers, but they have to win it, the people of Vietnam" (President Kennedy, 1963). The more we Americanize the war- by increasing our military presence, by sum- moning Saigon leaders, like vassals, to, con- ferencesin an American state, by transform- ing a local war in Vietnam into a global test between America and China-the more we make the war unwinnable. 2. A civilian government in Saigon. We have never had a government in Saigon that could enlist the active loyalty of the country- side, and we certainly do not have one in Marshal Ky's military junta. Instead of identifying American interests with Marshal Ky, and rebuffing the broader political im- pulses of the South, we should long since have encouraged a movement toward a civil- ian regime that represents the significant political forces of the country and is capable both of rallying the army and carrying out programs of social reform. If such a govern- ment should favor the neutralization of South Vietnam, if it should want to negotiate with Vietcong, even if it should wish to re- lease us from our commitment to stay in Vietnam, we cannot and should not object. 3. Reconvene the Geneva Conference. We should persevere in the quest for negotiation. Since the Vietcong are a principal party to the conflict, it would appear obvious that peace talks at Geneva are meaningless with- out their participation. And since they will never talk if the only topic is their uncon- ditional surrender, we must, unless we plan to exterminate them, hold out to them a prospect of a say in the future political life of South Vietnam-conditioned on their lay- ing down their arms, opening up their terri- tories and abiding by the ground rules of democratic elections, preferably under inter- national supervision. 4. Hold the line in South Vietnam. Obvi- ously, Hanoi and the Vietcong will not negotiate so long as they think they can win. Since stalemate is thus a precondition to negotiation, we must have enough American ground forces in South Vietnam to demon- strate that our adversaries cannot hope for military victory. I believe that we have more than enough troops and installations there now to make this point. It is an illusion to suppose that by in- creasing the size of the American Army we can ever gain a reliable margin of superiority; for, by the Pentagon's preferred 10:1 ratio in fighting guerrillas, every time we add 100,000 men, the enemy has only to add 10,000, and we are all even again. Nor does "digging in" mean a static strat- egy with initiative relinquished to the enemy. The South Vietnamese Army of half a million men Is better suited in many ways than are Americans to search operations in the villages. We should also limit our bombing in the South. Have we really no better way to deal with guerrilla warfare than the aerial oblit- eration of the country In which it is taking place? If this is our best idea of "protecting" a country against communism, what other country, seeing the devastation we have wrought in Vietnam, will ever wish for American protection? 5. Taper off the bombing of North Viet- nam. Secretary McNamara has candidly said, "We never believed that bombing would destroy North Vietnam's will," and thus far, bombing the North has neither brought Hanoi to the conference table, demoralized the people nor stopped Infiltration. As a result, pressure arises for ever-wider strikes-- first oil depots, then harbors, factories, cities, the Chinese border. But these won't work either. As we move down this road, we will only solidify the people of North Vietnam behind their government, make negotiations Impossible and eventually assure the entry of China into the war. And even if we bombed North Vietnam back to the Stone Age and earned thereby the hatred of the civilized world, this still would not settle Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 Approved For Release 2P 6/ DP 6R000400090003-6 16525 July 27, 1966 CONGRESS' C - the present war-which, after all, is taking down sound goals and guidelines but to the production conditions in developing place not in North but in South Vietnam. should not attempt to administer the countries. it seems to be possible for the developing countries, A long-run program for Southeast, Asia. , by making use of the ? day-to-day decisions of AID by statute. scientific advances of the West, to achieve We should discuss with Russia, France, China Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- comparatively very high growth rates over And ether interested countries a neutraliza- sent that Mr. Bell's fine speech be print- sustained periods of time. The Japanese t program, under international guSoun- tee, for Cambodia, Laos, , North and South ed in the RECORD at this point. record is well-known. Taiwan's is less well- Vietnam. If these states could work out There being no objection, the speech known, but nearly as spectacular. forms of economic collaboration, as. in the was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, For the past decade, been growing at an average n's economy this development of the Mekong Valley, the as follows: has of 7 bb per cent. For the last years, e annual per year. In guarantors should make economic and tech- ADDRESS BY THE HONORABLE DAVID E. BELL, ohas scent. r per last five nical assistance available to them. ADMINISTRATOR, AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL rate 8.8 cent rcyear In el in economic which 9 thth,e Taiwan's ntis ed A program of limiting our forces, actions DEVELOPMENT, DEPARTMENT OF STATE, BE- 1ats965, , the the year and objectives still holds out the possibility FORE THE NATIONAL PRESS CLUB, WASHING- increased by 10 per cent. Al- of an honorable resolution of a tragic situa- TON, D.C., JULY 14, 1966 tional these r prroduct are inc r eased yly twice the Alfern. A program of ast indefinite escalation ar- I come before you, from a newsman's point parable rates for the United States. fern nothing but disaster; for our adversar- of view, as that most useless of creatures- The second inference is the crucial im- iesca, in their own way, match our every y a lame duck. It is too late for me to speak portance of leadership in they developing sou up to t as war-and and pol war with authority, and too early for me to speak countries. Modern science and technology would be just as much a ou moral be and phy sical without responsibility. I do have a few part- do not apply themselves-they must be ap- catastrophe for t as r East and the whole in comments, however, mostly having to do plied, as the result of strong development catastrophe for the Far East anthe whole with the future possibilities of the U.S. for- policies. Priorities must be set sensibly. world. sign aid program. In the question period Local resources must be raised. - Incentives to follow, I will of course be glad to answer must be assured. Skills must be trained. .TANGIBLE SUCCESSES OF TEE -questions on any subject within my com- All these and many other matters can be FOREIGN AID PROGRAM petence. arranged only by public and private leaders _ in the developing countries. Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey. Mr. My first suggestion is that the prospects It is not too much to say that the most President, David Bell, the distinguished for economic growth in the developing coun- useful effect of foreign aid is not the projects former Administrator of the Agency for tries are better than many people think. One that may be built, but the support and stim- International Development, recently often hears the view that the needs of the ulation that may be given to stronger and spoke to the National Press Club on the developing countries are so great-their wiser development policies. Clearly each goals and the results of our foreign aid poverty is so extreme-that the United States project should be well-run and effective, but program. In the midst of the harsh and the other advanced countries will have the important question is what effect can to provide aid in large amounts for decades aid have in encouraging and helping the criticism which has been directed at the to come. Another view sometimes heard- local leadership to devise and apply firm de- alleged failures of our foreign aid pro- in a-sense the reverse of the first-holds that velopment policies. gram, I think Mr. Bell's speech il1uS- the developing countries are so hopelessly The third inference relates to the future trates very well some of the tangible suc- poor, so weakly and irresponsibly governed, need for aid from the U.S. and other donors. Cesses of this program. Taiwan and that sending them aid is a waste of good re- Just as many observers may have under- Japan in Asia, Israel and Greece are sources and should be stopped altogether. estimated the prospects for economic growth, cases where our aid has been terminated As you could guess from the way I have so many may also have exaggerated its cost. after, producing spectacular economic Set up these straw men, I think both are The purpose of foreign aid, after all, is not quite wrong, and are based on an excessively to help every country achieve the income gains. In Brazil, Chile, and Korea we pessimistic reading of our experience. The standards of the advanced countries, - but see examples - of economic growth Com- record shows some startling success stories. only to help aid recipients reach the point bind with relative political stability. Looking back, we forget how startling they where they can move ahead on their own. In the past I have consistently sup- were. Remember the case of Japan. In 1949, The real question is: what amount of con- ported sound foreign aid programs. I so responsible a source as Fortune Magazine cessional aid, coupled with sound self-help think it particularly important that we described the United States' "$2 billion fail- policies and actions, will put the country pre in Japan", and went on to say that "the in question in position to move ahead on its have author ears so tions that w we e Ca ax cog n d deeve e lop Japanese face a future uniquely bleak . . . own, to obtain its capital requirements on period of y years five, ten or more years of ... grueling work. normal commercial terms, thus ending the effective long-range planning. In adds- The American taxpayer must prepare him- need for concessional aid. Taiwan has only tion, we should avoid defeating the pur- self for an indefinite period of vast appro- started on the road of economic develop- pose of our foreign aid program by im- - -priations." meet. Many years of growth will be re- posing ruinous interest charges on our That of course is not what happened. lap- quired before Taiwan will approach present long-term development loans. At pres- anese economic growth has been a modern V.S. income levels. Taiwan will need to ent an excessive amount of annual de- wonder. Instead of going on for an indefi- import much capital over that period. But nite period, sizeable economic aid from the now it can do so on normal commercial terms, v orld ou ries Is be g return by fthe United States to Japan ended within five without further concessional aid. Taiwan world countres is being returned to the years of that Fortune article. More recently, has only started on the development process, lending nations in the form of interest Japan has agreed to repay $490 million of but it has already finished the aid process. payments and debt service.. What has our economic assistance, and in 1965, its own been aptly called the debt explosion by foreign aid program totaled more than $240 these conclusions are warranted, as I be- World Bank President George Woods can million. If they are, one could are suggest that be- severely hamper and retard the sound Even more significant, in my opinion, is lieve fu e ey aid policy should st to g countries development of nations already poor in - the success of Taiwan-a story some of you work on with those deould simply es investment capital and foreign exchange in this room may have heard me tell before. following on wrong sosehelp lopings o trio reserves. The key lesson of Taiwan is that a country country after country, economic strength and ' the conditions self-sustaining ro ress have been established and each has can In his speech Mr. Bell touches on economic c growth at a surprisingly y low w level l p g Indonesia and the sharp reversal of of per capita income. American aid has not the capacity to continue its forward momen- . So far withoout it our goes, aidthis conclusion seems to Sukarno'S policy of creating a Peking- made the Taiwanese wealthy-their per ca- turn Djakarta axis. This sudden and unex- pita income is less than $200 per year, com- me correct. There is a group of countries- pected shift underlines the importance pared to more than $2500 per year in the such as Israel, Mexico, Venezuela-in which of keeping our foreign aid policy as flex- - United States. But our aid-and their own the need for concessional aid-grants and ible as possible. This year, as in the efforts-have given Taiwan the power to soft-term loans-is clearly near its end. past, there have been attempts to tie achieve further economic growth without There is a second group of countries mak- further economic aid. ing strong and solid progress though it will the ; amendments d hand by statutory man- These cases, and others like Greece, Israel, be some years before aid qan be ended. date; amewere offered restrict- Mexico, do not prove that every underdevel- These are countries which, like India, Paki- ing aid to various countries in certain oped country will succeed. But they come stan, Korea, Turkey, Brazil, Chile, are follow- circumstances. close to showing that every underdeveloped ing sound self-help policies. United States In my view, the rigidity of the law can country can succeed. - development assistance is heavily concen- vitiate a sound policy of foreign aid, These success stores lead, I think, to three trated in these countries. which should be able to meet the chal- very important inferences. These countries are clearly on the road to lenges' and the opportunities of a con- One is the enormous power of modern sci- economic self-support. They are likely to stantly changing world. We should lay ence and technology when effectively applied reach their goal at different times, since each Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 16526 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July 27, 1966 starts with a different endowment of natural resources, skilled managers, and so forth. In saying this and of great value the -supp States. A o , however, I would not wish world indeppen enden nt, self-supporting na- ically self-sustaining within five years, and as asserting that our press pions, c Some of these countries could be econom- to be understood cooperating to kind her o d solve the even the poorest, probably within 15 or 20 env; U.S. aid programs are nearly h good as problems, se is the kind of world the Unite years, they should be. A great deal of change has States seeks-in which believe ct can Our economic aid policies toward the type been underway and further changes are In live most safely and most constructively. of countries have been de toardg can be prospect. i would cite three illustrations. But such a world Is not utopia. of count s I have relatively simple- sheb execution First, we are in process of adapting to the The case of France illustrates the point a very complex and execution fact that foreign aid has become an interna- neatly. France has been the largest single mater. The logic of the situation would tional business-with other advanced coun- recipient of U.S. aid-over $9 billion in eco- matt r. be The l o cinue to d our full sold tries in Europe plus Canada and Japan pro- nomic and military assistance. That aid ac- seem g these to . Along wa ll sha viding last year over $2.5 billion in aid to the complished what it was intended