DEMOCRATIC PROCESSES SUCCESSFUL IN FIRST VITAL TRIAL IN SOUTH VIETNAM--PEOPLE DESERVE CREDIT FOR THEIR COMMITMENT TO CITIZENSHIP THROUGH USE OF THE BALLOT--OUR OWN NATION HAD ITS EMERGING TRIALS AND TRIBULATIONS
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A proved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400110013-2
,yep ember 13, 1 966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
. The Soviet Union and China have turned
to- Canada and Australia to fill the embar-
rassing grain gap which repeated 5-year
plans, crash fertilizer programs, and one
Great Leap Forward have left unfilled.
The Soviet Union, with vast agricultural
resources relative to her population, has im-
ported as much wheat in the past three years
as India.
Communist China is using nearly 40 per-
cent of all her foreign exchange earnings
to import food and fertilizer. China's an-
nual population growth of 15 million per-
sons means it must find food for "another
Australia" each year, good weather or bad.
Latin America's per capita calorie supply
slips backward slowly but relentlessly. Om-
inously, sheer numbers seem to thrive best
where agricultural production stagnates.
In such a world, food and the means to
produce it have become ianportant instru-
ments of foreign policy. As good as dollars
for aid if carefully used; more powerful than
arms if strategically planned-America's food
must be used not simply to meet the margin
between subsistence and famine, but as the
DEMOCRATIC PROCESSES SUCCESS-
FUL IN FIRST VITAL TRIAL IN
SOUTH VIETNAM-PEOPLE DE-
SERVE CREDIT FOR THEIR
COMMITMENT TO CITIZENSHIP
THROUGH USE OF THE BALLOT-
OUR OWN NATION HAD ITS
EMERGING TRIALS AND TRIBU-
LATIONS
Mr. RANDOLPH. Mr. President,
many of my colleagues have spoken of
the heartening news of the apparent suc-
cess of the recent elections in South
Vietnam. I, too, am impressed and opti-
mistic at the size of the voter turnout in
the face of terrorist activities and real
and threatened violence.
Although the healthy, and-according
to news releases-clean elections do not.
necessarily mean that this Asiann}lation
is now finally on firm internal footing, it
is an indication that the help we have
been giving, in men, arms, material
goods, and lives, has not been given In
vain.
Among the editorials I have read, the
commentory appearing in the Tuesday,
September 13, issue of the New York
Daily News sums up in cogent terms the
results of these elections and their mean-
ing for the people of South Vietnam and
our own country.
Mr. President, I have been among the
supporters of the administration In its
efforts to assist the Vietnamese toward
a stable, self-sufficient and democratic-
ally oriented government. The path
which the past three Presidents have
chosen is a difficult one for them, and
for us. But many of our paths have
been difficult, since our inception born
of the most difficult step of all-rebellion
against our own "motherland," England,
which began in earnest with the Battle
.of Lexington-Concord on April 19, 1775.
The editorial to which I refer draws
some parallels between voting in South
Vietnam and. in our Republic. But I
think other parallels can be drawn-and
those have to do with our Revolution,
and our emerging as a democratic con-
stitutional republic.
I have mentioned that our Revolution
began in 1775. It continued, Mr. Presi-
dent, for 8 years-ending in 1783. Then,
as we all know, there was still work to
be done by our forefathers in building
the kind of government which we hive
today, and through which we have be-
come a great nation. The Founding
Fathers met to draft our Constitution,
first on May 25, 1787. But it took many
months before their work was done, and
still longer for ratification by the several
States. It was 3 years later, May 29,
1790, before Rhode Island ratified the
Constitution of our Republic, thereby
giving it full and binding force, on all
of us.
In the months and years ahead, while
the South Vietnamese delegates struggle
with the momentous task of framing
their own governmental system, Mr.
President, let all of us remember our
origins. Let us not expect of them any
more, or less, than ?is written of us in
our own history. Let us wish them- wis-
dom in their counsels, calmness in their
deliberations-and let us remain with
them for whatever time it takes, rather
than giving them just so much time, and
no more, in which to perform their tasks.
For there is no greater task, Mr. Presi-
dent, no more serious responsibility, than
that of framing the principles by which
a people shall be governed. Our con-
tribution to the people of South Vietnam
now must be patience, understanding,
and continued support.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the editorial in the New York
Daily News be printed at this point in
the body of the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows :
A SMASH VIET VOTE VICTORY
Sunday's election in South Viet Nam were
an overwhelming victory for the government
headed by Premier Nguyen Cao Ky, and a
humiliating defeat for Communism as rep-
resented variously by the Viet Cong, North
Viet Namese Boss Ho Chi Minh, Red China,
and Red Russia.
The Viet Cong tried every kind of terrorist
tactics from murder on down to scare voters
away from the polls.
Premier Ky would have considered a 60%
voter turnout a victory. Instead, about 80%
of those eligible to vote went to the polls and
cast ballots-though some of these may have
been blanks.
It's sensational-especially when you recall
that in our 1964 Presidential election only
62% of our total voting-age population saw
fit to vote.
The Sunday South Viet Nam elections pro-
duced- a 117-member Assembly which is to
write a constitution for the strategic South-
east Asian nation. Premier Ky calls the
event "the beginning of the end for the
Communists."
That may be over-optimistic. But the vic-
tory at least indicates, we think, that it is
time to junk any notion that the Viet Cong
are 10 feet tall or that their terrorist hold on
large parts of South Viet Nam is unbreakable.
It is time, too, we believe, to get on with
winning the war as soon as may be, ignoring
the home-front Vietniks and all foreign
kibitzers in the process.
The South Viet Nam elections strongly in-
dicate that the great majority of South Viet
Namese want Communism rooted out of their
country. Let's help them, to the best of our
ability.
21423
PRIZE-WINNING ESSAY BY VIC-
TORIA ASARE, OF GHANA
Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, school
children in Ghana were recently offered
a prize for the best essay on "Democ
racy: What It Means To Me" in a con-
test sponsored by the U.S. Information
Agency and the Ghanaian Ministry of
Education.
The winner, out of 4,500 entries, was
Miss Victoria Asare, 19. Her essay was
published in the September 10 issue of
the Christian Science Monitor.
Since this essay gives each of us an op-
portunity to see how one young African
views democracy, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the essay be printed in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the essay
was ordered to be printed in the REC-
ORD, as follows:
[From the Christian Science Monitor
Sept. 10, 1966]
DEMOCRACY AS SEEN BY A GIRL IN GHANA
(By Victoria Asare)
Democracy is such a wide and diversified
concept that to my mind it defies definition.
However, although it may seem impossible
to capture its essence in one neat phrase, one
can say that. democracy rests on a trinity of
permanent values; liberty, fraternity, equal-
ity.
The latter two fall easily into line but how
can one and the same system incorporate lib-
erty and equality since liberty of its very
nature would seem to demand diversity?
Edward Lindeman puts it like this: "Where
conformity is imposed as an external dis-
cipline, liberty is by definition excluded."
But to my mind it is this very tension be-
tween liberty and equality that gives democ-
racy its vital force. It leaves room for a
fruitful clash of ideas resulting in new devel-
opments. Edmund Burke, believing that
liberty was "the dearest of the democratic
graces" more or less ignored the idea of equal-
ity.
On the other hand, Rousseau held that
since men were by nature unequal, it was
the work of society to make them equal.
What exactly he meant by making them
equal I am not sure, but, it seems to me that
under a democratic regime all should have
equal opportunities to develop whatever
talent they may possess since all are equally
worthy of respect on account of their dig-
nity as human beings.
All through the ages men have been
searching for a way-a system of living that
would set them free, help them to live in
harmony with their inner selves and with
other men.
Plato, Rousseau, Lincoln, Aggrey are just
a few of the apostles of democracy. With
each of them the ideal became more and more
fully realized till today there is hardly a cor-
ner of the world which is not in love with
freedom.
Africa is no exception, nor is Ghana. The
very fact that "Animal Farm" was once con-
fiscated in our schools shows that the youth
were wide awake but applying the moral too
closely to home!
BATTLE CRY TWISTED
The trouble about democracy is that it
is something which has to mature over a
long period, otherwise it loses its roots and
withers. No one will deny that the battle cry
of the French revolutionaries was "liberty,
fraternity, equality," yet in their fanatic pur-
suit of their ideals their cry was turned into
"licence, fratricide, inequality."
The quest for liberty, fraternity, equality
must be a patient one and the leader of a
democratic government must be prepared
for many false starts and disappointments.
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21424
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE September 13, 1966
"Instability, tension, and Immaturity are
inevitable when people are just beginning to
face collectively and individually, a wide
range of new situations and problems"
(Adrian Hastings in his article "The Second
Revolution"-New Blackfriars, March, 1966).
And to try to make everyone follow "the
party line" just because one thinks it the
best for them is to invite disaster as we
have already seen here in Ghana. There
must be a democratic approach. A leader
'must be willing to see his plans only partially
There must be give and take and it is here
that Africans have an advantage over more
developed countries. Living close to the
soil and living with its slow, peaceful rhythm,
most Africans can wait patiently for growth.
The large and extended family system, too,
gives every opportunity for give and take.
It is futile to argue that a newly inde-
pendent country "cannot afford" to be demo-
cratic. , A one-party system may seem to be
the inevitable choice for a developing coun-
try which has to build up Its economy, give
an illiterate population much guidance, and
do In 10 years what other nations have
taken hundreds of years to do.
This may seem on the face of it very wise
indeed, but recent events iiS our country
have shown it to be a short-sighted policy.
The 80 percent Illiterate population soon
tired of the forced , "guidance." They were
not willing to be led by the nose forever.
FAMILY FRAMEWORK
This goes to show that people who thought
that democracy was not practicable in a
country like Ghana were all wrong. They
seemed to Imply that we ought not to try out
democracy until we had become wise and
good under dictatorship. What folly! Any
man who resolves never to get into the
water until he has learned to swim will in-
deed wait forever and never learn.
We could do worse than base our teaching
of democracy on a framework which we know
already-the family. If I mention family, it
includes not only my father, mother,
brothers and sisters, but the extended family
or group of relatives living in single or in
neighboring communities. We are under the
leadership of the elder men of the family,
one of whom is popularly acknowledged as
the head.
I remember once there arose the problem of
sending to a secondary school one of the girls
`whose parents were dead. All the relatives
met together and discussed how they were
going to do this. It was finally decided that
three of the uncles who were fairly well-off
should contribute a certain amount of
money each month.
Though the head died, this system con-
tinued to operate because once they had
given their opinion and come to a satisfac-
tory agreement they considered that out of
loyalty to the family and respect for the
head their promises must be kept.
This being the normal family's way of
dealing with problems, it should not be hard
to get people to understand democracy on
a larger scale.
Besides, they are already familiar with
democratic government, though not con-
sciously so. I am referring to chieftaincy
which holds in embryo almost all the essen-
tial features of democracy.
TENURE WITH STRINGS
A chief is made eligible for office by his
birth into the royal family, but his ultimate
selection to community headship depends
upon the clear recognition of his acquired
abilities to lead, by three powerful groups:
first, by the members of his own family, then
by the council representatives of all the other
families in the community, and finally and
most democratically, by the individual mem-
bers of all the families who register approval,
or disapproval through their own representa-
tives.
His tenure, like that of the family head,
depends upon his behavior. If he fails to
please, out he goes, to be replaced by another
member of the royal family who can gain the
necessary approval. In this way autocracy is
prevented.
Nowadays, we find that the claims of the
native chiefs are often unduly overlooked
when native questions are being dealt with.
The chief was formerly a man of very great
importance. But his present position is
anomalous. Both his rights and duties are
ill-defined, and, as a natural consequence,
he has lost a great deal of self-respect.
I think that it is the duty of any demo-
cratic government to endeavor to restore the
native chief to his former position of trust
in the community. He must be given real
power, definite responsibilities, and definite
rights and duties.
If this is done I feel sure we will be de-
veloping along lines of natural evolution in-
stead of substituting for our own laws and
customs, a system that we think is better
just because it. happens to be in force in
Great Britain or Russia.
Improvement on, and not mere imitation
of the views of the Western democratic cre-
do, whether in morals, manners, and cus-
toms, or in dress, art, or industry is the trade
keynote of civilization throughout the world.
If democracy is to have the proper en-
vironment in which to develop there must
be a stable economy and more and varied
educational opportunities.
"In general the economy is not develop-
ing comparably with education and there is
a real danger that higher educatiori-espe-
cially if it is Incomplete will come to put
people out of a job, rather than into one.
"This is especially true as so little of the
educational effort is directed toward a trade
or craft. It is academic, geared to profes-
sional work or to the white-collar jobs of
an advanced industrial society, but that so-
ciety hardly exists yet in Africa" (Adrian
Hastings). Therefore, there is need for more
emphasis on technical training so that there
will be skilled workers to fill tjie jobs made
available by an expanding economy.
But preparing people to fill posts is only
a minor part of education. Democracy is
not just a form of government, it is an atti-
tude of mind and in educating people for it
there are many factors to be considered. I
shall deal with only two extremes.
First, there are those whose ideas Of free-
dom have been so blunted that they may
have to be shaken out of a servile frame of
mind. To such people it must be pointed
out that they have a right to speak their
mind, to fight against injustice, to vote for
The headmaster eventually decided to
teach them a lesson. He allowed the stu-
dents' food committee to take over com-
pletely the ordering of provisions. They
were to be entirely responsible for handing
out the food to the cooks and hardest of
all for keeping within a fixed budget. The
experiment failed.
After a week the boys tired of the extra
work involved, and, worse still, half the
school was reporting at the dispensary with
stomach-aches !
But the committee had learned at least
this: That democracy Is not all shouting for
rights.
Freedom has limits and we should all re-
spect each other's. What makes a society
Is a common aim; and to have a solid, last-
ing society there should be rules and some
basic moral standards. What should be
learned is that we are what we are today be-
cause of our neighbors, their personalities,
and the influence of all those we have ever
met.
Therefore, we should respect the Ideas of
other people and accept and bear our own
mistakes if we are in the wrong, for we are
all fallible.
EDUCATED MINORITY
People who have recognized their freedom,
its limits, and their fallibility form a free
state. A man of a free state is bold enough
to stand by the light given him. This means
he is able to bear witness to the right and
wrong he sees. He need not close windows
and doors in order to talk about the govern-
ment, religion, or a frivolous book on poli-
tics found in the library.
This does not mean that he may always
criticize the government if it intervenes in
certain of his affairs. There is no use in its
giving me a full scholarship while I sit down
at my desk enjoying the breeze. The head
of my school, acting in the government's
interests, has a right to withdraw that
scholarship.
To conclude, we know that only love, good-
will, friendship, and spiritual togetherness
can secure the well-being, prosperity, and
progression of our nation.
Above all, I feel strongly that as far as
we Ghanaians are concerned, we shall be de-
pending for a long time to come on an edu-
cated minority. Let them be truly educated
then. Let them put away all thought of
personal gain and advancement and be men
of sympathy, imagination, and above all men
of patience.
For "all this will not be finished in the
first 100 days. Nor will be finished in the
first 1,000 days . nor even perhaps in
our lifetime on this planet. But let us be-
wage, free time, consultation with their em n`gural address).
ployers and so on- ,V
A LESSON IN LIMITS HISTORY DIDN'T REPEAT-FAILURE
Then there are the others, a greater num- OF AGGRESSION IN SOUTH VIET-
ber I think, whose ideas on freedom need to NAM
be corrected. They are the people who criti-
cize everything destructively but who fail to Mr. BAYH. Mr. President, some peo-
realize that they are not exercising liberty ple do not seem to learn that it is im-
here, but taking liberties, which is entirely possible to stop aggressors by giving
different (Adrian Hastings). them what they seek at the moment.
Among those who offend against liberty
are This unfortunate, potentially tragic,
many of us young students. Since de-
mocracy is a way of walking and not of talk- failure to recognize the aggressor's na-
ing, we must have opportunities to live it in ture is the theme of a forceful editorial
school.. There is already the prefectorial sys- in the Indianapolis Star.
tem which teaches that positions of honour Because the message implicit in the
and trust bring their own responsibilities editorial is well worth serious delibera-
and duties. tion, I intend to ask that it be printed in
But not all young people appreciate that the RECORD in full at the close of my
the responsibilities are at least as important remarks.
as the privileges, if not more so. Let me
illustrate this point. It is my understanding that the edi-
.
