THE PROBLEM OF FREE WORLD SHIPPING TO NORTH VIETNAM

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 22
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 27, 2005
• Sequence Number: 3
• Publication Date: February 15, 1966
• Content Type: OPEN

A752
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX February 15, 1966
I wish to express my deep sympathy to
the Thomas family and pray for God's
blessings upon them to endure their
sorrow.
)E' MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, February 15, 1966
Mr. VIVIAN. Mr. Speaker, the Sec-
ond District of Michigan, which I am
privileged to represent :in this body, con-
tains a number of excellent institutions
of higher education. Among them, of
course, is the University of Michigan,
one of the oldest and most distinguished
State universities in the Nation, and, in-
deed, one of the great universities in the
world.
Last week, :[ had the honor of being
asked to serve as congressional host at
1-lie 14th annual congressional dinner,
held by the University of Michigan Club
of Washington, D.C. The main speaker
that evening, Dr. Harlan H. Hatcher,
projected the future of the university.
As its president, Dr. Hatcher is, of course,
concerned with that future. But he is
also vitally interested in the future of
all higher education in this country.
Under permission granted, I include
at this point in the RECORD, an article by
President Hatcher, discussing some of
the trends in higher education. The
article appeared in the January 1966,
issue of the Michigan Business Review,
published by the Graduate School of
Business Administration of the Univer-
sity of Michigan.
The article follows:
NEW NEEDS AND NEW OPPORTUNITIES
(By Harlan Hatcher)
Lest me feed into your personal computers
;oame items of information, and then we can
try to draw some conclusions and some
new directions-
Item: In August, the Department of
Health, Education, and Welfare reported
that during fiscal 1966 more than $3 billion
will flow from the Federal Treasury through
a single agency, the U.S. Office of Education,
to schools and colleges, teachers and students,
libraries and librarians. Since that report
was made, the Higher Education Act of 1965
has been signed by President Johnson, not-
ably providing 140,000 undergraduate schol-
arships.
Item: In fi:.r..al 1966, four of the largest
Government agencies contracting with col-
leges and universities for research-the Na-
tional Science Foundation, Atomic Energy
Commission, National Aeronautics and Space
Administration, and the U.S. Public Health
Service--will spend an estimated $840 million
through our colleges and universities. Please
note that this figure does not include the
operation of the research centers which a few
,)four universities administer for these agen-
cies, nor does it include the training pro-
p;rams of these agencies.
item: The published listing of the pro-
grams for which Federal money will be spent
in 1966 through the Office of Education in-
cludes 67 titles. Every one of them is mis-
sion-oriented; every one of them has a given,
specific purpose for which alone the money
can be spent. The grants and contracts for
research are equally specific and project-
centered.
Item: In 1 recent year, the total current
:hind income from all sources of all our
colleges and universities was $7.3 billion-
,nnly about twice the sum of the two Federal
items I: have already mentioned.
Item: Corporate giving to higher educa-
tion has risen from $80 million in 1754 to
$250 million in 19114--a notable ina:rease.
'Rut sortie observers note a leveling-off n cor-
porate giving and some murmurs are heard
to the effect that such giving is new less
necessary because of the influx of federal
dollars.
A CARROT FOR HIGHER EDUCATION
Let me make one other point con( 'riling
the magnitude and nature of Federal :.nend-
ing before turning to something else Just
a week ago, in reporting the cerem, ?ny of
signing the Higher Education Act, the New
York 'l'imes education editor, Mr. Fred Hech-
L:ager, made this statement: "The law is,
perhaps first and foremost, a carrot 10 per-
suade higher education that it ought io lead
In the search for the Great Society."
In other words, the legislation was vritten,
not so much to help the colleges an l uni-
versities reach the goals they have :et for
themselves, but rather to use these i istitu-
Lions to achieve certain goals for ,ociety
which the makers of the laws perceive.
This is, of course, entirely legitimate.
Setting goals for the Nation and selecting
methods for achieving them is a proper task
of Government. Participating in this task
is also proper for education-but it is not
the whole of the universities' responsil)ilities.
CIMINISIIING DIFFERENCES BETWEEN PUBLIC AND
PRIVATE INSTITUTIONS
Now let us take a look: at another set of
facts which have a bearing on the topic "New
Needs and New Opportunities."
We have long been accustomed in this
country to distinguishing between colleges
and universities on the basis of wheth.'r they
are "private" or "public." We have to('ay 743
institutions which are considered pubLi', and
1,357 classed as private. In the public insti-
tutions, we have now well over 60 percent
of all the students enrolled, and by 1980 prob-
aably three-fourtlas of all our students will be
in the public institutions.
But this distinction between pub'.!c and
private is harder and harder to mak .-and
less and less significant. Already, prig ate in-
stitution.s of higher education receive, enor-
mous sums of "public" money-including
more Federal research funds than go to all
the so-called public institutions. And con-
versely, some of the public institutions own
some of the largest endowments, even ! hough
endowment is often considered the hallmark
of the private college.
Still another interesting developmer t is the
growth of cooperative programs of :carious
kinds which involve both public and private
institutions. I will cite just two, c, ntered
in our own Midwest. The Committee on In-
stitutional Cooperation embraces the nine
public universities of the Big 10 and the one
private member-Northwestern-plus the
University of Chicago. The CIC is bluing a
trail in interinstitutional cooperation which
is being noted by educators throughout the
country. Another organization is the newly
formed Argonne Universities Association,
comprised of 16 public and 10 private insti-
tutions. This association will formulate pol-
'ici.es for the operation of Argonne National
Laboratory.
DISTINCTION BETWEEN COLLEGE AND UNIVERSITY
What we are seeing today is a blurring of
the once sharp distinction between public
and private and the emergence of another
distinction of great importance. Thin; is the
distinction between college and univcrsity-
certainly not a new phenomenon, but one
that has great significance for us in this time
of swift evolution of our total educational
system.
Traditionally, the emphasis of corporate
giving has been upon the private colleges-
the traditional 4-year liberal arts institution
under private control. The results are cause
for national pride, for we have a truly out-
standing group of private colleges--such in-
stitutions as Amherst, Beloit, Carleton., and
so on down the list. Over the years, this
Nation has looked to such institutions as
these for its leaders in business, industry,
government, and the professions.
We still expect a considerable portion of
our leadership to come from the liberal arts
college, both public and private. But today,
more and more of those prospective leaders
graduate from their liberal arts studies and
go on to a university for advanced and pro-
fessional training. And this is the level--the
graduate school and the professional
school-at which great now needs and op-
portunities exist for private support.
Perhaps I can illustrate this by mention-
ing a report I received a few days ago from.
the school of business administration of my
own University of Michigan. The report in-
dicated that last year more than 20(1 cor-
porations sent representatives to cur campus
to interview prospective graduates about
jobs. The median starting salaries for the
people employed by these companies were
$590 per month for bachelor's degree people,
and $700 for master's degree recipient:. The
top salaries were $725 per month for the
bachelor's degree and $1,350 for the master's.
Obviously, our corporations place a consid-
erable monetary value on graduate study.
This is not a point which needs belaboring,
for I think it is now widely recognized that
as our total supply of knowledge expands--
and it has been expanding at a dizzying rate
this past half century-the number of years
which an individual spends on his formal
education. must likewise expand. And we
know also that these graduate and profes-
sional programs of instruction are expen.
sive, a great deal more expensive than the
basic 4-year undergraduate liberal arts
sequence.
NEW DIRECTIONS FOR CORPORATE SUPPORT
Out of these somewhat disparate items,
let us now see if we can chart some new di-
rections for corporate participation in sup-
port of higher education in the next several
years.
First of all, it seems to me that the only
possible direction for corporate support is
upward. This is not simply because Federal
spending is expanding. Rather, corporate
support should go up because the need is
greater and because the capacity of our econ-
omy to meet that need is greater than it has
ever been in our history.
Second, corporate support must move up-
ward in another sense. It must be increased
at the graduate and professional levels of
education, both because this, too, is where
needs are growing most urgently and be-
cause this is the level from which corpora-
tions are increasingly drawing their tech-
nologists and their managers. Farsighted
corporate policy dictates support for this
level of education because business is chang-
ing too, and will need more and more tech-
nologists and better trained managers in the
future.
Third, private contributions must expand
in order to maintain the diversity of higher
education in the United States. For many
years, we have thought of that diversity in
terms of a balance between public and pri-
vate institutions. But now we need to
maintain both public and private interests
in both public and private institutions. If
the public institutions become solely depend-
ent upon tax :funds, then we may be sure
that their programs will be geared to fit the
mission-oriented funds available through
Government agencies. If private institu-
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February 14, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE
The SPEAKER. Is there objection to
the request of the gentleman from
Louisiana?
There was no objection.
DESIGNATION OF MRS. MINK TO
READ WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL
ADDRESS
The SPEAKER. Pursuant to the spe-
cial order agreed to today, the Chair
designates the gentlewoman from
Hawaii [Mrs. MIN.x] to read Washing-
ton's Farewell Address immediately fol-
lowing the approval of the Journal on
THE PROBLEM OF FREE WORLD
SHIPPING TO NORTH VIETNAM
(Mr. CHAMBERLAIN asked and was
given permission to address the House for
1 minute.)
Mr. CHAMBERLAIN. Mr. Speaker,
1 week ago I spoke in this Chamber on
the problem of free world shipping to
North Vietnam and what I felt could
and should be done about it. Among
other things I suggested that we estab-
lish a blacklist of these ships which
would prohibit them from carrying U.S.
Government-financed cargoes. Such a
blacklist has existed for 3 years with
respect to those trading with Cuba. I am
gratified to be able to acknowledge that
late last week I was informed by the
State Department, in a response to my
letter of February 4 urging the President
to take such action, that such a blacklist
has been approved. The details of this
Presidential order are found in the Fed-
eral Register of Saturday, February 12,
1966, on page 2706.
In my opinion, such action is overdue
since our official policy too long has
maintained a double standard of exempt-
ing those who trade with Ho Chi Minh
from the penalties imposed on those who
trade with Castro. In no way should the
Hanoi regime be led to think we
consider trade with them in any sense
less detrimental to our national interest
than trade with Cuba.
This action is a step in the right di-
rection and I shall continue to press for
the enactment of legislation prohibiting
free world ships that aid Hanoi from
doing any business whatsoever in U.S.
ports-public or private-and to insure
that no U.S. aid goes to any country that
allow its ships to help supply North Viet-
nam's war economy. We have tolerated
too long.
shipping to North Vietnam by any means
necessary: Specifically, I did so on Jan-
uary 12, January 19, January 28, and
February 2.
In the hearings of the Senate For-
eign Relations Committee a week ago, it
was said that the British could effect an
embargo on Rhodesia with our over-
eager help in 48 hours. Yet we have been
unable to get their support in cutting off
the supply of the Vietcongs by sea. After
many months of effort, Britain is still the
No. 1 violator among the free world na-
tions.
On December 21, I telegraphed the
j date, I have received nothing more
k 1 d t f +11 X7117-+
th
n
P.- the-President, the executive branch,wthe
Defense Department the generals to be
an an a now a gme
rom e l e
c
House.
Now, finally, the administration has
stuck out its chest and announced that,
as of January 25-25 days after my tele-
gram-it was blacklisting any vessel
shipping goods into, or out of, the North
Vietnam part of Haiphong.
Mr. Speaker, I applaud this action.
However, it seems to raise this ques-
tion. We have been fighting in Vietnam
since mid-1962. We have suffered 2,005
dead and 9,658 wounded through Feb-
ruary 7, 1966, and spent almost uncount-
able billions.
Why, Mr. Speaker, are we just start-
ing to blacklist these ships? Either it
should have been done 3 years ago or
this is a blind to avoid effective action,
diplomatic or naval.
It simply boils down to this. If black-
listing is not effective, why bother with
it at all. If it is effective, why did we
not do it in 1962 or 1963 instead of wait-
ing until 1 week ago.
Mr. Speaker, I suggest that the Ameri-
can fighting men in Vietnam have a right
to know the answer to this question. So
do the American people.
One further question: Is this all we
are going to do about free world shipping
to North Vietnam?
THE QUESTIONS THAT PATRIOTS
SHOULD ASK
(Mr. TALCOTT asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute, to revise and extend his re-
marks, and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. TALCOTT. Mr. Speaker, we are
at war in Vietnam. It is a war none of us
wanted and a war we want to end honor-
ably as quickly as possible.
Every good citizen would like to sup-
THE PROBLEM OF FREE WORLD right. ,
SHIPPING TO NORTH VIETNAM: In order to find the correct solutions
WHAT ARE WE GOING TO DO as quickly as possible, we need open de-
ABOUT IT? bate and deliberation.
(Mr. DICKINSON asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute and to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. DICKINSON. Mr. Speaker, on
various occasions, I have called upon this
administration to bring an end to the
shipment on their ships by our allies of
goods for our enemies in North Vietnam.
Secret decisions, managed news, "pat"
answers, summary dismissal of inquiries,
refusals to respond to proper questions
do not supply the right answers, or for-
tify the confidence of the U.S. fighting-
man, or the public.
Every patriot can support his country
and yet ask pertinent questions at the
same time.
I made speeches from this rostrum of the One of the most knowledgeable pa-
House calling for an end to free world triots in my district-with practical mili-
tary experience and firsthand experi-
ence in Chinese and southeast Asian af-
fairs-Col. Allen Griffin, asks a number
of questions, editorially, in the Monterey,
Calif., Peninsula Herald newspaper.
Each Member of Congress, as well as
the President and his advisers, ought to
ponder these questions.
The full text of the editorial by Colonel
Griffin follows:
THE QUESTIONS THAT PATRIOTS SHOULD ASK
The pursuit of the war in Vietnam has
been a demonstration of a series of wrong
"estimates of the situation."
This is a term that is used by military peo-
ple, usually preliminary to a decision to
move, to remain in place, go backwards, or
what have you. It is a term particularly of
military intelligence. Nearly everything that
is involved in the strength and weaknesses
of the enemy is comprehended within the
"estimate of the situation."
And, of course, the enemy also Is making
his estimate of the elements of strength and
weakness in your situation, local, regional,
global.
President Charles de Gaulle gave the late
President John F. Kennedy his estimate of
the situation in Vietnam and suggested that
the United States begin a process of seeking
peace immediately.
The late President was not convinced by
General de Gaulle's estimate and decided,
contrariwise, to become more involved. That
was the tragic beginning of escalation-the
beginning of an infantry war of Americans
against Asians on Asian land among Asian
people, the last thing the U.S. Army ever
wanted to be engaged in again after Korea.
Up to this time this wasn't a war in which
U.S. ground forces were engaged, but one In
which U.S. materiel backed by a handful of
advisers was sent to the assistance of a
friendly government. Now by degrees it be-
came our war. Escalation by manpower be-
came a fact.
When President Lyndon Johnson took the
oath of office he inherited a war as well as a
vast, scattered domestic program.
Determined to do everything better and
faster than his predecessor, he was psycho-
logically prepared to provide the force nec-
essary to push this war to an early conclu-
sion. After all, it was a war against the
spread of communism, which was and is fur-
ther justification.
Surely his advisers gave him an estimate
of the situation. That called for escalation.
It didn't work very well. Then came a fur-
ther estimate and a further escalation. That
also fell short. And so on until nearly
200,000 American troops became hostages to
this war, and North Vietnam came under
continuous bombing attack except in the im-
mediate vicinity of the capital city, Hanoi,
and the most important seaport, Haiphong.
Then again, surely operating under an esti-
mate of the situation, the time was deemed
ripe for a peace offensive. That estimate
could not have been on anything other than
the possibility of bringing the war to a peace
table. Wrong again. It didn't work.
Now we have returned to bombing. Where
do we go from here? How much of a land
war of Americans against Asians are we
going to throw our Army into? And where
do we go from there? These are legitimate
questions for congressional debate. And
they are legitimate questions for the debate
of patriotic citizens.
NATIONAL CAPITAL TRANSPORTA-
TION AGENCY-MESSAGE FROM
THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES
The SPEAKER laid before the House
the following message from the President
of the United States, which was read
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and, together with the accompanying
papers, referred to the Committee on the
District of Columbia:
To the Congress of the United States:
This is the first annual report required
of the National Capital Transportation
A?ency by section 6 of the National Capi-
tal Transportation Act of 1965-Public
Law 89-17:3.
Nineteen hundred and sixty-five was
marked by significant advances toward
solving the transportation problems of
the Washington area.
Congress approved plans for a rapid
transit system, authorized its construc-
tion, and authorized grants from the
Federal and District Governments as a
first stage. in financing its development.
As soon as funds were made available,
the Transportation Agency began the
necessary work still. remaining before ac-
tual construction can begin.
't'here is, nonetheless, much left to do.
't'he rapid transit system will achieve
maximum usefulness only when it is ex-?
tended into Maryland and Virginia sub-
urbs. The interstate compact among
Maryland, Virginia, and the District of
Columbia will be promptly presented to
Congress for its consent, in order that
the interstate authority may develop
plans for a full regional system and a
financial plan for its construction. Ar?-
ran;Tements must be perfected to trans-
fer the responsibility for the system in an
orderly and proper way from the Agency
to the interstate authority. These tasks
are not easy, and it will require diligent.
effort on the part of many people and
agencies to master the problems that
remain.
The Congress can be assured, however,
that all of these problems are being given
the fullest and most diligent considera-
tion, and that none of them will be al-
lowed to stand in the way of an uninter-
rupted schedule of construction.
LYNDON B. JOHNSON.
TUE Wnrrx; HousF, February 14, 1966.
PRESERVATION OF WILDERNESS
AREAS-MESSAGE FROM THE
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES (H. DOC. NO. 381)
The SPEAKER laid before the House
the following message from the President
of the United States; which was read,
and together with the accompanying
papers, referred to the Committee
on Interior and Insular Affairs and or-
dered to be printed:
To the Congress of the United States:
The period of expansion and explora-
tion, the great era of successive western
frontiers, has now become a part of our
American past. To the pioneer of his-
tory the wilderness was a foe to be con-
quered, so that he might make farms and
pastures out of the endless forests.
Today's pioneer has a new purpose-
to preserve some remnants of that wil-
derness from the onrush of modern civili-
zation.
The ax and the plow will not serve
us in this struggle. Today's instruments
are more subtle. They are progressive
law and informed public opinion-de-
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE February 1., 1966
manding that we maintain our wilderness
birthright.
The Wilderness Act Is one in the long
list of creative conservation measures
that Congress has passed and I have
signed into law.
Legislation is one thing; administra-
tion is another. The executive branch
must fulfill its responsibility with com-
monsense and. imagination. Our people
must be given the opportunity to know,
even for short periods of time the won-
ders of God's creation expressed in
earth's wilderness areas.
The maintenance of our existing wil-
derness system is a priority program of
the Federal. Government. We are con-
stantly reviewing primitive and road-
less areas to determine who .her they
should be recommended for preservation
as part of our wilderness system.
The Congress has wisely provided for
public participation as revie,,,,s of the
primitive and roadless areas proceed. I
am determined to assure that both the
Department of Agriculture and the De-
partment of the Interior wili provide
full opportunity for the expression of
public views before final recommenda-
tions are prepared for transmittal to the
Congress.
I am pleased to send to Congress to-
day the second annual repor'; of our
progress in implementing the Wilder-
ness Act. We are well underway to-
ward protecting God's gift of mystery
and wonder that is the American wil-
derness.
LYRCON B. JOHNSON.
Tire WHITE HousE, February 14,1966.
ANNUAL REPORT OF THE U.S. CIVIL
SERVICE COMMISSION FOR THE
FISCAL YEAR ENDED JUNE 30,
1965-MESSAGE FROM THE PRES-
IDENT OF THE UNITED STATES (H.
DOC. NO. 333)
The SPEAKER laid before the House
the following message from the. Presi-
dent of the United States; which was
read and, together with the accompany-
ing papers, referred to the Committee on
Post Office and Civil Service and ordered
to printed:
To the Congress of the United States:
I transmit herewith the Annual Re-
port of the U.S. Civil Service Commis-
sion for the fiscal year ended June 30,
1965.
.LYNDON B. JOHNSON.
Tin 'WHITE HoUSE, February 14, 1966.
PERSONAL EXPLANATION
(Mr. DOLE asked and was given per-
mission to address the House for 1 min-
ute and to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. DOLE. Mr. Speaker, due to a
speaking engagement at the 45th annual
stockholders' meeting of the Central
Livestock Association, Inc., at South St.
Paul, Minn., on Wednesday, February 9,
.1966, it was necessary for me to be absent
on rollcall No. 16. Had I been present I
would have voted "yea" on rollcail No.
1G on H.R. 706, the bill to amend the
Railway Labor Act.
ISOLATION OF THE SMALL BUSI-
NESS ADMINISTRATION FROM
DOMINANCE BY BIG :BUSINESS
(Mr. MOORE (at the request of Mr.
TALCOTT) was given permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. MOORE. Mr. Speaker, isolation
of the Small Business Administration
from dominance by big business has long
been preached and praised by the Con-
gress. From the agency's beginning in
1953, its independent status has been
jealously guarded and constantly sup-
ported. Among the most vociferous
champions of such organizational inde-
pendence when Members of the Senme
were President Johnson and Vice Presi-
dent HUMPHREY. Without doubt tie
status selected for it by the Congress has
proven the most effective in order for
it to best serve the small business com-
munity.
Such independent status, however,
cannot alone guarantee the success of an
agency or of its programs, nor can it
countervail the absence of leadership,
direction, and inspiration.
Of late we have seen the business loan
program, the key program of SBA,
through poor planning and poorer man-
agement, virtually disappear. We have
seen another important SBA responsibil-
ity, procurement assistance, dwindle to
ineffectiveness.
And now,, we hear rumors that what
remains of the Johnson administration's
operation of the Small Business Admin-
istration is to be buried by its transfer
to the Department of Commerce. Ap-
parently, this once fine and potentially
great agency is to be swept under the
gigantic rug of a major department.
The proposed transfer of the Small
Business Administration represents
White House recognition of its failure :
this alone explains the present condi-
tion of SBA and its programs. Loss of
its independent status will only make
permanent the injury. Without inde-
pendent status, the agency cannot and
will not provide the services small busi-
nesses across the country so desperately
need. The spokesman for small business
in big government will be dead.
Mr. Speaker, bipartisan support of in-
dependent status for the Small Business
Administration will prevent the piracy
of a facility dedicated solely to the bet-
terment of the small business com-
munity.