to ac- donors, countries. be et prepared with developing countries. The most promising complish, namely, the restoration of the donors, we h u provide other e arrangements for coordinating aid are the French economy from the devastation of tries,more aid should will en the future a them .to make these faster consortiums and consultative groups, of World War II, and .the rebuilding of the headway toward economic self which the World Bank has established per- French military forces as part of the NATO -support and haps ten or a dozen, with two or three more alliance. It is not an exaggeration to sA the end of the need for outside aid. on the horizon. Through these consult say The question f ti li a o ve po cies becomes more un- groups, the Bank takes the lead in. working certain when we look at countries that do out the right prescription both for the self- not have strong, full-scale development pro- help actions and for the amounts and types grams. Some of these are countries, such as of aid that are required for a particular aid- a number in Africa, which are not in a post- receiving country. tion to make rapid progress toward economic It is feasible for the United States or an- development because they are seriously short other bilateral aid donor to take a leading role of competent leaders, or because they have in working out the arrangements for strong not yet found a way, in their particular pout- self-help in a given country. We have done ical circumstances, to achieve a firm com- so successfully in several cases. It Is clearly mitment to sound economic policies. preferable, however, for this role to be played There have been suggestions that until by the World Bank or another international such countries put their own houses in order agency, backed up by the bilateral aid donors. there Is little we can do to help them, and The consultative group, therefore, represents consequently we should no nothing. I be- in our judgment a major improvement In our lieve such a policy would be utopian and methods of providing economic assistance. wrong. There are certainly cases in which A second improvement which is well un- we should indeed provide no aid at all. In- derway Is to place much greater emphasis donesia, a year ago, was such a case. among both aid recipients and aid donors But many of these developing countries on the urgency of enlarging agricultural can be helped, by technical assistance and productivity in the developing countries and, training efforts, to understand their own meanwhile, of improving the arrangements problems better and gradually to improve under which food assistance is provided to their development policies and programs. them. In this same connection there is And sometimes a wise and timely use of in- rapidly growing a more rational approach to centives can help bring about important the problems of population growth. The policy changes or reforms. This is delicate United States, I am glad to say, has played business, normally needing to be carried out a leading role in both these areas. privately, and preferably through the good One illustration of this is our invitation offices of an international agency such as the for th e result of United States aid, and that is a re- sult which would have been worth a good deal more to the United States than $9 bil- lion. But it, does not require Bastille Day to remind us that an independent France may sometimes act independently. And the moral of that story is that foreign aid can solve some problems but not all. A final observation. The question is often asked whether United States aid helps the growth of democratic attitudes and institu- tions in less-developed countries. In the pre- sent state of our knowledge, we cannot be sure of the answer. My own personal view is that aid is substantially helpful to this end, for several reasons. The first is exposure. There is no doubt that most of the thousands of persons who come to this country under our aid programs, and most of those who come In contact with our technical assistance people abroad, are impressed by the freedom and mobility of our society and the benefits of government by consent. Furthermore, under the aid program we deliberately foster many democratic institu- tions-savings and loan associations, for ex- ample, democratic trade unions, cooperatives of various kinds; government agencies with an ttit a ude of service toward people; and Development Assistance Committee of the times be done. OECD to meet s Washington next week, many others. Through such Institutions, Our policy, therefore, in countries which with problems of food and agriculture in a people in developed counties learn at first are not fully committed to strong full-scale d h an ow a pluralistic society functions, and development programs, in my opinion, should prominent place on its agenda. experience the necessity for responsible be one of seeking to catch hold where we can, A third improvement which 'is underway choice. and to bring positive influence to bear where in our aid programs is a greater emphasis Finally, the economic and social pol the opportunity is open to us, with the ob- on the encouragement of local and private which we foster are designed to broaden the jective of helping more and more countries initiative in the developing countries. We base of economic participation and spread to embark on full-scale economic develop- continue to support strongly American pri- the powers of economic decision. Land re- re- cent efforts which can lead them toward eco- vote investment in Asia and Africa and Latin form, for example, is often a powerful means meat eelf-support. America. And we are also finding more for making a society more democratic, as nomto I have not mentioned so far one last group ways to support the growth of private and well as for stimulating the growth of invest- of countries to which we provide aid. These local organizations in the developing coun- ment and output in agriculture. The exten- are the countries such as Vietnam and Laos, tries themselves-businesses, cooperatives, Sion of education to more children at ele- the Congo, and the Dominican Republic, trade unions, farm organizations, and so mentary, secondary, and higher levels where the first problem has been the restora- forth. We are finding excellent support broadens the basis for responsible participa- tion of peace and security, and economic aid among private American organizations of all tion in a nation's affairs. is directed to assist that objective, as a pre- kinds for this approach, and a number of In all these ways and for all these reasons, requisite to longer-term considerations of new organizations have been established by I believe the net effect of our aid programs is economic and social progress. private groups to contribute to this, end- strongly positive in encouraging democratic If, therefore, you look across the develop- as the AFL-CIO has established the African- evolution, and those critics who charge the ing world you can see a rough spectrum rang- American Labor Center and a group of aid program with perpetuating rigid social Ing at one extreme from countries torn by in- businessmen led by David Rockefeller and surgency, through those which are at peace Sol Linowitz has established the Internation- patterns and oligarchical control have simply al Executive Service Corps. not been looking at what we are actually do- but are struggling to develop effective leader- ing around the world. ate ship and policies for development, through leader- In these and other ways the United SStt s Nevertheless, I would certainly not argue countries well on the road to solid develop foreign aid program---and. the aid ment, to those at the other extreme where of other countries-are in a state of rapid dthat emocracy. Tare are assistance n a other recipe for our assistance is terminating. It seems to me change and, I believe, increasing efficiency. at dem