In a certain boy's school the students were torial, entitled "History Didn't Repeat,"
continually clamoring for more democratic states the policy not only of the Indian-
treatment. They felt they should be con- apolis Star but of the other newspapers
sulted and have a say on the drawing up of published by Mr. Eugene C. Pulliam in
the menu for meals. Indiana and Arizona.
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September 13, 19T36 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 21425
Quite obviously, it supports the view
of President Johnson and strongly en-
dorses our stand against Communist
aggression in Vietnam.
The President has declared again and
again that we do not seek any territory
or any special rights in Vietnam. Like-
wise, he has made it very clear that we
are fighting the cause of liberty for the
South Vietnamese and, in consequence,
for all men.
The President has warned the Com-
munists that we will not quit and that
we will stay until peace is achieved at
the conference table or until the aggres-
sion is halted.
The editorial to which I previously re-
ferred goes back 30 years to reinforce its
case. Certain events of that period are
written on history's darker pages.
In 1936 France decided not to chal-
lenge Hitler's remilitarization of the
Rhineland. By the time it became ap-
parent that he would never stop, Hit-
ler had marshaled a mighty army, a
fleet of marauding U-boats, and a power-
ful air force.
Hitler stacked up his dominoes, as the
Indianapolis newspaper recalled. They
consisted of Austria, the Sudetenland,
then all of Czechoslovakia, and ultimate-
ly Poland, the Netherlands, Norway, the
Baltic States, the Balkans, France, and
North Africa.
Parenthetically, it should also be
pointed out that during those years Mus-
solini's Italy. subjugated Ethiopia, and
Japan penetrated farther and farther
into Manchuria.
With the rest of the world, many Amer-
icans also looked upon these invasions
with the illusory hope that the aggressors
would soon be satisfied.
But now we choose to resist. The his-
tory of three decades ago is not repeat-
ing. Wp are determined to stem the
Communist tide before it overruns all of
southeast Asia. Responsible Americans
realize that giving in to aggressors can-
not stop them. That, we are reminded in
this perceptive editorial, is why we are
fighting in Vietnam.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the entire editorial be printed
in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Indianapolis (Ind.) Star, Aug.;14,
19661
HISTORY DIDN'T REPEAT
France in 1936 chose not to fight Adolf
Hitler when he remilitarized the Rhineland.
Most French leaders thought he would stop
there.
By the time they realized he would never
stop-that it would take superior force to
stop him-he had all of the trump cards, a
lightning war land army, a fleet of U-boats
and a powerful air force.
The United States today chooses to fight
Asian Communism as it applies armed force
to seize South Viet Nam. We aim to stop
the Red tide before it overruns 64 Southeast
Asia.
The peaceniks today do not consider Viet
Nam to be the Rhineland of our generation.
The appeasers of the 1930s did not consider
the Rhineland of 1936 to be a crucial issue
for their generation. They scoffed at the
"domino theory" of Winston Churchill and,
other tough-minded, realistic men.
Hitler began stacking up his dominoes-
Austria, the Sudetenland sections of Czecho-
slovakia, finally all of Czechoslovakia, ulti-
mately Poland, the Netherlands, Norway, the
Baltic states, the Balkans, France, North
Africa.
The chief peace advocate of that tragic era
was Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, who
after pleading with Hitler at Munich not to
start a war, and offering Czechoslovakia as
appeasement, flew back to England and an-
nounced to the world it was assured of "peace
in our time."
Responsible American leaders realize today
that you cannot stop aggressors by giving in
to them. That is why we are fighting in
Viet Nam.
But the peaceniks go on believing, as Ne-
ville Chamberlain believed, that you can stop
aggressors by giving them what they seek at
the moment. Some people never learn.
EXCLUSION OF PIECE RATE FARM-
WORKERS FROM WAGE AND
HOUR BILL
Mr. ROBERTSON. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent to have printed
at this point in the RECORD a statement
indicating why I intend to support the
motion that will be made tomorrow by
the Senator from Vermont [Mr. PROUTY]
to instruct Senate conferees on the wage
and hour bill to insist on the Senate pro-
vision for the exclusion of farmworkers
who are paid on a piece rate basis.
There being no objection, the state-
ment was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
STATEMENT BY SENATOR ROBERTSON
Senator A. WILLis ROBERTSON, Democrat of
Virginia, announced yesterday he will sup-
-port a move to be made in the Senate this
week to send the Fair Labor Standards bill
back to conference for exclusion from cover-
age of hand-harvest workers who are paid on
a piece-rate basis.
"On Wednesday, the Senate plans to act on
the conference report on the wage and hour
bill," said Senator ROBERTSON. "Senator
PROUTY, of Vermont, will offer an amend-
ment to instruct the Senate conferees to
insist on the Senate provision for exclusion
from coverage of piece-rate farm workers.
"In Virginia, that would apply primarily to
those who are paid by. the bushel to pick
apples, but the definition would be for all
piece work.
"If the Prouty motion is adopted, the
House conferees would probably ask for in-
structions from the House, and the House
may approve, although the motion made in
the House on May 26 to recommit the bill
to eliminate completely the coverage of agri-
culture, was defeated by a vote of 231 to 168.
"The inclusion of thousands Of agricul-
tural workers will, I believe, only lead to
further mechanization of farms with a re-
sulting loss in job opportunities.
"And, as was pointed out by Senator HOL-
LAND, it is a forerunner of a move to apply
the minimum wage to all farm-workers, to be
followed, of course, by their unionization.
"More and more, the Government is en-
croaching upon a rather unique and vital
principle of our representative democracy-
private enterprise. The framers of our Con-
stitution in embodying private enterprise in
that great document intended that the Gov-
ernment would be only an umpire of fair play
between management and labor. The pend-
ing bill is an evidence of a modern trend in
the direction of a managed economy-a poor
substitute for private enterprise and doomed
to failure when it controls management but
not labor."
FLY ASH: A WASTE PRODUCT THAT
,CAN CUT COSTS
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, our
colleague, Senator ROBERT C. BYRD of
West Virginia, has written a revealing
and thoughtful article in the September
15 edition of Public Utilities Fortnightly
on a project sponsored by Federal funds
involving the use of coal fly ash. Senator
BYRD has explained the great value of
reusing this waste product which now
represents a costly disposal problem for
our public utilities.
I ask unanimous consent to have the
article printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
(By the Honorable ROBERT C. BYRD, U.S. Sen-
ator from West Virginia)
Last year when I amended a bill to add
$275,000 to Office of Coal Research funds for
the purpose of constructing a pilot plant at
West Virginia University to produce building
brick from fly ash, a colleague on the Senate
Appropriations Committee remarked:
"I would vote that amount just to find
places to get rid of the stuff."
Disposing of fly ash has been a growing
problem since piles of cinders from beehive
ovens began to blight areas of West Virginia
and Pennsylvania in the latter part of the
last century. In more recent years, as the
electric utility industry developed equipment
to capture fly ash before it leaves the stack,
the dilemima has spread to every area where
there is a coal-fired power plant. Today fly
ash is being used to fill swampy land and
old quarries; it is dumped at sea and in any
place where it can be hidden.
Slowly, American industry is waking up
to the fact that wanton discard of fly ash-
is not only costly; it is also wasteful.
The value of fly ash was first recognized by
the Romans, who used volcanic ash and lime
to make hydraulic cement for the cons:truc-
tion of their buildings. While a great deal
of experimentation took place through the
years, the use of the material in modern
times did not begin on a large scale until
after World War II, when electrostatic pre-
cipitators came into wide use to remove
solids from the flues of coal-fed steam plants.
For some time it has been known that
fly ash could be used as a mixture for con-
crete, but the extent of this utilization has
been entirely too limited. Probably no more
than 5 per cent of the 20 million tons col-
lected last year was put to constructive use.
With the addition of electric generating ca-
pacity this year and in the years ahead, the
accumulation will spiral upward, especially
because of increased efficiency in the arrest
of particulate matter in the boiler plant op-
eration. Modern precipitators can trap as
much as 99.5 per cent of the fly ash that
occurs in combustion. Used advantageously,
this material can help defray the cost of ex-
pensive air pollution control equipment.
Costs of disposing of fly ash are estimated
at from 50 cents to $2 a ton, depending
largely upon the distance it must be hauled.
Mere eradication of this expense can bring
important savings to electric companies;
when demand for the by-prouduct is es-
tablished, sales will further reduce Opera-
tional costs and, in effect, strengthen coal's
competitive position in the utility market.
The brick-making project at West Virginia
University appears to have outstanding po-
tential. In planning a production of 1,000
cured bricks and 8,000 uncured bricks per
eight-hour day, the university will demon-
strate the value of the process to commer-
cial firms. Experimentations to ? date have
indicated that the coal-based bricks can
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21426 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE September 13, 19 6i'6
meet or exceed all standard requirements,
and the cost of producing them will be rea-
sonable and competitive.
HOW FLY ASH MAY BE USED
Whatever the outcome of this project,
however, there are already numerous proven
uses for fly ash, but the value of the product
is not likely to be quickly recognized with-
out proper marketing stimulus on the part
of the coal, and electric industries.
A unique pamphlet published by the Balti-
more Gas and Electric Company points out
that, when fly ash is mixed with cement, the
end product contains these features:
Improved Workability. Concrete in the
plastic state flows more readily and finishes
better when it contains fly ash. It is more
cohesive and plastic and is less prone to
segregation and bleeding. Less vibration is
required when concrete contains fly ash.
Better Appearance. Smoother surface with
less cracking. Fewer voids and sharper
edges.
Lower Permeability. Fly ash concrete
shows less susceptibility to water penetra-
tion. This is of particular importance when
concrete is in contact with sea water.
Improved Chemical Stability. Many tests
have shown that fly ash concrete resists the
action of sulphates and sulphuric acid.
Less Heat of Hydration. Fly ash concrete
demonstrates as m?ch as 25 per cent less
temperature rise when compared with con-
crete that does not contain fly ash. This
feature Is of considerable value in mass
concrete.
Lower Shrinkage. Fly ash concrete shows
less tendency for cracking during the initial
setting and drying.
Continued Strength Gain. The pozzolanic
action of fly ash concrete continues over
many' years and insures higher ultimate
strength than all cement concrete.
More Uniform Color. The presence of fly
ash in a concrete mix produces 4 more uni-
form color.
Resistance to Thermal and Chemical Ef-
fects. Fly ash concrete is more resistant to
freezing and thawing and to salts used as
ice removers.
Fly ash has been used as a concrete rein-
forcement in the construction of some of
the world's largest dams. It has added years
to the life of the concrete highway. It
serves as a mineral filler In asphalt paving.
The Santa Fe Railway is using it to stabilize
its roadbed.
GREATER UTILIZATION IS FORTHCOMING
J. P. Capp, chemical engineer at the Mor-
gantown (West Virginia) Coal Research Cen-
ter, U.S. Department of the Interior, foresees
a multimillion-ton outlet for fly ash in light-
weight aggregate, which currently accounts
for more than one-third of fly ash consump-
tion in this country. Consolidated Edison
Company is operating a lightweight, aggre-
gate sintering plant in New York city, and
another such plant is in operation near De-
troit Edison's River Rouge facility.
Smaller sintering plants are producing on
a semipilot-plant scale in Detroit and Phila-
delphia.
The potential would seem almost unlim-
ited, yet activity in fly ash utilization con-
tinues uninspiring. In an effort to spur its
use, I have recently appealed to the Secre-
tary of Commerce, who is authorized under
the Appalachian Development Act to require
each participating state, to the maximum
extent possible, to use coal derivatives for
purposes of research and development in the
construction of highways and roads. The
initial results are encouraging and hope-
fully will prompt states outside Appalachia
to take advantage of fly ash availability at
generating stations within proximity of the
highways they are building or planning.
Earlier this year Robert E. Lee tall, vice
president of the. National Coal Association,
told the Electric Club of Los. Angeles that
use of coal by southern California utilities
will open the way for utilization of fly ash
in that area's building industry. He pre-
dicted that introduction of fly ash to West
coast industry will begin as soon as the
Southern California Edison Company plant
in Clark county, Nevada, goes into operation.
The economic benefits of fly ash may have
been established nationally when the Clark
county station goes on the line four or five
years hence. But, meanwhile, neither coal
nor the utilities should be satisfied with the
present pace of fly ash sales. Experience in-
dicates that proper promotion would more
than pay for itself.
WHAT'S HAPPENED TO RESPECT
FOR LAW AND ORDER?
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, with an
alarming increase in the crime rate in
the country, as reflected by the reports of
the Federal Bureau of Investigation, it is
reassuring to read of a citizen's pride
which results from respect for law and
order.
That pride is expressed in an article,
entitled "What's Happened to Respect for
Law and Order?" written by Senator
ROBERT BYRD of West Virginia and ap-
pearing in the September 1966, edition
of Future magazine. The magazine is
published by the U.S. Junior Chamber of
Commerce.
I ask unanimous consent to have the
article printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
WHAT'S HAPPENED TO RESPECT FOR LAW AND
ORDER?
(By Senator ROBERT C. BYRD, Democrat, West
Virginia)
A serious domestic crisis Is facing our Na-
tion today. I refer not only to the crime
crisis as it appears in widely publicized sta-
tistics and to the fact that the rate of serious
crime has increaseed six times faster than the
rate of our population growth since 1958.
I refer to the dangerous breakdown of re-
spect for law and order sweeping this Country
today which recently has shown itself in the
demonstrations in "protest" of the foreign
policies of our Federal government, specifical-
ly giving aid and comfort to the Communists
by opposition to our military efforts in Viet
Nam.
The- freedom to protest has become, at the
least, a means of cheap exhibitionism for
restless, unoccupied adolescents; and more
fearfully, a way of denigrating our carefully
conceived national policies and a cause of
suffering and death.
With respect to those who counsel and per-
petrate unlawful acts, Americans must react
sternness
and speed in the
with vigilance
,
,
dispensing of just and legal action for the l the firm foundation upon which our Repub-
r .. F t is rests.
respect and significance. Recent events have
emphasized that there has been a violent
breach of two cardinal principles of our
American society-the respect for law and
order and the recourse to orderly process of
law to seek redress of wrongs.
A line from the creed of the U.S. Jaycees
affirms, "That government should be of laws
rather than of men." I am sometimes led
to wonder whether the people-most of them
quite young-who are attacking this coun-
try, its laws, and its foreign polices have
heard. of Hitler and Stalin and Mussolini, if
they have any conception of the kind of gov-
ernment that would result if they were suc-
cessful in their attempts to undermine the
laws, to discredit the men who endanger
their lives to enforce these laws, and to cause
doubt and disaffection among those men
who stalwartly serve in support of our Na-
tion's military commitments. The govern-
ment of men inevitably follows the failure
of the government of laws,
The time has come for the lawabiding
citizens of this country to realize that law
and order are as vulnerable as they are val-
uable, and with this in mind, to put their
full weight behind the laws and those men
who enforce them. The members of the
progressive organization, the United States
Jaycees, are ideally suited to show the way.
The Nation needs your help.
I have been very interested to learn about
the Jaycees' statewide project in Wisconsin
to rally public support behind the police. I
understand this project is extremely success-
ful, and that other Jaycee organizations are
considering initiating similar ones. I would
strongly encourage them to do so.
At one time, a suggestion was advanced in
the District of Columbia that a campaign be
undertaken to enlist the active support of
the business and professional community
in combating crime, in the belief that this
could make an immense contribution to
justice in the community.
It is my belief that, on a national scale,
an intensive effort toward encouraging sup-
port of and cooperation with the police and
other law enforcement officers would be an
effective element in the prevention of crime.
Moreover, I believe that if the Jaycees would
so desire to undertake the organization. of
such effort, and could campaign to increase
public support for law observance and
greater responsibility of action in support of
duly constituted authority, they would prove
to be a truly independent and effective voice
In encouraging decency of public action and
in protecting the civil rights of all, the ma-
jority as well as the minority.
The U.S. Jaycees represent the very op-
posite end ofthe pole from these dangerous
and irresponsible elements of society about
which I have been talking. Your goal is serv-
ice, to the community and to humanity. We
need more people In this country today who
equate freedom with responsibility, or we
will soon be in danger of losing both.
Western civilization cannot endure with-
out preserving Its basic principles of justice
and humanity for all, and our American so-
ciety cannot endure if it drifts into lethargic
acceptance of breaches in the strong body of
our law, as based on our Constitution.
When we reach the stage where some peo-
ple can break the law without punishment in
the name of individual freedom, then it is
obvious who will be the loser. The loser will
be John Q. Citizen-you and me, our wives
and children, old and young, black and
white, in cities and hamlets all over America.