To preclude this demotion, if not the
disappearance of SBA, the Nation's 4.7
million small businesses call upon us to
reiterate our long held insistence upon
independent status for the agency. I
urge unanimous approval of the follow-
ing concurrent resolution, which today
has been introduced by all the Republi-
cans serving on the Small Business Com-
mittee of the House of Representatives:
H. CON. RES. 588
Resolved by the House of Representatives
(the Senate concurring), That it is the sense
of the Congress that the Small Business Ad-
ministration should continue to be an inde-
pendent agency within the executive branch
of the Federal Government, under the gen-
eral direction and supervision of the Prest-
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progress in economic development is es-
sential if internal Communist seizures are
to be prevented. In 1947, the Greek Gov-
ernment was engaged in a struggle for
survival against Communist guerrilla
forces. President Truman pronounced
the Truman doctrine-that Americans
must support free people who were re-
sisting attempted subjugation by armed
minorities or by outside pressure. He
asked Congress to appropriate $4_00 mil-
lion for economic assistance to Greece
and Turkey. By 1950, the Communist
guerrillas in Greece had abandoned their
struggle. Similarly, in the Philippines,
after World War II, the Communists
built a force composed of dissatisfied
peasants. As it became obvious that
military measures by themselves would
not solve the problem, the Philippine
Government carried out a broad program
of social and economic progress in con-
nection with renewed military offensives.
Only in this manner was the Communist
guerrilla movement in the Philippines
actually destroyed.
The revised aid program not only pro-
tects our vital national interests but it
does so in an economically sound fash-
ion. We can look forward to the day
when the aid program will no longer be
necessary.
Economic aid to Western Europe was
terminated for most of the nations by
1960. Progress in Greece and Israel per-
mitted the United States to terminate
grants in 1962. Self-support was
achieved in Lebanon in 1963. Iran is in
a transition to self-support. Turkey
plans to eliminate reliance on foreign aid
by 1973. India and Turkey now finance
over three-fourths of their development
programs from their own resources, and
Pakistan over 60 percent. All told, about
14 nations are approaching the time
when they will not need any further low-
interest loan or grant assistance from
the United States.
In the past 15 years, the burden of
foreign assistance on the U.S. taxpayer
has declined sharply. As a share of
gross national product, economic aid has
fallen from 2 percent to 1949 to less than
two-fifths of 1 percent this year. As a
share of the Federal budget, economic
aid has declined from 11.5 percent to 2
percent over the same period. Most de-
veloped countries are contributing about
the same percentage of their gross na-
tional product as the United States, some
even more.
Foreign aid spending has little effect
upon our balance-of-payments position.
Eighty percent of the funds will be used
to purchase goods and services in the
United States. In fact, a sizable share
of some American exports are now fi-
nanced by foreign aid programs. In
1962, 33 percent of our locomotive and
fertilizer exports and 25 percent of U.S.
exports of iron and steel products were
purchased under the foreign aid pro-
gram.
Foreign aid also helps to boost foreign
trade indirectly. AID workers abroad
introduce American products and tech-
niques in places where they may never
have been seen. Trade connections are
established and a market for reorders is
created.
The aid program has also facilitated
private investment abroad. Since No-
!ember 1961, AID has authorized 17
loans totaling $146 million directly to
private firms to establish new plants and
extend existing facilities in the Near
east and south Asia countries alone.
Technical assistance also helps to fos-
ter private enterprise. The investment
guarantee program provides a strong
stimulus to U.S. firms investing abroad.
The State of Wyoming has a right to
be proud of the significant role it has
played in assisting less fortunate people
through the foreign-aid program. The
University of Wyoming has a contract
with AID for a 3-year technical assist-
ance program in Somalia. - A team of
Wyomingites in Somalia is working to
improve present agricultural crops and
survey other crops that may prove feas-
ible. The University of Wyoming and
Columbia University are assisting the
faculties of engineering, agriculture, and
education of Kabul University, Afghan-
istan, as well as assisting the Afghan
Institute of Technology and the Second-
ary schools.
As the self-sacrificing Wyoming citi-
zens working on these projects are
aware, the path to economic develop-
ment is not an easy one. Yet, the pro-
posed aid program, with its justification
embodied in the defense of our vital
national interests, its basis on a sound
economic foundation, and its mechan-
isms encouraging self-help on the part
of recipients, is a remarkable bargain for
the American people. There will be
spectacular successes and ignominious
failures in the years ahead. But, as
Economist Robert Heilbroner states, we
must proceed with our foreign economic
aid:
Once the great march has begun, it is no
longer possible to turn back. The changes
in the balance of the old static society cannot
be undone. There is no choice but to tread
the road to its conclusion-however long and
agonizing the journey may be.
r -3
WAR AND HOPE
(Mr. RANDALL (at the request of Mr.
GIBBONS) asked and was given per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include extra-
neous matter.)
Mr. RANDALL. Mr. Speaker, I feel
that only good can come from the-
meet-ing of heads of state and the restate-
ment of aims and policies in the Vietnam
war.
As is well known, the Allies agreed on
"a growing military effectiveness," and at
the same time on an "unending quest for
peace."
The candid, face-to-face exchange be-
tween the heads of state in Hawaii
"should be enormously useful in the joint
effort to rid Vietnam of its invaders and
establish the country as a going nation,"
the Washington Daily News has com-
mented, and it adds that "more meet-
ings, as suggested by the communique,
could only enhance the effectiveness of
the effort."
The newspaper feels that the resolu-
tion evidenced at Honolulu is good cause
for encouragement.
Here is a concise and well-presented
rresume of the events-and of the en-
couragement we can take from them-
and I should like to suggest that the edi-
torial be printed in the RECORD, where
many may want to read it.
[From the Washington (D.C.) Daily News,
Feb. 9, 1966]
.WAR AND HOPE IN VIETNAM
Even if Ho Chi Minh has started, or
eventually does begin, some type of "peace
offensive" of his own, this would be no cause
for an abrupt change in the plans President
Johnson and Vietnamese leaders worked out
at Honolulu.
Communists don't normally cave in sud-
denly. (It took 2 years of talks to arrange
the settlement in Korea.)
The United States is engaged in Vietnam
to achieve two objectives: to free the Viet-
namese people of the communism invasion
and to help them build a country of inde-
pendence and stability, something they never
before have had a chance to accomplish.
Anything which stands in the way of these
goals (particularly the Communist terrorists
and armies now being fought in South Viet-
nam) must be overcome. Anything, includ-
ing a possible change of mind in Hanoi,
which may help reach these goals is to be
diligently encouraged.
But the success of the effort to restore
freedom in Vietnam and to give the country
a real chance in life depends almost alto-
gether on the Vietnamese themselves and
heavy American assistance.
The Vietnamese not only have to fight but
they must take care of refugees from the
battle areas, organize local government, and
stabilize the economy.
The understandings reached in Honolulu
between President Johnson and the Viet-
namese leaders (Premier Ky and others)
are designed to meet these needs.
The two allies agreed on "a growing mili-
tary effectiveness" and at the same time on
an "unending quest for peace."
Mr. Johnson said, for our part, we would
"move steadfastly ahead" on the military
front and at the same time "move vigor-
ously" to assist the Vietnamese with their
economic, social, and political problems.
All of this appeared to support Premier
Ky's position that the allies must operate
from strength, and evidence of willingness
,to use their strength, if there is to be "any
kind of just and lasting settlement" with the
Communists. There is no other way, as his-
tory has shown, to deal with Communists.
The payoff for the Honolulu conference
does not lie in the stilted communique, but
in the results over the long haul.
Nevertheless, a restatement of aims and
policies for this war-this time jointly by
the top leaders of the two countries, is an-
other step in smoothing out world opinion
of the justice and necessity of the U.S. pres-
ence in Vietnam.
And, as a practical matter, the candid,
face-to-face exchange between the heads of
state-who never before had met-should
be enormously useful in the joint effort to
rid Vietnam of its invaders and establish
the country as a going nation. More meet-
ings, as suggested by the communique, could
only enhance the effectiveness of the effort.
No one knows how long it will take to force
a decision from Hanoi-either by military
force, diplomatic means, or both-but the
resolution evidenced at Honolulu is good
cause for encouragement.
LEAVE OF ABSENCE
By unanimous consent, leave of
absence was granted to:
Mr. COHELAN (at the request of Mr.
BOGGS), from February 14 through Feb-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE February 14, .1966
ruary 28, 1966, on account of official
business.
Mr. JoHNsoN of California (at the re-
quest of Mr. BOGGS), for an indefinite
period, on account of official business
(interparliamentary).
SPECIAL ORDERS GRANTED
By unanimous consent, permission to
address the House, following the legis-
lative program and any special orders
heretofore entered, was granted to:
Mr. V,uenc. for 20 minutes, today; and
to revise and extend his remarks.
Mr. RoNCALio, for 15 minutes, today.
Mr. EDMONDSON (at the request of Mr.
i3oces), for 30 minutes, on Wednesday,
February 16, 1966; and to revise and ex-
Lend his remarks and include extraneous
matter.
Ia:XTENSION OF REMARKS
By unanimous consent, permission to
extend remarks in the Appendix of the
RECORD, or to revise and extend remarks
was granted to:
Mr. RONCALIO and to include extrane-
ous matter.
Mr. CHAMBERLAIN (at the request of
Mr. TALCOTT).
Mr. RYAN in three instances and to in-
clude extraneous matter.
(The following Members (at the re-
quest of Mr. BOGGS) and to include ex-
traneous matter:)
Mr. VANIA..
Mr. ABBITT.
Mr. DINGELL.
Mr. Lovs in two instances.
Mr. GONZALEZ.
Mr. WOLFF.
Mr. SCHEUIR in two instances.
Mr. MORRISON.
Mr. DENT in two instances.
Mr. NATCHER.
Mr. THOMPSON of Texas.
Mr. HANSEN of Iowa in two instances.
Mr. CALLAN in three instances.
Mr. RACE.
Mr. SMITH of Iowa.
Mr. RHODES of Pennsylvania in two in-
stances.
ENROLLED JOINT RESOLUTION
SIGNED
Mr..BURLESON, from the Committee
on House Administration, reported that
that commit we had examined and found
truly enrolled a joint resolution of the
House of the following title, which was
thereupon signed by the Speaker:
lf.J. Res. 403. Joint resolution authorizing
an appropriatMn to enable the United States
to extend an invitation to the World Health
Organization to hold the 22d World Health
Assembly in Boston, Maass., in 19(39.
_S ;NATE JOINT RESOLUTION
14,1 FER,RED
A joint resolution of the Senate of the
I'oilowing title was taken from the Speak-
er's table and, under the rule, referred as
follows :
3.J. Res. 63. Joint resolution authorizing
the President to invite the States of the
Union and foreign nations to participate in
the International Petroleum Exposition to be
held at Tulsa, Okla., May 12 through 21, 1966;
to the Committee on Foreign Affairs.
ADJOURNMENT
Mr. GIBBONS. Mr. Speaker, I move
that the House do now adjourn.
The motion was agreed to: accordingly
(at 12 o'clock and 35 minutes p.m.), the
House adjourned until tomorrow. Tues-
day, February 15, 1966, at 12 o'clock
noon.
EXECUTIVE COMMUNICATIONS,
ETC.
Under clause 2 of rule XXIV, execu-
tive communications were taken from the
Speaker's table and referred as follows:
2034. A letter from the Acting Governor,
Farm Credit Administration, tram>mitting
the 32c1 Annual Report of the Farm Credit
Administration for the fiscal year ended June
30, 1965, pursuant to the provision:, of sec-
tion 3 of tae Federal Farm Loan Act, as
amended; paragraph 3, section 4, of the Ag-
ricultural Marketing Act, as amended; the
Executive order of March 27, 1933. treating
the Farm Credit Administration; and section
6 of the Farm Credit Act of 1953 (H. Doc. No.
338); to the Committee on. Agriculture and
ordered to be printed with illustrations.
2035. A communication from the Iresident
of the United States, transmitting a sup-
plemental appropriations request for three
urgently needed and essential programs of
Government: the National Teachers Corps,
the rent supplement program, and the Se-
lective Service System (H. Doe. No. 380); to
the Committee on. Appropriations and or-
dered to be printed.
2036. A letter from the Acting E.ecretary
of Agriculture, transmitting a draft:. of pro-
posed legislation to authorize the Commodity
Credit Corporation to establish and main-
tain reserves of agricultural commodities
to protect consumers, and for other purposes;
to the Committee on Agriculture.
2037. A letter from the Acting Secretary,
Department of Agriculture, transmitting a
draft of proposed legislation to promote in-
ternational trade in agricultural comrnodi-
ties, to combat hunger and malnutrition, to
further economic developm.mt, and for other
purposes; to the Committee on Agriculture.
2038. A letter from the Assistant Secretary
of the Interior, transmitting a report of an
adequate soil survey and land class:.lication
of the lands in the Bostwick Park project,
Colorado, pursuant to the provisions of Pub-
lic Law 83-172; to the Committee oft Appro-
priations.
2039. A letter from the Secretary f State,
transmitting the Battle Act, Report f sr 1965,
pursuant to the provisions of the Mu vial De-
fense Assistance Control Act of 196;5 to the
Committee on Foreign Affairs.
2040. A letter from the Director, B- reau of
Land Management, Department of the In-
terior, transmitting a report of ncotiated
contracts for disposal of materials during the
period July 1 through December :11, 1965,
pursuant to the provisions of Pul,lic Law
87-889: to the Committee on Interior and
Insul it Affairs.
2041. A letter from the Secretary of the In-
terior, transmitting the 1966 report of the
Office of Coal Research relating to coal re-
s:earch activities undertaken during calendar
year 1965, pursuant to Public Law 86-599;
to the Committee on Interior and Insular
Affairs.
2042. A letter from the Chairmsi n. Civil
Aeronautics Board, transmitting the annual
report of the Board for ilsoal year 15.,';5, pur-
suant to the provisions of section 2o) of the
Federal Aviation Act of 1998, and I t :cutive
Order No. 11007, issued February :'6. 1962:
to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign
Commerce.
2043. A letter from the Acting Chairman,
Federal Power Commission, transmitting
copies of certain publications, as follows:
Glossary of Important Power and Rate
Terms, Abbreviations, and Units of Measure-
ment, 1965; Statistics for Interstate Natural
Pipe Line Companies, 1964; Sales by Pro-
ducers of Natural Gas to Interstate Pipeline
Companies, 1964; All-Electric Homes, Annual
Bills, 1965; to the Committee on Interstate
and Foreign Commerce.
2044. A letter from the Under Secretary of
the Navy, transmitting a draft of proposed
legislation to extend for a temporary period
the existing provisions of law relating to
the free importation of personal and house-
hold effects brought into the United States
under Government orders; to the Committee
on Ways and Means.
REPORTS OF COMMITTEES ON PUB-
LIC BILLS AND RESOLUTIONS
Under clause 2 of rule XIII, pursuant
to the order of the House of February 10,
1966, the following bills were reported
on February 11, 1966 :
Mr. TAYLOR: Committee on Interior and
Insular Affairs. H.R. 1784. A bill to provide
for the establishment of the Cape Lookout
National Seashore In the State of North
Carolina, and for other purposes: with
amendments (Rept. No. 1278). Referred to
the Committee of the Whole House on the
State of the Union.
Mr. HALEY: Committee on ]anterior acid
Insular Affairs. H.R. 10431. A bill to de-
clare that certain federally owned land is
held by the United States in trust for the
Minnesota Chippewa Tribe; without amend-
ment (Rept. No. 1279). Referred to the
Committee of the Whole House on the State
of the Union.
Mr. HALEY: Committee on Interior and
Insular Affairs. H.R. 10674. A bill to pro-
vide for the disposition of funds appropriated
to pay a judgment in favor of the Otoe and
Missouria Tribe of Indians, and for other
purposes; with an amendment (Rept. No.
1280). Referred to the Committee of the
Whole House on the State of the Union.
Mr. HALEY:: Committee on Interior and
Insular Affairs. H.R. 12264. A bill to de-
clare that 99.84 acres of Government-owned
land acquired for Indian administrative pur-
poses is held by the United States in trust
for the Apache Tribe of the Mescalero Reser-
vation; without amendment (Rept. No. 1281).
Referred to the Committee of the Whole
House on the State of the Union.
Mr. HALEY: Committee on Interior and
Insular Affairs. H.R. 12265. A bill to :author-
ize the Secretary of the Interior to give to
the Indians of the Pueblos of Acoma, Sandia,
Santa Ana, and Zia the beneficial interest
in certain federally owned lands heretofore
set aside for school or administrative pur-
poses; without amendment (Rept. No. 1282).
Referred to the Committee of the Whole
House on the State of the Union,
Mr. HALEY:: Committee on Interior and
Insular Affairs. H.J. Res. 343. Joint reso-
lution to cancel any unpaid reimbursable
construction costs of the Wind River Indian
irrigation project, Wyoming, chargeable
against certain non-Indian lands: with ,in
amendment (Rept. No. 1283). Referred to
the Committee of the Whole House on the
State of the Union.
PUBLIC BILLS AND RESOLUTIONS
Under clause 4 of rule XXII, public
bills and resolutions were introduced and
severally referred as follows:
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February 14, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
Veterans' Readjustment Benefits Act of
1966
SPEECH
OF
HON. RODNEY M. LOVE
OF OHIO
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 7, 1966
Mr. LOVE. Mr. Speaker, for some
time during the 1st session of the 89th
Congress, I had been prodding some of
my friends on the Veterans' Affairs Com-
mittee to report out H.R. 12410, the Vet-
erans' Readjustment Benefits Act of 1966,
so I was extremely pleased to see it on
the calendar early in this session.
Many of my constituents have written
expressing their concern about this
measure, particularly with respect to our
boys fighting in Vietnam.
This is an excellent bill, Mr. Speaker,
as it designs a permanent program for
our veterans. As the committee pointed
out, the structure of veterans' laws which
have developed over the past 200 years
has been based on the concept of war-
time and peacetime service. In the past,
war veterans have been given substan-
tially more benefits than peacetime vet-
erans and this system worked very well
through World War II. However, after
World War II, when we entered the so-
called cold war, problems began to arise.
It has been during this period that we
have continued compulsory military
service for an extended period of time for
the first time in our history. Prior to
World War II, we had few servicemen
stationed outside the United States. To-
day, however, our servicemen are scat-
tered throughout the world, and in many
instances are serving under combat or
near combat conditions. During the pe-
riod of time which is covered by this bill,
our Nation has gone through a series of
crises associated with Cuba, the Domin-
ican Republic, Taiwan-Matsu, Lebanon,
Berlin, Laos, and Vietnam. The per-
petual cold war condition, with its crises,
compulsory military service, and ex-
panded overseas commitments, makes
this bill necessary if our servicemen, dur-
ing this period of our history, are to re-
ceive equitable treatment.
As you know, Mr. Speaker, the purpose
of this bill is to: first, enhance and make
more attractive service in the Armed
Forces of the United States; second, ex-
tend the benefits of a higher education to
qualified and deserving young persons
who might not otherwise be able to af-
ford such an education; third, provide
vocational readjustment and restore lost
educational opportunities to those serv-
icemen and women whose careers have
been interrupted or impeded by reason
of active duty after January 31, 1955;
and fourth, aid such persons in attain-
ing the vocational and educational status
which they might normally have aspired
to and obtained had they not served their
country.
The committee emphasizes that, as in
the case of the Veterans' Readjustment
Assistance Act of 1952, it is not the in-
tention of this legislation to establish a
program which completely subsidizes the
cost of a veteran's education program, as
well as his living costs. This legislation
is designed as an aid program and it is
expected that in many cases the veteran
will be required to make a contribution
to the cost of his own education program.
It is believed that the veteran will main-
tain a greater interest in the use made
of the funds provided by this bill, if he
is required to make a contribution from
his own resources.
Moreover, the purpose of the commit-
tee is not to equalize educational oppor-
tunities for the veteran population, but
rather to provide assistance to help a
veteran follow the educational plan that
he might have adopted had he never en-
tered the Armed Forces.
Mr. Speaker, I believe this legislation
further insures that the Nation shall be
able to utilize the highest skills and abili-
ties of the veterans who benefit from it.
This is especially important since at this
time the number of young men available
to fill the essential technical and profes-
sional posts is the lowest in ratio to our
total population which we have had or
probably ever will have for a decade to
come. In my opinion, it is doubly essen-
tial that we make fullest use of the skills
of the young men who are available.
A709
by saying that among the purposes of the
organization is:
"To maintain international peace and se-
curity, and to that end: To take effective
collective measures for the prevention and
removal of threats to the peace, and for the
suppression of acts of aggression or other
breaches of the peace, and to bring about by
peaceful means, and in conformity with the
principles of justice and international law,
adjustment or settlement of international
disputes or situations which might lead to a
breach of the peace."
To argue that action is not possible be-
cause China and North Vietnam are not
members is to ignore article 2(6) of the
charter, which says:
"The organization shall insure that states
which are not members of the United Na-
tions act in accordance with these prin-
ciples so far as may be necessary for the
maintenance of international peace and secu-
rity."
Peace is primarily the responsibility of the
Security Council. Chapter V, article 24(l)
says:
In order to insure prompt and effective
action by the United Nations, its members
confer on the Security Council primary re-
sponsibility for the maintenance of inter-
national peace and security, and agree that
in carrying out this responsibility the Secu-
rity Council acts on their behalf."
Chapter VI clearly states the methods the
Security Council is to use in settling dis-
putes. Chapter VII even provides that the
my unconditional support. Council may use land, sea, or air forces to
I aintain international peace and security.
Milwaukee Journal Cites United Nations
Responsibility in Vietnam
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. HENRY S. REUSS
OF WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, January 18, 1966
Mr. REUSS. Mr. Speaker, while we
all know that the road ahead may be
long and arduous, the submission of the
Vietnam issue to the-United Nations is
a hopeful step forward.
The charter of the U.N. makes clear
that the Security Council is the forum
where threats to world peace are ini-
tially discussed.
The resolution offered to the Security
Council would open the way toward a
durable peace in southeast Asia based
upon the 1954 Geneva Conference.
The Milwaukee Journal's recent edi-
torial, "It Is U.N. Duty To Seek Peace,"
follows:
[From the Milwaukee (Wis.) Journal, Feb.
3, 1966]
IT Is U.N. DUTY To SEEK PEACE
The U.S. resolution seeking a full-scale de-
bate on Vietnam has reached the United Na-
tions Security Council agenda and a long
debate probably is in store. The Soviet
Union will undoubtedly offer a counterreso-
lution demanding that the United States
pull out of South Vietnam completely. In
the end a compromise may be reached as a
first step toward peace negotiations. Or it
may reach a point where the Soviet Union
vetoes the whole effort.