workocracy. There are many ether influences our economic aid policies can be fitted to the It is a lively business, attracting highly able struggle work, and it many will countries plainly be a find long, satis- particular circumstances of these various people to work on the challenging problems factory a s for cal s a -that types of countries, in order to help each of of economic and social change in the de- ory basis for political institutions that them achieve the next step forward from the veloping countries. could properly be called democratic. restoration of security, through the develop- Iv ment of effective leadership, through strong I should like to close with an observation development programs, to economic inde- or two going beyond the area of economic pendence. And it seems to me that looked development as such. at in this light, it is legitimate to say that if It is important not to expect too much. we stick with the job we can hope to see very our aid programs, when they are success- substantial gains over, say, the next decade, ful, assist developing countries to establish along this path toward economic develop- themselves as Independent, self-supporting cent. nations. That is a great accomplishment, And so I am ending my association with AID with the good feeling of having been in the thick of a very good fight-of having sign been involved in an endeavor of very great i- ficance to the United States and to the future of the world. The problems are extremely difficult, and we have much to learn about how to deal with them effectively. But I am convinced that the United States in its aid programs is on a sound footing. I trust we Approved For Release 2005/06/29: CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 July 27, Y96e CONGRF.SSIONAT R1Pf'f1UT1 Or.T.T A r.... wia nave the y/i/iotn and the fortitude to other mistreatment as well. The idea that in our descent toward barbarism and world stay the Co tars 1' 11 they might be tried and nut to death as "wa, w at home; one senator warns that the U.& Subsequently there was addressed to would, in that event, make a desert of North the President l " " a so a minute ctiig onann Mr. McINTYRE. Mr. President, Pres- Vietnam. the statement of the Friend's group on id Mr Johnson's measured comments Pres- Understandable though the reaction is, it the means which should be adopted for is not calculated to contribute to the most moving toward ending the war. Hanoi's threats to try captured Ameri- intelligent prosecution of the war. Hard as it can airmen as war criminals have drawn is to say it, the national interest requires Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- favorable attention in the press. that the war be waged in accordance with sent that the statement of the Friends' In response to questions at his tele- the best military judgment, without regard General Conference, which includes the vised news conference this week, the to the fate of the airmen or to public outcry texts of the two statements addressed to President said the very committed war crimes at Actually, the Hanoi regime presumably RECORD. . obj, is deplorable and revolting. Should wars It s influence the America's Convention, Rent There was being ordered to to ection the state- North Vietnam put them on trial, he to which it is a signatory, on the ostensible RE, : be pr i nted in the said, the people of the world would re- ground that the U.S. is waging an unde- THE WA as foVIE N act accordingly. Glared aggressive war; the contention is non- THE WAR IN VIETNAM A DEEP CONCERN OF Both the Baltimore Sun and Wall sense because the Convention applies to wars MEMBERS OF THE RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF Street Journal similarly deplore Hanoi's declared or undeclared. The real point is FRIENDS (QUAKERS) Stri et while contending that it 'is in the nature of Communists to Members of the Religious Society of uppon h e at our must keep abide or not abide by the niceties of interna- Friends, meeting during their biennial con- bring m mind that fighting in Viet urrpose is tional law as it suits their purpose. ference at Cape May, New Jersey, June 24- honorable end. In this case it seems likely, as C. L. Sulz- July 1, 1966, were deeply disturbed by the berger suggests in the New York Times, that announcements of the escalation of the war Prior to the President's comments, the the Communists are attempting to use the effort in Vietnam. In response to this esca- Chicago Daily News, like the Wall Street fliers to ward off further broadening of the lation, Friends united in sending the follow- Journal, branded as nonsense North war against North Vietnam; sealing off Hai- ing messages to the President of the United Vietanam's claim that the Geneva Con- phong harbor, for one example. In other States: V iet on war prisoners does not a words, they might try but not execute the 1. A telegram sent on June 29, 1966 to v this case. If Noon s does not pply prisoners unless the U.S. did undertake sig- President Johnson, signed by 600 delegates: in Vietnam per nificant expansions on the attacks on the "Our hearts go out to the many Vietna- in violating international agreements, North. Rose men, women, and children who have the Daily News said, it should be treated We obviously cannot pretend to know been killed and injured by our bombs as well as a renegade nation, whether expansion is dictated by military W to the Americans who in died today. I have editorials from each of the need, All we are saying is that it should We are moved to protest in bomb Hanoi newspapers and would like to insert not be done in reprisal; nor should new tar- Haiphong your decision is to bomb Hani and them in the RECORD. gets be rejected, in hope of saving the fliers, Haiphong areas. barbarism This is another step ar anarchy no objection, the edito- if such raids are deemed necessary for the The de toward es directl and herfa face of the descent There being were ordered to be printed in the war effort. The American purpose is to bring The dary-Ge flies directly 's tun face the RECORD, a follows: the. the war to an acceptable conclusion, and Secretary-General U Thant June to rec om- as m that must be the guiding consideration, bombing that the United States cease [From the Baltimore (Md.) Sun, July 21, It will be a bitter thing if Hanoi carries bombing of North with angui 1966] out its threats. But when a nation is pitted our own "We are responsibility ib anguish and as participatthink n of THE CAPTIVE FLIERS against Communists, it has no reason to ex- American bint this and action. W pl as While stating strongly this country's Con- pect anything but Communist cruelty, with you to citizens rf r td n. We plead cern over the threatened North Vietnamese with you to pray for God's guidance that you maltreatment of captured American fliers, whthose efgiven thh wichJwiwisdom end and h o isite ito adopt President Johnson took repeated occasion at QUAKERS URGE PRESIDENT TO by pe cuies weans and hb w ld n w war his press conference yesterday to insist that ' REVERSE LATEST ESCALATION all Gods children cant ivy in peace." which our policy in Vietnam has not changed, and Mr. HARTKE. Mr. President, the is still. a policy of trying through mil itary 2. A minute addressed to President John- pressure and diplomatic exploration bring General Conference of the Religious So- son and other national and international to . the war there to a peaceful, honorable solu- ciety of Friends, often known as Quakers, Conference approved Central d by the tteenos July 1, General tion. The exploration continues even now, May, Conference Central Committee on July 1, held its biennial meeting at Cape M May, 1966: the President reported, and of course the N.J., frgm June 24 to July 1. More than "The General Conference of Friends, rep- military pressure will be maintained. Mr. 3,000 members were present for the resenting Yearly, Quarterly, and Monthly Johnson emphasized~bis