ISRAEL AMBASSADOR SEEKS PEACE BETWEEN ARABS AND JEWS IN HIS MAIDEN SPEECH BEFORE THE NATIONAL PRESS CLUB

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP70B00338R000300060020-7
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 2
• Document Creation Date: January 4, 2017
• Document Release Date: July 15, 2005
• Sequence Number: 20
• Publication Date: March 7, 1968
• Content Type: OPEN

March 7, 1 roved For RelpMqap7LCI~B~lD0300060020-7 H 1783
The same thing could happen, eventually,
to the President's cherished rent supplement
plan, though no one is conceding that yet.
Neither Congress nor the voters back home
have ever warmed to the idea, a fact not lost
upon the Johnson Administration. So, while
Mr. Johnson is proposing a rent supplement
expansion, he clearly is not putting all his
rental housing chips on supplements but,
indeed, is doing what Mr. Weaver resisted a
year ago-choosing "a wholly new instru-
ment," the interest subsidy proposal. The
Weaver team offers no explanation for this
turnabout other than to admit the political
unattractiveness of rent supplements.
And finally, having wrested away the upper
hand, you beseech Congress to ratify your
lead.
"To achieve our housing goal, we must
move from low to high production," the
President's message implores. "We can make
that shift only if the challenge summons
the commitment" of all segments of society
but "most importantly, the Congress.'
Now that you upstarts are back in your
placeq follow me.
BETWEEN ARABS AND JEWS IN
HIS MAIDEN SPEECH BEFORE THE
NATIONAL PRESS CLUB
(Mr. FEIGHAN asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute, to revise and extend his remarks,
and to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. FEIGHAN. Mr. Speaker, it was my
privilege to attend the luncheon held
Wednesday noon at the National -Press
Club in Washington to hear a very pro-
found address by His Excellency Maj.
Gen. Yitzhak Rabin, Ambassador to the
United States from the State of Israel.
The Ambassador had just presented his
credentials the day before and this was
his maiden speech.
The general theme of the address was
the willingness of the Israel Government
to negotiate a peace settlement between
the Arab Republic and the State of
Israel, which would eradicate the ani-
mosity existing between the Arabs and
the Jews.
I believe that his approach to this
problem is sound.
The question and answer period, which
was conducted by National Press Club
President Allan Cromley, chief of the
Washington bureau for the Daily Okla-
homan and the Oklahoma City ' Times,
was one of the most stimulating ones
that I have ever heard. The questions
were very penetrating and the Ambas-
sador, who is a former major general,
,and in a great measure responsible for
the Israel victory in the 6-day war, gave
every indication that he is as equally
qualified to pursue the cause of peace as
he was in the cause of victory during the
hostilities last June.
I recommend to all Members of the
House that they rep.d the complete text
of Ambassador Rabin's address before
the National Press Club, which, under
leave granted, I include, along with items
which appeared in the Washington Post
and the Washington Daily News today:
ADDRESS BY His EXCELLENCY THE AMBASSA-
DOR OF ISRAEL, MAJ. GEN. YITZHAK RABIN,
BEFORE THE NATIONAL PRESS CLUB, WASH-
INGTON, D.C., MARCH 6, 1968
I am very glad to have this opportunity of
meeting the distinguished press corps of this
Club, at a time when I am assuming my
duties as my country's Ambassador to the
United States.
Nine months have passed since the Six-
Day War. Nine months is a considerable
stretch of time, especially in the Middle East.
Yet it cannot be said that its aftermath
stands in any relation to the clear and deci- _
si.ve military victory of last June. The ques-
tion that has no doubt been posed and will
be posed is what has been achieved in the
war, wlfat has not been achieved, and what
are the main problems confronting Israel
today and tomorrow.
WHAT HAS BEEN ACHIEVED
First I should point out what is known as
"before and after" in any war or confronta-
tion. There Is much wisdom in hindsight;
since unhappily it is not possible to be one
hundred percent wise in foresight.
The primary and major achievement of the
war was the removal of the immediate threat
to the very existence of the State of Israel
and its people. In the latter part of May and
early June 1967, we witnessed a determined
attempt on the part of the Arab States to
destroy Israel. We were faced with our most
difficult political and military situation since
1948. The Six-Day War removed this immedi-
ate threat, but for how long cannot yet be
said. This achievement would have been it-
self enough. But we have achieved much
more than that. Some of our achievements
can be seen with certainty, and others I am
quite sure will emerge in future.
The obvious achievements are as follows:
(1) The Arab armies threatening Israel
were beaten, particularly that of Egypt, and
to a lesser extent the Jordanian forces, and
to a still lesser extent those of Syria. The
Iraqi Air Force suffered a limited setback.