Original French and Soviet opposition to
any consideration of peace moves in the Se-
curity Council ignored the clear responsibil-
ity U.N. members have to seek peace.
Chapter 1, article 1 of the U.N. Charter starts
George Kerman Statement on Vietnam
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. THOMAS M. REES
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, January 26, 1966
Mr. REPS. Mr. Speaker, last week the
eminent diplomat and scholar, George
F. Kennan, testified before the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee concern-
ing our involvement in Vietnam.
Mr. Keenan, after many years in the
State Department as an Ambassador to
the Soviet Union and later Yugoslavia,
is considered by many to be our top ex-
pert in the cold war.
His remarks, I believe, present a very
clear and rational picture concerning
American involvement in Vietnam:
KENNAN STATEMENT ON VIETNAM
(NOTE.-George F. Kennan, former Am-
bassador to Moscow and now a member of
the Institute for Advanced Study at Prince-
ton, N.J., testified on Vietnam yesterday
before the Senate Foreign Relations Com-
mittee. Here is the official transcript of
Kennan's prepared statement, as delivered.)
Mr. Chairman, and distinguished mem-
bers of the Foreign Relations Committee, the
subject on which I am invited to give my
views this morning is, as I understand it,
the complex of problems connected with our
present involvement in Vietnam.
I would like to explain, in undertaking
to speak to this subject, that southeast Asia
is a part of the world for which I can claim
no specialized knowledge. I am not familiar
wtih the official rationale of our policy there
except as it has been revealed in the press.
I cannot recall that I have ever, either dur-
ing my official service in Government or
subsequently, been drawn by the executive
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A710 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX February 14, 1966
branch of our Government into consultation
on the problem of our policy in southeast
Asia, or even been made privy to the of-
ficial discussions by which that policy was
decided.
I am sure that there are many data that
are relevant to any thoroughly founded
judgment on. these matters which are not
available to me, and this being the case,
I have tried in recent weeks and months
not to jump to final conclusions even in
my own thoughts, to remain sympathetically
receptive, both to our Government's ex-
planations of the very real difficulties it has
raced and tc the doubts and questions of
its serious critics.
eCOCRIENCE NOTED
I have not been anxious to press my
views on the public, but I gladly give them
to you for whatever they are worth, claiming
no particular merit for them except perhaps
that they flow from experience with Com-
munist affairs that runs back now for some
:18 years, and also from the deepest and most
troubled sort; of concern that we should find
the proper course, the right course, at this
truly crucial moment.
The first point I would like to make is
that if we were not already involved as we
are
today in Vietnam, I would know of no
reason why we should wish to become so
involved, and I could think of several rea-
sons why we should wish not to.
Vietnam is not a region of major military,
industrial importance. It is difficult to be-
lieve that any decisive developments of the
world situation would be determined in
normal circumstances by what happens on
that territory
If it were not for the considerations of
prestige that arise precisely out of our pres-
ent involvement, even a situation in which
South Vietnam was controlled exclusively
by the Vietcong, while regrettable, and no
doubt morally unwarranted, would not, in
my opinion, present dangers great enough to
justify our direct military intervention.
Given the situation that exists today in
the relations among the. leading Communist
powers, and by that I have, of course, in mind
primarily the Soviet-Chinese conflict, there
is every likelihood that a Communist regime
in. South Vietnam would follow a fairly in-
dependent coeuue.
There is no reason to suspect that such a
regime would find It either necessary or de-
sirable in present circumstances to function
simply as a passive puppet and instrument
of Chinese power. And as for the danger
that its establishment there would unleash
similar tendencies in neighboring countries,
this. I think, would depend largely on the
manner In which it came into power.
In the light of what has recently hap-
pened in Indonesia, and on the Indian sub-
continent, the danger of the so-called domi-
no effect-that is, the effect that would be
produced by a limited Communist success
in South Vietnam-seems to me to be con-
siderably less than it was when the main
decisions were taken that have led to our
present involvement.
Let me stress, I do not say that that dan-
ger does not exist: I say that it is less than
it was a year or two ago when we got into
this involvement.
Prom the long-term standpoint, therefore,
and on principle, I think our military in-
volvement in Vietnam has to be recognized
as unfortunate, as something we would not
choose deliberately, if the choice were ours
to make all over again today, and by the
scene token, I think it should be our Gov-
ernment's airn to liquidate this involve-
ment just as soon as this can be done with-
out inordinate damage to our own prestige
or to the stability of conditions in that area.
It is obvious on the other hand that this
involvement Is today a fact. It creates a
new situation It raises new questions ul-
terior to the long-term problem which have
to be taken into account; a precipitate and
disorderly withdrawal could represent in
present circumstances a disservice to our
own interests, and even to world peace grea-
ter than any that might have been involved
by our failure to engage ourselves there in
the first place.
This is a reality which, if there Is to be
any peaceful resolution of this conflict, is
going to have to be recognized bot.;i by the
more critical of our friends and by our
adversaries.
But at the same time, I have great mis-
givings about any deliberate expansion of
hostilities on our part directed to the achieve-
ment, of something called victory-if by the
use of that term we envisage the .omplete
disappearance of the recalcitrance with
which we are now faced, the formal sub-
mission by the adversary to our will and the
complete realization of our present stated
political aims.
I doubt that these things can be achieved
even by the most formidable mili: ary suc-
cesses.
There seems to be an impression about
that if we bring sufficient military pressure
to bear there will occur at some point some-
thing In the nature of a political apitula-
tion on the other side. I think his is a
most dangerous assumption. I don't say
that it is absolutely impossible, but it is a
dangerous assumption in the light of the
experience we have had with Communist
elements in the past.
The North Vietnamese and the Vietcong
have between them a great deal of space and
manpower to give up if they have to, and the
Chinese can give them more if they need it.
Fidelity to the Communist tradition would
dictate that if really pressed to extremity on
the military level these people should dis-
appear entirely from the open scene and
fall back exclusively on an underground
political and military existence rather than
to accept terms that would be openly
humiliating and would, represent in their
eyes the betrayal of the :future political pros-
pects of the cause to which they a.re dedi-
cated.
Any total rooting out of the Vietcong from
the territory of South Vietnam could be
achieved, if it could be achieved at Al, only
at the cost of a degree of damage to civilian
life and of civilian suffering generally for
which I would not like to see this country
responsible.
And to attempt to crush North Vietnamese
strength to a point where Hanoi could no
longer give any support for Vietcong political
i activity in the south would almost certainly,
t seems to me, have the effect of bringing in
Chinese forces at some point, whether
formally or in the guise of volunteers, thus
involving us in a military conflict wish Com-
munist China on. one of the most unf.Ivorable
theaters of hostility that we could possibly
choose.
This is not the only reason why I think we
should do everything possible to avoid the
escalation of this conflict. There is another
one which is no less weighty, and this is the
effect the conflict is already having on our
policies and interests further afield. This
involvement seems to me to represent a
grevious misplacement of emphasis on our
foreign policies as a whole.
Not only are great and potentially more
important questions of world affairs not re-
ceiving, as a consequence of our involvement
in Vietnam, the attention they should be
receiving, but in some instances assets we
already enjoy and, hopefully, possibilities
we should be developing are being sacrificed
to this unpromising involvement in a remote
and secondary theater.
Our relations with the Soviet Union have
suffered grievously, as was to be expected,
and this at a time when far more Important
things were involved in those relations than
what Is ultimately involved in Vietnam and
when we had special reason, I think, to
cultivate those relations, and more unfortu-
nate still, in my opinion, is the damage being
done to the feelings entertained for us by
the Japanese people.
The confidence and the good disposition
of the Japanese is the greatest asset we have
had and the greatest asset we could have in
east Asia. As the greatest industrial complex
in the entire Far East, and the only place
where the sinews of modern war can be
produced on a formidable scale there, Japan
is of vital importance to us and indeed to
the prospects generally of peace and stability
in east Asia.
There is no success we could have in Viet-
nam that would conceivably warrant, in my
opinion, the sacrifice by us of the confidence
and good will of the Japanese people.
Yet, I fear that we abuse that confidence
and good will in the most serious way when
we press the military struggle in Vietnam,
and particularly when we press it by means
of strategic bombing, a process to which the
Japanese for historical reasons are peculiarly
sensitive and adverse.
I mention Japan particularly because it is
an outstanding example, both in importance
and in the intensity of the feelings aroused,
of the psychological damage that is being
done in many parts of the world by the
prosecution of this conflict, and that will be
done in even greater measure if the hostili-
ties become still more bloody and tragic as a
result of our deliberate effort.
It is clear that however justified our action
may be in our own eyes, it has failed to win
either enthusiasm or confidence even. among
peoples normally friendly to us.
Our motives are widely misinterpreted, and
the spectacle, the spectacle emphasized and
reproduced in thousands of press photo-
graphs and stories that appear in the press of
the world, the spectacle of Americans inflict-
ing grievous injury on the lives of a poor and
helpless people, and particularly a people of
different race and color, no matter how war-
ranted by military necessity or by the ex-
cesses of the adversary our operations may
seem to us to be or may genuinely be, this
spectacle produces reactions among inillio:ns
of people throughout the world profoundly
detrimental to the image we would like them
to hold of this country.
HOLLOW VICTORY
I am not saying that this is just or right.
I am. saying that this is so, and that it is
bound in the circumstances to be so, and a
victory purchased at the price of further such
damage would be a hollow one in terms of our
world interests, no matter what advantages
it might hold from the standpoint of devel-
opments on the local scene.
Now, these are the reasons, gentlemen, why
I hope that our Government will restrict our
military operations in Vietnam to the mini-
mum necessary to assure the security of our
forces, and to maintain our military presence
there until we can achieve a satisfactory
peaceful resolution of the conflict, and these
are reasons why I hope that we will continue
to pursue vigorously, and I may say consist-
ently, the quest for such a peaceful resolution
of the conflict, even if this involves some
moderation of our stated objectives, and even
if the resulting settlement appears to us as
something less than Ideal.
I cannot, of course, judge the military
necessities of our situation. But everything
that I can learn about its political aspects
suggests to me that Gen. James M. Gavin is
on the right track in his suggestions that we
should, if I understood him correctly, decide
what limited areas we can safely police and
defend, and restrict ourselves largely to the
maintenance of our position there.
I have listened with Interest to the argu-
ments that have been brought forward In
opposition to his views, and I must say that
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A716 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX P e ruary
r
ton was a farmer and recognizing this, a
group of America's finest young men
have selected the week of his birthdate
as their national week. I am speaking
of the Future Farmers of America who
will observe their 38th anniversary the
week of February 19 to February 26.
I am sincere when I speak of the
Future Farmers of America as a group
of this Nation's finest young men. At
home, in the Second District of Ken-
tucky, one cannot but be aware of the
very strong and the very positive in-
fluence that the members of this organi-
zation exert in their homes and in their
communities. I know of no group that
commands more respect or receives more
wholehearted support than our Future
Farmers and I am sure this is true not
only in our section of Kentucky, but
across the board expanse of our country.
Thirty-eight years ago, some high
school students in Kansas City, Mo., be-
lieved in the future of farming. They
formed a new organization-an organi-
zation for farm boys-and employed this
belief in their creed. Their faith has
been justified, for it was then as it is
now-farming is the backbone and the
heart of agriculture.
It was in 1928 that these boys first met
and set forth their ideals and goals. The
outgrowth of their meeting has been a
national organization, the Future Farm-
ers of America, with more than 454,516
active members in 9,156 local chapters.
This membership is distributed through-
out our 50 States and Puerto Rico. Op-
erating under the provisions of the
National Vocational Education Acts, it
has become an educational, nonprofit,
and nonpolitical farm youth movement
and has as its aim and purpose the de-
velopment of agricultural leadership, of
citizenship, and of patriotism.
As our great Nation has expanded its
growth and power, as our population has
increased, and America, in its compassion
for the hungry of the world has in-
creased its foreign commitments, so too
have the Future Farmers of America
augmented their program to meet these
new demands upon our agricultural re-
sources. Vocational Agriculture now
embraces the study of science, tech-
nology, and management. The American
farm and American farmworkers re-
main the center link in our present agri-
cultural system. Servicing and supply-
ing these 7 million people are some 6
million workers. In the third and final
link, an additional 10 million handle and
process our abundant farm produce.
Agriculture, in a sense, has become agri-
business.
To those who love the land, however,
agriculture is more than a career-
more than a business. It is a very rich
and rewarding way of life. The dreams
of forefathers are nurtured and har-
vested and the good earth is replenished
with hope for the farmers of tomorrow
to tend. A farm is a masterpiece of
nature and a symbol of the eternal bond
between man and soil.
I salute the Future Farmers of Amer-
ica upon their 38th anniversary. A great
trust is their and I wish for them a
future of even greater achievement.
Vietnam: The Endless War-Article IV
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WILLIAM F. RYAN
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 14, 1966
Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, Pete Hamill,
who is reporting on the war in Vietnam
for the New York Post, has been writing
a series of articles from that region
which shows great insight into the nature
of the struggle. I include the fourth ar-
ticle in the series which was published on
February 10. I especially want to call
to the attention of my colleagues his two
concluding sentences:
If anything at all is clear about this con-
fused war, it is that its roots are political.
Ultimately, its solution will be political too.
The article follows:
VIETNAM: THE ENDLESS WAR-ARTICLE IV:
THE MILITARY STRUGGLE
(By Pete Hamill)
SAIGON.---The correspondents who were
there still remember the last terrible days
of the French in what was then known as
Indochina. Every evening in that spring
of 1964, the bars of Hanoi would grow
emptier. The young French officers would
toast each other with champagne, sing gay,
brave songs, and then fly off in the morning,
heading 180 miles to the west for a town
in the valley of the Namyoum River called
Dien Bien Phu.
The young men would leave in groups of
50 or 60 in those first days of the 57-day
siege; then in groups of 30 or less; and at
the end, one or two at a time. The music
in the Hanoi bars played to empty rooms.
The prostitutes walked home alone. The
customers of both were off being slaughtered.
And while those thousands of young men
were again proving that France produces the
bravest soldiers and the worst generals of
any modern nation, while they were being
shot down like trapped animals in that valley
without exits, the French military kept ly-
ing. The war was not finished, they told
visiting correspondents, no matter what
happened at Dien Bien Phu. Small military
gains were being made in the Red River
Valley. The Vietminh were getting discour-
aged. The pacification program was spread-
ing like oil on water through the countryside.
The Vietminh were resorting to terror in
the collection of troops and the peasantry
was abandoning the cause. It was all re-
lated in careful, rational tones, and all of it
was nonsense.
On May 7, 1954, Dien Bien Phu was overrun,
by the forces of Vietminh Gen. Vo Nguyen
Giap; the next day, the Geneva Conyention
opened and the colonial empire France had
fought so bravely and stupidly to retain
was finished. Today, the second part of that
war continues, though the names of most of
the players have changed. In what Bernard
Fall describes as the second Indochina war,
the old hands have a distinct sense of deja
vu.
"There are some crucial differences between
the French phase of the war and the Ameri-
can phase," one veteran American journalist
told me several weeks ago. "For one thing,
the French were fighting to stay in a colony;
we're fighting to get out. We have over-
whelming air power and, with the helicopters,
more flexibility. Despite the peace move-
ment, we don't have anything like that anti-
war feeling in France at the time of the war,
which choked off supplies and needed man-
power; the French after all had a large,
14, 1966
powerful Communist Party. But in other
ways, it seems to me we're making a hell of
a lot of the same mistakes."
Even some of the American politicians ad-
mit that host of our mistakes to date have
been political; but they also feel that we
are in danger of making some of the same
military mistakes.
"Our greatest weakness here is the ARVN,"
one American military man told me. (The
initials are for Army of the Republic of Viet-
nam.) "If they were doing their job, we
wouldn't be here. We could stand off like
the Chinese are doing, give them the guns
and let them do the fighting. But even
though they are individually brave, they are
lousy as an army."
There are about 250,000 troops in the South
Vietnamese Army and some units perform
well. Others are a hopeless grabbag. One
unit I visited in the Mekong Delta was made
up of 250 fighting men and 750 women and
children, all dependents of the soldiers. It
is rather difficult to get a soldier to desert
the warmth of his family bed at 3 in the
morning to do battle with the Vietcong. De-
sertions continue to bleed the army of its
stability. The pay is abysmally low-$20 a
month for a private, or about what a prosti-
tute earns in an hour on Saigon's Tu Do
Street.
Few ARVN soldiers have any respect at
all for the commanders, most of whom seem
more interested in turning their weapons on
the latest Saigon government than in fight-
ing the Vietcong. In addition, the Vietna-
mese Army is riddled with Vietcong agents,
to the point that some American outfits re-
fuse to work on operations with them. "It's
impossible to plan a large operation with
them," one Marine colonel said. "By the
time we get to where we want to go, the
Vietcong are gone. It's like a cop from the
vice squad working for Lucky Luciano."
An even more serious problem is that most
of the Vietnamese officers have been trained
by either the French or the Americans.
Their military thinking runs along conven-
tional lines. The Australians-some of whom
are most caustic about American military
strategy-say that the Vietnamese would be
great soldiers in some open flat field in the
south of France, but that they still don't
understand jungle warfare.
"In this kind of war," one Australian officer
who had served in New Guinea said, "you
have to slide up on your man and cut his
throat. You don't come barging in like a
horde of bloody elephants, letting him know
you're coming."
(The Australians, by the way, rate the
Americans third in the jungle warfare league.
"The Japanese were best, because they used
the jungle; the Australians were second, be-
cause they learned to live with the jungle;
Americans-they remove the jungle.")
The French thought they could hold Indo-
china with strings of forts from which they
could strike with some sort of mobility; but
the Viet Minh controlled all of the country-
side, had the support of most of the peas-
antry, and knocked off each fort with brutal
efficiency until at Dienbienphu, they knocked
off the biggest fort of them all.
Many observers feel we are doing the same
thing. Our position at Da Nang, Anh Khe,
Bien Hoa, Pleiku, and Nha Trang are reason-
ably well defended (though the Vietcong
slipped through two regiments of Vietnamese
to mortar Bien Hoa a year ago, and managed
to blast the Da Nang airstrip a few weeks
ago). The Americans, because of the kind of
warfare they are waging, must have these
bases. Unfortunately, they control no more
of the countryside than the French did.
When I asked to visit the battlefield of the
la Drang Valley where, last November, we
took heavy losses, and killed almost 2,000
Vietcong, I was laughed at. "Unj,ess you can
find a spare battalion around here," I was
told, "forget it."
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February 14, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
U.S. Space Program Chalked After 1970
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. OLIN E. TEAGUE
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. TEAGUE of Texas. Mr. Speaker,
an article by Neal Stanford in the Chris-
tian Science Monitor, January 18, dis-
cusses the recent report of the Space
Science Board of the National Academy
of Sciences completed at the request of
the White Mouse on post-Apollo pro-
rams. This study clearly outlines the
need not only for our efforts in space
in the 1970's but makes a strong case for
sufficient Earth-based effort to supple-
ment our space effort. This brief arti-
cle by Mr. Stanford identifies well sev-
eral of the most promising opportunities
for our national space program following
the lunar landing in this decade. The
article :follows :
U.S. SPACE PROGRAM CHALKED AFTER 1970
(by Neal Stanford)
WASHINGTON.-The American space pro-
grrain Is outlined until 1970, when it is to put
men on the moon.
While there is it lot of talk and speculation
about what the United States does after that
in space, there is no official program, no an-
nounced goal.
The first step toward nailing down a spe-
cific space program for the post-Apollo years,
running from 1970 to 1985, has been taken
flow.
The Space Science Board of the National
Academy of Sciences, at the request of the
White House, has come up with a long list
of projects and given them priorities.
`Cop priority goes to unmanned exploration
of Mars.
Next comes detailed investigation of the
lunar surface.
Third is unmanned exploration of Venus.
EARTH-BASED STUDY STRESSED
Then comes investigation of other major
planets, comets, asteroids, and interplane-
tary dust.
This program is not too different from
what has been expected, and from what
probably will he approved. But what the
space science board has done now is propose
50 different specific space investigations for
the post-Apollo years, and explain why these
have been chosen.
The report takes issue with certain present
policies and premises on space research and
exploration.
It suggests that earth-based studies of the
planets and solar system must not be ne-
glected just because man now has a means
of making deep-space probes. It says with
some sharpness: "There is great concern over
the gap between present programs in ground-
based observation of the planetary system
and what could be done with existing
facilities."
In other words: Don't do in space what
can be done more cheaply on earth.
QUESTIONS OUTLINED
Here are some of its proposals and recom-
mendations for this period:
Launching an. orbiting planetary observa-
tory,
More observation of planets through
ground-based telescopes.
Landing a Martian capsule early in the
1970's.
Putting life-detection experiments in early
landers on planets, even though they have
it low chance of success.
The report makes pertinent points about
various space programs:
Mars;: The purpose is not only to look for
existence of life on Mars, but to see if it
geographically has a core, a mantle, a crust;
not just study volcanic activity, but deter-
mine whether Mars came from the same
chemical crucible as the Earth.
Moon: The moon should be mapped both
from lunar orbit; and then from landings and
traverses. 11; is important to know such a
simple thing as how a handful of moon dust
would distribute itself if allowed to fall back.
Venus: It is possible scientists have been
too hasty in accepting the assumption from
radiation measurements that the surface
temperature is too high to support life.
Such heat could come from nonthermal
sources, and low temperatures could exist at
the summit of the high mountain ranges.
Also some form of life could even dcvelop in
suspension in the dense atmosphere.
This is only the first of three reports the
space science board is making on space re-
search directions for the future.
There is no question but that there will
be a space program after 1970. Tuns first
report tries to suggest what it will-or
should--look like.
Lutz Cabinet Co., a Wyoming Industry
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. TENO RONCALIO
OF WYOMING
IN TILE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 14, 1966
Mr. RONCALIO. Mr. Speaker, Ameri-
cans have always taken pride in the
recitation of a single man's success in
our free enterprise system. An integral
part of our culture is the firm and abid-
ing belief that our economic system offers
each man an opportunity to seek a better
way of life through dedication, hard
work, and a continuing faith in our Na-
tion's potential.
This lesson is all the more valuable
when it demonstrates that there are still
developing markets in. our Nation that
offer great rewards to men of these as-
pirations. Wyoming is such a place, with
abundant natural resources, reserves of
trained manpower, an excellent trans-
portation system, amidst an area of well-
to-do consumers.
I am proud today to call attention to
the achievements of a friend of many
years, Louis Lutz of Laramie, Wyo. Be-
ginning as a carpenter in Laramie, Mr.