intention of confln- meeting, coming from more than 30 Meetings of the Religious Society of Friends Ing the pressure as applied from the air to States, including my own State of Indi- gland, meeting at military targets. He was dot from California to New En n;gna more than ari&. Cape May, New Jersey, June 24-July 1, facing the harsh facts when he said that any strongly urges President Lyndon B. Johnson, treatment of the prisoners as other than The historic concerrr of the Friends Senators, and Representatives of the United military assignments would be "deplorable for the cause of peace is a tradition to States Congress to reverse the latest. escala- and repulsive" and would draw reaction which they have held for many years. In tion of the war in Vietnam involving the accordingly. wartime they have furnished from their bombing of targets in the immediate area of The moment is a grim one, and could grow ranks ambulance drivers, medics, and heavily We, grimmer, if the .North Vietnamese persist in Y populated Hanoi and Haiphong their miscalculations-or t we for our In other workers whose mission has always as Friends, have historically deplored the use in the face of what indeed is of military force, but this latest action in ugly plops , been that of healing rather than joining Vietnam deeply concerns all men and women tion; abandon the painful process of trying in the hurt of actual combat. In peace- who believe that there are other ways to win daily to find a reasonable way through the time they have been a powerful force, the hearts of men and women than death Vietnamese dilemma. We have first to pro. far beyond their numbers, for the devel- and destruction by bombing. Bullets na- tect the fliers, and other prisoners, and then, opment of relief to the needy places of palm, and bombs have never won friends; if possible, to continue the policy of disci- the world. plane and restraint, believing as we must that but land reform, tax reform, and the elimina- plthe end this policy prevail. 15 nonetheless expected, , that ato t this gen- la it large evl factor th in the the causes civil which [From ofeignifih war ch in have South been Viet- [From the Wall Street Journal, July 21, 19661 oral conference should d express its deep nom. - - THE CAPTURED AIRMEN concern for the -conduct of our policies "Among possible steps to end this war The North Vietnamese threat to try, and in Vietnam, By official action, the now, we urge the United States Government possibly execute, captured American fliers is group united in sending to President to: one more depressing development in a de- Johnson a telegram signed by 600 dele- "I. Work through the United Nations and pressing war. And because it is so emotion- gates, expressing on the same day as tion Geneva Conference for a peaceful solu- pressing it is all the more necessary to try to the escalation of bombing of Hanoi and "2. Accede to the proposals of the United view it calmly. Even a it is, the plight of the men is sad Haiphong, the strongest kind of protest: Nations Secretary-General, U Thant, includ- enough. as It I, paraded before taunting mobs and, This is another step- ing: Judging from the photos, perhaps suffering Said the telegram- "a. Cessation of bombing of North Viet- nom; Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446ROO0400090003-6 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 16528 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July 27, 1966 "b. Scaling down of all military activities to cope with the problem, they tend to be major, effective antipollution effort is many in South Vietnam, 'which alone could lead overwhelmed by their own corruption. The years overdue, House action is now impera- to an effective cease-fire'; wholesale fouling of our once-clear rivers is tive. "c, Willingness of all sides to enter into truly a national disgrace. discussions with those who are 'actually The central idea behind the present bill is fighting'; to clean up entire river systems. At the re- "3. Work for a quick return to civilian quest of a state, or several states in the case government in South Vietnam; of interstate streams, the Secretary of the "4. Organize a peace-keeping force of Interior may designate a planning agency Asians in this wartorn area under the aus- for an entire river basin. The plan devised pices of the United Nations; by that agency would have to meet the stand- "5. Commit ourselves now to a phased ards fixed by the bill and the state would withdrawal of U.S. armed forces as quickly have to put up 30 percent of the cost of the as possible; essential treatment facilities. In these cir- "6. Support plans for reconstruction of cumstances, the Federal grant could amount South Vietnam and North Vietnam indicat- to 50 percent of the entire cost, leaving only ed by the President in his proposals last 20 percent for the municipalities, spring at the Johns Hopkins University." Apart from the basin-wide projects, the We are deeply aware of the tremendous bill would eliminate existing dollar ceilings burden of decision resting upon the shoul- on grants to state and local agencies for the ders of the President of the United States. construction of treatment works. It would We pray that he will have the courage to set up a special program for depressed areas work through that Eternal Spiritual force which cannot finance sewage treatment fa- which can guide us all toward a Peace on cilities. It would provide a 10-percent Fed- Earth for all the children, of God. eral bonus to encourage joint action by large Mr. METCALF. -Mr. President, two prominent Eastern newspapers cheer the Senate for passing without dissent legis- lation designed to clean our rivers and streams. Each asks the House to follow suit. Much still remains to be done to rid the Nation's waters of pollution, but the New York Times and Washington Post endorse the bill to generate Federal, State, and local spending of some $200 billion over the next 6 years. Both newspapers declare the pollution of our water resources has reached alarming proportions. But as the junior Senator from Maine-the bill's chief sponsor-has contended, the people have given Congress a mandate to act. In recognition of this mandate, I offer these newspaper editorials for the REc- ORD. There being no objection, the editorials were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the Washington (D.C.) Post, July 15, 1966] MANDATE FOR CLEAN WATER The 90-to-0 vote by which the Senate passed the clean-rivers bill is indicative of a tidal wave of reaction against filth in our streams. A few years ago it was difficult to arouse any interest in pollution or its abate- ment on a national scale. Now there is mounting alarm, and, according to Senator MTSKIE, the chief sponsor of the Senate bill, the people have given a mandate to Congress to end the shocking abuse of our water resources. In any event, the Senate has responded with a commendable sense of urgency. It voted ,to authorize the spending of $6 billion for pollution control over the next six"years. The program is designed to stimulate a total outlay of $20 billion, with the states and municipalities contributing the larger share. It remains to be seen whether the local gov- ernments will take full advantage of this opportunity to reclaim their corrupted riv- ers. But the Federal incentive will certainly be much stronger than ever before. To date the states have been shockingly negligent in this field. With many of their rivers stinking from sewage and many har- bors befouled by oil and other wastes, 42 states have done nothing at all, leaving the whole burden on their municipalities. As a result numerous towns and cities are pour- Ing raw sewage Into the same stream. Even where municipalities have made some effort metropolitan areas in meeting their pollu- tion-control problems. Funds would also_ become available for the training of person- nel in pollution control, for additional re- search in