The law is the buttress of individual free-
dom, the citadel of civil rights, the bulwark
of the private citizen against tyranny, and
EDITORIAL COMMENT ON SOUTH
VIETNAM ELECTION
Mr. McGEE. Mr. President, the most
encouraging participation of the South
Vietnamese people in Sunday's election
has drawn wide notice, as indeed it
should. That this was a triumph giving
rise to the hope that a government which
can stand the most critical test of its
legitimacy Is quite clear.
Among the notices given this promising
turn of events in Vietnam were the edi-
torials of the three daily newspapers of
Washington. I ask unanimous consent
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September 13, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
that the editorials published in the
Evening Star and the Daily News of Mon-
day an in today's Washington Post be
printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorials
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Washington (D.C.) Star, Sept. 12,
19661
THE VOTE IN VIETNAM
The turnout in the South Vietnamese elec-
tion-some 80 percent of the eligible voters-
is being hailed with ample justification as
a victory for the Saigon government and,
indirectly, for the United States.
It is a victory because the Viet Cong tried,
and failed, to so intimidate the voters that
they would stay away from the polls. To a
lesser degree it is also a victory because
Buddhist elements tried, and failed, to per-
suade the people to boycott the elections.
Most observers, in these circumstances, would
have been sa.tisfied with a 60 percent turn-
out. Anything in excess of that can properly
be regarded as a welcome bonus.
It is too early, of course, to know what the
heavy vote means in terms of support for or
opposition to the Saigon government and its
conduct of the war. The purpose of this
election was to choose members of a con-
stituent assembly which is expected to draft
a new constitution by next March. After
that will come the selection of a legislative
assembly to restore civilian rule to South
Viet Nam. These are the significant tgsts of
what the shape of the political future will be.
None of this, however, detracts from the
importance of the response by the South
Vietnamese to this opportunity to demon-
strate their interest in making a political
choice. Had the voter turnout been small,
that would have been seized upon as evi-
dence that the people were fed up and wanted
nothing more than to be left alone. Certainly
this is what Hanoi hoped for in its effort
to keep the voters away from the polls. That
it didn't happen, that the people turned out
in record numbers despite the years of war,
privation and oppression, is a heartening in-
dication that the South Vietnamese believe
the future holds something better for them
thail submission to the-agony of Communist
domination.
[From the Washington (D.C.) Daily News,
Sept. 12, 1966]
SMASHING VICTORY IN VIETNAM
What took place in South Viet Nam yes-
terday was the most reassuring, progressive
and promising thing that has happened
there in years. Surpassing all predictions,
over three-fourths of the country's registered
voters went to the polls to elect a national
assembly. The enormous turnout means a
smashing victory for the Saigon government,
and a clear defeat for the communists.
For weeks communist agents, following
Hanoi's line, had been calling on South Viet-
namese to boycott and "crush" the "sham
elections," and backed up their demand with
threatened, and actual, terror attacks. The
militant Buddhist monks also tried to un-
dercut the elections by urging on followers
"non-co-operation" toward the balloting.
The names of yesterday's winners won't be
known until later this week, but the massive
turnout, witnessed and verified by a host of
foreign observers, means a government vic-
tory, ' By that we don't mean, necessarily,
a victory for Prime Minister Ky and the
ruling generals. We mean a declaration of
loyalty to and faith in those men in author-
ity who, for all their faults and shortcomings,
represent the non-Communist alternative.
We have long believed the South Viet-
namese people are basically against the Viet
Cong, because they know their aims and
their methods. Despite many disappoint-
ments, they are disposed to look to Saigon
for the answer to the communists. That is
what this election means: that millions of
Vietnamese overcame their skepticism and
apathy-and fear of Viet Cong retaliation-
to register their faith in a non-communist
future for their country.
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post,
Sept. 13, 1966]
SOUTH VIETNAM'S ELECTION
The large vote in the South Vietnamese
elections is a triumph for the government,
more complete than anyone would have
dared predict in advance. If the country
were as completely dominated by the Viet-
cong as some critics have alleged, such a
turnout would have been impossible.
The big vote, in the face of Vietcong terror,
is at once a revelation of the weakness of the
dissidents and a vindication of the political
awareness of the rank-and-file of the.peo-
ple. The world has learned enough about so-
called "elections" in Communist and Fascist
states, to know that elections can be man-
aged. It is sufficiently familiar with elec-
toral frauds to know that elections in which
voters have no alternative to a dictated slate
may not be a meaningful index of the extent
that democracy prevails.
In this election, however, the fact of vot-
ing in itself disclosed something about af-
fairs in the country-whatever the voters
voted for or against. To participate in the
election at all was to defy the Vietcong, to
repudiate its methods and to opt for the al-
ternative offered by the government.
It is what the elected Constituent Assem-
bly does that will fix the place of this elec-
tion in history, of course. The opportunity
now exists to establish in South Vietnam a
government with the priceless endowment of
legitimacy. No Communist critic can chal-
lenge successfully or convincingly the cred-
entials of this elected body. It has a better
claim to sovereignty than critical govern-
ments where the voting has been by bullet
and not by ballot.
It will be difficult for the Constituent As-
sembly to perfect a constitution acceptable
to all the people, or to an overwhelming ma-
jority of them. It will be hard to get a new
government, functioning under the constitu-
tion, launched in the midst of war and rebel-
lion. But the people of South Vietnam have
made a brave beginning that is a credit to
them,
INTRODUCTION OF SENATOR ERVIN
TO NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF
RAILROAD TRIAL COUNSEL
Mr. TALMADGE. Mr. President, on
August 22, the distinguished Senator
from North Carolina [Mr. ERVIN] ad-
dressed the National Association of Rail-
road Trial Counsel in White Sulphur
Springs, W. Va. He was introduced by
our mutual friend, Charles J. Bloch, of
Macon, Ga.
Mr. Bloch's introduction of Senator
ERVIN was a well-deserved tribute to one
of the most outstanding and dedicated
Members of this body, whose vast knowl-
edge of the law and unswerving allegi-
ance to sound constitutional government
have served the Senate and the Nation
with great distinction for many years.
I ask unanimous consent that Mr.
Bloch's introduction of Senator ERVIN be
printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the intro-
duction was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
If there ever was a time in the history of
the American Republic in which leadership
was needed, it is now.
21427
And, if there was ever a man fully endowed
and equipped for such leadership, it is our
speaker this morning.
Essential qualifications for such leadership
are (1) Birth and heredity which have
familiarized the man with the fundamental
principles of American government: (2)
Courage; (3) Integrity; (4) Intelligence, (5)
Experience.
Seldom are such characteristics combined
in one man. If and when they are, there
should be your leader.
Born in Morganton, North Carolina, grad-
uated from University of North Carolina in
1917, SAM ERVIN, JR., son of a distinguished
North Carolina lawyer, served in France with
the famed First Division in World War I.
Twice wounded, twice cited for gallantry, he
returned to complete his legal education at
Harvard and to marry his boyhood sweet-
heart, who is here today. Practicing in the
place of his birth, as A.D.C. of Southern
Railway Company for one of his clients, he
served his country i the North Carolina
Legislature and as a superior Court Judge;
then his district as a Representative in Con-
gress; then for six years as a Justice of the
Supreme Court of North Carolina. On June
11, 1954, he was appointed U.S. Senator from
North Carolina. Reelected that autumn,
and again in 1956 and 1962, today he serves
his State and Nation as U.S. Senator and as
a member of its Judiciary Committee and
Chairman of its Committee on Constitu-
tional Rights. He has been cited by the
American Legion for "devotion to the Con-
stitution"; by the Patriotic Order of Sons of
America "for great and inspiring public
services"; by the U.D.C. for defense of Con-
stitutional Rights. I, to you, cite him as the
outstanding American of today, possessing to
a unique degree those essential characteris-
tics of leadership America so sorely needs-
my dear friend, U.S. Senator SAM J. ERVIN,
JR., of North Carolina.
WIRTZ SUPPORTS WAGE GUIDE-
LINE ADJUSTMENT FOR COST OF
LIVING
Mr. PROXMIRE. I thank the Sen-
ator from Colorado for his generosity in
yielding to me.
Mr. President, I was delighted to notice
in this morning's New York Times that
the Secretary of Labor, Mr. Wirtz, has
formally and publicly committed himself
to an adjustment of the wage-price
guidelines to include the increase in the
cost of living.
This is mighty welcome news. To my
knowledge, the administration has not
previously recognized the inequity that
the wage-price guideline represents for,
the workingman who is held to a wage
increase that may be exceeded - by the
rise in the cost of living.
At yesterday's House hearings on
wage-price guidelines, Economist Ger-
hard Colm suggested that part of the in-
crease in the cost- of living be permitted
above the strict productivity guideline,
but not the entire cost.
Mr. President, it is most important for
the President and Congress to recognize
the' present wage-price guideline in-
equity for two reasons :
First, unless we do recognize it, the
injustice of the present administration
of the wage-price guideline will kill the
whole concept. This would be unfortu-
nate. Since President Kennedy insti-
tuted the concept, it has served the coun-
try well, in spite of the severe criticism
it has suffered. In a period of tight de-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD --SENATE September 13, 1.966
mand, falliig unemployment, rising uti-
lization of plant capacity, it has kept the
rise in the cost of living, well below what
it was in the years prior to its conception.
Second, the guidelines as presently
administered represent a clear inequity.
The worker producing more will actually
receive less in real wages if prices rise
more rapidly than the guideline. Even
if the cost of living rises less rapidly, it
erodes the productivity increase the
worker has earned.
Secretary Wirtz' suggestion would meet
this weakness and correct it.
., I ask unanimous consent that the ar-
ticle in the New York Times, reporting
Secretary Wirtz' commitment, be printed
at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
GUIDEPOST CHANGE BACKED BY WIRTZ-COST-
OF-LIVING RISES WOULD BE FACTOR IN PAY
RAISES
(By Eileen Shanahan)
WASHINGTON, September 12.-Labor Secre-
tary W. Willard Wirtz endorsed today a
basic change in the Administration's anti-
Inflationary wage-price guideposts. The
change would recognize a rise in the cost of
living as a valid basis for union wage
increases.
Mr. Wirtz told a House government opera-
tions subcommittee that he subscribed
"completely" to the idea that the guideposts
should be amended to take consumer price
increases at least partly into account when
determining what a fair wage increase was.
Union leaders have generally argued that
the guideposts should allow wage increases
that fully reflect increases in consumer
prices, plus the improved productiveness of
workers.
Productiveness is the only guidepost test
now.
The proposal for a cost-of-living amend-
ment to the guideposts was made by HENRY
S. Rsuss, Democrat of Wisconsin, who con-
ducted the subcommittee's hearings on plans
to Improve the guideposts,
Mr. Wirtz received no support for his view
from the other Administration official who
testified at the hearing Gardner Ackley,
chairman of the President's Council of Eco-
nomic Advisers. On the other land, Mr.
Ackley did not express disagreement either.
Instead, he begged off any discussion of
revisions of the guideposts in language that
suggested-but did not clearly say-that the
Administration might be considering a cost-
of-living amendment.
"The price increases, Mr. Ackley said, "that
have raised the workers' cost of living have
,undeniably made it more difficult to ask-
and surely more difficult to expect-orga-
nized workers to refrain from seeking not
only wages that would be consistent with
cost stability but something more to offset
all or part of the rise in consumer prices.
"However, I know that you will not ask
me to discuss whether we may contemplate
proposing any temporary departure from the
pure productivity standard for wage in-
creases in the face of this rise in living
costs."
The reasoning behind a partial, but not
complete, recognition of cost-of-living in-
creases in the wage guidepost formula was
outlined by another subcommittee witness,
Gerhard Colm, chief economist of the Na-
tional Planning Association.
The guideposts, he said, "were formulated
under the assumption that price stability
could be maintained," but "price stability
has not been maintained."
'.'By allowing, partial--not complete-
adjustment to actual and prospective in-
Creases in the cost of living, [unionized]
workers in any one industry are not made
to bear the full burden of society's failure
to stabilize prices," Mr. Colin declared. "But
they are also not permitted to pass this bur-
den on entirely to other groups in the popu-
lation with less flexible incomes."
PRICE INDEX RISES
The discussion of the cost of living oc-
curred as the Labor Department was report-
ing that the index of wholesale prices rose
again in August for the fifth straiight month,
Increases in the Wholesale Price Index are
generally followed by increases in consumer
prices a few months later.
The rise in August was an unusually large
one, four-tenths of a point, and brought the
Wholesale Price Index to 106.8, with the
average prices of the 1957-59 period taken
as the base of 100. The index was nearly
4 per cent higher than in August a year ago.
The rise In August was entirely confined to
foods and farm products, which rose 1.4
points to 111.3.
Although food price increases affect con-
sumer budgets, they are often caused by
purely seasonal factors or such noneconomic
influgnces as drought. Economists, there-
fore, tend to look more at industrial prices
in determining whether there are general in-
flationary pressures in the economy.
The index of wholesale prices of industrial
commodities remained unchanged in August,
at 105.2, marking the first month since last
December that this index did not rise.
The hearings before the government oper-
ations subcommittee today focused mainly
on a plan to make the wage-price guideposts
more effective, rather than ideas for amend-
ing them.
All: the witnesses expressed some doubt
about legislation sponsored by Mr. REUSS
and Senator JOSEPH S. CLARK, Democrat of
Pennsylvania, which would give Congress a
hand in deciding the size of wage increases to
be permitted under guidelines.
Except for Dr. Carl II. Madden, the chief
economist for the Chamber of Commerce of
the United States, all the witnesses said they
thought it would be desirable for Congress
to hold hearings on the guideposts annually,
in the Interest of public education and to
give labor and management their say on the
subject.
However, Mr. Ackley and Mr. Wirtz agreed
that there were defects in the idea of per-
mitting Congress to revise the President's
guideposts.
Dr. Madden expressed fears that Mr.
R-uss's proposal would lead to making the
guideposts mandatory, not voluntary as they
are now. He said Government reliance on
the guideposts to control inflation bad lead
the Government "to shirk its responsibility
to do something about the cause of infla-
tion--o verspendi ng."
THE AMERICAN INDIAN-ONCE
FIRST-NOW LAST
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, in head-
lining its September issue editorial, the
Plainsman magazine, published in Oma-
ha, Nebr., states:
Our "Earliest Americans" really might de-
serve a bit more attention than they now
receive.
The editorial kicks off a most inter-
esting and enlightening discussion. of the
problems confronting the American In-
dian. The editorial; an excellent article
by Robert Savage, entitled "The Proud,
Fierce Sioux: Where Are They Today?"
and an interview with Indian Affairs
Commissioner Robert L. Bennett by
Washington correspondent Kenneth,
Scheibel constitute an important docu-
mentation of the victimization of the
Indian by the white man when his lands
were taken and the tribes were shunted
off onto reservations.
That part, of course, is well-known
history, but it is worth recalling over
and over to demonstrate that there is a
continuing obligation on this country to
take whatever steps are required to
achieve the equality of opportunity
which has been denied for so long. This
record should also warn us all against
too much paternalism by the Federal
Government and the devastating conse-
quences of suppressing the initiative and
circumscribing the freedoms of any race
or any segment of our society.
With respect to that obligation, the
interview with Mr. Bennett, as well as
Mr. Savage's assessment, outline some
of the steps which are being taken and
review some of the possibilities which
are available or which can be developed
to help the Indians help themselves.
Mr. President, in my capacity as the
ranking minority member of the Appro-
priations Subcommittee on Department
of the Interior Matters, I am familiar
with the programs and the effort which
have been and are being made for the
Indians of America, of which a large
number reside in my State of South
Dakota.
Some of these activities have o?rig-
inated with officials of the Bureau of
Indian Affairs, some have been devel-
oped from ideas presented by the In-
dians and their tribal officials, other rec-
ommendations have come from the
membership of our Appropriations sub-
committee itself, as we all strive to move
forward in this problem of vital concern.