Lutz recognized Wyoming's potential and
pursued his career in Laramie, ultimately
building one of Wyoming's fastest grow-
ing industries. His cabinet company,
founded in 1949, now represents an in-
vestment of over $300,000, employing 25
persons. It is Wyoming's largest wood
milling shop and one of the largest cus-
tom furniture producers in the Rocky
Mountains.
The following article from Wyoming
Progress Reports, a monthly publication
of the Wyoming Natural Resource Board,
explains Mr. Lutz' good cause for faith
in Wyoming's growing ability to sustain
profitable industrial ventures. I rec-
ommend his philosophy to those who
seek a promising and profitable career
in the great undeveloped markets of the
Rockies.
A7I.`z; -
The article follows:
One of Wyoming's fastest growing busi-
nesses recently occupied it new plant in
Laramie, representing an investment of more
than $300,000.
Lutz Cabinet Co., the State's largest wood
milling shop, began operations at ii .s new
26,000-square-foot facility late in 1965, sig-
naling the latest achievement in a proud
growth record.
Louis Lutz, a native of Laramie, founded
Lutz Cabinet Co. in 1949 as a small-scale
operation. The company now employs Ti
persons and is among the largest custom
furniture producers in the Rocky Motuftai.n
region.
The firm does not manufacture furniture
for the general market. Its products are
custom built for specific contract purposes.
For example, work is currently underway on
a $500,000 contract to supply dormitory fur-
niture for the University of Wyoming III
Laramie.
Major supply sources for the company are
the East (for birch and oak) and the Pacific
Northwest (for plywood).
Lutz Cabinet Co.'s principal product is
cabinet work for Laramie area contractors
on such projects as apartments and resi,:en-
tial developments. In recent years, the com-
pany has broadened its base of operations
with the receipt of many contracts for col-
l.ege dormitories, hospitals, and State insti-
tutions. For these projects, Lutz Cabinet
Co. produces drawers, wardrobe units, and
desks.
As an added feature of its operations, the
firm designs many of its products and much
of its equipment, enlisting the assistance
of University of Wyoming specialists as con-
sultants on specific projects.
Lutz cites several advantages of his Lar-
amie location. Transportation facilities--
both truck and rail-are excellent. In addi-
tion, the Laramie area offers an abundance
of skilled labor. The firm's proximity to its
growing market facilitates shipping of the
highly finished company product.
Within a 150-mile radius of Laramie are
the University of Wyoming, Colorado State
University, Colorado State College, Colorado
School of Mines, University of Colorado, Den-
ver University, and several junior colleges--
comprising an excellent market for Lutz Cab-
inet Co.'s products in Wyoming, Colorado,
and Nebraska.
Finally, Lutz credits the Laramie area's
highly favorable business climate with help-
ing the growth and prosperity of his com-
pany.
The Future Farmers of America-
Guardians of the Soil
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WILLIAM H. NATCHER
OF KENTUCKY
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 14, 1966
Mr. NATCHER. Mr. Speaker, our
country is once again preparing to cele-
brate the birthday of our first President.
Americans, throughout the land will
pause oil that day, February 22, and pay
due tribute to the splendid and unselfish
genius of his great man who gave so
much of himself and his talents in his
efforts to establish and sustain this then
fledgling young Nation. History records
George Washington as a leader in many
fields and certainly not the least of his
accomplishments were in the area of
agriculture. At heart, George Washing-
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So we are killing Vietcong, but regaining
very little territory for the Vietnamese Gov-
ernment we are fighting for. in some areas,
such as the Mekong Delta, we have less terri-
tory under Government control than we had
18 months ago.
Gen. William C. Westmoreland is in charge
of the American military effort here. Like
Gen. Dwight Eisenhower in World War II he
finds himself spending almost as much time
in the airy sphere of diplomacy, soothing the
wounded egos of other military men, as he
does in fighting the war.
Unlike Eisenhower, though, Westmoreland
doesn't even have the luxury of a unified
command. In theory at least he must ask
permission from the Vietnamese generals be-
fore moving his men into battle. And for
reasons stated above this is often not in his
best interests. Too often in this war, large,
expensive military operations are pulled on
empty valleys. One operation last year re-
suited in a net kill of 26 water buffaloes. No
one could determine whether they were Viet-
cong sympathizers.
In certain ways, Westmoreland is repre-
sentative of the entire American effort here.
For one thing, he looks like a general. He is
lean of jaw, steely of gaze, with fierce black
eyebrows that John Ford's makeup men
would have a hard time inventing. He
doesn't smoke, seldom drinks, and utters only
an occasional "dag nabbit" when upset. To
some of those working with him, he is still
the Eagle Scout he once was.
"Westmoreland is a very nice guy," one
American political expert says, "but I don't
think he understands much about evil. He
wants his men to be gentlemen, noble war-
riors preserving freedom for an imperiled
country. They should be out cutting
throats."
Most homefront heroes cannot understand
why a war in a small country like Vietnam
should be giving a great power like the United
States so much trouble. They believe we
should blow up Hanoi or Haiphong, drop our
nuclear weapons and blast the Communists
off the map. (It is interesting that the atom
bomb advocates are always willing to drop the
bomb on Asians; it is doubtful they would
drop it if this war were being fought in
Sweden.)
The American military men understand
some of the folly of these arguments. For
one thing, Saigon is the hostage for Hanoi.
If our bombers took out Hanoi-no simple
matter, since it is conceded that the Com-
munist capital has more formidable anti-
aircraft facilities than wartime Berlin-the
Communists could take out Saigon in 3
days. Their supporters could blow up most
major facilities, hotels, and the communi-
cations and sewer systems; if Haiphong goes
the Saigon River could be bottled up with
a few well-placed mines and mortar fire
could wreak havoc at Ton Son Nhut airport.
So the strategy has become relatively sim-
ple. The military must operate on the
theory that no peace will be negotiated.
Starting from that point they believe that
for the next several years an all-out war of
attrition must be waged against main-force
Vietcong and North Vietnamese units,
While the Americans and the best Vietna-
mese units are waging that kind of war (it
will require at least another 200,000 Ameri-
cans), the Vietnamese Popular Forces and
regional militia units will have to deal with
the guerrilla units in the countryside. Keep
the pressure on, and the guerrilla war will
simply peter out. The lowest time estimate
for accomplishing all this is 7 years.
A lot of people have severe doubts about
this strategy. It echoes the French methods,
and denies the fact that large-scale oper-
ations too frequently result in the deaths of
the very peasantry the government is sup-
posed to be winning over.
Probably the only hope of winning lies
with the kind of pacification program being
run under the direction of Gen. Lewis Walt
and his marines. out of Da Nang. The ma-
rines have been treated harshly by some
critics because they have not gone out and
killed as many people as possible. But Walt
understands the futility of battles like that
of the Is, Drang in which great numbers are
killed and the government still cannot walk
back in. His men have been working quietly,
with some efficiency, village by village.
It would be unfortunate if the Marine
Corps alumni association forces them to give
up and go back to all-out assault. If any-
thing at all is clear about this confused war,
it is that its roots are political. Ultimately,
its solution will be political too.
Marine Transportation
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CLARK W. THOMPSON
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 14, 1966
Mr. THOMPSON of Texas. Mr.
Speaker, there is ever-increasing interest
and discussion on the future of our great
maritime industry. The technological
aspects of it are of particular concern to
us all.
It was with a great deal of interest
when I read the remarks of Adm. John
Harllee, U.S. Navy, retired, Chairman of
the Federal Maritime Commission, be-
fore the Transportation Association of
America's National Transportation Insti-
tute on January 12, 1966, at the Waldorf
Astoria Hotel in New York City.
His remarks follow, and I commend
them to the attention of the Congress:
REMARKS OF ADM. JOHN HARLLEE, U.S. NAVY,
RETIRED, CHAIRMAN OF THE FEDERAL MARI-
TIME COMMISSION, BEFORE THE TRANSPORTA-
TION ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA'S NATIONAL
TRANSPORTATION INSTITUTE ON JANUARY 12,
1966, AT THE WALDORF ASTORIA HOTEL IN
NEw YORK CITY
These are exciting times in the marine
transportation Industry and unquestionably
one of the most exciting phases is the new
impetus in containerization which could
achieve a technological revolution in ocean
transportation.
But, while the year ahead will unquestion-
ably see the first manifestations of transat-
lantic containerization it might be years be-
fore the full impact of this new type of ship-
ping service is felt by the industry.
Before containerization arrives full blown,
we at the Federal Maritime Commission must
reexamine and reassess our governing stat-
utes, the rules and transportation principles
enunciated thereunder, and our body of case
law, all formulated under traditional con-
cepts of break-bulk service, and determine
whether they meet future transportation
needs and whether, in their present form
they are equal to the task of providing regu-
latory guidance and assistance to steamship
operators and protection to the prospective
users of containerized ocean transportation.
As you know, the transatlantic steamship
trade is one of our most important, whether it
be viewed in terms of the number of vessels
committed to it, the type of cargo moving, the
volume of that cargo or its value. Today the
carriers in that trade operate services largely
indistinguishable from those existing when
the Shipping Act was passed in 1916. That
is changing fast and within the next few
years the trade may become unrecognizable.
Within that time at least four major U.S.-
A717
flag carriers and four foreign-flag carriers will
inaugurate integrated container service with
significant numbers of high speed vessels
between the United States and northern
Europe. Most of these vessels expect to load
and discharge containers on a lift-on, lift-off
basis, but some may be designed for roll-on,
roll-off operations. This technological revo-
lution has been long in coming to our foreign
trade and should be welcomed not only by
this Nation and its trading partners in Europe
but also by the shippers and consignees en-
gaged in that trade.
The need for high-speed container service
in the transatlantic trades is manifest. Ob-
viously, operators of containerized vessels will
continue to be confronted by operational
and labor problems. There is also the prob-
lem of international trade rivalries. While
the United States may feel it has the ad-
vantage of a head start there is every in-
dication that foreign-flag interest in con-
tainerization is accelerating. All in all, how-
ever, the prospects for the success of con-
tainerized service in this and other trades
appear encouraging. The capital required to
move these new vessels from the drawing
boards to the berth is staggering. We should
tender a hearty well done to all those steam-
ship companies who intend to participate
in this venture to so dramatically improve
service. Containerziation should bring
benefits to carriers and shippers alike and
make a substantial contribution toward
achieving the national goal of expanding
our foreign trade.
The full impact of the operational changes
that will be forthcoming from containeri-
zation of the transatlantic trade cannot be
evaluated until we have had actual experi-
ence with this method of ocean transport.
Nevertheless, prudence and commonsense
dictate that we make preparations now for
what is coming. The Federal Maritime Com-
mission and the other agencies who regulate
transportation must reevaluate their reg-
ulatory programs on the basis of what Is
about to happen rather than what happened
yesterday. We do know that containeriza-
tion will bring changes in more than the
physical features of the vessels involved. We
do know that the maximum efficiencies of
containerized service can be realized only
when the containers are loaded at inland
points, where most of the cargo originates,
and are tendered for delivery at inland points
of destination. We know that containeriza-
tion has encouraged the through movement
of goods and that this trend will be greatly
accelerated when containerized service is
fully established in the transatlantic trades.
The carriers have been attempting to comply
with existing legislation by segmenting the
charges for the service they perform by filing
with various regulatory agencies those ap-
plicable segments of the through rates.
For example, motor carriers file with the In-
terstate Commerce Commission rates cover-
ing the portion of the haul in the United
States, Under present rules those carriers
must file with the Federal Maritime Com-
mission their port-to-port rates based on
the theory that they are non-vessel-owning
common carriers by water in foreign com-
merce. That portion of the haul occurring
within the foreign country is not required to
be filed anywhere. When such transporta-
tion involves air carriers they must file a
portion of the through rate with the Civil
Aeronautics Board and their port-to-port
rates with the Federal Maritime Commission.
This type of segmented rate regulation may
be unwieldy, time consuming, costly, and of
marginal utility to both shippers and car-
riers. A single factor through rate filed with
a single governmental entity may be more
conducive to an effective transportation
system. Perhaps a joint board similar to
the one proposed by the Federal Maritime
Commission, Interstate Commerce Commis-
sion, and Civil Aeronautics Board to exercise
jurisdiction over through rates in certain of
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD APPENDIX February 14, 1 t'l'GG
our domestic offshore trades should be ex-
panded to include our foreign trades. Mat-
ters such as these have been under contin-
uing study by the chairmen of all three of
the major transportation regulatory agencies
and we intend to maintain this liaison.
However, neither a joint board nor the re-
spective stalls of the Interstate Commerce
Commission. Civil Aeronautics Board, or Fed-
eral Maritime Commission can effectively
deal with these problems unless we receive
the counsel, advice, and cooperation of the
carriers involved and the users of their serv-
fees. We need to know more precisely the
types of services contemplated, the problems
both operational and regulatory that are en-
visaged by the carriers and the shippers, and
most important the views of all concerned as
to how the mint efforts of the Government
transportation regulators can be utilized to
accommodat.o carriers and shippers alike
while maintaining the protection of the pub-
lic interest.
We must also direct our efforts to find
answers to these problems which are likely
to arise from major containerization prob-
lems:
Will containerization bring changes in tra-
ditional rate patterns and rate structures?
Will containerization change the method.
of pricing transportation service?
For instance, under containerization will.
pricing relate more to the movement of the
container rather than to its contents?
Will "freight all kinds" rates be available
in these services?
Can a single bill of lading with a single
factor rate be utilized to cover the through
movement of goods from an inland point,
across the ocean and then to another inland
point?
Will containerization reduce the need -or
the proliferation of shipping documents that
are now necessary to move cargo from an in-
Land point in the United States to an inland"
point in Europe?
Will containerization permit simplifica-.
Lions of the shipping documents that will
be required?
What effect will containerization have on
independent ocean freight forwarders and
nonvessel owning common carriers now reg-
ulated by the Federal Maritime Commission?
Containerization will obviously bring
manifold changes in the method of loading
and unloading vessels. What effect will
these technological changes have on tradi-
tional terminal operations? Indeed, consid?-
ering the heavy capital outlays that will be
required to :adapt present terminal facilities
to containerization will it be possible for the
lines to operate such facilities at all ports
presently being served? If not, will it mean
that certain ports will have the benefits of
containerization and others will not? More
important perhaps is the question of
whether containerization will draw substan-
tial amounts of cargo from ports where
such service is unavailable. If this is so,
will it be consistent with the public interest
and compatible with sound transportation
policy?
Is it feasible to move all types of general
cargo in containers? If not, what accommo-
dations will be made for moving such items'?
Will containerized vessels attract only the
highway paying cargoes? It so, what will
happen to those operators of modern yet
conventional vessels who will be relegated
to the carriage of low paying cargo?
How are the regulatory agencies to police
such malpractices as misdeclaration of
freight, misweighing, and rebating? Which
agency will have jurisdiction over these
matters'? Who is to be held responsible for
these practices, the shipper, the freight for-
warder, the non-vessel-owning common car-
rier, the inland carrier, or the ocean carrier?
Fortunately, the Federal Maritime Commis-
sion with the cooperation of the Interstate
Commerce Commission has embarised on a
compliance program on containerized freight
moving in our domestic offshore trades. We
are hopeful that that program when ade-
quately tested will serve as a model for simi-
lar programs in foreign trades.
I would be less than candid if I pretended
to know the answers to all the questions
raised here. But I intend to do my part in
preparing myself and the staff of the Federal
Maritime Commission to be in a be-.ter posi-
tion in the days ahead to come to grips with
these problems and others, and if possible to
formulate rational and effective responses.
I know my colleagues at the Interstate Com-
merce Commission and Civil Aeronautics
Board join me in these pursuits. Time is
one of the luxuries seldom enjoyed by a
regulatory agency. Usually, we are required
to react to a crisis already in being. Here
we are confronted with a grand opportunity
to lay plans for a revolutionary change in the
techniques of transportation. But we can-
not wait too long or this problem too will be
upon us.
Every regulatory program should have a
purpose and I can assure this audlenee and
those with whom the Federal Maritime Com-
mission deals more directly that if our pro-
grams are round purposeless in the light of
changing transportation conditions they will
be promptly reevaluated. When our pro-
grams and policies no longer serve t.o protect
those involved in ocean transportation from
the evils the Shipping Act was designed to
eliminate the Federal Maritime Commission
will act promptly. It is essential that tech-
nological advances in transportation not be
hamstrung and frustrated by governmental
policies which have no place in ;i modern
transportation system.
I solicit your assistance and ad,. ice as to
how the Federal Maritime Commission, the
Interstate Commerce Commission, and the
Civil Aeronautics Board can effectively dis-
charge their regulatory responsibilities in the
technological challenges we all av:;ait. The
information and assistance you are able to
provide regarding this new concept of trans-
portation may be determinative of whether
we spend our time wisely.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN A. RACE
OF WISCONSIN
IN THE HOIJSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 14, 1966
Mr. RACE.. Mr. Speaker, too often the
Congress and the Federal Government
are unfairly criticized for assuming
legitimate responsibilities in meeting the
needs of our people.
When editorial praise for a controver-
sial Federal service occurs, it is an occa-
sion to be noted. For this reason, I re-
quest to be inserted in the RECORD at this
point, the following editorial from the
February 12 edition of the Sheboygan,
Wis., Press:
MISDIRECTED CRrrICISM
The forthcoming meeting of the National
Rural Electric Cooperative Association, which
opens a 4-day session at Las Vegass Monday,
is a timely reminder that the rural electrifi-
cation program in this country is approach-
ing its 30th birthday with a becoming
maturity.
In the present era, It is difficult, to recall
that as recently as 1935 only about 10 percent
of the Nation's farms were receivi!ig electric
service, The inability of private industry to
extend electric service in those days led to
the passage of the Rural Electrification Act
of 1936. This measure promoted farm elec-
trification through low-interest Government
loans. As a result, today more than 98 per-
cent of the country's farms have some sort c,f
electrification.
Despite this worthy accomplishment, the
REA unfortunately is constantly being made
the whipping- boy by ultraconservatives and
disgruntled politicians. They attack the
Rural Electrification Administration program
as another form of Federal bureaucracy that
is creating unfair competition for private
industry.
Such criticism is unfair. Should the Fed-
eral Government be criticized for stepping; in
and meeting a need that obviously should be
met? Certainly the Nation has benefited by
the Government's rural electrification pro-
gram. Perhaps there were good reasons why
private industry was not able to extend its
services in the 1930's. But that does not mean
that the necessity for rural electrification
could be overlooked or indefinitely delayed.
When private industries or individual
States fail to function to provide a necessary
public service, the Federal Government in-
evitably steps in to meet the need.
Shortage of Technicians a Problem for All
of Us
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN H. DENT'
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTA'TIVF`t
Monday, February 14, 1966
Mr. DENT. Mr. Speaker, improved
and expanded vocational and technical
education is vital to the continued
growth of our economy. The United
States-indeed, the world-is faced with
a gigantic rebuilding task, and this can
be successfully accomplished only with
the assistance of thousands of new tech-
nicians.
This is a problem in which I am vitally
interested. Last year, I sponsored the
National Vocational Student Loan Insur-
ance Act of 1965. I had the honor of
seeing this act become Public Law 89-
287. This is one step and one approach
toward providing more technicians to
our workforce.
The problem in general is being vigor-
ously approached by the U.S. Office of
Education's Division of Vocational and
Technical Education, under the direc-
tion of Assistant Commissioner Dr. Wal-
ter M. Arnold. A training program on
the vast scale envisioned, however, can
only be successful if there is close coop-
eration between all parties concerned--
Government, educational institutions.
and private industry.
This point is brought out effectively in
a stimulating article, based in large part
on statements made by Dr. Arnold, which
appeared this month in Testing World.
a magazine published by Soiltcst, I:ric..
long a pioneer in the use of electronic
methods in subsurface investigations and
quality control of construction work gen-
orally.
It is a pleasure to insert this article
in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX February 14, 1966
ing, as the wife of a key Government official,
will be caught up in considerably more social
activity.
That is uncertain, however, considering the
fact that most of the people around Johnson,
a hard taskmaster, are too busy for much
social life. Certainly the Flemings will be
sought out socially, since they are now in
the White House inner circle.
JOB PAYS LESS
Even though his family will see less of
him, they approved of his taking the job,
which at $28,600 a year pays somewhat less
than he made at ABC.
Mrs. Fleming was the first to know about
the offer of the job made to Fleming on Feb-
ruary 1, by Bill D. Moyers, White House press
secretary.
She talked it over with Fleming at length.
After conceding that the longer hours would
keep him away from home, she agreed with
him that the job presented an opportunity
and challenge that would have its com-
pensations.
The Fleming boys were not told of the
offer until the following Friday-February
4-just before Fleming took off for Honolulu
with the President. They took the same at-
titude as their mother.
BORN IN MILWAUKEE
It was generally agreed that being thrust
into the middle of national and interna-
tional affairs would supplement the boys'
schooling.
Robert, Junior, is a senior at Woodrow
Wilson High School, not far from his com-
fortable four-bedroom home in northwest
Washington.
Fred is in the ninth grade at Alice Deal
Junior High School. - Both boys were born
in Milwaukee.
As a result of the earlier family discussions
of the matter, the excitement was partly
over by the time the President made the
announcement Friday at an impromptu news
conference.
The telephone began to ring immediately
at the Fleming home. For an hour Fleming
took the calls, which were from Washington
correspondents and associates in the broad-
casting industry who were calling to con-
gratulate him.
GET ACQUAINTED DINNER
Then the Flemings drove to the Moyers
home for dinner. This was a get acquainted
session for Jean Fleming and Judith Moyers,
who had not previously met. And it gave
Fleming and Moyers a chance to talk busi-
ness.
The conversation was interrupted by a
number of calls transferred from Fleming's
home to Moyers' home through the White'
House switchboard. Presidential press secre-
taries are always reached through the White
House, since the operators there know where
they are.
The first call to Fleming through the
White House came while he was at Moyers'
house. It was from Mrs. Polly Greenberg,
daughter of Lindsay Hoben, editor of the
Milwaukee Journal. One of Fleming's sons
had told her he was at the Moyers.
Mrs. Greenberg wanted to arrange for ABC
coverage of the visit to Washington of a child
development group from Mississippi com-
posed of 48 children and 25 parents and
teacher involved in Project Headstart.
MORE CALLS SATURDAY
The group came here to demonstrate the
quality of the Head Start program to Con-
gress and to express its disappointment over
the delay of the office of economic opportu.
nity in refunding the project.
Fleming called ABC from Moyers' home to
assign a camera crew to the Mississippi dele-
gation.