The damage inflicted was for the most part
on material such as aircraft, tanks, artillery,
trucks, and military infrastructure, and to
a more limited extent on manpower. In round
figures, about 1,000 tanks were destroyed,
450 planes, some 1,400 artillery pieces of vari-
ous kinds, and many thousands of vehicles.
The Arab forces lost about 11/2 billion dollars
worth of equipment. This destruction was of
major military significance during the war.
The Arab armies ceased to be a factor capable
of preventing further Israeli advance beyond
the present cease-fire lines. However, today,
nine months later, it can be said that massive
Soviet aid has almost entirely replenished
the Arab losses, in some cases with equipment
of superior quality.
(2) The second achievement, I believe, will
last longer than the first one. The Arab
Armies suffered a major blow to their morale
and self-confidence in waging a successful
war against Israel on their own. It is very
difficult to evaluate this kind of achievement.
We have no way yet of quantifying psycho-
logical factors. However, we learned only be-
fore the last war the difference between Arab
logic and our own, Moreover their own logic
does not always dictate their actions. Emo-
tional factors and mass hysteria characterized
the events that led up to the Six-Day War,
despite any logic or rational interests of the
Arabs themselves. In my own view, the real
recovery of the Arab forces and restoration
of their confidence for another all-out war
with us is not a matter of a few months,
always assuming that they will think logi-
cally, and that we are concerned with an
Arab-Israeli war, without any intervention
on the part of a Great Power from outside
our region.
(3) The third achievement is that of the
major improvement in Israel's lines of de-
fense, namely the current cease-fire lines.
Israel holds territories greater in area than
she did on June 4th, 1967, and despite that
our border lines today are a great deal
shorter than they were then. Moreover, they
lie along natural and artificial obstacles
which completely alter our defensive ca-
pacity in the event of a renewed attack. Our
border with Egypt, for instance, was previ-
ously some 300 kilometers in length; today it
is about a third of that. The previous border
was entirely exposed to armored attack. Today
it rests along a natural obstacle, if we can
so call the Suez Canal. The Canal is 170-200
meters wide, and it should present a serious
obstacle to the Egyptian army. Further, the
over-all strategic picture has completely
changed. The previous Israel-Egyptian border
(I refer not to the Gaza Strip but to Sinai)
was about 130 kilometers from Tel Aviv, with
Cairo 350 kilometers away. Today it is quite
the reverse, and this is of decisive signifi-
cance for having a better warning against
air attack. The picture has similarly changed
in the vital part of our border with Jordan.
The fact that the West Bank is under our
control has cut the length of our border line
by nearly one third; and that border line
runs along the natural barrier of the Jordan
River. This and the reunion of Jerusalem
have removed the danger of shelling of our
population concentrations in the heart of
Jerusalem and along the coastal region. In
the Syrian sector, too the constant threat to
our border settlements is removed, and we
enjoy defense in depth of decisive topogra-
phic significance.
WHAT HAS NOT BEEN ACHIEVED
It would not be appropriate to speak in
terms of what we failed to achieve, for the
simple reason that the war was not initiated
by us. It was forced on us. It was not we
who wanted it. Our major achievement of
the war is no doubt that our enemy failed
to achieve its aim. But it must be admitted
that after it was over, we might well have
thought that the very dimensions of their
military defeat, the very extent of their col-
lapse, evident as it was, would produce a
change in Arab attitudes and policies toward
us.
The Six-Day War might surely have dem-
onstrated to the Arabs the futility of a con-
tinuation of their hostility and belligerency.
Their vast efforts over a good number of
years to create armed forces capable of de-
stroying us had proven of no avail. They
expended the best of their resources, in
terms of wealth and manpower, on their
armed forces, instead of on internal eco-
nomic development. For all that, it was
demonstrated that all our neighbors, in con-
cert, were unable to defeat 'us, although we
were on our own, with no outside help.
It might have been reasonable to expect
that the complete failure of these Arab poli-
cies would bring some change, either in these
policies or in their regimes. No one can
say with certainty that this was the final
war in the Arab-Israel conflict. The Six-
Day War is over, but the Seventh Day, the
Day of Rest, has not yet come to Israel.
We might ask ourselves why the war has
not so far led to the logical abandonment
of a policy of belligerency against Israel, For
twenty years it bas brought nothing but
defeat and disaster upon the Arab world.
There is no ready answer, but I would sug-
gest two main reasons:
(1) The first is that the very hatred of
Israel that the Arab leaders have nourished
amongst their people has come to limit their
own freedom of manoeuvre in view of con-
siderations of their public opinion at home.
Over the years they have utilized their pub-
lic information media and their school sys-
tem, right down to the kindergarten leyel,
to promote and nourish this hatred of Israel.