To those who serve on the subcom-
mittee the articles to which I invite the
attention of the Senate are familiar sub-
jects. Those who do not serve on the
subcommittee or on other committees
which have a relationship to the prob-
lems of the American Indian will, I be-
lieve, find in these articles information
of great interest, and I am pleased to
bring them to the attention of the Senate.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have the editorial, the article,
and the interview printed at this point
in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the edito-
rial, article, and interview were ordered
to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:
[From the Plainsman, September 1966]
OUR "EARLIEST AMERICANS" REALLY MIGHT
DESERVE A BIT MORE ATTENTION THAN THEY
NOW RECEIVE
The American Indian, who represents a
widely-neglected minority race amid several
years of hue and cry for civil liberties, for
equal rights and Opportunities among Negro
Americans, Mexicans and Puero Ricans, has
been chosen for study in some depth by the
Plainsman since we feel that his story often
has been ignored, in at least three of our
so-called long, hot summers.
The Indian people, representing the tribes
that we know so well in the Great Plains,
have not participated apparently in the sit-
ins,- sit-downs, the chain-ins, marches, the
flag waving, speech-making and even rioting
that has erupted so violently and so fearfully
in the major cities of the North.
Perhaps this Is due to three factors:
First, the Plains Indian is not in a large
measure a city dweller, where much of the
racial turmoil has inspired continual and
decidedly dismal headlines.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE September 13, 1966
sharply criticized by George Baldanzi, Inter-
national President of the United Textile
Workers of America, in a speech to some 250
delegates from 75 locals at the union's an-
nual Southern conference, held Sept. 9-11
at the Mountain View Hotel.
Noting that Rep. CURTIS is one of four U.S.
government advisers to the Kennedy round
of tariff-cutting talks now in progress in
Geneva, Baldanzi called on the Johnson ad-
ministration to "repudiate Cua'is's views as
contrary to U.S. policy and to do everything
possible to protect the American textile
worker and the American textile industry
against unfair foreign competition rooted in
greed, exploitation and substandard wages."
"If the Curtis program is adopted," Bal-
danzi said, "thousands of American textile
workers will lose their jobs. The scrapping
of international agreements would intensify
the drive of the American textile industry, in
its struggle to survive against foreign compe-
tition, to introduce automated methods of
production In a haphazard manner, without
proper planning, the chief victim of which
would be the American textile worker."
Baldanzi, who is also a member of the
Management-Labor Textile Advisory Com-
mittee, which advises the Government on
matters concerning the cotton textile indus-
try, noted that in the speech In which Rep.
CuRTis proposed that all international tex-
tile agreements be terminated, the congress-
man suggested that the American industry
export some of its know-how and capital to
lesser-developed countries to produce textiles
for sale there. Such a movement, Mr. CuRTIS
said, would mean that these American firms
could remain prosperous, pay high dividends
to their stockholders, contribute to the de-
velopment of needy countries and promote
more economic use of world resources.
"Nowhere", Baldanzi said, "does Mr. CURTIS
express any concern for the American textile
worker. Apparently he is to be abandoned
and thrown out of work, while industry sends
its know-how and capital to other countries
where it can take advantage of the substand-
ard wages available there."
"It is no secret," Baldanzi said, "that
textile machinery of the latest design is
available to everyone. The raw materials
needed in the manufacture of textiles, spe-
cifically cotton, are available to everyone
at the same price in the world market. Ex-
pert knowledge is likewise universally avail-
able. Thus, given equal access to machinery,
raw materials and technical information, the
foreign manufacturer has just one advantage
over his American competitor-the sub-
standard wages he pays his workers. Is it
these substandard wages that Mr. CuRTrs
finds so attractive when he suggests that
American industry export its know-how and
capital?
"We believe that the American textile
worker and the American textile industry
can compete with any textile worker and
any textile industry anywhere in the world,
provided they do not have to compete with
low wages. If wages elsewhere were raised
to American levels, then the American textile
worker and the American textile industry
could withstand competition from any
source.
"The United Textile Workers of America
would agree to the abolition of all restrictive
tariffs if a world-wide system of equitable
standards were established. But under pres-
ent conditions the only way to protect the
jobs of American textile workers against
unfair foreign competition is through the
estali'hshment of quotas by category for every
branch of the textile industry--cotton, wool,
synthetics, etc."
Baldanzi said that if the Curtis program
were adopted, "and apparently the Congress-
man does not confine his proposals to the
textile industry, perhaps millions of Ameri-
can workers would lose their jobs, and this
could lead to serious economic and social
unrest.' This no American worker-whether
organized or unorganized, whether in the
textile, or any other, industry-will tolerate."
Delegates to the three-day conference
represented members of the United Textile
Workers of America in Kentucky, Tennessee,
Virginia, North and South Carolina, Georgia,
and Alabama. Speakers, in addition to
Baldanzi, were International Secretary-
Treasurer Francis Schaufenbil, regional and
legislative directors of the union, and repre-
sentatives of various federal and state agen-
cies. The members of the union's Southern
organizing and administrative staff also par-
ticipated in the conference.
I cite the entire news release to em-
phasize the high character of the par-
ticipants and the time given to labor's
involvement, and sense of responsibility
to the textile industry-the problems of
which are a standing concern of this
Senate.
Mr. President, I conclude by saying
that while this is sharp language and
very emphatic language, I agree with the
tone and the essence and the content of
that release. I hope that those who
represent sections of the country which
do not have the economic problem that
we have experienced in Rhode Island
would read and reread and give some
heed to the statement made by Mr.
Baldanzi.
In States like mine where vital textile
mills have been closed and thousands of
textile workers have been put out of their
jobs-even when other American indus-
try was enjoying a boom-this matter of
textile imports and foreign textile com-
petition, in general, pose a threat to peace
of mind, certainty of a job and security
of the home-let alone the security of a
natioxi to which textiles is second only to
PORT FOR U.S. COMMITMENT IN
VIETNAM
Mr. DODD. Mr. President, the critics
of our commitment in Vietnam have
sought to convey the impression that
little support exists for this commitment
elsewhere in the world.
That this is clearly untrue has been
made evident many times. In fact, it
often seems that foreign observers view
events in Vietnam with more real under-
standing of the stakes in that conflict
than do many American critics.
In a recent editorial, entitled "This Is
the Third World War," a leading English
magazine, the Economist, describes the
reason for standing firm in Vietnam and
making it clear, at this time and place,
that aggression will not be permitted to
succeed:
China has nominated Vietnam as a test-
case for what it claims to be a new kind of
war. It is a land war, fought by relatively
small formations of very brave men who are
prepared to persist for years with the tactics
of ambush and terrorism until the other
side's nerve cracks. Those who believe that
this technique of "people's war" should be
opposed, because its aim is to set up an ac-
ceptable form of society, have little choice
but to fight it on its own terms: that is, by
a land war.
The Economist points out that it is not
"the right war, in the right place," and
notes that "Defensive wars seldom are."
If Vietnam were to fall to the Commu-
nists, this would simply initiate similar
attempts at power throughout Asia,
Africa, and Latin America. To critics of
the American commitment, the Econ-
omist poses this question:
The deal the Americans cannot reasonably
be asked to strike is one that threatens to sell
the pass to the whole southern Asia. This Is
Mr. Johnson's enormous problem. It is also
the problem of those who criticize his deci-
sion to take America into the war. Those of
them-an increasing number-who agree
that America has a responsibility towards the
non-Communist nations of Asia cannot
dodge the question it poses. How else can
you suggest holding the line, if not by fight-
ing in Vietnam?
I wish to share this important article
with all Senators, and therefore ask
unanimous consent that it be printed at
this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows :
THIS IS THE THIRD WORLD WAR
There is no Mao but Mao, and Lin Piao is
his prophet.
That is what the past week's events in
Peking (see page 719) boil down to. The
communique from the Chinese communists'
central committee at the weekend, followed
by the ominously martial rally in Peking on
Thursday, with a uniformed Mao Tse-tung
presenting his "close friend in combat" Lin
Plao to the people, mark out unmistakably
the path Mao means China to follow. It was
predictable that the central committee, in
the sort of words Stalin once made Russians
use about him, would duly declare Mao Tse-
tung a genius, "the greatest marxist-leninist
of our era." After the Mao-organised purges
of the last four months, and his baptism
in the Yangtse last month, this was inevi-
table. Like all monopolists of temporal
power, from the Roman emperors to Stalin,
Mao is spending his last years in arranging
to become a god.
What was not Inevitable is the emergence
of Marshal Lin Piao as China's number two,
and the meaning this has for China's foreign
policy. The only other Chinese mentioned
by name among the encomiums to Mao in the
central committee's communique-and
twice at that-is Lin Piao. At Thursday's
rally in Peking it was Lin Piao who took
precedence immediately after Mao himself,
before the country's president and prime
minister and the communist party's secre-
tary-general. It was Lin Piao who made
the main speech under the approving gaze
of Chairman Mao. Sick man or not, palely
self-effacing or not, the defence minister
has risen to the rank of Mao's chief assist-
ant and his successor-apparent. He has
done this partly because he can speak for
the army, and partly because he has loyally
used the army as a guinea-pig for the "cul-
tural revolution" dose of salts with which
Mao is now purging the whole country. But
Lin Plao has probably risen for another rea-
son too, and this is bad news.
A year ago Lin Piao wrote the famous ar-
ticle, "On People's War," which said that
China's foreign policy was to encourage
guerrilla wars In the "countryside of the
world"-Asia, Africa and Latin America-in
order to encircle and destroy the imperial-
ists In the "cities of the world," north
America and western Europe. The year
that has passed since Lin Piao wrote his
article has been a bad one for China's for-
eign policy, in Indonesia, in Africa and now
even in North Korea (see page 721). It
would have been reasonable to expect China
to whistle its revolutionary tune under its
breath this year. Not a bit of it. The cen-
tral committee has picked out the Lin Piao
article for a pat on the back as a scientific
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September 13, I Y96 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD,- SENATE 21433
skills are very high in Indian men as well as Indians in his district is looking out for their It was because of the situation of unin-
women, and I think this represents a very welfare.
fertile field for the electronics industry and I would say the chairman of a subcommit- corporated communities such as Russia-
other industries that are looking for this par- tee and full committees, as well as mem- ville that I included a section in my com-
ticular kind of talent, bers of the Appropriations Committees of the Prehensive disaster relief bill, S. 1861,
Question. In other words, this Is a bur- Congress, are very sympathetic toward the which would allow such communities to
geoning opportunity for industry? Indian situation, qualify for Federal assistance.
Answer. Yes, the Indian people have the Question. Just a couple of more questions, Fortunately; Henry Palm sympa-
natural talent so that of their work f production is Mr. Commissioner. You mentioned the thetically took steps to expedite their
good and their quality gucd assets to industry a few minutes ago. Are on for assistance from the
RReWe have one industry on
In South Dakota hatPine Ridge & there any other strong points the Indian has? Farmers Home Administration when the
Wright Answer. Yes. I believe there are many
MacGill (fishing lures). They now have cultural traits which they have that I cer- town achieved incorporated status,
found greater production among Indian men tainly admire. One Is their concern for each Russiavilleas indeed grateful to Henry
and women and also they ship products other upon which is based a concept of shar- Palm for his understanding and coopera-
directly to the wholesale houses because it is ing, tion in matte. of this
not necessary to screen the work for in other words, they share what they have m itorioi s1S service, I Bask uunanimous
inperfections. with their neighbors. This came about, I
Question. Is the American Indian today believe, as a part of their built-in "social consent that the article ORECORD at Mr.
the Cede n-
geneally distrustful of attempts to help security system" which existed as a part of elusion of printed of full the RECORD
Well, I believe that the like to their Indian way of life. my remarks.
they For Instance, Indian children in their So- There being no objection, the article
take a look at any offers of help, because a ciety know who their next mother and father was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
lot of well-intentioned people who want to will be in case something has happened to as follows:
help Indians may not really be helping them their parents.
as far as the Indian people are concerned. Whereas-our system of taking children [From to Inianapolis (Ind.) Star-Sun,
Question. In other words, there seem to be and putting th+:~m into faster homes, to the Sept. 4, 19661
some do-gooders who tend to rub the hair Indian seems a cold-blooded way of handling RII$BTAVILLE GETS CAPITALS SYMPATHY PLUS BUREAUCRACY
CASfi FROM
the wrong way? children. So they have a built-in social ( By Ben n Cole)
Answer. Yes. We have some people with security system. (By Col)
good intentions who are not really helping Question. In other words there are things WAsxrxaToN.-When the Palm Sunday
the Indian people. Of course, this is not the white man could learn from them? tornado cut through Russiaville, Ind., in
true generally. Indian people more and more Answer. I would say this is true, 1965 It created a unique disaster relief prob-
like to have a say in their lives and this is
true, whether it is the Government or an_ Question. What would you say are the lem.
body else who offers to aid them. y major weaknesses of the American Indian? The Federal agencies that flew to the aid
Question. w In ers other words, ttheir hem.
pride is a Answer. I don't know if you should call of other Indiana cities gave Russiaville the
faQu ti her of helping the Indian it a weakness, but it is a definite problem, cold-shoulder, The little town was unin-i fa for In the to s tu help him? They have to understand our economic sus- corporated, and being so could not obtain
or trying
Answer, Yes, I believe this definitely has tern so to speak, so that they can participate Federal credit to rebuild its broken water
a bearing on the decisions that Indians make. in it. and sewer system, or restore other commu-
I believe that there is a growing tOur economic system c based upon pro- innity gt services.
among Indian people to make their own tendency n lactic., whereas their economic system is Town attorney Bob Kinsey Caine to Wash-
among Ind Herein Warrington, your way. based upon consumption-since they depend ington and went from door to door in the
Questio. is a few blocks from the White House, a few upon nature to provide them with the .eves- government office buildings, trying to get a
blocks from the Capitol-and a few hundred cities o} life, hearing,
Since this is no longer true the Kinsey y
yards from the banks of the Potomac River. y have to a last, thdiscovered Henry Palm.
Indian problems sometimes come into the tug undergo a radical
in change our in n ,om, own think- the chief rs the loan and grants division of
stream of political life of this city, as you to in our economic system, the Farmers Home Administration.
well know. Palm is one of those patient, understand-
How does President Johnson regard the In- ing Federal officials whose sense of duty goes
than problem? Is he aware of the scope of HENRY PALM, SYMPATHETIC DI- beyond merely what is set out in the code of
this situation? Is he interested in it? RECTOR OF ASSOCIATION LOAN ageNcy regulations.
Answer, The President definitely is per- DIVISION, F Now, let's see," he began. "Hmm. I
sonally aware of the situation and he made ARMERS HOME AD- think we can work this out .
public statements at the occasion of my MINISTRATION
F Palm helped Kinsey figure out how the
swearing-in ceremony in which he definitely Mr. BAYH. Mr. President, much of j armors Home Administration could assume
:mentioned not only the refources of the Bu- jurisdiction over year of destruction.
omen of Indian Affairs re the Interior De- the excellent work performed by Federal Last week after a year of red-tape cutting,
,eau nt, but he ars of a FInte ages- Government officials seldom receives Palm notified the town that he was making
partme $103,000 ,000
vies that have any kind of program which public attention. It is a pleasure for, a asiav ll
e to grant put and its $445
water an water non to enable
would have an impact on the Indian people me, therefore, to call attention to an tems operation.
sewer sys-
to see to it that the benefits of their pro- article which praises the fine, sympa- eu~s back into operation.
grams were made available to the Indian thetic performance by Mr. Henry Palm,
Question. What about Can Director of the Association Loan Division WORKERS OPPOSE TERMINATION
l:nQues on. (hands o Congress? gress? Do the of the Farmers Home Administration, in OF INTERNATIONAL TEXTILE
Answer. The attitude of Congress toward handling an appeal for special help from AGREEMENTS
the Indian people generally is very good, a small community in my State, Mr. re-
Indians have received sympathetic consid- The Indianapolis Star, on September Sntl PASTORS, Mr. President, re-
eration. There is legislation by the various 4, 1966, published an article under the o th r news release e from ex-
committees, and I believe that we have the byline of Ben Cole that reflected the
responsibility to keep Congress more in- Southern Conference of the United Tex
rso about the Indian Congress side of the Federal bureaucracy, tile M o u n t a i n e Workers of America, which was held
situation. Congress as this time is engaged in many The devasting Palm Sunday tornadoes T oho View Hated, the Gatlinburg
news re'
international problems, so it has to depend that raked the Midwest over a year ago lease Tenn' I should because I uld like think to it read makes es news t
upon the Indian people themselves and agen- left the town of Russiaville, Ind., in se, It
aces like ours to keep the Government up to shambles. Because this town of approxi- h cogent and relates to a matter that
date and informed on the Indian situation, mately 2,600 Hoosiers was unincorpo- has been discussed time and again on
As you know, we do have an Indian rep- rated, it lacked a major qualification for the floor of the Senate. It w a matter
resentative in the Congress from South Da- participation in Federal programs. The which affects jabs in my awn beloved
kola, Mr. Baas RErFEn, of the Rosebud Sioux town had no central water or sewer sys-
Tribe. State of Rhode Island. The release e
Question. Could you pick out any state or tem, and the prospects for rebuilding the presses the American view of view highest
delegation in Congress and say that this town into a prosperous community were value-the
worker on the jobutter view of the
group does more to help the Indian than indeed dim. textile wasr re the ob.
any one else? Town leaders labored in vain to locate The release reads: rece Answer. Well, this would be very difficult Federal programs that would provide the 'IS (R., MO.) calling for the termination of
to do because every Qangressman who has proposal by Rep. THOMAS B. CUR-
assistance needed for its reconstruction. all international textile agreements, was
No. 154---4
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September 13, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
analysis of "the world revolution of our
time." And Mao has picked out Lin Plao as
his ' chief assistant. The meaning is clear.