Fleming took a few more congratulatory
calls when he got home just before midnight
as well as Saturday morning before he finally
escaped to the weekend cabin.
But even there the calls kept coming,
from old friends and associates like Anthony
0. DeLorenzo, former Wisconsin newspaper-
man now vice president for public relations
of the General Motors Corp., and Fred W.
Friendly, an official of the Columbia Broad-
casting System.
Fleming spoke wistfully Saturday of those
restful weekends in the country. He still
holds out hopes of continuing to go there.
Hopeful Sign
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. NEAL SMITH
OF IOWA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 14, 1966
Mr. SMITH of Iowa. Mr. Speaker,
from a magnificent height, United Na-
tions delegates can look over the East
River and a part of the world and per-
haps be inspired to play a meaningful
role, with some quiet diplomacy, which
could eventually lead to peace negotia-
tions in Vietnam.
The realist cannot be too optimistic,
but still the presenting of a resolution on
the Security Council agenda represents
a victory for this administration.
According to the Des Moines Sunday
Register:
The Security Council set no date for de-
bating the resolution in the hope that quiet
diplomacy would accomplish something.
The U.N. meeting was worth while-
The editorial continued-
because it showed in action that the U.S.
peace drive is not ended, even though U.S.
bombing in North Vietnam has been re-
sumed. It reminded U.N. members who have
been reluctant to spend money for U.N.
peacekeeping operations how valuable a U.N.
peace force might be.
Despite what may be a long road
ahead, the Des Moines paper sees the
U.N. Security Council meeting as a sign
of hope-as "one more drop of water on
the stone." So that others may see this
summary of why reasonable talk might
eventually lead to peace, I recommend
this editorial and include it in the REC-
ORD:
THE U.N. AND VIETNAM
The United Nations is the worst possible
form of world organization (to paraphrase
Winston Churchill), except any other form
of world organization the world has yet had.
For years people of good will have been
saying, "Why doesn't the United States
bring the Vietnam war before the United
Nations?" Now the U.S. Government has
done so.
The results so far show why referral was
delayed so long.
U.N. member nations in the charter con-
ferred on the U.N. Security Council primary
responsibility for the maintenance of inter-
national peace and security and power to
issue binding orders, enforceable by their
combined armed might, to members and
nonmembers alike. That was on paper. The
practice for 20 years has been rather dif-
ferent.
The practice has been to refer disputes
back to the disputing parties, sometimes with
mild suggestions about principles to follow.
The most the United States thought it
practical to ask of the U.N. Security Council
was a nonbinding resolution. The proposed
resolution "notes" that the Geneva agree-
ments of 1954 and 1962 on southeast Asia
"have not been implemented." It calls for
immediate discussions without precondi-
tions "among the appropriate interested
governments" to arrange a conference "look-
ing toward the application of the Geneva
accords of 1954 and 1962 and the establish-
ment of a durable peace in southeast Asia."
The proposed resolution also "recom-
mends" that the parties start by reaching
agreement on a ceasefire "under effective
supervision." The resolution goes on to offer
V.N. assistance "by all appropriate means,"
including arbitrators or mediators if desired,
a "call" for "cooperation by all concerned,"
and the services of Secretary General U
Thant.
The United States just barely got this
mild resolution placed on the agenda, and
the debate showed there would not be the
votes needed to pass the resolution and that
in any case there would probably be a Soviet
veto.
The Security Council set no date for debat-
ing the resolution in the hope that quiet
diplomacy would accomplish something.
Even if the resolution should be adopted, it
simply passes the buck to the Geneva con-
ference powers, some of whom have been
refusing for months to reconvene the con-
ference.
Yet the U.N. meeting was worthwhile. It
showed in action that the U.S. peace drive
is not ended, even though U.S. bombing in
North Vietnam has been resumed. It re-
minded U.N. members who have been re-
luctant to spend money for U.N. peacekeep-
ing operations how valuable a U.N. peace
force might be.
In Vietnam, both sides say they accept the
principles of the Geneva agreements, but
each wants to control South Vietnam mili-
tarily while the people decide in free elec-
tions. The United States would accept a
properly constituted U.N. force or neutral
force pending free elections. So far the Com-
munist side will not. North Vietnam and
Red China say they won't accept any U.N.
role there at all. They have not been ad-
mitted as members and regard the U.N. as
a U.S. front.
But North Vietnam and the Vietcong might
come.to accept some kind of neutral force
(1) when they find that is the only way to
get U.S. Armed Forces out; and (2) when
they become convinced that the United
States really is willing to get out on those
terms.
The U.N. Security Council meeting was
one more drop of water on the stone to drive
these points in. Not blood, water.
Statement by Vice President Hubert H.
Humphrey Before the 25th Anniversary
Celebration of United Service Organi-
zations
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. OLIN E. TEAGUE
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. TEAGUE of Texas. Mr. Speaker,
on Thursday, February 3, 1966, there
were held throughout the Nation a series
of celebrations marking a quarter of a
century of service by the United Service
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February 14, 1966 CONGRESS]:ONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
WE CAN TRAIN TECHNICIANS Now
Although there is still a serious shortage
of technicians in civil engineering and other
engineering and science fields, it should be
possible now to solve this problem if we
can see it not as a problem just for edu-
cators but for all of us-employers, business-
men, government officials, and students alike.
This, plainly stated, is the belief of Dr.
Walter M. Arnold. Assistant Commissioner
and Director. Division of Vocational and
Technical Education, U.S. Department of
Health Education.. and Welfare.
The solution to the technician shortage is
now possible, says Dr. Arnold, because of new
Federal vocational education legislation and
the joint Federal-State vocational education
and training programs this legislation makes
possible. In short, the money is available.
Now, the people must use it.
tirEs'S 'JAS VOCATIONAL PROGRESS
The money, the legislation, the programs
for educating and training technicians and
others in vocational fields did not cone easily
or quickly. Attempts to meet the Nation's
vocational education needs have come in
gradual stages, through the years.
Step by step we have pursued the solu-
tion to the vocational education problem
with new laws, new provisions, but always
the ultimate solution has seemed illusive. If
we have met the needs for vocational educa-
tion in one field, then needs in another
field have developed. And gradually, in re-
cent years, a great need has been mounting
fur more and more technicians. It is re-
assuring for our faith in the democratic
method, however, that as the problems of
technician and other vocational education
have grown more serious and complex, our
national solutions have become more in-
genious and now, it is believed, ultimately
successful.
The major steps toward vocational educa-
tion progress began with the Sinith-Hughes
Act of 1917, which provided $7.2 million to
the States for vocational programs, and range
forward to the Higher Education Act of 1965,
which gives financial aid for work at the col-
lege and university level.
WHAT EMPLOYERS CAN DO
Clearly the legislation exists now to do
this job of education. But just as clearly,
says Dr. Arnold, "vocational educators can-
not carry this new and tremendous burden
alone." What is needed is the help of em-
ployers, the Nation's businessmen. Says
Walter F. Carey, president of the Chamber of
Commerce of the United States:
"The businessman is the key element in
this whole education picture. Far better
than any educator or government adminis-
trator, he is in a position to know what his
company's manpower requirements will be
for the next 5 years, the next 10 years."
And yet at the same time the businessman
himself often is impeded in playing his full
potential role in the education and employ-
ment of technicians. Dr. Arnold comments:
"The character effectiveness and economic
value of capable technicians is still not uni-
versally appreciated in American indus-
try * * * Some employers have never had
a chance to hire a really good technician,
much less appreciate him." The probable
cause for this situation, Dr. Arnold reasons,
is the limited number of schools training
highly competent technicians combined with
the ready employment of these graduates by
the relatively few firms near to the schools.
THE NEED, THE LEGISLATION
't'his short supply and restricted employ-
ment of technicians in past years was one of
several causes which has contributed to the
overall national technician problem-and its
solution.
Some of these causes have grown more in-
tense and others have developed anew during
the great period of national growth since
World War II. Taken together they have
produced the push that in turn produced
the surge of corrective Federal and State
legislation of the late 1950's and the 1960's
from the beginning of the decade to the
present.
The national need for technicians is
further indicated in Dr. Arnold's enurnera-
tion of conditions that he says led directly
to Congress enaciing title VIII of the Na-
tional Defense Education Act of 1958
"First of all, the highly skilled technician
was becoming; an increasingly essent:d part
of the scientific and management t+:ain in
modern scientific esearch, development, pro-
duction, and services. The team i. com-
posed of pruiessional scientists, engineers,
sspecially trained technicians supervis,>rs, and
skilled production or laboratory workers.
"Second, technicians are in short .vsipply.
The ratio of technicians to scientists or engi-
neers is usually less than 1 to 1, but 1 here is
need for two or more technicians to support
each engineer or professional scientist.
"Third, * ? * the explosion of scientific
knowledge (has been) creating changes in
scientific education so that the professional
scientist or engineer (has) received little
laboratory experience. Thus, a vacuum (has
developed) in the area of applied laboratory
knowledge which (has) had to be filled by
highly skilled technicians."
To cope with these interrelated fact ire the
Federal Government, in the past few years,
has moved to vastly improve American voca-
tional education, including the education
and training of technicians.
AUDIOVISUAL AND OTHER METHODS
One of the key areas in which tale new
education laws effectively help technical
education is in the research and develop-
ment of new techniques, method;z, and
materials for teaching.
The intent here is to educate an; train
technicians more efficiently by developing
and using new teaching aids such as the
Soiltest, Inc., 35-millimeter training, film
strips. Other provisions are made for re-
search and development of programed learn-
ing techniques.
The Higher Education Facilities Act of
1003 covered specifically the construction
of facilities for public and. nonprofit col-
leges, authorizing $1.2 billion for this pur-
pose. Of this total, 22 percent is earmarked
for public community colleges and public
technical institutes, institutions which offer
numerous vocational courses.
FIGURES TELL THE RESULTS
These have been the plans, the new laws,
-;he techniques aimed at producing enough
technicians and other vocational workers to
meet the needs of the United States which
has grown from 140 million population at
the end of World War II to 200 million in
just two decades. The needs of other na-
lions in the world are comD arable.
The results can be seen in some simple
statistics, as explained by Dr. Arno]::1:
"For many yea::s (prior to the new laws)
the number of new technicians formally pre-
pared to work with physical scientists and
engineers had been limited to about 16,000
graduates of a relatively few publicly sup-
ported institutions and a number of private
nonprofit technical institutes. Studies of
physical sciences and related engineering
fields indicate a need for at least 100,000 new
technicians each ;dear."
How close is the United States coming to
these goals? Is the Nation meeting its needs
for the technically educated?
Since 1958, when the NDEA was passed,
some 63,000 new technicians have completed
training under the provisions of the act.
Enrollment of full-time students in tech-
nical education programs swelled from 20,000
an 1958 to 102,000 in the 1964-65 scho,l year.
Total enrollment, both full time and part
'time, has grown from about 94,000 in 1958
to about 250,000 :.n the 1.964-65 school year.
Of these, 148,000 were employed adults in
upgrading and refresher courses.
The number of schools offering techni-
cian training has grown from 260 at tine be -
ginning of NDEA in 1958 to nearly 1,000 in
1965.
The Nation, it is apparent, has recognised
its need for educating technicians. It is be-
ginning to meet these needs.
"We are all in this endeavor toge licr,"
says Dr. Walter M. Arnold. ?* * * Leaders
in industry and in vocational and techni-
cal education " * * are being called upon
to provide realistic, high-quality occupa-
tional education to meet present and future
manpower needs at the lowest net; long-term
cost. Modern America requires techni--
cfans * * * and their counterparts in man-
agement, marketing, and servicing--With
better basic training at the start of their
careers than ever before. The pattern of
the past * * * is not good enough largely
because of the impact of research on all
facets of modern living.
"Educators alone cannot perform this task,
but together we can meet the challenge in
a truly American tradition of cooperative
accomplishment."
Appointment of Bob Fleming as Presi-'
dential Press Secretary Is Good News
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. HENRY S. REUSS
Or WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, January 18, 1966
Mr. REUSS. Mr. Speaker, the an-
nouncement of the appointment of Rob-
ert H. Fleming as Presidential press sec-
retary was good news. He brings out--
standing talents to a very demanding
job.
Mr. Fleming has had a long and dis-
tinguished career in journalism. He ii;
a native of Wisconsin, a graduate of the
University of Wisconsin, and a former
reporter for the Milwaukee Journal.
I include hereafter an article written
by Milwaukee Journal reporter Lau-
rence Eklund on Mr. Fleming's appoint-?
ment :
FLEMING's NEW JOB MEANS HEC'.rIC PACE
(By Laurence C. Eklund)
WASHINGTON, D.C.-The leisurely week-
ends of Robert H. Fleming, his wife, Jean,
and their sons, Robert, Junior, 17, and Fred,
14, are coming to an end. Usually the Flem-
ings drive 40 miles to their quiet retreat, a
cabin they own. in the country near Mount
Airy, Md., leaving home Saturday morning
and returning Sunday evening,
This weekend, the jaunt to their refuge
was cut to only Saturday, because of tho
flurry caused by President Johnson's ap-
pointment of Fleming, former Milwaukee
Journal reporter, as his new press aid.
HAS ABC WORK
Before assuming the hectic job of main-
taining liaison with all the news media cov-?
Bring the White House, Fleming must wind
up his affairs at the American Broadcasting
Co., where he has been Washington bureau
chief since 1960..
When Fleming takes over the White House
hot seat--probably the hottest in all of of-
ficial Washington-his family's mode of liv-?
ing will change.
The long hours of the demanding job
mean that he will see much less of his
family. It probably means that Mrs. Flem-?
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CONGRESSI NA RE e ruary 14, 1966
Can we persevere in our search for peace-
ful negotiation in the face of rejection by
our adversaries?
Can we devote ourselves to patient efforts
toward economic and social progress in an
environment of violence and terror?
Can we maintain our own devotion to free
institutions while opposed by those without
regard for them?
Can we, finally, convince those who live by
force that time is on our side?
Can we demonstrate to them that we are
too strong to be afraid, too determined to
be defeated?
I answer: Yes, we can and we shall.
Americans are capable of waging the long,
hard battle for freedom around the globe
for as long as freedom is threatened. We
have the leadership and the resolution to
fulfill our responsibility as leader of the
free world. And we shall.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN R. HANSEN
OF IOWA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 14, 1966
Mr. HANSEN of Iowa. Mr. Speaker,
in my opinion, the President's recent
peace offensive was not the utter failure
it has been made out to be by Mr. John-
son's critics. Despite Hanoi's refusal to
even take notice of our invitations to
negotiate, the President's overtures met
with success in other areas.
Our motives for being in Vietnam and
our determination to stay there were
made clear to other nations throughout
the world. We showed the world that
we want peace-but not at any price. If
nothing else were gained by our peace
offensive, it still- must-in light of this
fact-be considered at least partially
successful.
The district which I represent, the
Seventh Iowa District, is well known for
its conservative nature-especially in
foreign affairs. I am presenting a re-
cent editorial from the Carroll Daily
Times Herald to give my colleagues the
benefit of the views of a conservative
section of Iowa concerning Vietnam.
OUR STAND CLEAR
The war in Vietnam is apparently back
where it was at the end of December, before
the moratorium on bombing raids on the
north began.
Yet the nature of the conflict has changed
in a very important way, despite the failure
of the peace offensive to move the Hanoi
regime toward the negotiating table.
It is now clear to all but the most rabidly
anti-American that no nation is more anxious
to put an end to the fighting than the United
States. It is now clear to all but those im-
movably committed to viewing the world
through red-tinted glasses that this country
desires peace and will take any feasible and
honorable steps to secure it.
Our call for a full-dress Security Council
debate on Vietnain, was such a step. The
pressure for peace has now been placed upon
the international community, and some of
that pressure must inevitably permeate to
Hanoi.
On the surface, the bombing lull accom-
plished nothing, though no one can say with
certainty just what went on during those 37
days in the minds of the North Vietnamese
leaders.
The resumption of the raids will likely have
little effect on the immediate course of the
fighting. It was essentially a stalemate,
though slowly escalating on both sides. It
will remain essentially a stalemate until
either a cease-fire is achieved or until all
possible paths that could lead to a cease-fire
have been explored and found useless.
But while both the military effect of the
resumed bombings and the political force
of a United Nations resolution may be
limited, the two combined would amount to
considerable and continual pressure on the
North Vietnamese.
Whether they realize it or not, the nature
of the war has changed.
The Vietnamese Communists can no longer
pose as the sympathetic underdogs fighting
valiantly against an Immoral, imperialistic
bully. They have nothing to gain by disdain-
ful rejection of the peaceful offices of other
nations. Neither now nor next year nor 10
years from now are they going to take over
South Vietnam and drive the United States
out by force of arms.
Sooner or later, these truths must get
through to Hanoi and Peiping. Until they
do, however, continued fortitude, patience
and restraint will be required of the Ameri-
can people, and continued sacrifice will be
asked of their sons.
Statement by Vice President Hubert H.
Humphrey Before Panel on Science and
Technology of House Committee on
Science and Astronautics
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. OLIN E. TEAGUE
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. TEAGUE of Texas. Mr. Speaker,
January 25 to 27, 1966, the Committee on
Science and Astronautics held its seventh
annual meeting with its Panel on Science
and Technology. Under the leadership
of our distinguished chairman, the gen-
tleman from California, Congressman
GEORGE MILLER, the committee was
pleased to welcome one of the great
spokesmen. of science in the world, Sir
Charles Snow.
It was appropriate that this eminent
forum began with an address by the Vice
President of the United States.
His talk covered many of the great
scientific and technical challenges of our
time. He stressed the need for increased
partnership between Government and
science in order that the greatest bene-
fits of this age might be realized.
I include the text of Vice President
HUMPHREY'S address in the RECORD:
OPENINGS REMARKS, VICE PRESIDENT HUDERT
HUMPHREY, PANEL ON SCIENCE AND TECH-
NOLOGY, HOUSE COMMITTEE ON SCIENCE AND
ASTRONAUTICS, WASHINGTON, D.C., JANU-
ARY 25, 1966
I would like you to know, Mr. Chairman,
how proud President Johnson is of the work
which your committee has performed. This
committee has provided a model of congres-
sional oversight. Your panel of 15 outstand-
ing scientists and engineers has provided
invaluable counsel-not only to the 31 mem-
bers of this committee but-indirectly-to
the Congress as a whole.
May I say to our distinguished Speaker,
you can be very proud of having been a
father of this House committee, The record
of history will show that you, Mr. Speaker,
played a crucial role in the House of Rep-
resentatives effective response after Sput-
nik I.
May I say, too, to my friend JIM FULTON
that one of the most gratifying aspects of
this committee's work is that you have acted
on a bipartisan or better still, nonpartisan
basis.
In the full committee, in the Subcommit-
tee on Scientific Research and Development
chaired by Congressman DADDARIO, and in
other subcommittee work, there has been
a scientificlike search for facts and for the
best opinion. The committee and its sub-
committee have "experimented" and the ex-
periments have been very successful.
It is appropriate that this committee,
which enjoys so outstanding an international
reputation, should be host today to so great a
world scientist and scholar as Lord Snow.
We are proud to have him as our guest.
May I begin today by saying that, as Chair-
man of the National Aeronautics and Space
Council, I am continually astounded by the
expansion of scientific knowledged and its
technological applications.
One brief visit to Cape Kennedy is all the
average citizen needs to realize how far sci-
ence and technology have gone beyond his
everyday capacity for understanding.
I am in fact often reminded of the words of
the Queen to Alice in Wonderland:
"Now here, you see, it takes all the running
you can do to keep in the same place. If you
want to get somewhere else, you must run at
least twice as fast as that."
Sir Charles Snow has warned of the gap
between science and the humanities-the
two cultures, as he has called them.
There is danger of another gap: a gap be-
tween public policy and advancing science
and technology. In government we face the
task of closing that gap.
One of our panelists, Dean Price, has
stressed the importance of this in his schol-
arly and helpful book. "The Scientific
Estate" He says:
"Only if a nation can induce scientists to
play an active role in government, and poli-
ticians to take a sympathetic interest in sci-
ence (or at least in scientific institutions)
can it enlarge its range of positive freedom,
and renew its confidence that science can
contribute progressively to the welfare of
mankind."
It has often been said that to govern is to
choose.
Those of us in government, who have the
responsibility to choose, must have the in-
sights and foresights that scientists and
technologists, in government and outside,
can offer us.
Among the decisions that have faced the
President in recent months, many have in-
volved scientific and technological consider-
ations. I think of decisions concerning
water resources, desalting, oceanography,
arms control and disarmament, transporta-
tion, urban problems, education, defense-
and the list is by no means complete.
And our Government is not unique in this
respect. Virtually every developed nation is
wrestling with the problem of adapting its
laws, procedures, and institutions to meet
advanced science and technology.
To cite only two examples, the British Gov-
ernment has recently reorganized its struc-
ture for dealing with scientific matters, and
so has the French.
Here in the United States the President has
had a Special Assistant for Science and Tech-
nology since 1960. The Office of Science and
Technology has been in existence only since
1962.
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February 14, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
Organizations. No one who has been
a member of our Armed Forces or who
has had a loved one serving for our flag
could fail to be indebted to this great
organization for the wholesome enter-
tainment and recreation it has provided
our troops throughout the world.
in New York City, the principal speak-
er at the USO banquet was Vice Presi-
dent HUBERT H. HUMPHREY. His vital
theme was the historic challenge facing
our Nation for the defense of Vietnam
against Communist aggression.
A Gold Medal Award was presented to
the Vice President. Previous high
winners of the award, I am happy to
point out, included His Eminence Francis
Cardinal Spellman and Gen, Douglas
MacArthur-posthumous.
T insert the text of Vice President
HuMPHREY'S outstanding address in the
RECORD and precede it by the inscription
of the award which was so appropriately
conferred upon him.
'rea'r Or INSCRIPTION ON GOLD MEDALLION
PRESENTED OIV FEBRUARY 3, 1966. BY USO
or NEW YORK CITY
The USO of New York City takes pride
in presenting to the Honorable HUBERT H.
HUMPHREY, Vice President of the United
States, its Gold Medal Award in recognition
of his dedicated leadership and wholehearted
support of US'O as it continues to keep
the faith with America's Armed Forces,
February 3, 1966.
REMARKS OF V ICF. PRESIDENT HUDI:RT HUM-
PI3RET, USO, NEW YORK CITY, FEBRUARY
3, 1966
it is a high honor to receive your Fifth An-
nual Gold Medal, as it is a privilege to join
with you in celebrating the 25th anniversary
of the USO.