the disposal of radioactive wastes, the pollution of estuaries and so forth. It is an immense undertaking. Let no one suppose, however, that the pol- lution problem Is about to be solved or that no further efforts are necessary. Senator MUSKIE candidly told his colleagues that two major problems are left untouched by his bill; the disposal of industrial waste and the separation of storm and sanitary sewers. Under the best of circumstances, moreover, the billions voted by the Senate would pro- vide only primary and secondary sewage treatment for 80 percent of the population. Someone has estimated that it will cost $100 billion to wipe out the country's befoulment of its water resources, and then it Is doubt- ful whether the job would be complete. The Senate bill will also need scrutiny as to the clean-water standards it provides. Yet,, with all its deficienSies, it is a remark- able step forward. The House should be at least equally forthright and positive in its response to the mounting mandate fOr clean water. [From the New York Times, July 15, 19661 THE SENATE ACTS ON POLLUTION The Senate has given a powerful thrust to the fight for cleaner air and water i];L America. Without a dissenting vote, it has passed and sent to the House a $6.2-billion, six?-year pro- gram to eliminate water pollution and a bill authorizing $196 million over three years to combat air pollution. For cleaner air, the bill would provide up to 60 per cent of the costs of antipollution programs for individual communities and up to 60 per cent for campaigns undertaken jointly by cities or states. For cleaner water, the Senate program would go well beyond Administration re- quests. In fact, in his testimony on a similar bill before the corresponding House Commit- tee, Interior Secretary Udall had urged a ceil- ing of $3.45 billion over five years. Senators did not just pluck the $6-billion figure out of thick air, however. This sum would provide Federal contributions aver- aging about a third of the cost of urgently needed water purification programs across the country. Sponsors ' believe that if the states and localities cooperated properly, this expanded program could eliminate the pres- ent $20-billion backlog of required waste- treatment facilities over the six-year period. Mr. Udall is under budgetary pressure be- cause of the expanding war effort in Viet- nam. Even his proposed ceiling would go well beyond current programs and President Johnson's request for the clean-rivers cam- paign this year. But the need Is clear and a COMMUNISTS LOSE GROUND Mr. MOSS. Mr. President, if we think we have world problems, consider the view from the Communist angle. The Aurora, Ill., Beacon-News, one of the Copley newspapers, makes this sug- gestion in an editorial describing the domestic and international failures that mar the outlook for Red China and Rus- sia. Their problems do not solve ours, the newspaper acknowledges, but they do in- dicate that our policies furthering multi- lateral alliances and economic stability among friends are right. When the Communist world falters, the editorial advises, we should play from a hand of strength to assure victory for freedom and the dignity of man. I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the RECORD this description of cracks in the Communist front. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the Aurora (Ill.) Beacon News, July 11, 1966] CRACKS DEVELOP ON ALL FRONTS--COM:MU- NISTS LOSE GROUND If at times, the world problems of the United States of America seem grim and de- pressing, consider how the globe must look to the Communist today. Red China, one of the two major atheistic Communist powers, is fighting a bitter in- ternal ideological war and has a serious dif- ference of opinion with Russia. Its aggression in Indonesia was a total flop; it has alienated India and even Pakistan has shown a noticeable cooling to the wiles of Mao Tse-tung. A Red Chinese ideological invasion of Africa was a dismal failure. Peking's agricultural and industrial economy is archaic and stagnating. The problems of Russia, the other large Marxist power, are no less serious. Its agri- culture is so weak it is still spending hoarded gold to buy Free World wheat. Its industries are years behind major free world nations despite abortive attempts at a pseudo free- enterprise system. The people are restive, demanding more consumer goods and more luxuries. In the political realm the problems of RI1s- sia make those of the United States seem small. After 11 years of existence, the War- saw Pact, a, counterpart to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, is faltering. Without total Russian domination, there probably would not be a pact. Romania, Yugoslavia and even the militant Czechoslovakia are rebelling at the iron hand of the Kremlin. Additionally, communism and Catholicism are in a major confrontation in Poland. And on the other side of the continent, China is casting covetous eyes on its former territories in Siberia. In Southeast Asia the war is going badly for both the Red Chinese who spur it ideolog- ically, and the Russians who are supplying much of the equipment and technical knowl- edge. In the American hemisphere, the Russians have an albatross in the form of Fidel Castro, who may be near the verge of collapse in Cuba. The problem is further aggravated for Russia by failure of the Cuban sugar crop and inordinately low world prices for the commodity. Because of quick and proper United States assistance, the Communists failed to gain a toehold in the Dominican Republic. Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 A3980. Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67BOQ446R000400090003-6 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD APPENDIX July 27, 1966 vide the ridiculous symbol of their fears by erecting a wall in Berlin. Only recently has there been a relaxing of the barriers that for so long separated the Communist-dominated countries behind the Iron Curtain from the rest of the world. Red-leaders have concluded-and correct- ly so-that they have much to lose if they end their isolation. The aggressive designs that typify Communist nations merely serve to keep the focus of attention on something other than their domestic problems. The President has made it clear that Red China has nothing to fear from the U.S. if it halts its exports of terror, and recognizes that "co-operation, not hostility, is the way of the future." Even though the Red Chi- nese may not listen, the conciliatory speech cannot help but impress other world leaders. The timing of the policy outline was excel- lent-for the President could not have spoken convincingly a few months ago while Ameri- cans and South Vietnamese were being ter- rorized in the streets of Saigon and repeated- ly ambushed in the jungles of South Viet Nam. Speaking now from a position of strength, the appeal is much more likely to be effective. Project Headstart Is Tremendously Beneficial EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JOHN E. MOSS OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, July 12, 1966 Mr. MOSS. Mr. Speaker, Project Headstart has proven, in my judgment, to be tremendously beneficial. I had an opportunity for close observation of its operation in the city of Alexandria, Va., ? last year as a result of the very active in- terest of my 16-year-old daughter who served as a volunteer participant in the program. Her reports of improvements were most impressive. I believe that the benefits far outweigh the costs of the program-the successes more than over- balance the few instances of failure. The Sacramento Bee in an editorial in its issue of Wednesday, July 13, 1966, re- flects in part the broad public approval of Project Headstart. I commend the editorial, particularly the closing paragraph, to my colleagues: [From the Sacramento Bee, July 13, 1966] ALL START EQUAL? When Project Head Start was initiated in the attempt to create