Mao Tse-tung, now almost mystical in his
certainty, is not backing down one Inch
from his hopes of ideological expansion.
This is the most important fact about Asia
today. It is the background against which
the debate on American policy in the Par
East has to be measured. Whether the
United States has a job to do in Asia is not,
at bottom, something to be decided in Wash-
ington. It has already been decided in Pe-
king. The Americans were a Pacific power
long before they became an Atlantic power.
In Europe they have generally had a com-
forting layer of friendly countries between
them and their main potential enemy, Ger-
many or Russia. Across the Pacific, there
is nothing but cold water. That is why the
Americans sent Commodore Perry to Japan
a century ago, when all they were asking of
Europe was to be left alone by it. It is why
they now have virtually no choice but to
resist what China is trying to do. No one
else can. It will take the other Asians at
least a decade to summon up the strength
to look after China themselves. The Brit-
ish are still snarled up in the non-sequitur
of thinking that belonging to Europe means
not belonging to the rest of the world. The
Russians took a long step in the right direc-
tion at Tashkent this year, when they de-
clared their interest in the stability of the
Indian subcontinent; but they have still not
been able to bring themselves to say out loud
that China's idea of universal revolution is
a hell of a way to run the world. They prob-
ably will in the end. But meantime the
Americans, and the Americans alone, are in
a position to do something about the prob-
lemman of the 1960s; Mao the evangelist,
with his hot gospel of guerrilla liberation
tucked under his arm.
None of this is really in dispute. Mr. Wal-
ter Lippmann, the most persistent and intel-
ligent of President Johnson's critics, agrees
that it is right for the United States to use
its strength to establish a balance of power
against the Chinese. The argument is about
how much strength will be needed, and where
it can best be applied.
It can be argued that in the end the whole
business of restraining China's missionary
zeal may turn out to be much easier than it
looks right now. China is a very poor coun-
try indeed. An article on page 720 argues
that its chances of ever becoming a rich one,
or even of building up a modestly successful
industry, are much dimmer than most peo-
ple have usually assumed. If China does re-
main a poor country, its hope of inspiring
revolutions all around the world will be ra-
tioned by the amount of help it can actually
send to would-be revolutionaries. And that,
to be fair to Mao, is all he aims to do. He is
not an expansionist In the sense of wanting
to push China's own territory beyond what
he considers its historic boundaries. He just
wants to spread the good word-but "out of
the barrel of a gun." Ten years hence, if
China is still too poor to export many guns
and many missionaries, Lin Piao's thesis
about "the revolution of our time" could look
as punctured as President Nasser's grandiose
aims of the 1950s look now. This Is the op-
timistic way of looking at things. There is
nothing wrong with hoping that the worst
will not happen. But it is not a basis for
policy. You look so stupid if the worst does
come. Until and unless there is solid evi-
dence that China does not intend to do what
Lin Piao says it wants to do, or cannot do it,
the only safe assumption for the Americans
or anybody else to make is that the Chinese
mean every word they say. That is where
any sober Asia-policy starts from.
That is where It starts from. Did it really
have to lead to what is happening in Viet-
nam? Mr Johnson's critics say that it need
not have done. But lately it has looked very
much as if some of the steam has been going
out of the critics' arguments. This is not
because they like this singularly beastly war
any better than they used to. Nobody does.
It is because, if one leaves aside the Marxists
and the honourable pacifists, a good many
of the critics are finding it increasingly hard
to disagree with the basic premise of Mr
Johnson's policy-that it is at present Amer-
ica's job to try to keep China's evangelism
under control. Having accepted that, they
then find it increasingly hard to suggest any
positive alternative to doing it in Vietnam.
And every time Mao Tse-tung does some-
thing that seems to justify everybody's worst
fears, the critics' job gets that much tougher.
Senator Fulbright, for instance, has not
taken direct issue with the policy for Asia
that President Johnson spelled out at White
Sulphur Springs on July 12th. He preferred
to argue that the President ought to have
consulted Congress first. It is an argument
that would have carried more weight if Mr
Truman had consulted Congress before de-
ciding that the Americans must take over
the job of defending Greece and Turkey- .
the "Truman doctrine'=in 1947. Mr Lipp-
mann, for his part, has walked into a couple
of traps. He tried to argue on July 26th
that there Is no connection between the
guerrilla war in Vietnam ("one small corner
of the world") and other possible guerrilla
wars that might follow it elsewhere. But
Marshal Lin Piao saw the connection all
right for China's purposes in the article on
"people's war" that the Peking central com-
mittee has just commended:
The people in other parts of the world
will see . that what the Vietnamese peo-
ple can do, they can do too.
That was one trap, and Mr Lippmann
dropped into it. The other is bigger and
deeper, and goes right down to the funda-
mental question about the whole war: how
can you defend the non-communist parts
of Asia unless you are ready to fight a war
In Asia? Mr Lippmann says, quite rightly,
that with the single exception of Korea in
1950 the United States has always avoided
land wars in Asia like the plague. So he
argues that the Americans should discharge
their responsibility to the Asians by means
of sea and air power alone-which means,
in effect, by air power deployed from air-
craft carriers and from islands off the Asian
mainland. But Mr Lippmann himself has
scathingly pointed out how limited the uses
of air power have been in Vietnam. If air
power has not yet succeeded in tipping the
scales in a war to which the Americans have
committed 300,000 troops, how on earth can
it protect non-communist Asia all by itself?
The blunt truth is that this Is now an
academic argument. China has nominated
Vietnam as a test-case for what it claims to
be a new kind of war. It Is a land war,
fought by relatively small formations of very
brave men who are prepared to persist for
years with the tactics of ambush and terror-
ism until the other side's nerve cracks.
Those who believe that this technique of
"people's war" should be opposed, because
its aim is to set up an unacceptable form
of society, have little choice but to fight it
on its own terms; that is, by a land war. It
is not the "right war in the right place."
Defensive wars seldom are. It is not the
sort of war that the Americans will be able
to bring themselves to fight time and time
again in other parts of the world. But if it
comes out right In Vietnam, it will with luck
not have to be fought all over again else-
where. If the dissident minority in South
Vietnam fails to take power by force of arms,
dissident minorities in other places will think
twice before they believe Lin Piao's tip that
they are on to a winner.
But If the technique of "people's war" does
succeed in Vietnam, the past week's events
in Peking will take on a new light. Those
who do not like the war in Vietnam, but
21435
equally do not want to see Mao Tse-tung's
beliefs sweeping across Asia in a wave of
guerrilla wars, have a duty to ask themselves
where else they think the wave can be stop-
ped. Thailand? But the non-Communist
Thais are not going to call for help from a
defeated-American army, and in any case it
is logistically much harder to get help into
Thailand than into Vietnam, Burma? Not
on the cards. India, then? But the mind
swerves away from the difficulty of doing any-
thing to help that fragile country if the guer-
rillas once get to work in West Bengal or
Kerala or wherever.
The fighting in Vietnam, it is said, could
grow into the third world war. In a sense, it
already is the third world war. It is not by
the Americans' choice that this has become
a testing-ground for the theories of Mao Tse-
tung and Lin Piao. It need not have been.
If there were any reasonable grounds for
thinking that a communist victory in Viet-
nam would not be followed by communist
bids for power in the rest of Asia-starting
in Thailand, and moving from there towards
India-it would not be necessary to make a
stand in Vietnam. It would not be necessary
if Lin Piao had not written what he has
written, and had not now been given Mao's
accolade for writing it. It would not be
necessary if Russia were able to assert its
authority over the communists of south-
east Asia and guarantee that a stable truce
line, like the line between the two parts of
Germany, could be drawn along the Mekong
between a communist Indochina and a non-
communist Thailand. If either of those
things applied, a. deal could be done in Viet-
nam tomorrow. The only losers would be
those South Vietnamese, Buddhists and
Catholics alike, who keep on telling anyone
who will listen that they do not want to be
ruled by communists. It would be a cynical
deal; but it could be struck,
The deal the Americans cannot reasonably
be asked to strike is one that threatens to
sell the pass to the whole of southern Asia.
This is Mr. Johnson's enormous problem.
It is also the problem of those who criticise
his decision to take America into the war.
Those of them-an increasing number-who
agree that America has a responsibility to-
wards the non-communist nations of Asia
cannot dodge the question it poses, How
else can you suggest holding the line, if not
by fighting in Vietnam?
THE PRESIDENT AND MRS. MARCOS,
OF THE PHILIPPINES, WILL VISIT
THE UNITED STATES
Mr. YARBOROUGH. Mr, President,
President and Mrs. Ferdinand Marcos;
of the Philippines, are to pay this Nation
a state visit this week. Our two coun-
tries have traditionally close ties, dating
back to 1895, and the Philippines in 1946
was the first Asian country granted its
political independence by a large power.
Americans vividly recall the role played
by the people of the Philippines in World
War II. President Marcos, the sixth
popularly elected Chief Executive of his
Country, is known as the most-
decorated Philippine soldier in that con-
flict.
President Marcos received 27 decora-
tions for his heroism. A survivor of the
Bataan death march, he joined the U.S.
Army as a lieutenant. He was wounded
five times, captured by the enemy and es-
caped to return to battle. His decora-
tions include the T..S. Silver Star and the
Distinguished Service Cross, and he at-
tained the rank of a full colonel.
President Marcos is a man not only of
physical bravery, but of outstanding in-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE September 13, 1966
tellectual ability. As a law student, he
was brilliant in his studies and passed
the bar examination with record high
marks. He has served in both branches
of the Philippine Congress and in numer-
ous official positions for his country.
The visit to this Nation comes almost
11 months after President Marcos was
elected to head his government by a
600,000-vote majority over his opponent.
Both he and his lovely wife are active in
state affairs.
I ask unanimous consent that an arti-
cle published in the September 11, 1966,
issue of Parade magazine, which tells of
the many fine accomplishments of this
visiting First Lady, be printed in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
-IMEI.DA MARCOS: THE FIRST LADY OF ASIA-
THIS BEAUTY AND HER HUSBAND, PRESI-
DENT OF THE PHILIPPINES, WILL PAY US
A STATE VISIT
(By Vera Glaser)
WASHINGTON, D.C.-Imelda Romualdez
Marcos, the brunette wife of the president of
the Philippines, who is about to visit the
U.S. comes on strong. Besides magnificent
honey-colored skin, eyes of fiery topaz and
the figure of a beauty queen, she has brains
and energy to boot.
When President and Mrs. Johnson get their
first look at "Meldy," as 32 million adoring
Filipinos call her, they will discover why she
is regarded in some quarters as the First Lady
of.Asia. Her style, cultural flair and interest
in much needed welfare projects, set against
the backdrop of the young democracy her
husband leads, have earned her comparison
with Jacqueline Kennedy and Eleanor Roose-
velt.
"It's a privilege to be associated with them,"
Mrs. Marcos said in rippling silk accents-her
folk singing on the campaign trail helped
elect her husband-"but I would rather be
myself."
At $6 Mrs. Marcos, mother of three Is the
glamorous teammate of 49-year-old Ferdi-
nand E. Marcos, World War II hero and po-
litical wonder boy, who was elected the Phil-
ippines' sixth president last November, oust-
ing incumbent Diosdado Macapagal. Over-
coming her early distaste for politics, she
barnstormed for her husband by plane, car,
jeep and outrigger canoe.
"He's hired a movie star," a political foe
charged after Mrs. Marcos had enchanted
voters by singing in Ilocano, the tongue of
her husband's province in northern Luzon,
and in her own Visayan dialect. In pointed
heels and bright Philippine terno, the tradi-
tional floor-length dress with butterfly
sleeves, she hiked back the rutted road to
prove she was really the candidate's wife.
Now she is official hostess at Malacafiang,
the rambling white presidential palace set
among acacias and circled by a wrought-iron
fence, in teeming, humid Manila. The
Palace was formerly the residence of Spanish
and U.S. governors. Choosing their private
apartment there was a problem, Mrs. Marcos
recalled humorously, 'because in one wing
of the Palace all the presidents died, and in
the other all the presidents lost."
Finally they settled on a four-bedroom
suite. There, in endless, animated private
talks, they mull over plans for their current
effort to renew Filipino pride in a national
heritage tracing back to 3000 B.C.
"You're In charge of culture and welfare,"
the president told his wife at his inaugural,
an event attended by Vice President and
Mrs. Hubert H. Humphrey.
Ina nation still battling poverty and cor-
ruption, the assignment might seem stag-
gering to anyone but "Meldy," who in less
than a year has lanuched a flurry of projects
which have captured the popular imagina-
tion, inspiring the "haves" to dig deep into
their pockets for her causes.
Her kickoff for a 35-million-peso cultural
center raised the first million in a single
night. She managed the feat, by gathering
political and social leadera"together for a gala
benefit of Flower Drum Song with an all-
Filipino cast. The remainder of the money
was collected from private sources in four
months, and construction on the combina-
tion theater, library, and museum is sche-
duled to begin shortly.
Now Mrs. Marcos is boosting a national
market for Philippine art and handicrafts.
In addition, she is up to her eyelashes in
promoting tourism, selling beautification
and coordinating a cradle-to-grave welfare
program for which private and government
agencies equally share the costs. Children,
juvenile delinquents, unwed mothers, pri-
soners, the mentally retarded and the aged,
all are due to benefit.
"When you are First Lady, you can work
yourself to death, or you can sleep," con-
tends Mrs. Marcos. "When I lie down even
for a minute, I tell myself I could be help-
ing a hundred, perhaps a thousand people,
In that time."
A BEATLE BOO-BOO
Filipinos respond with a fierce loyalty.
In July the Beatles, given the, red carpet
treatment on their arrival in Manila, were
lucky to get away alive after affronting the
First Lady by failing to keep a Palace
luncheon date. Shouts of "Scram!", "Get
out of our country!" and a score of unprint-
able curses were hurled by the angry crowd.
The mop-haired troupe was pushed and
shoved, and one of their party was kicked
to the ground. Police protection and other
courtesies were withdrawn.
Mrs. Marcos's warmth and charm are
lavished on friend and critic alike. When
the Philippine congress voted to send troops
to fight beside the U.S. In South Vietnam,
pro-Communist demonstrators picketed the
Palace. President Marcos called in the lead-
ers, but his wife ventured outside to wave
and smile to the pickets. Applauding, they
departed quickly.
Public life is not new to this First Lady.
She Is a member of the Romual.dez family
of Leyte, a powerful political clan which has
produced senators, congressmen, ambassa-
dors. a Supreme Court justice, governors and
bank presidents. Her father was Dean of
Law at St. Paul's College, where she earned
a bachelor's degree in. education and later
won a music scholarship and worked at teach-
ing and writing. Her younger brother, Ben-
jamin, is the newly named ambassador to the
U.S.
"MISS LEYTE"
Imelda grew up in Manila. She was sent
there to study after her mother's death. She
was then 8 years old, and she lived with her
uncle, the Speaker of the Philippine House,
who served as her guardian. At 18, her good
looks, lyric soprano voice and 36-23-35 meas-
urement,,s won her the title of "Miss Leyte."
At 24, her whirlwind romance with Marcos
was a national sensation.
The love story began when Imelda and her
aunt visited the capitol during a late session.
Marcos, a young congressman who had
emerged from the war with nearly every dec-
oration bestowed by the Philippine and U.S.
governments, was in the thick of battle
again--this time fighting the administration
on its budget.