During this quarter of a century, over
20 million American men and women who
have worn the uniform. of their country
have found in the USO a home away from
home.
USO seeks to answer the two questions al-
ways on the m!nd of every GI wherever he
Is:
"Does anybody know I'm here? Does any-
body care?"
And to these two questions you answer.
in actions as well as words: "Yes, we do
know and we do care."
We have an obligation to our American
young men away from home -young men
.;crying without complaint and with a high
standard of performance.
At Clark Field. near Manila, I saw recent-,
ly young Americans-some of them terribly
wounded-fresh from the battlefields of
Vietnam. As I talked with them, they
showed in every word and action those spe-
cial qualities of courage and determination
which Americans have always demonstrated
in every war. We can surely be proud of
there.
I:n Korea, I traveled north to the 'truce line
nod talked with American and Korean sol-
diers in this cold and bleak place.
Here, over a decade after the U.N. repelled
Communist aggression, our American soldiers
are still standing guard in one of freedom's
loneliest and most remote frontiers.
'['be soldiers I saw in Clark Field and Korea,
like those in ether remote and often dan-
gerous areas o the world, deserve the as-
surance that the American people have not
forgotten them. And USO-which I saw in
action at 'l'ok^O, Manila, and Seoul--pro-
sides that kind. of assurance.
And I think it is in the best spirit of
American democracy that USO, representing
mix three major faiths, is nongovernmental
arid represent., a wholly voluntary commit-
nlent on the part of the American- people.
Why are so many American soldiers in
Asia either standing guard or engaged in a
shooting war?
They are there, primarily, to Insure the
peoples of the countries in which they are
stationed the right to choose, the right to
decide their own futures--in other words, to
have the basic human rights of self-
determination and of independence.
Self-determination and independence are
threatened today by Asian communism, And
so is main's search for peace. For w`o face
aiversaries who seek to prove that peaceful
coexistence is a fraud--that militancy and
force are the paths to final Communist
victory.
During my two recent trips to Asia, I had
die opportunity to talk with many national
leaders. I sought their impressions of Asian
communism, with which all of them have
had firsthand experience. I did so because
it; is vital to know one's adversary as thor-
oughly as possible, and through many liffer-
ant eyes.
I did not come back with simple answers
,jr simple panaceas.
Asian communism Is a complex id-- ology.
It Is deeply rooted in the tragic past of Asia,
yet it is raw and dynamic.
It isn't the timeworn, bureaucratic com-
munism that has evolved in other places.
It is aggressive. And Its leaders are con-
vinced of their ultimate success.
its approach is not merely economic, al-
though it capitalizes on the povert.a and
despair of the Asian peasant.
its tactic is not merely political, all sough
.tls hard-core followers are dedicated be'levers
in Marxist doctrine, and although it wraps
i ;self in the robes of nationalism to ,tract
those who aren't yet ready for the full
gospel.
Its thrust for power is not simply military,
although it never has won power except
by ruthless use of force--and I believe it
:a ever will.
The immediate threat is in Vietnam. What
are the realities of today in Vietnam"
First, there is the reality that we :lace in
South Vietnam no mild-mannered liberal
evolutionary reformist party. We fans dedi-
cated Communist-led revolutionaries seek-
ing by force to subject a nation to therr will.
,Some of these revolutionaries are from the
.south. Some are from north. Some ire ir-
regulars. Some are regular North Vietna-
mese soldiers. Some of their supply and
direction comes from the south. Some of it
comes from Hanoi. Some of it come: from
Peiping. Their creed is communism and
their means is terror.
Second., there is the reality that what
is happening In Vietnam is not an isolated
occurrence, unconnected to events elsewhere.
Those who inspire and support the the use
of force in Vietnam have made their plans
clear. Those plans include the use of sub-
version, of propaganda, of assassination, of
sabotage,, and of outright military action to
gain their objectives throughout the world.
In some places, such as Vietnam, aggressiod
Leas come in the guise of a war of national
liberation. In others, such as India and
Korea, it has come as movement of regular
troops across a national frontier.
Th.e Communist-backed. terrorism ill Viet-
nam is being felt; not only in Asia, bilt also
i n Africa and in Latin America.
Third, I would point to the reality that-
faced with this aggressive: force-our response
has been measured and our objective
peaceful.
Last April, President Johnson, at. Johns
Hopkins University, made clear the uncon-
clitional nature of our offer toward peaceful
negotiation. He has reiterated the-, offer
many times. He has emphasized that so-
called National Liberation Front repr, senta-
tives could be represented in the negoti ctions.
Last May the President ordered suspension
of bombing in the north in the hop> that
this might stimulate negotiation. In De-
cember we suspended the bombing again.
In the past several weeks, the President
has sent emissaries throughout the world
to seek some means toward peaceful
negotiation.
Initiatives outside our own-by the U.N.
Secretary General; by 17 nonalined nations;
by the United Kingdom, Ghana, India., and
other Commonwealth nations; by Japan, by
the United Arab Republic; by Pope Paull VI-
have been undertaken without success.
We have stated unequivocally that we sup-
port any effort toward negotiation, no mat-
ter where initiated. And we have directly
communicated to Hanoi our willingness to
begin immediately unconditional discussions..
What has been the response from Hanoi
and Peiping? I read from Ho (:hl Minh's
letter of last Friday:
"The U.S. Imperialists are clamoring about
their desire for peace and their readiness to
engage In unconditional discussion in the
Lope of fooling world opinion and the Amer-
ican people.
"Obviously the U.S. search for peace is only
designed to conceal its scheme for intensify-
ing the war of aggression."
From Peiping has come an unusually
violent torrent of hate propaganda regarding
President Johnson's-and I quote-'"filthy
and vicious " ? * basket of peace."
It is clear that-in this time as in the
past-those whose creed Is force disbelieve,
the determination of democratic societies to
resist their force.
Given this response to the U.S. peace of-
fensive, President Johnson had no choice
but to take steps to restore military pressure
on North Vietnam.
In announcing this decision, the President;
emphasized that "the end of the pause does
not mean the end of our own pursuit of
peace."
For we must not permit the struggle to be.,
come purely military, either in Vietnam or
elsewhere.
We must persist with diplomatic Initia..
tives for peace, in the United Nations and in
all the capitals of the world.
We must counter the Communist political
thrust with better politics-the politics of
democracy, of self-determination, of human
dignity.
We must help the nations of Asia move
forward with economic and social reform so
that the Asian citizen will have a real stake
in his country.
This is where the struggle will be decided
in the long run.
We have a clear obligation to help the
people of Asia and of other continents to
help themselves. It is for this reason that 1
commend to you the foreign aid program
which President Johnson submitted to Con-
gress this week.
The President has proposed, and I quote,
"to help give the people of the less devel-
oped world the food, the health, the skills,
and education--and the strength-to lead
their nations to self-sufficient lives of plenty
and freedom."
We have set ourselves no easy task. It
will require patience and fortitude for years
ahead.
But I believe we can, in the end, succeed.
For I believe Americans have learned the
lessons of history so that we may not be
doomed to repeat them.
We have learned that the appetite of ag-.
gressors is never satisfied.
We have learned that a threat to freedom
elsewhere can soon become a threat to free-
dom here.
Can we accept the possibility that the
struggle against Communist expansion can
go on for years ahead?
Can we adapt the use of our military power
to achieve limited goals while possessing mili-
tary power in almost limitless quantity?
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX February 1J, 1966
May I close with Churchill's words, spoken
at Harvard University some years ago:
"If we are together nothing is impossible.
If we are divided all will fail. I therefore
preach continually the 'doctrine of the fra-
ternal association of our two peoples, not for
any purpose of gaining invidious material
advantages for either of them, not for terri-
torial aggrandisement or the vain pomp of
earthly domination, but for the sake of
service to mankind and for the honour that
comes to those who faithfully serve- great
to the minimum necessary to insure the
security of our forces while continuing the
effort to transfer the conflict to the negotiat-
ing table. And their concept of minimal
necessity involves a military commitment
significantly smaller than that envisioned
by the Pentagon or Marshal Ky.
The Kennan and Gavin testimony clearly
challenges many of the things said during
and after the conference in Honolulu earlier
this week, if not the carefully drawn lan-
guage of the communique. It recalls cer-
ain basics that Americans in this difficult
YkL/.situation need to keep in mind: Powerful as
shifting resources from another section
of the firm or calling upon their ample
conventional credit sources. When the
same challenge is hurled against a small
businessman, he may go under, not for
any lack of ability or dedication, but sim-
ply because he does not have time to
gather money needed to provide a transi-
tion to the next opportunity for profits,
financial repair, and growth.
Since last October, however, the assist-
ance that Congress has declared should
be available from the Small Business Ad-
ministration has been denied. In effect,
we have said to the small businessman,
"When disaster strikes elsewhere in the
Nation, you must bear a special burden.
You must survive without the programs
that Congress said you should have."
And, Mr. Speaker, this is by no means
the first time that regular business loan
suspensions have been decreed. And,
unless Congress acts, it will not be the
last.
The loan program suspension comes
upon the heels of another serious blow
at small business credit by the Govern-
ment-the increase in the rediscount
rate by the Federal Reserve Board. The
consequent rise in the cost of credit is
already being felt throughout the Na-
tion. Therefore, small business now
faces a two-pronged crisis in credit.
The purpose of this legislation is to in-
sulate the business loan program against
drains caused by natural disasters. I
recognize that my bill does not solve the
problem of stabilizing the disaster loan
program so that its proper benefits will
always be available. The unpredictable
timing and scope of such disasters poses
special dilemmas in assuring the full ef-
fectiveness of such a program. Possible
remedies in this field merits the atten-
tion of Congress but I strongly insist that
the brunt of such disasters should not be
placed upon small businessmen through-
out the United States.
The business loan program must be
given a permanent and protected status.
Appropriations for these loans must be
carefully planned, fully evaluated by
Congress, and should not be permitted to
rise and fall on the whim of nature.
Congress has wisely recognized the
crucial value of small business to our
free enterprise economy, therefore, I
come before you today, Mr. Speaker, to
plead for the reform and reinvigoration
of the small business loan program and
recomend this bill as a most important
measure to translate congressional
promise into permanent performance for
the small businessmen of America.
Several of my colleagues have intro-
duced similar bills and I am happy to
join with them in this legislation.
General Gavin's Vietnam Strategy Gains
Impressive Support
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. RICHARD D. McCARTHY
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, February 8, 1966
Mr. McCARTHY. Mr. Speaker, the
number of distinguished and influential
Americans who support the strategy for
Vietnam proposed by Gen. James M.
Gavin continues to grow. While it is
true that one man's view may vary subtly
from the next, the basic approach is the
same: Remain in Vietnam but avoid es-
calation; limit the fighting while con-
tinuing the effort to transfer the conflict
to the negotiating table.
The list now includes: General Gavin;
Gen. Matthew B. Ridgway, U.S. Army,
retired; George F. Kennan, former U.S.
Ambassador to the Soviet Union and
Yugoslavia; Walter Lippmann, the dis-
tinguished author and columnist; James
B. Reston, associate editor of the New
York Times; and J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT,
chairman of the Senate Foreign Rela-
tions Committee.
The case against escalation was force-
fully presented last week by General
Gavin and Ambassador Kennan in testi-
mony before the Senate Foreign Rela-
tions Committee and was summarized as
follows in a New York Times editorial of
February 11:
THE CASE AGAINST ESCALATION
Two Americans once deeply involved in
top-level planning on the diplomatic and
military fronts have now given the Nation
strikingly parallel analyses of the dangers of
escalating the war in Vietnam in quest of
victory.
George F. Kennan doubts that "the most
formidable military successes" would bring
victory if that term means the end of Viet-
cong resistance and the realization of all our
stated political aims.
Gen. James M. Gavin warns that escala-
tion could impair the capacity of the United
States to meet more vital commitments else-
where in the world at the same time that it
created the risk of unlimited war on the
mainland of Asia against Communist China.
Perhaps the most remarkable feature of the
evaluations by the former chief of the State
Department's policy planning staff and the
onetime chief of plans and operations for the
Army-both delivered to the Senate Foreign pendent and vigorous support was needed
Relations Committee-is the extent of their in the executive branch of Government
concurrence. President Johnson would find for the Nation's 4.6 million small busi-
it difficult to place either man in his cate-
gory of "special pleaders who counsel retreat nessmen. There is no area where such
in Vietnam." support is more essential than the grant-
For Kennan and Gavin concede that the ing of small business loans.
United States cannot simply pull out of Viet- Big business often has the flexibility to
nam. Their plea is for limiting the fighting withstand temporary setbacks simply by
Scouting Commemorates Federal Charter
SPEECH
HON. DURWARD G. HALL
of MISSOURI
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 9, 1966
Mr. HALL. Mr. Speaker, it was my
privilege on Wednesday morning, Feb-
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wise Americans have long warned of the
perils of getting mired in land war on the
Asian mainland; and in the nuclear era few
things are more delusive in a major conflict
than the goal of victory.
If the Senate committee had heard only
General Gavin and Mr. Kennan, its inquiry
into American policy in Vietnam would have
been worth while.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. RODNEY M. LOVE
OF OHIO
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 14, 1966
Mr. LOVE. Mr. Speaker, today I in-
troduced a bill to amend section 4(c) of
the Small Business Act.
This bill would replace the present re-
volving loan fund utilized by the Small
Business Administration with three sepa-
rate funds. The first of these funds
would finance the business loan program
authorized by section 7(a) of the Small
Business Act and the loan program
established by the 1964 Economic Oppor-
tunity Act. The second fund would sup-
port the disaster loan program, and the
third would finance loans under the
Small Business Investment Act of 1958,
other than the lease guarantee functions.
As you probably know, Mr. Speaker,
since October 11 of last year, the Small
Business Administration has not only
failed to grant any further business
loans, with a minor exception during the
New York transit strike, but they have
also refused to accept any applications
for direct financial assistance, regardless
of need. The city of Dayton, Ohio,
which is in my congressional district,
made application for a small business
development center but was turned down.
I was told by the Small Business Admin-
istration that these drastic steps are
necessary because of drains on the pres-
ent loan fund due to several natural
disasters.
I strongly feel that this emergency re-
quires another supplemental appropria-
tion as well as a change in the structure
of the loan program itself.
Congress created the Small Business
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February 14, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX A725
Britain's defeat--but to be clearly under- of 1812 was unwarranted and uncalled for, The ultimate danger to America from these
stood that it must be at his own expense. on, either side--achieving very little in terms avowed objectives of the alliance was obvious,
A typical hidebound viewpoint, I admit- of political or military advantage-and doing and President Monroe was alarmed and
but if my distinguished French colleague will little credit to either adversary apart from sought advice from Thomas Jefferson, then
not take it amiss, less rigid than President some notable exceptions of individual cour- your greatest living statesman who was liv-
de Gaulle, who would have no truck officially age and initiative and particularly in naval ing in retirement, on what should be the
or personally in joining with us in Britain combat on the high seas and on the inland American reaction.
hest year in celebrating the Sesquicentennial waters of .America. You may remember what Jefferson said
of the Battle of Waterloo. The point I am making is that most his- when he replied to President Monroe. His
And if I may perhaps pay one more tribute torians-and I refer mainly to American letter in part reads, "The question presented
to Mr. Wilkinson-a personal one of thanks historians--think that the war was needless. by the letters you have sent me is the most
and. appreciation-it would be for his timely The causes all derived from the power momentous which has ever been offered to
advance notice that I should be expected to struggle in Europe, not from. any challenge my contemplation since that of independ-
say a few appropriate words this evening. by one side or the other to vital interests of ence. That made us a nation, this sets our
Because I shall always remember among either the United States or Great Britain. compass and points the course which we
the highlights of my experience on arrival in But the Battle of New Orleans was another are to steer through the ocean of time open-
New Orleans last year, the first banquet I matter. For America it was a dramatic vie- ing on its. And never could we embark on
ever attended in this city that care forgot- Cory which fired the country's imagination. it under circumstances more auspicious.
it was about this time last year 2 or 3 days Its effect upon the people was spontaneous * * * One nation, most of all, could disturb
after we got hero-the sesquicentennial din- and acted like magic. It was of far greater us in this pursuit, she now offers to lead,
ner at the Roosevelt, in the company of importance than all the other engagements and, accompany us in it. By acceding to her
members of the Cabinet, the congressional put together. proposition, we detach her from the bands,
delegation from Louisiana, descendants of It is generally agreed, I think, that If bring her mighty weight into the scale of
the Pakenham family and of the Andrew there was one thing the war achieved, in free government, and emancipate a conti-
Jackson family--a great bevy of distin- ,,N,hich Jackson's victory here against General nent at one stroke, which might otherwise
guished people. ]Pakenham's veterans was the paramount in- linger long in doubt and difficulty. Great
I recollect that I had just enjoyed the first f,redient, it was the consolidation of national Britain is the nation which can do us the
course-oysters, my very :favorite indulgence sentiment, the emergence of new found self- most harm of anyone, or all on earth; and
here, and was settling down to enjoy the confidence and pride in national unity and with her on our side we need not fear the
rest of the meal and listen to the distin- a strengthening of collective patriotism. It whole world. With her then, we should most
guished speeches-when suddenly I heard 'u.nited the Nation as never before. sedulously cherish a cordial friendship, and
ominous noises coming from a few places The Battle of New Orleans, though it oc- nothing would tend more to knit our affec-
down the table where my wife was sitting curred after the peace had been declared, tions than to be fighting once more, side
next to the Postmaster General of the United was the decisive contest; and, of all the by side, in the some cause."
States, forays elsewhere, it perhaps alone produced Basically this unwritten alliance between
She seemed to be frantically drawing my results of really lasting importance and value the British and American Navies became the
attention to something-apparently the to the United States at a point in history Monroe Doctrine, an important contribution
banquet program. I glanced casually down when this stimulus was most needed, of the Pax Britannica, and for 100 years
the program until my eye fixed upon my For us also it heralded the beginning of America was free from any real menace of
name-and against It the words, "the prin- an era reaching down to the present lsime- invasion, and she prospered accordingly.
cipal speaker." the results of which have been of incalculable There were disputes as well in this halcyon.
No one had remembered to tell me before- values--not only to ourselves but to you and period as the 10th century advanced. Most
!rand. all free people. The defeat in 1815 marked occurred during; the Civil War. Some were
This little incident, and some of the other the last military adventure undertaken by heated and caused much emotion, but always
events that followed during the sesquicen- Great Britain in North America. Whcrn next they were settled as warin disputes between,
tennial week, Is always coupled In my mom- Britons and Americans met on a battlefield, reasonable, law-abiding citizens, and were
ory with your distinguished Congressman, more than 100 years later, it was as com- sensibly settled by negotiation or arbitration.
Mr. EDDIE Htirarrr. He seemed to make every- rades in arms and in sentiment. Among such disputes you will remember was
tiring seem easy, and a great deal of fun as This era which had its origins in 1815, an the case of the Alabama, a man-of-war
well, regardless of the hazards that beset us era of peace, of amity, of friendship and built in Liverpool and allowed by the British
occasionally during the week's celebrations, solidarity with the American people-a Government to slip out to sea manned by
I recollect too that he promised to introduce friendship based on common :ideals and prin- Confederate officers and sailors. America de--
me to red beans and rice, real country style, ciples, the rule of law, of democratic govern- manded reparation and got it. As a result of
when we had time to relax. That treat is rnent by the majority but having full respect arbitration we paid to the tune of $15 million
still to come. for the rights of the minority, above all a in damages-exactly the same sum as you
Enough of small talk--and I must bear In common belief in and respect for personal paid Napoleon for the real estate acquired
mind the admonition of Bacon's words liberty, and the recognition that the in- through the Louisiana Purchase. Values get
printed in your program, "Let him be sure dividual is greater than the State-this era mixed, don't they?
to leave other men their time to speak." had its beginnings in 1815--in a real sense But the ultimate fulfilment of the unwrit-
Indeed, this admonition is reinforced by its birth was here. ten alliance between Britain and America
the quotation from Cato, also on the pro- came in the first half of this century, when
gram, "Speak briefly and to the point"-and It is unnecessary to dwell on what this aggression on the grand scale and playing for
we still have the benediction, I notice. lrs meant historically for the English-speak- the highest stakes ever, was let loose, twice
this battle that we celebrate the anni- :ing peoples, and indeed for the world, in this in the lifetime of some of us here. Freedom
versary of tonight was in a way a blessing in century alone. But long before the outset and liberty were threatened as never before.
disguise. The outcome in every sense was of the two World Wars, this unwritten but It was in these catastrophic years of the
nevertheless very real alliance of the two
it redoubtable victory for you and a severe great English-speaking nations had begun to 20th century that the full realization of
defeat for us. As everyone knows, it should manifest itself. Anglo-American unity and friendship, born
never have taken place. The war was over, of the War of 1812, came to full fruition.
the Treaty of Ghent had been signed, and There emerged for instance in the world There is no need to dwell on our "together-
whatever campaigns had been planned scene of the last century a period of com- ness" in the last war. The partnership de-
should have forthwith been called off-most parative peace which came to be known as veloped in the blood, sweat, and tears of that
importantly, General Pakenham's. But, the the Pax Britannica. time, was of a degree unparalleled in history.
news of the peace had not reached these On this side of the ocean in the Western The victory we achieved has not brought us
shores. Hemisphere a direct result was the formula- universal peace. Today we continue to face
Why, then, a blessing? Should any war tion and practice of an American policy to together new dangers and threats from many
or battle with all the attendant cruelty and be known as the Monroe Doctrine. Its quarters of the world. We are not as power-
casualties be thought a good thing? Why origins stem from a ganging up by certain ful as we used to be. The struggle and the
could it by any stretch of the imagination, European powers in the early years of the cost of two world wars in the cause of free-
even in retrospect and scores of years later last century, the formation of an axis which dom has weakened us. A greater share of the
be condoned--unless either it was fought in became known as the Holy Alliance. This burden which was once mainly ours now falls
the cause of freedom and justice and to with- alliance had, amongst other things. its eye on you. Nevertheless the partnership, the
stand an unacceptable tyranny or ideology-- on the Americas, particularly South America. special relationship continues, and we are
and there has been no shortage of such One of its proclaimed objects was to quash still able to give you powerful support.
challenges in our history since that time? any further development of what was de- Indeed the immutable guiding light and
Or the beneficent results which followed-- scribed in the articles of alliance of this focus in policies pursued by successive British
even if unintended at the time, were such group as "the system of representative gov- Governments have been and remain today--
that they perhaps justified the cost in suf- ernment" as practiced in some European above all else to maintain and strengthen the
fering and human lives at this time. countries, and to prevent this system being now closely interwoven threads of our alliance
Looking back I doubt there will be many "introduced in those countries where it Is and ideals which have brought us together
who disagree with me If I say that the War not yet known." through so many grave dangers In the past.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX February 14, 1966
Mr. Speaker, also honored at the char-
ter year breakfast were 14 Scouts and
Explorers chosen by merit to represent
5,732,708 members of the Boy Scouts of
America at report to the Nation activities
during 1966. These fine young men were
later to have the high privilege of a visit
with the President of the United States
at the White House and reported to him
concerning the progress, achievements,
and activities of Scouting. Eagle Scout
James C. Smith, 17, of Columbia, Tenn.,
spoke for the Scouts; and National
American Legion Commander L. Eldon
James, of Hampton, Va., responded in
behalf of the 95,000 local institutions who
sponsor Scouting units.