a better educational opportunity among the disadvantaged very young there was scoffing from the critics it would become just another extravagant gov- ernmental boondoggle. Well, after only a year's operation even the harshest critics have had to pull in their necks in the face of irrefutable testimony that Project Head Start represents a magnifi- cent beginning at helping the disadvantaged prepare for schooling. Those. who are expert in such things have found that the IQ of children enrolled in Head Start programs increases as much as 16 per cent in the exposure. They report there not only has been a marked improvement in the educational potential of these children, the project has helped the disadvantaged to adjust socially. This cannot be considered only a side benefit. In a real sense, this ad- justment is absolutely essential to living the fuller, more creative life. There have been many stories told of the experiences of those working in Read Start programs. Among them include the revela- tions that in the case of many Children, the tots never had a book of their own to open and reveled in their new discovery: The pic- ture and the written word. In the case of another a Negro child was asked what a policeman was. She replied a policeman was someone who would hurt you and throw you in jail. Such was her environmental con- cept of law, justice, in her tender years. There also is the story of the teacher who was reading to these tots when a little boy stopped her and asked what the word "love" meant. It had been used in the sentence "The boy loves his lather." H had never learned the word in his four year of living. Every one may be born "equ 1" but the fortunes of family and envir. anent can make all the difference; a/Idit s is where New Opportunity in Vietnam EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. WILLIAM F. RYAN OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, July 27, 1966 Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, when na- tions wage war it is rare that they talk to each other with words of sympathy. The more intense the war becomes, the more difficult it becomes to envision the parties negotiating to resolve their differ- ences. The war in Vietnam has reached that level of intensity where all talk of nego- tiations begins to sound like propaganda. It is, therefore, highly significant that for the first time in this war the North Viet- namese appear to have responded to a plea by the United States and by voices of humanity everywhere. Ho Chi Minh has reportedly said that there is "no trial in view" for American military prisoners. In an editorial yesterday morning, the New York Times explored some of the possible implications of this statement. The editorial, which deserves our careful attention, follows: [From the New York Times, July 26, 1966] NEW OPPORTUNITY IN VIETNAM President Ho Chi Minh's statement that there is "no trial in view" for American mili- tary prisoners in worth Vietnam Is a victory for the moral Influence of world opinion. That victory transcends the fate of the captive airmen, for it offers hope that com- mon sense and common humanity ultimately may prevail against the ever greater barbar- ism the war in Vietnam daily inflicts on both. sides. The United States has yielded to the pres- sure of world opinion in the past by offer- ing peace proposals and twice suspending the bombing of North Vietnam. But this is the first time that Hanoi has shown regard for the opinion of mankind. Its decision to back away from talk of "war crimes trials" follows direct pleas from Secretary General Thant, Pope Paul VI, numerous governments and opinion leaders everywhere, including eighteen liberal American Senators. The hope now must be that reason can prevail on the broader issues of the war itself. The conflict in Vietnam is a political strug- gle that, in the end, can only be resolved by political means. In politics, timing is of the essence. A number of opportunities to probe the prospects for peace have been neglected in the past. It is vital that the new atmos- phere and the new opportunity opened by Hanoi's response on the prisoner issue not be missed as well. The approach favored by American mod- erates and long urged by The Times has just been summed up admirably by Prof. Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. One essential element is to stop the Americanization of the war by halting the American buildup in South Viet- nam; a quarter of a million American troops is more than enough. The second vital ele- ment is a civilian Government in Saigon that can open contact with the insurgent forces. Third, is the need to build an atmosphere conducive to negotiations by tapering off the bombing of North Vietnam. Finally, efforts to reconvene the Geneva conference must be linked with broad diplomatic discussions with Moscow, Paris and other interested states to find a formula for the neutralization and economic development of Southeast Asia as a whole. Most of all, what is needed is a clear indication that the American objective is not military victory but political settlement. The American ability to escalate the war needs no further demonstration. The need now is to halt the escalation and make a vigorous new effort to achieve peace. Great Lakes Commission States Federal Water Pollution R. & D. Must Be Di- rected to Development of Effective New Waste Treatment Processes EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. HENRY S. REUSS OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, July 18, 1966 Mr. REUSS. Mr. Speaker, water pol- lution problems mount in the Nation, and it has long been known that the best available conventional waste treatment plants fail to do more than retard the growth of pollution. Yet the Research and Technical Programs Subcommittee found in a recent investigation that Fed- eral R. & D. is not organized toward the development and actual field-scale test- ing of advanced treatment plants. Work on development of new technology pro- ceeds at a mere $5 million per year level, permitting only pilot-project-scale tests, while the remainder of some $30 million per year in Federal R. & D. is diffused into small, scattered research studies. Many of these are no doubt useful, but they are no substitute for a deliberate, well- organized program directed to the de- velopment of an adequate technology which could start reversing the tide of pollution in every stream, river, and lake in the country. The executive director of the Great Lakes Commission, Mr. Leonard J. Good- sell, in a letter to me deplores this failure to direct Federal R. & D. to the develop- ment of new, effective treatment meth- ods. Mr. Goodsell's, letter follows: GREAT LAKES COMMISSION, Ann Arbor, Mich., July 20, 1966. Hon. HENRY S. REUSS, House of Representatives, House Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR.REUSS: The Milwaukee Journal on July 10 carried an account of the report of your Subcommittee on Research and Techni- cal Programs, Committee on Government Operations which deplores the "Slow Re. search Pace in Pollution- " Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6 July 27, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX In part a~ a result of this flooded bond market, these predictions have now been affirmed. On July .21, the Wall Street Journal reported that Mississippi offered for sale four bond issues totaling $17,- 433,000. Two of the bond issues were to finance improvements In the port facili- ties of Gulfport and Pascagoula, another would pay for capital improvements at various State institutions and junior colleges, and a fourth would be used to finance improvements to the State peni- tentiary. Only the small $300,000 penitentiary Issue which matures in 5 years was sold. The interest rate ,was just under 4 per- cent. The State rejected as too costly a bid of nearly 4.1 percent interest on the bond Issue to improve State institutions. The other two port facility offerings carried a maximum interest limitation of 4 per- cent and consequently, no bids were received. All four bond issues were rated Double A by Moody's and Single A by Standard & Poor's. As,a result of the'high interest rates on municipal bonds-in part the conse- quence of the glutted municipal bond market-Mississippi will have to look elsewhere for financing for its needed public improvements. The July 21 Wall Street Journal article follows: FOUR MISSISSIPPIISSUES OFFERED, BUT ONLY ONE, $300,000 BONDS, IS SOLD-rSTATE RE- JECTS BIDS ON $13,683,000 BONDS AND FAILS To RECEIVE ANY ON TWO ISSUES TOTALING $3,450,000 (By a Wall Street Journal staff reporter) JACKSON, Miss.