Military and totalitarian regimes do not
change overnight. In the first place, it is
very difficult for the Arab States to rid them-
selves of a policy they have preached for
many years. Since 1948 the Arab States have
followed a consistent policy of active non-
acceptance and non-recognition of Israel.
Only special circumstances and a leader
of courage and conviction are required to
divert the Arab world from its present path
and policy.
(2) I have no doubt that the Six-Day
War can provide the basis and circumstances
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Approved Foe Sig A7L2 iCW f 7r88118R00030006002Darch 7, 1968
for such a change in Arab policies. Were the
conflict insulated from certain other, out-
side factors, we might well have already been
witness to such a change. But this un-
fortunately, has not happened, and the Arab
States have more than a mere feeling that
a Great Power is backing them up, and hold-
ing out hopes of their recovering what they
lost in war, without budging from their basic
poliical support from the same Great Power
is breathing new hope amongst some Arab
leaders, and they believe that if they play
their cards well, they need not abandon their
policy of war. So far, President Nasser's most
recent pronouncements to his people show
no abatement in his belligerent attitude and
objectives regarding Israel.
I doubt whether the Great Power would
like to see a renewal of the war, particularly
not in the immediate future. But I would
say that she would not like to see a peace
settlement and an end to the tensions in
the region unless it be on her own terms.
The continued tension and instability in the
area was one of the factors which enabled
her to establish herself in the Middle East,
to extend her influence and establish a mili-
tary presence in the area.
The Arab military defeat, especially that of
Egypt, was a defeat for her, too. What was
demonstrated was her failure to train an ef-
fective Egyptian Army, despite all the mani-
fold efforts of the past thirteen years. And
she, too, must surely be a little anxious- that
the Egyptians may draw certain conclusions
about her failure to promote Egyptian poii?
ties successfully.
The two major obstacles to any funda-
mental change leading to normal Israel-Arab
relations based upon peace and mutual re-
spect are the psychological moment in any
departure from the old emotional policies to-
wards Israel, and the firm backing of the
Great Power in question.
THE MAIN PROBLEMS FACING ISRAEL
Therefore the main problems facing Israel
now, overriding any other problems, are as
follows:
(a) To bring about a real change in the
inter-relations between the Arab countries
and Israel, which means a real and lasting
peace.
(b) Or as long as this goal has not been
achieved, to prevent a renewal of the war.
We have the right to live our life in peace
and security. I know that the Arab-Israel
conflict is not a simple one. But I am sure
that all problems can be solved once the
Arabs stop dreaming that it is possible to de-
stroy Israel, accept Israel as a fact, recognize
and live with her. Therefore we say to the
Arabs now let's sit together and negotiate a
peace settlement. We don't say that we are
going to stay wherever we are now. We are
ready within the framework of this kind of
negotiation to come to an agreement on the
recognized and secure boundaries of the
future. But if you are not ready to talk peace
with us, if you are not ready to abandon
your policy of seeking Israel's destruction,
why then do we have to withdraw even one
inch? Just to hand you back the areas which
served in the past and will serve in the future
as a springboard for your aggression? Let us
finish the state of war by establishing good
and really friendly relations that will be of
benefit for all our peoples.
We must strivetowards a real peace but at
the same time strengthen Israel's capability
to prevent any attempt by the other side to
return to the use of force. The stronger we
are, the better are the prospects of achieving
peace in the area. There is a famous saying to
it takes two to make peace but only one to
make war. We are ready for peace-we still
lack the second partner to make it.
It might-be that the road to peace will be
'long but there is no doubt In our minds that
it can and will be achieved. We know that it
will entail suffering and- sacrifice for Israel,
but we are sure that we have no other
choice.
We hope that peace-loving countries will
understand and support our efforts to achieve
a real and lasting peace in the Middle East.
ISRAEL ENVOY TAKES HARD LINE ON TALKS
(By Charles M. Roberts)
Israel's new ambassador to the United
States took a hard position yesterday on the
critical issue of face-to-face negotiations
with the Arabs.
Maj. Gen. Yitzhak Rabin, a hero of the
six-day war last June, told an overflow
crowd at a National Press Club luncheon
that he doubted that any "real results"
could be achieved "unless the other side will
be forced to talk with us."
If they do not agree to meet face-to-face,
he added, it will mean the Arab states do not
recognize Israel.
United Nations special emissary Gunnar
Jarring, the Swedish ambassador in Moscow,
has been working on a plan to have both
sides meet with him, but not necessarily
face-to-face, in his Cyprus headquarters.
While there have been reports of agreement
on this, American officials insist that is not
yet so.
CAN HOLD PRESENT LINE
Rabin strongly suggested that Israeli
forces will not withdraw "even one inch"
unless the Arabs agree to "sit together and
negotiated a peace settlement."