Although 13 years Imelda's senior and con-
sidered Manila's most eligible 'bachelor,
Marcos succumbed after one look and sought
an introduction. But "Melly" refused to give
him her telephone number. Undaunted,
Marcos pursued her to Baguio, the summer
capital, where the courtship flourished.
Eleven days after their first meeting, they
were married in a civil ceremony. To the
bridegroom's surprise, Mrs. Marcos refused
to enter the hotel suite he had reserved, until
a church wedding could be arranged 10 days
later.
To this day the presidential pair believe 11
is their lucky number. As Mrs. Marcos ex-
plains it, "My husband was born September
11. We were married after 11 days of court-
ship. We had our first child, Maria Imelda,
about 11 months afterward. We were sure we
were going to win this election because this
Is the 11th year of our marriage."
Most evenings the president takes time to
help his children, Maria Imelda, 11, Ferdi-
nand Jr., 7, and Irene, 6, with their studies
in Tagalog, the official Philippine language,
as well as English and Spanish.
Then, at the end of each day, Mr. and Mrs.
Marcos enjoy comparing notes.
Besides Philippine styles, she wears slacks,
Paris frocks, Italian knits and American suits
but seldom dons her fabulous jewels. The
president describes his wife, who dances the
frug and jerk, as "irrepressible." She de-
scribes their marriage as "out of this world."
"Whatever I am, I am Ferdinand's crea-
tion," the First Lady claims. "He has helped
me to grow with him, not side by side, but a
little behind him."
PRESENTATION OF CONGRES-
SIONAL MEDAL OF HONOR POST-
HUMOUSLY TO NAVY SEABEE
MARVIN GLEN SHIELDS
Mr. JACKSON. Mr. President, I was
proud and honored to be present at the
White House today as the widow of Navy
Seabee Marvin Glen Sheilds, of my State
of Washington, received the Congres-
sional Medal of Honor in his behalf post-
humously. Mr. Shields, a native of Port
Townsend, Wash., is the first member of
the Seabees to receive the Medal of
Honor. This heroic young man, who
died in the service of his country, re-
ceives this highest of awards on the eve
of the 25th anniversary of the Navy
Seabees. A construction mechanic, third
class, his honor is a tribute to the more
than 300,000 Americans who have served
in the Seabees since Its inception In 1942.
I wish to point out also that Marvin
Glen Shields is the first Navy man to
receive this award in the Vietnam war.
Four Army men have won the Medal of
Honor In Vietnam. Significantly, Army
Special Forces 1st Lt. Charles Williams
won a Congressional Medal of Honor in
the same action at Dong Xoai in South
Vietnam on June 10, 1965, that took the
life of Marvin Shields and posthumously
won for him the Medal of Honor.
Lieutenant Williams, who was present
at the presentation of the Medal of
Honor to Mrs. Shields at the White
House today, asked for a volunteer to
accompany him in an attempt to knock
out an enemy machinegun emplacement
which was endangering the lives of a
beseiged special forces, Seabee, and Viet-
namese camp at Dong Xoai. Williams
and Shields, in a heroic effort, were suc-
cessful in silencing this Vietcong weapon,
and Shields, whose mission at this camr
was in construction, lost his life.
I am also proud of the 8 other Seabees
who fought with the 11 special forces
men in that incident at Dong Xoat. Oi
these nine Seabees, eight won Purple
Heart medals. All nine won awards foi
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September i3, 196G
LEGISLATION, INTRODUCED TO extend his remarks at this point in the
PROVIDE FOR 'CONSTRUCTION RECORD and to include extraneous
OF NUCLEAR DESALTING PLANT matter.)
Mr CRALEY. Mr. Speaker, on Sun-
(Mr. HANNA (at the request of Mr.
MATSUNAGA) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this paint in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. HANNA. Mr. Speaker, today I
have introduced legislation which would
provide for the participation, of the De-
partment of the Interior in the construc-
tion and operation of a large prototype
desalting plant off the Orange County
coast in southern California.
This project will be constructed on
an artificial offshore island. It will uti-
lize two nuclear reactors with an elec-
trical capacity of about 1,800 megawatts
and a sea water desalting plant which
will produce 150 million gallons daily
of distilled water-enough to supply a
city the size of San Francisco.
The total capital cost of the dual
power producing and desalinization
project will be $400 million of which the
Department of the Interior is being
asked to participate in the amount of
$57.2 million.
A very detailed study of this proposal
has been conducted by an independent
engineering firm, and it shows the proj-
ect will have a very high level of return
in, comparison with the initial expendi-
ture. It shows that large scale desalt-
ing is economically feasible, and that
the excess power produced by the reac-
tors can be used to help fulfill our ever-
growing need for electrical power.
The project has the support, both in
terms of capital and cooperation, of two
of the Nation's leading private power
companies-Southern California Edison
Co. and the San Diego Gas & Electric
Co. -These companies have further
agreed to purchase all the excess power
produced.
The Los Angeles Metropolitan Water
District, which distributes water
f
day we witnessed a very significant stage
in the development of democratic gov-
ernment and national indepedence in
South Vietnam. I was impressed with
the healthy and, enthusiastic turnout for
the elections, a support for the electoral
process that exceeded the most optimistic
expectations.
Much remains to be done in building
re and stable government in an
a secu
area for centuries dominated by stronger U.S. Virgin Islands, another great bank
neighbors. I think the Saigon govern- opened its doors there yesterday, Sep-
ment is to be congratulated on the tember 12. I salute New York's First
achievement of this first and important National City Bank and wish good luck
step. I should like to wish every success to Mr. Robert Eastham, manager of its
to the new constituent assembly in their new bank in Christiansted, St. Croix.
constitution making. I believe the As it opens its doors for business, this
American people in their support for this bank has every reason to be confident of
struggling nation have rendered import- the future.
ant help at a crucial time. . The island of St. Croix has experienced
The New York Times carried an a tremendous economic growth in recent
editorial commenting on the election years; most recently noted by the estab-
which I shall include here in the RECORD: lishment of a $50 million alumina plant
AFTER THE ELECTION
The natural sequel to the successful elec-
tion in South Vietnam on Sunday is to try
to calculate what effect it may have on the
efforts to bring about negotiations and an
ultimate truce or peace.
Logically, the results should convince
Hanoi that the Saigon Government now has
an enhanced and legitimate status of its own
as a national entity. Whatever government
finally comes out of the long process of con-
stitution making, congressional or legisla-
tive assembly meeting, will not change the
general picture insofar as the prosecution of
the war is concerned. If there is to be a
change it has to be on the North Vietnamese
side and this is not going to be an overnight
development.
But the election may lead in time toward
a better balance of the forces within the two
Vietnams. Marshal Ky was understandably
elated by the results, but he was much too
optimistic in saying, as he did yesterday,
that "we now have the conditions for final
victory." The sort of victory he contem-
e
orma,
is military. It compre
throughout southern Cah
agreed to support and cooperate in the the Vietcong and the North Vietnamese, plus ert Eastham, manager of the St. Croix
project. One of the main points in the acceptance of that defeat by communist branch, was host to the industrialists,
favor of the project is that it is a water China and the Soviet Union. This, of course, businessmen, and high government offl-
source independent of the flow of river will be a very long journey from Sunday's cials from the Virgin Islands present at
and aquaduct systems, and, in an emer- election that could not embrace all of the the inaugural ceremonies. Virgin Islands
make S and that did not imme-
outh Vietnam militarily government ceremonies. in-
tely make S Vietnamese
gency, it might well prove more valuable di South
than than any of us are now predicting. stronger or her enemies militarily weaker. eluded Hon. Ralph Paiewonsky, Gover-
This will be the world's largest de- So far as the United States is concerned, nor of the U.S. Virgin Islands; Hon. Ciryl
salinization plant. It will be a show- just as many American troops, planes and King, Government oon.
place of great interest to the people of as much materiel are going to be needed as D. Aubrey
for St. A teCroix.AThe nFidministrative rst As-
the many areas around the world, and before, because the war is as tough and costly sistant
al City Bank branch new S Croix,
in our own country, who are in need of as it ever was.
water and power, and to those who see What has happened provides some hope marks Citibank's first entry in the Virgin
the day rapidly approaching when this that a government can be organized in Saigon Islands market, although it has been op-
need will arise. in the course of the coming year or two which orating in other parts of the Caribbean
will have a good deal of popular support. for several years. Among the countries
The President of the United States has The militant Buddhist opposition should not
asked Congress to approve this project, now be able to cause anything like the where First National City Bank now op-
The distinguished chairman of the Com- trouble it did last year. And though Viet- erates In the Dominican Caribbean Republicarea are, Puerto
Jamaica,
refuse to concee the
will
has on Interior and Insular companion Aff act there ection was hardly a demonstration elatTrinidad, and the Bahamas.
has agreed to introduce a cpaniothat they enjoy the support of South Viet-
measure. It is my hope that we can nam's population outside the regions they
act with dispatch and thereby assure control.
the earliest possible completion of this Since no war lasts interminabl3C the Viet-
most worthy project. namese conflict is going to end some day.
\V~ The problem is to create the conditions that
will permit it to end as soon as possible. A
THE VIETNAM ELECTIONS military victory is unlikely. Sooner or later
the end will come around a negotiating table.
(Mr. CRALEY (at the request of 'Mr. it will, in effect, be a political solution. The
MATSUNAGA) was granted permission to election in South Vietnam is one step toward
plates-or certainly always has in the pas
nds the defeat of
h
preparing the stage for an eventual settle-
ment,
VIRGIN ISLANDS
(Mr. O'BRIEN (at the request of Mr.
MATSUNAGA) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. O'BRIEN. Mr. Speaker, as fur-
ther demonstration of the economic
growth and industrial progress in the
and a multimillion dollar petrochemical
complex now under construction. Tour-
ist trade in 1965 was $54 million, an in-
crease of $6 million over the previous
year. St. Croix, the largest of the U.S.
Virgin Islands, has a population of
around 20,000 people with a per capita
income of $2,000, by far the highest in
the entire Caribbean area.
Linked to the mainland and other Car-
ibbean islands by several airlines and
boat services, St. Croix is destined to be
one of the most important commercial
centers in that area. Among the rea-
sons why New York's First National City
Bank is starting operations in St. Croix,
is their desire to help in the island's de-
velopment, and to show the faith it has
in the future of the Virgin Islands.
Heading the list of distinguished bank-
ing executives participating in the open-
ing ceremonies was Mr. George C. Scott,
senior vice president of the First Na-
(Mr. VIVIAN (at the request of Mr.
MATSUNAGA). was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.) `
[Mr. VIVIAN'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
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The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under
previous order of the House, the gentle-
man from New York [Mr. HALPERN] is
recognized for 15 minutes.
Mr. HALPERN. Mr. Speaker, the war
in Vietnam continues to arouse the grav-
est anxiety among people here and
abroad who are earnestly concerned with
building peace and order in the world.
The President has repeatedly stressed
that our objectives in southeast Asia are
limited. The assistance we are rendering
does not give us license to dictate the po-
litical destiny of the South Vietnamese.
This is a point which must be reem-
phasized, and which must be made credi-
ble to the Asian peoples. The President
has reaffirmed that American forces are
in Vietnam to help the Vietnamese de-
feat aggression and defend self-deter-
mination. This can only be interpreted
as a carefully prescribed engagement.
As a foreign power on the Asian Conti-
nent, we should resist the tendency to
,escalate both the commitment and the
means of military self-defense.
Several weeks ago, Premier Ky was
quoted as welcoming an invasion of
North Vietnam and an eventual con-
frontation with Red China. Although
this statement has been subsequently
modified, militarists may be setting their
sights far beyond the expressed aims of
our own Government, whose interest lies
in insuring that the South Vietnamese
people can freely choose their political
and social course. There can be no am-
biguity on this point; we must consist-
ently disavow professed ambitions which
outrun the American purpose in Viet-
nam.
Those who understand the limited na-
ture of our stand in Vietnam must not be
tempted into arguing blithely for some
wider war which, supposedly, can more
speedily produce what is described as
"victory."
The world must know that American
policy, despite the deployment of over
300,000 men, aims at a peaceful solution
of this conflict.
It is doubtful as to whether the bomb-
ing of North Vietnam, and the contin-
uing increase of American manpower,
can alone bring about the conditions
conducive to negotiation. Indeed, the
truth may be that escalation breeds
counter escalation, and that a broader
military employment strengthens the
resolve of the North Vietnamese. Be-
cause these questions, in terms of the
future, cannot be answered with surety,
the United States must redouble its ef-
forts, through all available channels, to
find the path to peace.
One recent, welcome development was
the proposal of Thai Foreign Minister
Thanat Khoman, sponsored by the Gov-
.
a
pines, for convening an Asian conference fore, he performed the jobLwell laird was
on Vietnam. This was envisaged as a instrumental in destroying the position
gathering of the noncombatant Asian while under heavy enemy fire.
states to discuss various means toward In returning to his previous position
bringing the war to a close. machinegun fire struck his right leg,
As one who has consistently asked for nearly tearing it off. Though mortally
greater efforts in reaching a diplomatic wounded, he was able to move to a
settlement of this war, by urging our sheltered position and received aid.
Government to declare its willingness to Throughout the remainder of the morn-
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-. HOUSE September 13, 1966
VIETNAM reconvene the Geneva Conference, and ing he was instrumental in keeping up
to press vig orou I f
r. .y or a more effective the spirits of the defenders by laughing
United Nations role, I feel that this sug- and making jokes.
gested meeting, eminating from Asian Shields died that afternoon shortly
states could make a m t
a
Jor con ribution.
I urge that our. Government officially and
relentlessly pursue this proposal with
Asian statesmen.
Whatever the extent of our involve-
ment in South Vietnam, the effects of
this conflict are and will be felt in Asia.
Thinking of the future, the United States
cannot ignore or become divorced from
vital currents of opinion in Asia with
respect to its policies there. We should
make every attempt to encourage the
governments of Asia to discuss collec-
tively the American presence in Vietnam,
and endorse their initiatives toward find-
ing the basis for a peaceful accord of the
war.
THE 25TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE
SEABEES, AND THE 100TH ANNI-
VERSARY OF THE CIVIL ENGI-
NEER CORPS OF THE U.S: NAVY
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under
previous order of the House, the gentle-
man from California [Mr. TEACUE], is
recognized for 15 minutes.
Mr. TEAGUE of California. Mr.
Speaker, I introduced a measure in this
body yesterday to authorize the striking
/ of medallions in commemoration of the
25th anniversary of the U.S. Naval Con-
struction Battalions-Seabees-and the
100th anniversary of the U.S. Navy Civil
Engineer Corps--CEC.
The Engineer Corps anniversary will
occur next year on March 2 and the Sea-
bees anniversary on March 5.
I rise today to call attention to my bill
vived by his wife, Joan, an infant daugh-
ter, and his mother, Mrs. Victoria, Cas-
salery, all of Port Townsend. The first
Seabee Medal of Honor in history was
presented this morning by the President
to Joan Shields. It was also the first
Medal of Honor to be awarded a Navy
man in the Vietnam war.
Construction Mechanic Shields re-
ceived his training at the U.S. Naval
Construction Battalion Center at Port
Hueneme, Calif., "Home of the Pacific
Seabees," which is located in the district
I have the honor of representing in this
body. From there he went forth to his
death in defense of his country, in an
act of bravery "above and beyond the
call of duty," earning for him the Na-
tion's highest military award.
Mr. Speaker, under unanimous con-
sent, I am inserting in my remarks at
this point the text of two issues of Sea-
bees in Action, which is published by the
Naval Facilities Engineering Command.
The first of these is entitled "Story of
the Seabees: World War II to Vietnam"
and the second is entitled "The :bong
Xoai Story, June 9-10, 1965."