Some historical highlights of the Boy
Scouts of America were presented on
stage in a visual and in the printed pro-
gram. Since these highlights reflect the
tremendous role that Scouting has
played in the strengthening of America
through its program of character build-
ing, citizenship training, and physcial
fitness, I wish to incorporate them in my
remarks:
Boy Scouts of America incorporated Febru-
ary 8, 1910, under the laws of the District
of Columbia.
Sea Scouting for older boys started. Boys'
Life became the official magazine 1912.
Federal charter granted to the Boy Scouts
of America, June 15, 1916. Number of char-
tered institutions at the close of the year was
9,500. Membership totaled 245,183.
Unprecedented service rendered by 418,984
Boy Scouts to World War I effort. Scouts
sold over $200 million in Liberty Loan bonds
and war savings stamps, 1919.
First World Jamboree held in England at-
tended by 301 Scouts from United States,
1920.
Outstanding good turns rendered in for-
est conservation throughout the country.
Membership reached 513,015, 1921.
First National Training School for Scout
Executives opened, 1925.
The Cub Scout program formally
launched, 1930.
The Mortimer L. Schiff Scout Reservation
dedicated, 1933.
Membership passed the million mark and
the 5 millionth copy of Boys' Life was pub-
lished. Sea Scouting was implemented by
adoption of Explorer program for older boys,
1935.
First National Jamboree held in Washing-
ton, D.C. Attended by 27,232, 1937.
National rededication to Constitution of
the United States and Declaration of Inde-
pendence. Philmont Scout Ranch, Cimar-
ron, N. Mex., given by Waite Phillips to the
National Council, 1938.
Total resources of the Boy Scouts of Amer-
ica placed at the disposal of U.S. Govern-
ment for duration of the war. Services in-
cluded distribution of defense bonds and
The National Council office moved to its
new location near New Brunswick, N.J.
Boys' Life circulation passed 1 million mark.
Unprecedented membership growth con-
tinued to alltime high of 3,774,015, 1954.
Thirty-six million Liberty Bell doorknob
hangers placed by Cub Scouts, Boy Scouts,
and Explorers in get-out-the-vote cam-
paign,. 1956.
Fifteen millionth copy of Handbook for
Boys presented at White House ceremony.
Over 50,000 Scouts and leaders attended
Fourth National Jamboree, 1957.
The new Explorer program launched, 1958.
Scouting's golden jubilee year celebrated.
Membership total over 5 million. Highlight
was Fifth National Jamboree at Colorado
Springs, Colo. Johnston Historical Museum
dedicated at New Brunswick, N.J., 1960.
In Greece, 621 Scouts and leaders from the
United States attended the 11th World Jam-
boree,1963.
Strengthen America's Heritage program
launched in cooperation with Freedom's
Foundation. Sixth National Jamboree held
at Valley Forge, Pa., 1964.
The program of emphasis breakthrough for
youth inaugurated. Total Boys' Life sub-
scriptions, 2.4 million. Five hundred thou-
sandth Eagle Badge awarded. Membership
at close of year was 5,732,708. Cumulative
membership 1910-65 exceeded 40 million.
Over 21 million Boy Scout Handbooks dis-
tributed since 1910, 1965.
Fiftieth aniversary of Federal charter from
Congress. At the beginning of the charter
year, the total number of chartered institu-
tions exceeded 95,000-which is 10 times
greater than the total chartered institutions
in 1916. Number of units is 144,538, 1986.
Mr. Speaker, the charter year
breakfast launched a nationwide em-
phasis on the partnership with cooperat-
ing agencies as defined in the charter.
Key leaders in the field of religion, edu-
cation, civic and community life in every
local council of the Boy Scouts of Amer-
ica will be invited to a special meeting
of the executive board to consider ways
and means of working together in bring-
ing the Scouting program to more boys,
especially in the congested inner-city
and deprived rural areas. This will be
followed by relationships conferences in
every one of the 2,750 districts with heads
of institutions that. are present or' pro-
spective sponsors of Scout units.
In closing may I reiterate a convic-
tion which is shared by all of us that
Scouting is a vital force in strengthen-
ing the foundations of freedom in our
beloved country and throughout the free
world. For the boys themselves it is
fun, adventure and activity that helps
them to grow in personal and social de-
velopment, gives them a sense of moral
values, and motivates them to do their
duty to God and country. '
stamp posters, collection of aluminum and NJ
wastepaper, cooperation with American Red = +`
Cross and Office of Civil and Defense Mobili- V Vietnam:
nation, 1941.
Boy Scout war service continued. More
than 500,000 Scout victory gardens grown-
20,000 earned the Gen. Douglas MacArthur
medal for growing food, 1945.
Forty thousand Scouts and leaders at-
tended the Second National Jamboree at
Valley Forge, Pa. First Boy Scout stamp is-
sued by U.S. Post Office Department, 1950.
Thirty-three percent gain in membership
announced as result of the "Strengthen the
Arm of Liberty" program launched in 1948.
Boy membership at the close of the year
was 2,579,515, 1951.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WILLIAM F. RYAN
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 14, 1966
Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, New York
Post Correspondent Pete Hamill, in his
-fifth article in the series from. Vietnam
observes:
The hard truth of the situation in this
country is that most of the peasantry (that
is, most of the people) support the Vietcong.
The guerrillas simply could not have grown
so large without them. And the Vietcong
propagandists work hard at holding that
support.
I urge my colleagues to read the article
published in the New York Post on Feb-
ruary 11, which describes the political
strength of the Vietcong.
It follows:
VIETNAM: THE ENDLESS WAR-ARTICLE V:
THE POLITICS OF WAR
(By Pete Hamill)
SAIGON.-The most relentless 'adversary we
face in the war in Vietnam is the mind of
Vo Nguyen Giap. This round-faced, 54-year-
old lawyer is the only man to have won a war
in Indochina in this century. He attended
no West Point, no St. Cyr. "His school," a
friend once said, "was the bush." In that
bitter school, Giap painfully, carefully, put
together his theory of war. He destroyed
the French with the great Vietminh army
he constructed. And today in South Viet-
nam his admirers in the Vietcong are using
his theories to fight the mightiest military
power on earth to a frustrating, expensive,
and bloody standstill.
The core of Giap's theory-derived from
the writings of Mao Tse-tung-is that no
modern revolution can be won unless the
military arm is attached to a political body.
If a concrete political base has been con-
structed, Giap says, defeat is impossible.
Giap himself is a Communist and much of
his writing-which on military matters has
a hard precision-is damaged by a kind of
mindless Marxism. But Giap, and the
political commissars who roam the country-
side preaching on behalf of the Vietcong, are
not naive enough to believe they can sell
something as abstract as communism. They
concentrate on more mundane matters.
"They go into a village the way we should,"
said one American political officer in the
Mekong Delta. "They come in and search
around and ask people about their gripes.
When they find out what the people feel is
unjust, they remedy the injustice. If the
hamlet chief is corrupt, they shoot him. If
a landlord is charging exhorbitant rents, they
kill him and burn down his house and make
much ceremony of turning the land over to
the peasants."
These so-called armed propaganda teams
are the vanguard of the Vietcong. Following
Giap's rules, they are like the rest of the
Vietcong. They never enter a house without
asking permission. They pay for everything
they eat, and if there are food shortages, they
go without. When they have convinced the
majority of people of their honesty, integrity,
and sense of justice, the terror begins.
Open dissenters are murdered. Those sus-
pected of being lukewarm disappear.
Graphic examples are made: leaders are be-
headed and their heads left to dry on poles
in the sun. Women are openly butchered.
Those peasants who are not held by admira-
tion for the Vietcong are held by terror.
Most are held by admiration. And without
those people in the countryside, Giap's
theories about revolutionary war could never
succeed.
"Without the support of the population,"
Giap has written, "we shall have no informa-
tion. We shall be able neither to preserve
secrecy, nor carry out rapid movements
* * * The people suggests stratagems and
acts as guide. It finds liaison officers, hides
us, protects our activities, feeds us and tends
our wounded." (This is a variation, of
course, of Mao's theory that a guerrilla
should move among the people "like a fish
through water.")
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February 14, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
ruary 9, to attend the charter year
breakfast of the Boy Scouts of America,
which was held at the International Inn
in Washington, D.C. Purpose of the
meeting was Lo observe the 50th anniver-
sary of the Federal charter granted by
the 64th Congress to the Boy Scouts of
America and to celebrate the 56th birth-
day of the organization which was in-
corporated February 8, 1910.
IIon. HUBERT H. HUMPHREY, Vice Presi-
dent of the United States, was sched-
uled to deliver an address, but was un-
able to be present because of a special
Assignment by the President to repre-
sent him at conferences in Vietnam.
Congressman CLARENCE J. BROWN, JR.,
of Ohio, who on that day was the newest
Member of Congress to take office, was
called by Gen. Bruce C. Clarke, retired,
the master of ceremonies, to speak in-
stead of the Vice President. He gave a
very fine speech which contained some
significant facts about the involvement
of Members of Congress in Scouting. His
cogent remarks were as follows:
ADDRESS RY HODI. CLARENCE J. BROWN, JR.,
CONGRESSMAN FROM OHIO, AT TILE CHARTER
YEAR BREARSAST, WASHINGTON, D.C.,
1''EBRUARY 9, 1966
General Clarke, Mr. Brunton, Senator
HAYDEN, report to the Nation Scouts, my col-
leagues in Congress, fellow Scouts and
Scouters, see how fast you can rise in the
world in Washington. Just a couple of days
ago I was the youngest Member of Congress,
or the newest Member of Congress, and now
ram substituting for the vice President.
As a tenderfoot in this distinguished body
to which I belong, I was a little bit strained
to know what I could say about scouting that
would not already have been said by this
time in this program and that some of my fel-
low colleagues and those of you here did not
know. So I decided to lean on the newest
device of people with problems, and that was
research. I made a little survey of the
membership of the U.S. Congress to try to
answer the question of what scouting has
clone for the Congress in view of the fact that
we would be discussing this morning what
Congress had done for Scouting 50 years ago.
I was surprised, as I think you will be.
As a result of my effort to gather some
statistics on Scouting in the Congress I
found out that 249 of the 535 Members of the
Congress of the United States today have
been Scouts or Scouters. Now. as a mem-
ber of one of the minorities in this country-
the Republican Party-that impressive total
in Congress is very encouraging to me. I
know the Republicans would like to have
that many Members in Congress. I will tell
you a little bit a about that later.
Two hundred and one Members of Congress
have been Boy Scouts. One hundred and
twenty-nine of them have been and are,
and many of them still are-and this is a
message for those of you who tall. to people
who say they are too busy. Many of them
are still Scout leaders. Eighty-one Members
of Congress have been Scouts and are Scout
leaders today, and 48 of them have been
leaders only. One hundred and twenty of
them have been Scouts and have not con-
tinued their Scouting as volunteer Scouters.
One hundred and thirty-four of the re-
sponses I got indicated that they had been
neither Scouts nor were they Scout leaders
and I hasten to point out to you, as was
pointed out to me on a couple of these sheets
that I got back, they were not Scouts be-
cause, in some instances, they were too old.
In other words, Scouting was not available
when they were growing up and in a number
of instances they were not Scouts because
in their area, geographically, or because they
came frorn what now is being called disad-
vantaged areas, there was no Scout troop.
I trust that we will cure that in the next
50 years as we have made great strides in
curing it in the past 50 years.
The reason I could not get a total of
535 responses is because there are, or were
w:ien I took the survey, 3 vacancies In Con-
gress and also because 12 of the seats in Con-
gress are held by women. Two of these
women, CATHERINE MAY, of Washington:, and
FLORENCE DWYER, of New Jersey, ought to be
in this survey, although I just couht not
bring myself to include them becaus+ Mrs.
MAY, last year became an honorary Boy Scout
through a council in her district an?1 has
confused her daughter, or at least mace her
daughter something unusual in schoo:, be-
cause she goes to school now and tells l eople
that she has the only mother in the country
who is a Boy Scout. FLORENCE DwYER, of New
Jersey, says that she was not a Boy Scout but
she sure worked like the dickens being a
den mother.
To be a litl,,e more serious, I woulri like
to give you just a moment of my backgr aund.
I :moved to Washington with my predecessor
in this seat in Congress when I was 12 years
Old and soon after that joined Boy Scout
Troop 5 at St. Alban's church, up ne:,r the
Cathedral. In that troop I became a senior
patrol leader and an Eagle Scout, and later
out in Ohio served as an. assistant scout-
master and just this past summer have been
involved in some work in Tecumseh C+?uncil
in southwestern Ohio to encourage boys to
respond to the motto, "Follow the Rigged
Road." I would not have been a Scout, how-
ever, and I am sure I would not have been
an Eagle Scout, and I am sure perhaps.. too,
that I would not be here today as a M; mber
of Congress if it were not for the male who
made my Scout troop and my Scouting ex-
perience possible, and he is here this me ruing
and I would like for you to meet him. He is
John Bailas. John, will you stand?
John was my Scoutmaster and was fictive
in Scouting in the National Capital Area
Council and in troop 5 for about 35 years.
He is retired from Scouting now to devote his
full time to trying to make a living and to
make a cathedral. He is curator of the
Washington National Cathedral up on the
Bill. To him and to the other Scout leaders
and to the Boy Scouts who are here repre-
senting the Scouts of the Nation, as a Mem-
ber of Congress I would say that you have
kept the trust; expressed in you sonic 50
years ago by Senator HAYDEN and ethers
very well. Congress presented you a charter
and perhaps in many respects, you have given
us back a Congress.
I would like to read for you the names of
the Eagle Scouts in Congress and also to
give you the names of some of the top
Scouters in the U.S. Congress. The liagles
include Representatives GEORGE F. SENNER,
Jr:., of Arizona; BURT TALCO?rT, of California;
CHARLES BENNETT, Of Florida; CHARLES WELT-
NER, Of Georgia; DONALD RUIIISFELD, Olt Illi-
n.oiS; JOHN CULVER, of Iowa; HERVEY MACHEN,
of Maryland; GERALD FORD, of Michigan;
THOMAS CURTIS and DURWARD HALL, 01 MIS-
souri; BARBER CONABLE and RICHARD OTTIN--
GER, of New York; HORACE KORNEGAY, of North
Carolina; MARK ANDREWS, of North Dakota,
arid myself and BILL STANTON, of Ohio: Tom
STEED, of Oklahoma; DANIEL FLOOD and RICH-
ARD SCHWEIKER, of Pennsylvania; J. J. PICKLE,
of Texas; JOHN MARSH, of Virginia; HENRY
Reuss, of Wisconsin, and Senator FRANK
Moss, of Utah. I don't trust myself to com-
ment on the fact that there is on),, one
Senator on the list.
The adult Scout leaders with special hon-
ors are Senators CARL HAYDEN, of Arizona
and GEORGE MURPHY, of California, both S 1-
ver Buffalo; Representative from Missouri,
DURWARD HALL, Silver Antelope, and Silver
A% 0
Beaver, and Senators CLINTON ANDERSON, of
New Mexico, EVERETT JORDAN, of North Caro-
lina, and Representatives Tom CURTIS, of
Missouri and DEL CLAWSON, of California,
Silver Beavers.
Gentlemen, thank you very much for what
you have done with your charter.
Mr. Speaker, special guest of honor at
the charter year breakfast was Senator
CARL HAYDEN, of Arizona, President pro
tempore of the Senate and only living
Member of the 64th Congress which
granted the charter to the Boy Scouts
of America. Chief Scout Executive J. A.
Brunton, Jr., presented to Senator HAY-
DEN a beatiful plaque containing a mosaic
tile inlay of the original charter and a
statement of "affection, esteem, and
gratitude" for the great contributions
Senator HAYDEN has made to scouting as
a Member of Congress. -
Senator HAYDEN's response was con-
tained in a letter which he had prepared
and framed for the occasion:
Senator HAYDEN'S letter follows:
FEBRUARY 9, 1966.
To the Boy Scouts of America:
Fifty years ago, a bill H.R. 755 was intro-
duced in the 64th Congress of the United
States. The bill was passed by the House
of Representatives on March 6, and the Sen-
ate on May 31, 1916. It was duly signed by
the then Speaker of the House, Hon. Champ
Clark, and by the Honorable John H. Bank-
head, the President pro tempore of the Sen-
ate. The bill became law upon approval of
President Woodrow Wilson on June 15, 1916.
Section 3 of the act states:
"The purpose of this corporation shall be
to promote, through organization, and. co-
operation with other agencies, the ability
of boys to do things for themselves and
others, to train them in scoutcraft, and to
teach them patriotism, courage, self-reliance,
and kindred virtues, using the methods which
are now in common use by Boy Scouts."
As a Member of the 89th Congress, who
was also a Member of the 64th Congress, I
greet and commend you, the members of the
Boy Scouts of America and leaders of your
95,000 local chartered institutions, on this
1966 Boy Scout Week, which features and
recognizes the golden anniversary of the
charter.
The magnificent accomplishments of the
Boy Scouts of America over the years, under
the Federal charter have fully justified. the
confidence of the Congress and the people
of our Nation. As a further evidence of na-
tional appreciation several of my colleagues
joined with me In introducing Senate Con-
current Resolution S. 68, on January 14, 1966,
which states in part:
"Resolved by the Senate (the House of
Representatives concurring), That the Con-
gress hereby pays tribute to the Boy Scouts
of America on the occasion of the fiftieth
anniversary of the granting by Act of Con-
gress of the Charter of the Boy Scouts of
America, and expresses its recognition of and
appreciation for the public service performed
by this organization through its contribu-
tions to the lives of the Nation's youth."
I have every hope that the Senate will
adopt and the House of Representatives will
concur in this resolution.
The need for the Boy Scouts of America
is as timely today as it was in 1916. I would
remind you that the purpose for which the
charter was granted remains, and urge you to
continue to pursue diligently your objectives
to make Scouting available to all boys in
every community throughout our beloved
America.
Yours very sincerely,
CARL HAYDEN,
U.S. Senator from Arizona.
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February 14, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
In South Vietnam, this first stage in the
Giap theory has been working well for years.
The hard truth of the situation in this coun-
try is that most of the peasantry (that is,
most of the people) support the Vietcong.
The guerrillas simply could not have grown
so large without them. And the Vietcong
propagandists work hard at holding that
support.)
In the province of Klan Hoa in the Mekong
Delta, the Vietcong were telling the peasants
that American Negro soldiers were really can-
nibals from Africa, with a taste for small
children. They said that the armored per-
sonnel carriers-a kind of roofed LST-eon-
tained machinery which ground prisoners
into gruel. In one small town I visited, Army
engineers were building a fluoridated water
system to replace the centuries-old practice
of drinking river muck. The Vietcong told
the villagers that the fluoridated water was
all an American plot-which should surprise
some of the homefront commandos who have
been shouting for years now that fluoridated
water is all some kind of Communist plot.
The more serious-and more effective-
propaganda is that which attempts to make
the Americans a mere extension of the
French, and our involvement in this country
just another kind of colonial war.
"They tell the people that we're coming -
to get the country back for the French,"
one American AID representative told me.
"They tell them that we will make them pay
back rent, back taxes, fines. And we have
no way of saying that is not true. With the
present government in Saigon, it is true."
The Americans are trying almost desper-
ately to convince their Vietnamese allies here
(the Vietcong call them "American valets")
to really make an effort to enlist the people's
support. "But they're just not interested,"
the AID representative told me. "They build
an `Open Arms' center for returning Viet-
cong, and they leave it a filthy mess. We've
requested 17 times for the Saigon authorities
to send us some small amenities: a type-
writer, some tables, perhaps a phonograph.
They don't even answer the letters. They
fly over one day dropping tons of leaflets ex-
plaining how glorious their government is,
and the next day they send over defoliation
teams to poison the crops. It doesn't make
any sense." '
When Giap stresses that guerrillas should
be scrupulously honest in dealings with vil-
lagers, it is because as a Vietnamese, he
knows what a foul reputation soldiers have
in his country. The French troops would
take food and women the way some people
pluck strawberries. Today, the ARVN
soldiers enter a town and proceed to plunder
it for such paltry items as chickens, pottery,
and water. Gen. William C. Westmoreland
is determined that American troops will not
do such things and was even moved to pre-
pare a leaflet explaining manners to the foot-
soldiers.
One of the unfortunate things we have
going against us is our color. It might be
difficult to convince people that Marx, Engles,
and Lenin are the keys to earthy salvation.
It is not difficult to explain that the Vietcong
are only fighting to get the foreigners out of
the country. For some of the more politi-
cally conscious young men in Vietnam, it is
as natural to join the Vietcong as it was
for an Irish kid to join the IRA after 1916.
Until last year this was not a crucial prob-
lem. But there are over 200,000 American
soldiers here now, and more coming, and
their presence is highly visible. In Saigon
alone there are 23,000 Americans and they
dominate the face of the city. I can't be-
lieve that a Vietnamese youth will sing the
praises of the Americans when any night of
the week he can see GI's buying his women.
Giap's work constantly repeats the need
for a well-defined enemy, and the Viet-
namese Government is doing its beat to
help him. If the South Vietnamese were a
revolutionary movement, instead of a group
of spokesmen for personal interests, they
would rob the Vietcong of their only rea-
son for existence: revolution.
"Why do the Communists have to have
the patent on revolution?" that AID repre-
sentative told me. "Why is our country al-
ways on the side of the antis: the anti-
Communists, the antirevolutionaries? We
seem to think that no revolution in this
century can be non-Communist. And yet
the great strength of the Vietcong, and of
the old Vietminh, was the great masses of
people who were stirred by nationalism and
revolution. Not by communism."
In South Vietnam there was never much
difficulty for the Vietcong in lining up the
inhabitants of the countryside, specifically
because all the necessary conditions for re-
volt were there. Giap's political base is
there, as hard, and stubborn as he could de-
sire. With that established, the Vietcong
were free to act in more daring military
fashion.