He added that Israel is able, from a mili-
tary point of view, to hold its present cease-
fire lines "two, five 10 or even 20 years."
"We are ready to wait," he said; "we are
going to wait where we are until we achieve
a peace."
Most of the harder aspects of the Israeli
position came in reply to questions. His pre-
pared address was. not quite as tough in
tone.
One point in the prepared address, how-
ever, backed up Rabin's remark about sit-
ting it out for years, if necessary, on the
present lines. He said that the war had re-
duced the size of the Israeli-Egyptian border
that has to be defended from 300 kilometers
(about 240 miles) to about a third of that,
and that the Jordanian border likewise is
now much shorter.
BETTER. WARNING
Furthermore, said Rabin, the fact that the
Egyptian border Is now on the Suez Canal
"is of decisive significance for having a bet-
ter warning against air attack."
While the Soviets have "almost entirely
replenished" Arab arms losses, said Rabin,
recovery of Arab confidence for another all-
Out war "is not a matter of, a few months."
However, Soviet backing has bolstered Arab
hopes, he said.
Rabin said Egypt's President Nasser has
shown "no abatement in his belligerent at-
titude and objectives." In reply to a question,
Rabin speculated that any change of gov-
ernment In Cairo would be "toward more
freedom and a more democratic way of run-
ning Egypt."
The Ambassador, while deploring Ameri-
can arms aid to Jordan, said he had "no
doubt" that It was better "to have someone
other than the Russians in Jordan."
Rabin was highly complimentary to
France because "we won the war with French
planes." He said Israel now will "try every
source" for new planes since "it doesn't seem
that we're going to get" the planes ordered
from France.
RABIN LEAVES THE DOOR AJAR(RING)
(By R. H. Boyce)
A statement here by Israel's new ambassa-
dor to the U.S. that Israel will not "stay
forever where we are now" was intended to
encourage Arabs to enter peace talks, U.S.
diplomatic sources said today.
Remarks by Maj. Gen. Yitzhak Rabin at a
National Press Club luncheon yesterday were
viewed as the clearest statement yet of the
Israeli position on withdrawal from Arab
territories occupied since last June's six-day
war. Gen. Rabin said:
"We say to the Arabs now, let's sit to-
gether and negotiate a peace, settlement. We
don't say that we are going to stay forever
where we are now. We are ready within the
framework of this kind of negotiations to
come to an agreement on the recognized
and secured boundaries of the future."
Egypt long has insisted that Israel must
withdraw before negotiations could begin.
Israel wants talks first to decide where the
boundaries would be. But official Israeli pub-
lic statements have not been clear because
the Israel government is divided on territor-
ial conditions.
Also, the two nations have differed on in-
terpretation of a United Nations resolution
of last Nov. 22 which called for Israeli with-
drawal "from territories occupied" but care-
fully did not say "all" the territories. It also
urged termination of states of belligerency,
and acknowledgment of the rights of all
Middle East states to live in peace "within
secure and recognized boundaries.
Egypt has said it would negotiate if Israel
would commit itself to the resolution, mean-
ing withdrawal. Israel's acceptance of the
resolution has been, qualified.
Gen. Rabin, making his first public state-
ment as Israeli envoy here, said:
"If you (Arabs) are not ready to talk peace
with us, If you are not ready to abandon your
policy of seeking Israel's destruction, why
then do we have to withdraw even one inch,
just to hand you back the areas which served
in the past and will serve In the future as a
springboard for your aggression?"
Gen. Rabin said the talks must be direct,
"face to face," which has long been an Israeli
condition. But he softened this by adding
that "this might be in the presence of Jar-
ring. Gunnar Jarring Is a Swedish diplomat
authorized by the UN to attempt to bring
Israel and the Arabs together.
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA TEACHERS
STRIKE
(Mr. TALCOTT asked and was given
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
-
Mr. TALCOTT. Mr. Speaker, today a
group of Washington, D.C., teachers
called at my office.
I was most unfavorably impressed. I
am certain that this group of teachers
did not accurately represent the total
teacher corps of the District schools. If
they were representative, our schools
are in dire trouble.
These teachers would set poor exam-
ples for any student.
One had a fifth-grade boy with her-
neither was well groomed. The boy's
grammar was considerably below satis-
factory. He had little respect for private,
personal effects in my office. He spoke
up in our conversation. His teacher-
mother thought this was perfectly per-
missible because he "knew a good deal
about this problem."' He did not mind
missing a day of school.
One teacher who claimed to be a
teacher of congressional activities in her
school, believed that few Congressmen
worked from Friday to Tuesday,
Not one of them knew more than a
modicum about the Congress.
They were not considerate enough to
call or make arrangements for an ap-
pointment. They showed little considera-
tion for my time even though they knew
they were keeping me from attending a -
committee meeting.
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