STORY OF THE SEABEES-WORLD WAR .II TO
VIETNAM: THE SEABEE TRADITION
(By LCDR W. D. Middleton)
The Navy's Seabees were less than six
months old when their first unit came under
fire early in World War II. Only three weeks
after the Marines assulted the beaches of
Guadalcanal in August 1942, Seabees of the
Sixth Naval Construction Battalion followed
them ashore to begin the difficult job of
because :C believe it to be a most fitting converting a muddy former Japanese land-
occasion. This morning at the White weather ing strip r capable Field inrt an a
all
ny-
-
House, the first Seabee in the illustrious thing from airf ielld d fighter aircraft er of to Army support any-
B--17's.
history of the organization was awarded, The construction job was tough enough,
posthumously, the Medal of Honor by but to make matters worse Henderson Field
the President. was under almost constant attack by Japa-
Marvin Glenn Shields, CM3, of Port "nese artillery and aircraft, and great craters
were torn in the airfield Townsend, Wash., died on June 10, 1965, shell scored hit. eveif all this ry time a bdmb
n't
from wounds received while members of give theenough tdo, As the Seabees had t
o
his unit, Seabee Team 1104, were assist- be ready to take up positions in the defen-
ing in the defense of the Special Forces sive perimeter in the event of Japanese land-
camp at bong Xoai against an attack by ing against the narrow beachhead.
the Vietcong. The attack began late the Typical of Seabee ingenuity at Guadal-
previous night. canal were the "crater crews" that rushed
While assisting a wounded Army of- airfleld.ir Qthe damage after eve hit the
uickly learning from xperrien e,
ficer to a safe position, Shields sustained the Seabees stockpiled Mareton matting (the
wounds about his face, neck and back. pierced steel planking used to surface the
Despite these wounds he continued field) along the runway in bundles sufficient
steadfast in fighting against the Viet- to repair an average sized hole. Construc-
cang, both by means of his rifle and by tion equipment and trucks, already loaded
throwing hand grenades. with enough sand and gravel to fill a bomb
or shell crater, were placed under cover at
When light broke on the morning of strategic points along the runway.
the 10th, Shields readily volunteered to Whenever Japanese bombers approached or
assist in destroying an enemy machine- artillery opended up, the Seabee "crater
gun emplacement
Though he h
d crews" raced from their foxholes, tore away
da
maged matting, backfilled the craters, and
quickly laid down new matting. Before long
the Seabees were doing the job so rapidly that
forty minutes after a bomb or shell it was
impossible to tell that the airfield had ever
been hit.
Throughout the three-month battle for
Guadalcanal the Seabees performed con-
struction miracles to expand Henderson
Field and to keep it open, at one time con-
tinuing work even when Japanese troops
had pushed the Marine front line to within
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valor in the performance of a daring
exploit on the lower Delaware in 1777.
With four small boats he had cut out an
armed British schooner without the loss
of a man, and captured at the same time
a -.Umber of transports and a large quan-
i:ty of supplies destined for British
t pops.
Barry then volunteered for duty with
the American Army and participated
with distinction in the Trenton cam-
paign. He was then given command of
the Raleigh, 32 guns, with which he
fought a gallant and obstinate battle
against superior forces, finally being
obliged to beach his ship, but saving
most of his men from capture.
His most successful cruise started in
February of 1781 when he sailed from
Boston for France commanding the
Alliance. He captured the privateer
Alert en route. He put down a mutiny,
and then captured the privateers Mars
and Minerva. After a fierce engagement
he forced two British brigs, the Atlanta
and the Trepassey to strike their colors.
Barry was severely wounded in the
action.
To Barry belongs the distinction of
having fought the last naval action of
the War for Independence. Aboard the
Alliance he arrived at Martinique early
in January of 1783 and found orders to
proceed to Havana. Leaving that port
he encountered the Sybille. His first
mate, John Kessler, wrote as follows
about the engagement:
Two of the enemy's ships kept at a dis-
tance on our weather quarter as if waiting
to ascertain about the French ship, while
the other was in our wake with topsails
only and courses hauled, as was also the
case with the Alliance. The French ship
approaching fast, Captain Barry went from
gun to gun on the main deck, cautioning
against too much haste and not to fire until
the enemy was right abreast. He ordered
the main topsail hove to the mast that the
enemy (who had already fired a bow gun,
the shot of which struck into the cabin of
the Alliance) might come up as soon as he
was abreast, when the action began, and
before an half hour her guns were silenced
and nothing but musketry was fired from
her. She appeared very much injured in
her hull. She was of thirty-two guns and
appeared very full of men, and after an
action of forty-five minutes she sheered off.
Our injured were, I think, three killed and
eleven wounded (three of whom died of
their wounds) and one sail and rigging cut.
During all the action the French lay to as
well as the enemy's ships.
As soon as the ship which we had engaged
hove from us, her consorts joined her and
all made sail, after which the French ship
came down to us, and Captain Barry asked
them why they did not come down during
the action. They answered that they
thought we might have been taken and the
signal known and the action only a sham
to decoy him. Their foolish idea thus per-
haps lost us the three frigates, for Captain
Barry's commencing the action was with the
full expectation of the French ship joining
and thereby not only be able to cope, but
in fact subdue part, if not the whole, of
them. The French captain proposed, how-
ever, giving chase, which was done: but it
soon appeared that his ship would not keep
up with us, and the chase was given over.
Years later, in 1794, when the Con-
gress of the United States ordered the
construction of six frigates to combat
the depredations of the Algerian pirates,
Barry was named senior captain and
placed in command of the United States,
being, as was said:
Of all the naval captains that remained.. .
the one who possessed the greatest reputa-
tion for experience, conduct, and skill,
During the hostilities with France,
Barry was placed in command of all the
naval forces in West Indian waters, re-
maining there until the beginning of
May 1799. In December of that year he
escorted the American envoys to France.
On his return he took command of the
Guadaloupe station in the West Indies,
a position he retained until 1801. He
died 2 years later at the head of the U.S.
Navy.
On this anniversary of his death, we
salute the memory of a great nlan, a
More Harm Than Help
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. GERALD R. FORD
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, September 13, 1966
Mr. GERALD R. FORD. Mr. Speaker,
although the House has rejected Mr.
PATMAN'S proposal for controlling the
interest rates, I believe the editorial in
the Detroit News for September 1, 1966,
entitled "More Harm Than Help," is of
special significance.
Under leave to extend my remarks I
include this editorial:
PATMAN'S PLAN To CUT INTEREST RATES:
MORE HARM THAN HELP
The furor over high interest rates is reach-
ing a fever pitch. Rep. PATMAN, Texas Dem-
ocrat, self-styled friend of the "little man"
and arch-foe of the "bankers," has proposed
a bill cutting the interest rate banks pay on
certain time deposits. The proposal is more
senile than sensible.
PATMAN wants to impose a 41/2 percent
interest rate ceiling on certificates of de-
posit. These CDs, now paying a maximum
51/2 percent, are special time deposits which,
it is claimed, have attracted funds from sav-
ings and loan associations paying lower
interest rates.
As a device to cut interest rates, the bill is
clearly nonsensical. It would make bank
credit more difficult to obtain than it is now,
and the cost of borrowing would rise still
more. Bank lending capacity depends on
the volume of deposits. If new deposits are
obtained, more loans can be made. But if
banks lose deposits because they cannot pay
a competitive return, bank lending quickly
dries up.
PATMAN deludes himself and others by
arguing that the interest rate rollback would
return funds to the savings and loan associa-
tions, relieving tht ultra-tight market for
home mortgages. The general level of inter-
est rates is now so high that neither the 4
percent paid by federal savings and loan
associations nor the proposed 41/2 percent
offered by banks would be able to attract
funds. Instead, savings would move into
into bonds and other financial paper which
continue to pay higher and more competitive
rates.
While PATMAN'S bill would do nothing to
help the savings institutions, it might have
an unfavorable effect on banks. Forced to
pay below-market rates, the banks could ex-
perience a rapid exodus of funds and find
themselves in a squeeze. The monetary au-
thorities would have little choice but to
rescue them by easing the supply of money.
And in turn, this would refuel whatever in-
flationary fires tight money has been able to
extinguish.
If PATMAN, or any of his supporters, wants
lower interest rates to help the "little man,"
there is only one way to get them. Take
enough excess demand out of the economy
so that tight monetary policy is no longer the
sole policy bulwark against inflation. This
can be done only if Congress cuts spending
or increases taxes.
Since the "little man" must pay taxes
along with everyone else, his congressional
friends might show their affection by putting
a c iling on government spending instead of
puluing fruitless battles with the bankers.
Honolulu Advertiser Editor John Griffin
Writes Firsthand Report on Vietnam
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. SPARK M. MATSUNAGA
OF HAWAII
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, September 13, 1966
Mr. MATSUNAGA. Mr. Speaker, I am
a firm supporter of the view that there
is no adequate substitute for actual ex-
perience. Our late President, John F.
Kennedy, must have had this in mind
when he asked his military commanders
to parade before him a division of men-
just so that he could see for himself the
size of a division.
Unfortunately, time and circumstance
do not always permit us the benefit of
real experience, so we must rely on sec-
ondary sources of information to bring
us as close as possible to actual experi-
ence. I should therefore like to share
with my colleagues a recent newspaper
article which, in its sweeping coverage of
the Vietnam war, could readily serve as
a vicarious substitute for those of us
who are unable to make an actual study
of the situation in that country.
Written by Associate Editor John Grif-
fin of the Honolulu Advertiser, the front
page article is a "must" for those who
wish to know what is going on in Viet-
nam. Of particular interest, in the light
of announced troop increases, is Editor
Griffin's comprehensive account of troop
commitments in the various parts of
Vietnam. His discussion of the military
zones-the four corps areas-provides
the reader a clear and up-to-date pic-
ture of the war in Vietnam.
I am pleased to submit the Honolulu
Advertiser August 24 article for inclu-
sion in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD:
[From the Honolulu Advertiser, Aug. 24,
19661
IN SOUTH VIETNAM, THE ENEMY IS
EVERYWHERE
(By John Griffin, associate editor, the
Advertiser)
(Fourth of a series)
SAIGON.-It would be vastly unfair to many
talented and brave men and women to claim
any "war correspondent" expertise on the
basis of a week's revisit to Saigon with a
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labor market which is constantly upgrading
its educational and technical requirements,
spells a serious dilemma indeed.
Problems of urbanization
Other "costs" of population growth are
found In the rapid process of urbanization:
-slums and overcrowding, inadequate educa-
tional facilities, congested traffic conditions,
air and water pollution, the deleterious ef-
fects of increased internal migration on in-
tergroup relationships-just to list a few
To ignore the problems of our cities, or to
close our eyes to such isues as chronic un-
employment 'or rising welfare costs, could
well be the road to economic suicide. As
businessmen, we must participate actively
in constructive programs on all such fronts.
This participation will prove to be helpful
only if we approach these problems armed
with the facts. That's why the proposed
research in depth on population problems by
the National Industrial Conference Board
appeals to me so strongly.
Rapid population growth not necessary to
economic health
One point should be heavily emphasized.
A rapidly growing population is not a neces-
sary precondition for the continued develop-
ment of our economy. A declining birth rate
need not have an adverse effect on busi-
ness. Although the traditional assumption
in this country has been that a rapidly grow-
ing population leads to increased demand
and, hence, stimulates. investment, a careful
analysis of the world situation, as set forth
above, shows that rapid population growth
may and frequently has operated to inhibit
economic development.
If It is surmised that there will be devel-
oped a twenty per cent increase in purchas-
ing power during the next five or ten years
(certainly not an outrageous assumption),
the effect on the growth of the economy
wot{ld offset a considerable decrease in the
rate of population growth. To be sure, rapid
population growth in our own economic his-
tory and, In the history of the West in gen-
eral seems to have stimulated economic de-
velopment. But in these instances, unlike
the situation in many developing countries,
the man-land ratio was low and a greater
population was needed to achieve the eco-
nomies of large-scale production. Today,
however, the situation is very different. We
no longer live in a traditional frontier so-
ciety. We are living, however, on an entirely
new kind of frontier.
The American business system will con-
tinue, most assuredly, to be characterized
and propelled by inventiveness, imagination
and enlarged appetites and interests. Man-
kind has thousands of unmet needs and, in
the future, we will learn to express and ful-
fill needs of which we are at, present un-
aware. Increasing productivity to meet such
new and diversified needs Is the future to
which we should look. Our economy no
longer requires the stimulation of rapid
population growth to keep it healthy.
V. THE IMPORTANCE OF HUMAN VALUES
In closing, I respectfully submit that busi-
ness should never become so involved with
statistics as to lose sight of the importance
and dignity of the individual.
Whether we are talking about population
problems here in the U.S., In the developing
countries, or in the world at large, we must
never forget that we cannot measure prog-
ress simply by aggregate statistics reflecting
per capita living standards. We must also
strive to see that each person is assured the
Opportunity to possess the ingredients of a
full and satisfactory life. These include not
merely the basic necessities such as food,
housing, health, and education, but also the
satisfaction of those political, cultural, and
spiritual needs that are: fundamental to all
men. Only in this way can we meet the
need and responsibility to supply moral lead-
ership in a tormented world.
If we truly accept this responsibility and
sincerely and thoughtfully become con-
cerned with the quality of life, we have no
choice but to be also concerned with the
quantity of life. Since we are growing to
believe In the right to the with dignity, per-
haps we will eventually espouse a compara-
ble belief in the right to be born with
dignity. It seems that we might well en-
dorse the current proposal to add a fifth
freedom-freedom of the right of everyone
to make: intelligent choices as to parenthood
and the birth of children.
Whatever may prove to be the ultimate
resolution of this essentially moral question,
we In the business community must work
together with government and private groups
to forge a common point of reference in. this
most sensitive area of human behavior. We
must find a high and feasible principle which
can be embraced by all people regardless
of economic or ethnic background and reli-
gious belief. In all probability we will not
live to see this work fully completed, but we
will know that it has been begun.
Prayers in Public Schools
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. E. ROSS ADAIR
OF INDIANA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, September 13, 1966
Mr. ADAIR. Mr. Speaker, much has
been said about the proposal to amend
the Constitution to permit prayers in. the
public schools. In this connection, I
think an article by Mr. Clifford B. Ward
in the Fort Wayne News-Sentinel ex-
presses the views of many people, and I
include it herewith:
(By Clifford B. Ward)
Senator EvSSRETT DIRKSEN, determined to
get a Constitutional amendment to permit
voluntary prayer in public schools, must feel
that the ground is being cut out from under
him by some strange people, namely clergy-
men of the major faiths, who are opposing
him.
Yet the Senator, as a politician close to the
people, feels rather strongly that most of the
common people up and down the United
States are in favor of his amendment.
The odd thing about those who argue that
prayer in schools, even voluntary prayer, will
break down the wall between church and
state, is that they do not contend there was
even the slightest breaching of the wall dur-
ing the 150 years in this country when such
prayer was legal. Nor do they contend,
at least not yet, that it Is any breaching
of the church-state wall, for a chaplain
to open each daily sessionof the Congress.
One of the arguments used against volun-
tary prayer in schools is that a very tiny
minority of children of atheistic parents
should not be embarrassed in school by an
exercise in which they do not take part.
If all rights come from God, is there a right
not to worship God? Not a right in my book,
but a free will, if you wish.
MOST PEOPLE BELIEVE
Actually, and In spite of Supreme Court
decisions, this is a country in which the
majority of people believe in God and show
that belief in almost everything they do.
Few are those who are completely secular.
They baptize. They hold Bar Mitzvah. They
marry before ministers, priests and rabbis.
Afl77 z
And they insist upon religious services at
their funerals. Atheists are as uncommon
as trees in a desert.
The greatest religious influence in this
country undoubtedly comes from within the
family unit, which in turn draws its inspira-
tion from the organized fonts of religion,
which are churches, temples and synagogues.
Yet the family can not do the job complete-
ly when its sphere of influence is limited in
a society such as ours, where all members
of the family are for many hours of the
day separated from each other.
No child of course should be compelled by
government to say a prayer. But govern-
ment should, under the First Amendment,
provide the opportunity for a free exercise
of religion without harassment. Voluntary
prayer in schools Is the provision of such
an opportunity.
DENIAL OF BAN SILLY
There are those who say that the Supreme
Court has not banned the Bible in public
schools This to my mind is a quibbling over
words in a childish manner. The Court
has banned readings from the Bible in public
schools in any manner that admits the na-
ture of the Bible as a religious work. It
may be admired as a literary work Only. It
may be admired as an example of the print-
ing art, or the bookbinder's art. But it may
not be used in any way that would suggest
that it is something inspired by God.
It is difficult for most ordinary persons to
follow the reasoning of, church leaders who
suddenly see a danger in voluntary prayer
that never existed for one hundred and fifty
years. Unless religion is to be department-
alized to a point where it is only operative
inside the walls of a home, then voluntary
prayer in schools makes sense.
Commodore Barry Day
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. HUGH L. CAREY
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, September 13, 1966
Mr. CARER. Mr. Speaker, today
marks the 163d anniversary of the death
of Commodore John Barry, the "Father
of Our Navy."