-Mississippi offered four bond Issues totaling $17,433,000 for sale, but awarded only the smallest issue, totaling $300,000. It rejected bids for $13;683,000 of bonds and failed to receive bids on the other two Issues, totaling $3,450,000. The $300,000 general-obligation peniten- tiary bond Issue, maturing in five years, was awarded to Deposit Guaranty National Bank of Jackson, Miss., bidding alone, at an annual net interest cost of 3;0955%. The state treasurer's office, however, re- jected both bids it received for Its biggest issue $13,683,000 general improvement bonds. The apparent best bid, offering an annual net interest cost of 4.0827%, came from a group headed by Chase Manhattan Bank, Blyth & Co. and Lehman Brothers. A group led by First National City Bank of- fered an annual net interest cost of 4.2260%. TRYING FOR 4-PERCENT BID "We obviously were hoping for a bid under 4%, but I don't think any of us were too sur- prised the bids were over 4% In view of the bond market situation," said State Treasurer William F. Winter, noting that "Louisiana rejected a bid over 4.50% recently." Mr. Winter said he didn't know of any civil rights protests against the Mississippi bond offering and didn't believe the recent civil rights march in the state had any detrimental effect on the bids it received for its bonds. -Before its bid was rejected., the Chase- Blyth-Lehman group was reoffering'the bonds to investors, subject to award, from a yield of 3.751/'o for the July 1, 1967, maturities to a dollar'price of 100% for 4% bonds, due July 1, 1977-86. All of the bonds are rated double-A by Moody's and single-A by Standard & Poor's. Proceeds were to have been used for Capital improvements at various state institutions and junior colleges. NO BID ON PORT ISSUES The state failed to draw any bids for two port Issues totaling $3,450;000' and carrying a maximum Interest limitation of 4%. Pro- ceeds from these bonds would have gone for improvements at Gulfport and Pascagoula. Mr. Winter said that state will finance con- struction slated to be supported by the $13,- 683,000 general improvement bonds from short-term loans from local banks. He said several alternative financing plans, includ- ing short-term borrowing, are being studied for the planned port improvements. Compared with other recent municipal is- sues, the 4.0827% "didn't look like a bad bid," Mr. Winter declared. "But the imme- diacy of our needs Isn't such to cause us to pay that rate at this time. We're aware that sooner or later we may have to pay that interest, but we're deferring that decison for several months." On its previous trip to the bond market, June 23, 1965, Mississippi obtained an annual net interest cost of 3.3487% in selling $8.3 million general improvement bonds, due July 1, 1968-87, and an annual net interest cost of 3.5664% in selling $3.5,million Greater Port of Pascagoula improvement bonds, due June 1, 1969-95. The 1966 Civil Rights Act: A Federal- State Comparison of Fair Housing SPEECH 'HON. HERBERT TENZER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, July 25, 1966 Mr. TENZER. Mr. Speaker, during the course of the debate on the proposed Civil Rights Act of 1966, many questions were raised in connection with title IV, to prohibit discrimination in residential housing transactions by persons in the housing business. Because of these questions I requested statistics and re- search material relating to fair housing laws in the various States and territories in order to evaluate the impact of title IV on my own State of New York and on the Nation. The statistics are interesting and re- vealing and I believe my colleagues will find them helpful in formulating a posi- tion with respect to title IV of the bill H.R.14765. The State of New York has a more comprehensive law against discrimina- tion than the bill before the House this week. The New York State law prohibits discrimination in the sale, leasing, or rental of all housing except owner-occu- pied two family dwellings and the rental of a room in an owner-occupied house. Of particular significance is the fact that real estate brokers and lending institu- tions, are specifically covered by the New York State law. Seventeen States and the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands have fair housing laws which go beyond title IV of the proposed Civil Rights Act of 1966. These 17 States rep- resent more than 50 percent of the total population of the United States. The laws of these 17 States cover pub- Ile housing or publicly assisted housing A3979 and all cover private housing.. Eight of these States cover single family homes and only two-Michigan and Indiana-- exempt realtors. Four States and one territory excludes lending institutions. The 17 States are Alaska, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Indiana, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Is- land,-and Wisconsin. More than half of all U.S. ctizens live under fair housing law which go beyond the coverage of the legislation now under consideration by this Chain-- ber. The other citizens of the United States are entitled to the same protec- tion for so long as we diminish the rights of a single American, the rights of elf American are in danger. Freedom and democracy can make no distinctions with respect to equal treatment of our citizens and I urge my colleagues to for- mulate their decision upon this prin- ciple and to support the proposed Civil Rights Act of 1966. L.B.J.'s Policy Outline Well Timed EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. CLAIR CALLAN OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, July 27, 1966 Mr. CALLAN. Mr. Speaker, the Presi- dent's statement of policy in Asia before the American Alumni Council has been received with praise by several newspap- ers across the country. I am particularly proud that such endorsement is con- tained in a recent editorial by the Nor-? folk Daily News of Norfolk, Nebr., one of the Nation's leading smalltown daily newspapers. This editorial comment recognizes that the President's speech may not have an immediate influence on the leaders of Red China. But it contends the speech will have a valuable impact on other countries-including those behind the Iron Curtain. I am pleased to submit this editorial for publication in the RECORD: [From the Norfolk (Nebr.) Daily News, July 14, 1966] L.B.J.'s POLICY OUTLINE WELL TIMED Red China's leaders may not be impressed by President Johnson's outline of U.S. poli- cies toward that nation, but the effect of his Tuesday message upon officials in many oth- er countries, especially the neutralist ones or those with Communist sympathies; should be great. This might ultimately help convince the Red Chinese that there is more to be gained from the "peaceful co-existence" which the President offered than there is in pursuing Asian conquest. President Johnson simply asked the Red Chinese to renounce aggression and to open their doors to the world. This is, at the same time, the most difficult thing for Communists to do. It was not until after nearly four decades of Communist rule in Russia that its officials opened the doors just a crack, The Commu- nists in East Germany went so far as to pro- Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6