Giap breaks down the revolutionary army
into three classes, and defines them this
way: "The task of the regulars is to carry
a war of movement over a wide theater of
operation, in order to wipe out the enemy's
main forces. The regional troops operate in
their own localities and insure the coordina-
tion of tasks between the regulars and the
guerrillas.
"The guerrillas defend their own villages,
take a hand in production and join the
regular and regional forces to prepare for
and then engage in battle."
The army never attacks until it is sure of
victory. When faced wtih overwhelming op-
position, it flees to fight another day. When
the American troops pile into deserted vil-
lages by the thousands, the Vietcong are
usually gone. They are not fools.
Giap's theory also calls for a three-phase
war, with no time limits. The first phase in
South Vietnam is over. This is a defensive
war, during which the population is split
from the government, the roads are de-
stroyed, and the enemy is isolated in large
cities. The second phase is swift, mobile
guerrilla warfare, which forces the enemy
to divide and disperse his forces. The third
phase is a general counteroffensive, destroy-
ing the enemy's main units, as the Vietminh
did to the French at Dienbienphu. Most
experts, American, French, and 'Vietnamese,
say that the Vietcong are now in phase 2.
It is Giap's belief that no democracy can
fight the kind of long, brutal, frustrating
war that the Vietcong are now waging.
Giap knows that governments of democ-
racies must answer to the people. In a war
like this, if it lasts long enough, someone will
begin shouting about bringing the boys home
for Christmas. Someone will recognize that
the war will mean endless casualties, loss of
treasure, and a growing national disgust. At
that point, Giap is known to believe, the
Americans will sue for peace. This is why
neither Hanoi nor the Vietcong are very in-
terested in negotiations. They think they
can win.
Giap is fortunate in that his admirers in
the Vietcong have the perfect enemy to op-
pose. ; That awful 20th century phrase-the
minds and hearts of the people-is really
what this war is about, and the Saigon au-
thorities really don't care very much about
them.
But Giap, like most Communist theore-
ticians, reminds one of poor Ivan Karamazov
who loved humanity and hated people. Giap
was prepared, in the war against the French,
to take as many casualties as were necessary.
"Hundreds of thousands of men die every
minute on the earth," he once wrote. "Even
if they are Vietnamese, the deaths of a hun-
dred, a thousand, or tens of thousands of
men amount to very little."
Th Vietcong believe the same, and there
will be a lot of dead here in the next few
years to underline it.
A729
Textile Industry Supports Clean Water
Campaign
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. W. J. BRYAN DORN
OF SOUTH CAROLINA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 7, 1966
Mr. DORN. Mr. Speaker, the textile
industry is playing a leading role in the
campaign to clean up our rivers and
streams. Mr. Louis L. Jones, Jr., presi-
dent of Canton Cotton Mills, Canton, Ga.,
recently delivered an outstanding ad-
dress to the National Technical Task
Committee on Industrial Waste.
I commend Mr. Jones' great and timely
address to the attention of the Congress
and to the people of the United States.
WATER POLLUTION; CHALLENGE TO INDUSTRIAL
LEADERSHIP
We in the textile industry like to think
that we started it all-the industrial revo-
lution which swept first England and then
this Nation. We like to hark back to our
early beginning during the infancy of the
United States. In 1790, Samuel Slater built
the first textile mill to use mechanical meth-
ods successfully in Pawtucket, R.I. The mill
still stands, now a museum. In 1793, Eli
Whitney invented the cotton gin to make
available for the first time an adequate
Supply of cheap lint cotton for use in the
mass production of yarns and fabrics.
We of the textile industry like to think we
have been a part of this Nation's progress
and have kept pace with the needs of our
country and our people. We call attention
to the fact that a Georgia textile mill wove
the duck for the covered wagons of our pio-
neer forefathers who pushed the Nation's
frontier westward. That same company to-
day manufactures the material which houses
the tracking stations for Telstar. And the
textile industry is a major contributor to the
fabric of the space suits which protect our
astronauts as they invade the vast new
frontier of outer space.
We in the textile industry like to think we
have always played an active role in the
challenge of the times from those earliest
days of our Nation's beginnings to the
present.
During World War It the textile industry
joined with many of our industrial brethren
in a massive production effort which led ulti-
mately to defeat of the Axis powers. To this
day those men we fought against insist that
it was not military force alone which over-
whelmed them, but the fantastic capacity of
the United States to produce the materials
of war and supporting equipment used by
our forces and our Allies.
It can be truly said that our great United
States and its industries have walked hand
in hand through peace and war. The Na-
tion could not exist without industry, even
as industry could not exist without Govern-
ment.
It is difficult to imagine now how the first
primitive industries, with their water-turned
wheels, thrived in our young country. What
did they face? What did they see-these
hardy ancestors of ours who forged the path
from the Atlantic to the Pacific? If only our
children today might see a little of the great
natural beauty of our Nation as it was in
those days. If only we had been privileged to
see it. But along with industry and prog-
ress came tragedy and waste. The forests
were exploited and the land's topsoil treasury
was 'washed down the rivers into the sea.
The passenger pigeon was so ruthlessly slain
for commercial use that the bird became ex-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- APPENDIX February 1:41, 1 (i
tinct. The buffalo, once numbering 40 Intl-
lion, was hunted so relentlessly that fewer
than 300 Survived by 1900.
These are but examples of the tragedies
that accompanied the civilizing of this great
Nation-tragedies of wastefulness, thought-
lessness, exploitation. But today there is an
even sadder story to tell, because the very
air we breathe is now jeopardized. Our once
pure streams, rivers and national waters are
a national disgrace. The pollution of our
river basins and natural waters has reached
such a serious stage that even an all-out
effort now may not be enough to stem the
tide of corruption with which 20th century
man in the United States seems intent upon
poisoning himself.
3. famous philosopher once said, "No man
steps into the same river twice." Today's
thinking man might say judiciously, "In
most of our rivers he would do better not to
step at all." Potent fumes which rise from
some of our Nation's polluted rivers have
peeled paint from the walls of nearby build-
ings. The Public Health Service has iso-
lated live polio, infectious hepatitis and more
than 30 other viruses which may carry dis-
ease from treated sewage effluent. Because
we must repeatedly reuse our water, the
chances are 4 out of 10 that the water we
drink was flushed out of someone's household
plumbing or out of an industrial plant sewer.
National health experts tell us it is only
because our water treatment plants are the
best in the world that we have safe drinking
water. Because chlorine and other chemicals
kill bacteria we can take "safe" drinking
water from some of the world's worst pol-
luted streams. It may not taste or smell
good, but it is safe.
However, the experts are now wondering
how safe is safe. Even with the chlorine
cocktail treatment, there are foreign, some-
times exotic substances which come into cur
drinking water supply. There are only
traces, it Is true, but scientists are concerned
about their long-range effect upon man.
Some of the complex wastes now entering
our streams are difficult or impossible to
detect in water.
As the Nation grows and increases its de-
mands upon industry and upon sewage sys-
tems, the pollution problem could east:y
outgrow ue:. Our industries, which use some
160 billion gallons of water each day. will
be using more than twice that amount by
1.980, according to present estimates. This
moans that by 1980 industry will use 394
billion gallons of water a day--two -thirds of
the water used by the Nation.
Although our problem is staggering, we
know that pollution control can be achieved.
In the densely populated, heavily industrial
Ruhr Valley of Western Germany, pollution
control is so effective that the river remains
sale for swimming and recreation activities.
tut wh;l is the outlook for our country
and the terrible problem which faces us?
Some trends are definite and inescapable.
The public is alarmed.
More and more the newspapers, television
and radio stations around us are spreading
the concern about pollution. There have
been national alarms over hepatitis-bearing
oysters taken from sewage-polluted waters.
Increasingly we see signs on beaches which
say 'Unsafe for Swimming." Fishermen and
wildlife authorities from most States have
angrily denounced fish kills and caused
widespread publicity about them. The pub-
lie outcry and concern about pollution rivals
even civil rights and Vietnam news for top
billing by the Nation's press.
In the our-up-or-shut-up category, New
Yorkers lead the national parade, having
recently voted passage of a $1 billion bond
issue to begin an earnest pollution cleanup
in that State.
The Federal Government Is in the pie-
Lure bigger than life with the signing into
law of recent pollution control legislation.
Our Nation.? because of public opinion, its For I submit to you that we are in a crisis.
most forceful mover, is ready to move. It The crisis involves the strength of the Na-
takes no great prophet to foretell that. tion. It involves the well-being of the Na-
Every one of you here, by your very presence, tion, the health of the Nation, the beauty of
indicates your feeling that something must the Nation. It involves our self-respect.
be done. The question is-how rmrch? The We in industry must lead the right to i e-
answer from this minor prophet is--a lot. turn to our children their natural heritage
And soon. The time is long past for saying, in its pristine form.
"Let's wait and see how much we'll be made
to do." For industry and for growing cities
which have too long put off treatment of
their pollution problems, it is ,](ready late.
In my home State of Georgia., the textile
industry has pledged its support to the aims
of the Georgia Water Quality Control Board.
It is only a step in the right dir:'ction. Es-
timates have it that total indus; ry expendi-
ture in the State over the next 10 years
will cost. $100 million for waste control in-
stallations and pilot treatment plaints. Com-
munities and cities have an even greater
responsibility. Forty communities with
:300,000 people have no sewage treatment
at all. One hundred Georgia towns and cities,
among them Atlanta, must expand existing
sewage treatment facilities to meet the needs
of 1,300,000 people. The total costs of these
city and community sewage pm ojects will
amount co .more than $150 million.
The Georgia textile industry's pledge "to
obey the spirit as well as the letter of the
State's water quality control law" is not
an idle one, Nor is it a publicity seeking
statement, although the industry has re-
ceived wide attention and acclaim for taking
the position. Our industry leaders have
planned seminars to discuss some revolution-
ary textile processing projects now underway
at Georgia Tech. These projects hold great
promise for drastic reduction of waste eff-
luents for some textile plants. Moreover,
we feel that many of our indu trial mem-
bers can profit from discussing pollution
cleanup problems which they face and which
have already been met by others. Above all,
we hope to convince all our fellow members
that pollution control is an obligation of the
good corporate citizen.
In 1960 our plant in Canton began oper-
ation of it pollution control system which in-
cluded sewage waste from part ; ,f the city.
We hope to expand our system :;eon, taking
in even more municipal waste, which, inci-
dentally, augments our own waste control
problem. We hope that by taking the lead
in solving a pollution control problem which
became acute for our plant and for the city
when a Federal dam was built downstream
about 1950, we have provided a god example
for the city to follow. The city has now
scheduled the building of a waste treatment
plant which will cost half a million dollars
and should adequately control all municipal
wastes.
Although l mention the efforts of the tex-
tile industry to clean up pollution in Georgia,
I would like to point out that the textile
industries in North and South Carolina have
made significant inroads on the problem
there. A lot still must; be done in all our
States. And while I speak for the textile
industry. I know there are mam,? other in-
dustries which have impressive waste con-
trol programs underway.
Finally, I would hope that l1 of us-
brothers in industry--could join hands in
leading the national water pollution fight.
Let its begin by acknowledging our obliga-
tion to pass on to others water that is as
clean as the water we received If those
upstream are polluters, let us paes on water
that is cleaner than the water we receive.
Let its begin by conquering our own prob-
lems in waste treatment. Then let us lend
support wherever it is needed-th fellow in-
dustrialists, to our communities, to our Na-
tion. Let us put forth that concerted effort,
the unstinting, unselfish effort, of which
American Industry is capable. Let us com-
mit ourselves unfailingly as industry always
does in time of crisis.
HON. WILLIAM E. MINSHALL
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, February 10, 1966
Mr. MINSHALL. Mr. Speaker, those
of us who, have been in Vietnam realize
the magnitude of the job Gen. William
C. Westmoreland is doing there. He ex-
emplifies the finest traditions of the U.S.
military, serving his country with cour-
age, skill, and devotion.
I was most impressed by the Associated
Press story Thomas Reedy wrote in yes-
terday's Sunday Star. In the event that
it may have been missed by some of my
colleagues, I have permission to insert
it in the body of the RECORD:
A TYPICAI, DAY IN THE LIFE OF Gsnrem s7.
WESTMORELAND
(By Thomas A. Reedy)
SAIGON.--The general used everything bat.
a canoe, and he'd have used that too, if
necessary.
Armed helicopters, a fixed--wing light air-
plane, sedans, and jeeps and plain old-fash-
ioned footslogging carried the general
around part of his theater of command on
one normal:, action-packed day.
Matching strides with Gen. William C.
Westmoreland, the 51-year-old commander of
U.S. forces in the Vietnam war, calls for a
giant.. Pygmies need not apply.
This day opened as usual with light calis-
thenics and breakfast at 6:30 a.m., it quick
check of reports, into combat fatigues, and
the general was off to the teeming Tan Son
Nhut Airbase for a look-see in the field. By
8 o'clock the blades of the armed helicopter
were whirling, a gunner at each wide-open
door in a frozen attitude of alert.
PRISONER. OF CLOCK
Aboard carne Westmoreland's aide, Ca 't.
Tom Sherburne, of Pensacola, Fla., and the
man who would stenograph whatever reports
should be transmitted to the top charnels
of the Military Assistance Command Vietaiarn.
He was Capt. Ken Kleypas, of Hobbs, N. Mex.
"I'm a captive of schedules," said the gen-
eral, it lean. 6-footer with a lantern jaw, the
energy of a, tank and the hands of a piauit i,
"I've got to be a prisoner of the clock or I
would never get my work done."
The clock required landing at Phuoc Vin i-
where the 1st Brigade, 1st Infantry Division,
was deployed. At 5 minutes to 9, ca]
schedule, the helicopter sat down. The. ,jeep
convoy moved into the artillery perimeter,
crews at attention behind their s:undbogc.
Westmoreland fired questions at. the min
who fire the guns and they fired back tare
answers. He seemed more interested in how
they answered, their state of mind, th.u] in
which words they were using.
FAVORITE THEMES
He addressed the men by their names,
here and there recognized soldiers who served
with him in Korea, asked sometimes their
hometowns, how long they had been in it,(,
field, or in the Army how they were feeling.
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February .14, 1966. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX A731
By the time he got through with the outfit
and headed in huge strides for the mess tent,
he was able to say:
"Sergeant, I congratulate you. The men
say the chow is good and when they say that,
it must be so. So I won't bother to inspect."
Further into the woods the interrogation
proceeded. How was the road opening work
going? And then the general got on two of
his favorite themes: What are the relation-
ships with the South Vietnamese militia in
the neighborhood, and what is the division
doing in the way of civic actions-linking up
to help the populace, cement friendship and
with success and time be able to leave behind
a lasting image?
An officer said the milita's "popular force"
in the sector was wary at first. One man
spoke only Vietnamese the first day and then
on the second day spoke rather good English.
His distrust had been broken down that
quickly.
Another dart toward the dispensary tent,
a spit and span layout which won a compli-
ment for Capt. Albert Maggioli of Buffalo,
N.Y. Westmoreland warned him to keep
after the men's feet-the oldest advice in the
infantry-and while he was on the subject
turned to other officers and urged them to
have plentiful supplies of socks.
"In the monsoon season these men are
going to have wet feet for many hours," West-
moreland said.
KNOW ABOUT FEET
He knows about feet, at Kasserine Pass,
the Remagen Bridge over the Rhine, and
Korea.
A quick glance at the watch and the sched-
ule and the helicopter was off again for a
40-minute ride to Xuan Loc and the 10th
Army of the Republic of Vietnam Division.
Gen. Lu Lan, smiling and courteous, along
with his top American adviser, Col. Charles
Reiderbaugh, of Carlisle, Pa., did the honors.
With a pointer and a map, General Lan told
of some considerable success at clearing the
Vietcong out of the "rice bowl." He said
his division had secured the area with a
population of 30,000 people loyal to the Gov-
ernment.
Westmoreland wanted to know something
deeper: How do his troops get along with the
countrymen? What are they doing to raise
the prestige of the village and hamlet chiefs
and elders?
At the time of Tet, the sacred lunar New
Year holiday, did the people as well as the
soldiers have all the food they needed for a
happy celebration?
Lu Lan beamed as though he was on cer-
tain ground.
"Yes, we had everything for Tet," he said,
"And our men are getting along fine with
the people. I have three fundamental or-
ders to the troops when they go into popu-
lated places. They are: First, smile; second,
salute the people, and third, when you see a
chance to help somebody clear up his place
or trying to do a chore too big for him, help
him."
MAKING HISTORY
The American commander commended
General Lan, knowing he was in fact making
history. Armies in this part of the world
have traditionally been overbearing, often
cruel and the suffering populace has had
little faith in the soldier.
The inexorable clock beckoned and it was
off again by chopper due south to the South
China seacoast hamlet of Ham Tan. It's
a remote spot, Vietcong to the left, Vietcong
to the right, Vietcong controlling the main
highway whenever they choose to stop traffic
and exact taxes. They had just blown a
bridge and it could be seen from the air.
That bridge had been rebuilt by Lan's men
five times.
What would it take to control that high-
way, the American commander inquired.
The group of American advisers as well
as the Vietnamese officers at Ham Tan broke
into big smiles. They knew the general was
half serious, half jesting. Colonel Reider-
baugh said, "give me four or five choppers
and when they start their tax collecting we
can do them in, but this way we can't get
there quickly enough."
NEVER ENOUGH
The colonel knew that asking for that
many choppers was asking for the moon.
The whole theater is so enormous there never
seems enough to go around-the plaint
of the American soldier ever since Valley
Forge.
Westmoreland wished them all a happy
Tet and then, addressing the province chief
and the Vietnamese officer, told them he
knew the past Year of the Snake was an
unhappy one for them.
"But this is the Year of the Horse," he
declared. "You know the horse is a strong
animal. He can gallop down the road and
he can hurdle obstacles. I am confident this
horse will gallop and will hurdle these ob-
stacles and we can proceed to success. My
country has reaffirmed our determination to
stand behind you and help you bring peace
to your land. I feel our American troops will
be effective in your fight for your coun-
try."
"Never in all history have military men
to two countries worked so closely together,"
he said. "We are making history. And after
we succeed in helping you win peace in your
land, then and only then, shall we return to
our homeland."
It was after 1 o'clock and a brief hop to a
forward air control field nearby enabled
Westmoreland to chat with the pilots. Then
he shifted from the helicopter, thanked the
crew and got aboard his four-seater Beech-
craft. It headed due north to Bao Loc, the
capital of Lam Dong Province. Out came
sandwiches and cold tea for lunch, taken
literally on the fly.
BRIEFED IN ENGLISH
The twin-engine craft sat down on the
dirt strip on the tea plantation with a bounce
which elicited from the general the dry com-
ment: "Not much margin there." And from
his aide: "You've got to use every inch of
this strip."
Lt. Col. Ngo Nhu Bich, the province chief,
and his American military advisers were
ready with a limousine bearing four stars.
The briefing by the chief, In excellent Eng-
lish, was an uncomplaining recital of a pro-
vince plagued with both the Vietcong and the
North Vietnamese at times, and too little
equipment for too big a job.
Colonel Bich responded to the general's
best wishes for Tet, saying:
"Tet is the time of pardon, of friendship,
and of gratitude. Even the worst enemies
(except Communists) are forgiven.
"One year has passed, through bad and
good days. Some valiant soldiers have fallen,
obscure heroes of freedom and democracy."
MEETS FAMILY
He referred to "we" in his message and then
said: "This term includes, for sure, American
pilots working day and night, American offi-
cers and NCO's crisscrossing the jungle with
their Vietnamese friends, American civilian
officials performing their job with nothing
else but a desire to help. You are those
valiant Americans. May our foreign friends
who share our difficulties and fight our own
fight know that they are in a part of our
heart."
From there the group proceeded to the
colonel's house where Westmoreland present-
ed the colonel's wife with a spray of flowers
and met the couple's seven children.
The demanding timepiece intruded again.
Westmoreland had to be back in Saigon to
see Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge by 4 p.m.
And it was already after 3 o'clock.
The Beechcraft took off and the pilot
really gunned it. At Tan Son Nhut there was
the usual stackup. Four fighter-bombers
were taking off. Two big cargo and troop-
carrier planes were arriving. A half dozen
helicopters were in the stream. On the
ground the general's plane taxied carefully
among a swirl of propellers. Westmoreland
said goodbye before the wheels had stopped
and leaped out to a waiting car and hurried
off to his meeting with Lodge.
HUMAN COMPUTER
After the meeting with the Ambassador,
Westmoreland visited his opposite numbers
in the Vietnamese high command to wish
them a happy New Year.
This was pushing the day into the night.
What was he doing that night:
"I'm tired," said his aide, "but the general
relieves me mostly of social functions. He
goes generally alone. Then he works at
home."
That's quite a day.
It would be quite a day even for a mechan-
ical computer which lacked all emotion.
Come to think of it, the commanding gen-
eral was doing a lot of computing for one
human being in every one of the multiple
roles he had played.
11V
Vietnam: The Endless War-Article VI
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WILLIAM F. RYAN
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 14, 1966
Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, on February
13, the New York Post published the last
of six articles written from Saigon by Re-
porter Pete Hamill. The articles have
been informative as well as provocative.
Pete Hamill has realistically appraised
the situation and in the final article dis-
cusses the hard choices in Vietnam which
confront us.
The author says:
The truth is that it is absurd to think of
negotiating a solution to the war without
making the Vietcong, and their political
arm, the National Liberation Front, a party
to the proceedings. They made the revolu-
tion-with the support of North Vietnam
and China, to be sure-and they will have
a say in how it ends,
I urge my colleagues to read the follow-
ing:
VIETNAM: THE ENDLESS WAR-ARTICLE VI:
THE CHINESE PUZZLE
(By Pete Hamill)
SAIGoN.-There is no way to discuss the bit-
ter choices we face in Vietnam without con-
sidering the size, power, history, and ambi-
tions of China.
China is there; It will not go away; and
there has not been so much as a, single
sentence from Peiping in the years since 1949
to indicate that as a nation China is any-
thing other than our enemy. Its 700 mil-
lion inhabitants are ruled by hardfisted old
men whose language is violent and inflexible.
With its fledging atomic weapons and huge
land army, it stands unchallenged as the
most powerful nation in Asia. Its variety
of communism is single minded and ruthless,
and its history as a nation is one marked by
repeated attempts at territorial expansion.
"There is no doubt in my mind that you
Americans are making a stand in Vietnam
against China," one British military man
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