Bicentennial observances of events of
the Revolutionary War will soon be upon
us. John Barry's great contributions to
the victory of American arms in the con??
flict that won us our national indepen-
dence from British tyranny must never
be forgotten. His valor and his victories
must be acknowledged in the bicenten-
nial observances that will take place in
the future, and they must be recognized
today on the anniversary of his death.
He was born at Tacumshane, County
Wexford, Ireland, went to sea as a boy,
and about 1760 settled in Philadelphia.,
where he eventually became a prosperous
shipmaster and shipowner. In 1776 he!
showed an Irishman's enthusiasm for the
cause of the Colonies against British op-
pression and was placed in command of
the brig Lexington by the Continental.
Congress. On April 17, 1776, he captured
the British tender Edward. This was
the first capture in actual battle of a
British warship by a regularly commis-
sioned American cruiser.
Barry received the personal congrat-
ulations of General Washington for his
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quick trip to the, 25th Division's base camp
at Cu Chi, some 20 miles away:-
But it is possible to better see the rough
outlines of a military war that cannot be
envisioned in terms of traditional fronts.
it is best viewed as a series of minor and
major explosions 'across a countryside that
ranges from swamp to sand dunes, flat
flooded ricelands to grassy highlands or jun-
gled mountains, from isolated hamlets with
a dozen huts to busy cities.
As countries go, South Viet Nam is a small
one, about as long as California and half as
wide.
But it, makes a vast battlefield, with over
1,200 miles of coastline to be patrolled and
1,000 miles of often wild and ill-defined land
border that is often used as both an entry
and escape point by the enemy.
That enemy-termed by a top U.S. com-
mander as "the best guerrilla fighter the
world has ever known"-is everywhere.
Total enemy strength is now estimated at
about 300,000 (compared to perhaps 15,000
five years ago). Some 50,000 are said to be
North Vietnamese troops, infiltrated down to
the South mostly over the past year.
About 110,000 of the overall total are fight-
ing in regular North' Vietnamese or Viet
Cong "main force" regiments from the South.
A number of North Vietnamese and Viet
Cong regiments are being integrated.
Fighting with and supporting these more
traditional units are 120,000 or more guer-
rillas who operate in their home areas, per-
haps 8,000 combat troops and over 40,000
political cadres or civilian leaders from North
and South. ?
Against this tough and growing enemy
army of 300,000 are close to a million military
men on the South Vietnamese government
side.
Included are about 290,000 Americans (only
about half combat troops, the rest clerks,
drivers, mechanics, etc.), South Vietnamese
army forces, a" variety of paramilitary re-
gional and police forces, and relatively small
but effective military units from South Ko-
rea, Australia and New Zealand.
There are many kinds of battles going on
in South Viet Nam, but basically they break
down to variations of two kinds of warfare:
1) Small to medium scale guerrilla actions
where enemy units attack patrols, outposts
or towns, and 2) Limited regular war with
major battles involving upwards to 15-20,000
U.S. troops at a time.
Indications are we are doing well in the
second kind of fighting but still have a long
way to go meeting the equal threat of the
guerrilla.
There are several ways to envision the
sweep of the war. Inevitably some parts get
overlooked, like the contribution of the Navy
and Coast Guard. This would include 7th
Fleet carrier operations, not just pilots but
tens of thousands of men who serve yet
never see Viet Nam, or the 12,000 men who
patrol the coast in everything from seagoing
artillery for troop support to lumbering
junks to sleek new fiberglas scout craft and
hovercraft that probe the rivers and by-ways
of the Mekong Delta.
,PROFILE OF WAR
One of the easier ways to review the war In
the South is with the geography of the mili-
tary war zones, the four corps areas.
The accompanying map shows those zones;
each tells something about the war.
I Corps is the narrow portion of the coun-
try right under the 17th parallel and the thin
demilitarized zone that makes up the border
with North Viet Nam.
"Eye Corps," as it is called, is the preserve
of the 76,000 U.S. Marine troops in Viet Nam.
Headlines early this month told of grim
fighting in Operation Hastings, a helicopter
assault that put 8,000 Marines and , 3,000
South Vietnamese troops into major battle
with North Vietnamese units that had in-
filtrated across the 17th parallel. It was a
tough, bloody victory.
But Hastings was not typical of the war the
Marines have fought. Early last year they
landed, and the struggle has been a slow,
painful one to spread out from the populated
coastal region back into the fertile valleys
and rugged mountains that have been VC
strongholds.
Now it's conceded they haven't been able
to link up enclaves at Da Nang and nearby
Cu Lai and Phu Bai and properly pacify the
area. Estimates now are that 100,000? men
are needed for that job.
II Corps is the biggest of the four areas
with the least number of people.
For the past year, it has been considered
the area of most immediate danger because
it was felt enemy strategy was to drive a
wedge from the central highlands to the
coast, cutting the country in half.
The central highlands have become the
scene of the major battles, hundreds of heli-
copters, thousands of men engaging North
Vietnamese units in operations with names
like Hawthorne, Paul Revere and Crazy
Horse.
REALLY ZAPPED
Some vital victories have been won, but
they don't tell all the story, as perhaps is
indicated by one incident in Saigon.
I was having dinner with Washington Post
correspondent Ward Just (just back after
being wounded in Hawthorne). Two young
soldiers crowded next to us in the restaurant
listened for a while, then one said:
.",You guys are correspondents, huh. Well,
why don't you tell the whole story. You
make everything sound like a big victory.
Most of the time' we slog around looking.
And we get the hell shot out of us some-
times, really zapped ... 11
Despite the important qualifications how-
ever, the victories In II Corps have been the
equivalent of a successful goal-line stand.
Without them, the game would be all but
over.
Overshadowed by the inland fighting has
been the major contribution of the Korean
marines and army units along the II Corps
coast at Qui Nhon and Tuy Hoa.
III Corps makes up the area around Saigon,
the stronghold of the government and of
the Viet Cong.
It is a mixture of most else in Viet Nam-
mangrove swamps on the coast, flooded delta
ricelands, crowded urban centers, hot, scrub-
by plains, rubber plantations and jungle.
Even from Saigon it takes little imagina-
tion to envision the war:
Over late evening drinks from the top floor
bar of the Majestic Hotel you can look across
the Saigon River and see planes dropping
flares, watch tracers flying and hear the
sound of guns . "We've been here five
years, and we're still fighting on the out-
skirts of Saigon," says an important U.S.
military figure . . .
Even the rumble of bombs from B-52s
could be heard in the predawn Saigon dark-
ness as the Guam-based planes blasted a
Viet Cong forested hideout 20 miles from the
city...
There were no terrorist incidents while I
was in Saigon. But helmeted guards with
guns at the ready in sandbagged positions
outside every U.S. installation attest.to the
fact it is only a matter of time .
Estimates are there are 20,000 Viet Cong
agents in Saigon, but nobody really
knows . One of Premier Ky's ministers
told a French correspondent that "40 per cent
of my staff are Viet Cong men and
women" . It is that kind of a war.
The big enemy forces, of course, ale far-
ther out from the capital. Australians have
been fighting them in good-sized battles near
the coast in recent days.
A4779
ROLE OT 25TH
And the 25th Division from Hawaii is in
a vital spot west of Saigon at Cu Chi, not far
from where a tongue of land from Cambodia
reaches down Into Viet Nam.
There on a searing, dusty plain that is
honeycombed with abandoned Viet Cong
tunnels and emplacements, the division op-
erates, surrounded by barbed wire, sending
out patrols and bigger units into a country-
side that for 20 years has been virtually
governed by the enemy.
Right next door is the infamous Ho Bo
Woods, where reportedly the National Libera-
tion Front (the enemy political arm) was
formed in 1961. It is still a Viet Cong strong-
hold.
The South Vietnamese army's 25th Divi-
sion (still located nearby) was shattered and
almost ineffective when the U.S. 25th ar-
rived in January "not a moment too soon,"
say military sources.
Progress has been made and units from
the 25th operate around the area. But you
find few illusions about the tough job that
remains.
The artillery in the camp still fires out 360
degrees in troop support, and when I asked
one officer what he thought the big accom-
plishment had been in seven months, he
said: "We haven't lost any ground."
Considering the history of the area and its
high significance as a threat to Saigon, it is
an important statement.
OUR FOURTH FRONT
IV Corps is mostly the famous Mekong
Delta, an almost endless expanse of steamy
paddyland, swamp and mangrove, cut by a
few canals, countless twisting streams and
some major rivers.
It holds over a third of the people in South
Viet Nam-more than five million-and is
perhaps the richest ricebowl in the world.
It is also soon expected to become the
"Fourth Front" of the war for U.S. forces.
South Vietnamese forces, of course, operate
in the other three corps areas, and in most
still carry the brunt of the day-to-day war
against enemy guerrilla units.
But the contribution of Vietnamese army
units has been downgraded. Quite naturally
U.S. military men in statements play up the
better side: "They fight well when well led,
which is not always true." Some units work
and fight well with Americans.
But correspondents and others tell stories
of understandable war weariness, high de-
sertion rates, internal political bickering,
and reluctance to fire new artillery weapons
for fear of attracting enemy wrath.
The delta, unlike other areas, is the sale
preserve of the Vietnamese army. There are
no U.S. fighting troops there, only advisers,
helicopter and navy units helping the three
Vietnamese army divisions against 80,000 Viet
Cong.
Pressed as it was to fight the enemy in the
north; the U.S. was content to let this be.
For a time, the official line was that things
were going well in the Delta.
Slowly, however, the realization has come
through that that is not so. At best, it is
viewed as a combination military standoff
and hostile gentlemen's agreement with the
government holding the major towns and the
Viet Cong running much of the countryside,
using it as a source of food and military
recruits.
Some suggest the enemy is creating diver-
sions further north while it rebuilds popular
support in the Delta and prepares for a bit-
ter guerrilla warfare showdown.
Whatever, there are many who might agree
with the Vietnamese commander of the area
who said: "The war began in the Delta and
it will end there."
Reports are that it is now only a matter
of weeks and available troops before the U.S.
moves into the Delta. It will be a small
buildup at first, but the leaked estimates of
four divisions or 100,000 men are hardly out
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX September 13, 19 ,66
of line with military thinking about how the
job should be done.
WALL-TO-WALL TRAGEDY
Nothing so tragically points up the prob-
lems of the air war in the South as the way
U.B. Air Force jets bombed and strafed a
Delta hamlet near Can Tho, killing or wound-
ing more than 100 civilians.
Indications are such things happen far
more often than officials like to admit. One
can argue that the peasants blame the Viet
Cong even more for drawing the bombs to
the hamlet, but there is still no doubt that
our own misplaced air power can be, and has
been, a weapon against us.
It is one thing to hear an air force officer at
a briefing say "we can put wall-to-wall
napalm down on any area of the country,
right in front of our troops." It is something
far grimmer to envision that weapon broiling
innocent villagers trapped with the enemy.
There is, 1iowever, the tremendously posi-
tive side of air power's contribution to the
war. Some feel that in the critical months
last year it was the difference.
Certainly it is an impressive operation:
Day and night bombers circle in the sky; they
can be over a target almost anywhere in the
country in 15 minutes, usually less. * * * At
night lumbering DC-3s, converted into com-
bination flare ships and gun platforms, are
aloft, ready to light up and strafe an attack-
ing enemy. * * * A new radar technique can
guide bombers in monsoon rains to drop
bombs on an enemy attacking the very fringes
of an Isolated. Special Forces camp in the re-
mote highlands. * * * Reconnaissance, jets
flash over a forest at night, taking infrared
photos that show the heat from enemy camp-
.fi.res as bright dots; a B-52 strike can hit the
camp within hours. * * *
ELEPHANT AND ANTS
There is much more to the Viet Nam war.
But it all adds up to a picture of tremendous
effort certain to get bigger.
U.S. forces will go well past 400,000 by the
end of the year. Despite the flap over what
Marine Commandant General Wallace Greene
did or did not say at an off-the-record ses-
sion with newsmen in Saigon, the estimate
that 750,000 troops and at least five years will
be needed is not shocking in the light of what
seems to be Saigon and private Washington
thinking today.
In fact, a "realist" in the frame of current
thinking might estimate it will take upwards
to a million troops, (for a limited time) and
15 to 20 years to save and secure South Viet
Nam.
And that's if we are winning. There are
those who question our approach and wheth-
er well really be able to outsmart and outlast
the enemy on his home ground, no matter
what we spend.
This will be touched on in a later article.
But part of the point was made by an Amer-
ican correspondent:
"You can't help being impressed with the
bravery of our troops and the proportions the
buildup will reach over the coming months.
"But after we get the elephant built, . I
Wonder if he'll really be able to step on all
those ants.".
An American official with long experience
put it another way: "This war may not be
win-able, but at least we've made it militarily
unloseable."
Tim Seward Day
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WALTER S. BARING
OF NEVADA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, September 13, 1966
Mr. BARING. Mr. Speaker, under
leave to extend my remarks I would like
to insert a poem in the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD composed by my staff on the oc-
casion of the retirement of my faithful
friend and assistant, George H. "Tim"
Seward.
Tim Seward has been my friend and
my aid for 25 years. His leaving creates
a void in my office and he shall be missed
by my entire staff, by whom he IS much
loved, and by me in particular.
The poem follows:
TIM SEWARD DAY
We all sat for days in meditation
About a way to show our appreciation
For the many things that Tim has clone
To make our life better-and much more fun.
We asked one of our group to try to compose
A poem or a verse in eloquent prose,
And the very best that she could do
As our last and final tribute to you
Is merely to propose a toast
Without being nostalgic or too verbose,
So lift your glasses and drink to Tina
We wish the best of everything to Pike and
him:
And, if after they've left, they try to
remember
This particular day in the month of Sep-
tember,
We hope they'll know that we've tried to say
We have proclaimed this as "Tim Seward
Day."
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN C. KUNKEL
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, September 13, 1966
Mr. KTJNKEL. Mr. Speaker, there
came into my hands some time ago a
compilation of writings by a constituent
of mine, Mr. Fletcher Thomas Beck, of
Newport, Pa. The collection is entitled
"The Taunting Treasure and Other
Selected Publications." It includes a
number of short stories, essays, and
character studies.
I have read the works with a great
deal of enjoyment, largely for Mr. Beck's
clear style and the worthwhile messages
he has woven into his compositions.
There is one particular story in the col-
lection which would seem both to typify
the author's approach quite well and to
appeal to readers of the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD. Its title is "Faith: The Secret."
It is about an old gravedigger a:nd his
philosophy of life. The setting is a most
beautiful one in the region of Pennsyl-
vania from which I come.
At a time when national and inter-
national crises bear down upon us so
ominously-when all manner of prob-
lems beset us on every side-it occurred
to me this story might provide a source
of hope and inspiration. For those in-
clined to cower under the sheer im-
mensity of our troubles, its last words
carry an appropriate reminder that
"Faith is the great healer."
The story follows:
FAITH: THE SECRET
(By Fletcher Beck)
Old Kady, the gravedigger, had a philos-
ophy of life incongruous to his occupation.
I met him first on a June day. Sitting
on my cottage parch overlooking the village
graveyard, I could see his old sou'wester,
rakishly askew, bobbing up and down as he
picked away at the substrata of the grave
which almost hid him from the world. I
decided I would like to talk to such a dif-
ferent-looking person.,
As I approached, he shoved his hat back
and examined me with his fine brown eyes,
alive with kindness and humor. Evidently
I had made the grade, for after a moment of
silence he drawled with a smile, "Mighty nice
to see you, Bub."
We had talked several minutes before I
was aware that the kindness and goodness
of this mountaineer gravedigger had warmed
my heart like rays of'a sunrise.
Here was a man, with calloused and horny
hands, doing a depressing job-the last per-
son, I thought, to go about singing, "Just
around the corner, there's a rainbow in. the
sky."
When night came he would plod home-
ward along a winding path among the hills.
Tired, as I knew he must have been, he
would sometimes sing lustily as if to show
the world that we are prone to magnify our
anxieties out of all proportion to their im-
portance.
A clear mountain stream went tumbling
by his cabin door, while all around violets,
laurel, and woodbine bloomed profusely be-
neath a sky kindling with the magic of
summer clouds and glorious sunshine. Cat-
bird and thrush vied for a place of honor,
as the bobwhite solemnly called its half-
grown brood together for the night.
Here, earth and sky, fragrance and shad-
ow, color and sound blended into one grand
symphony which this gravedigger whole-
heartedly embraced, gaining from it a pre-
cious treasure-peace of mind and peace of
soul.
One day I said to him, "Kady, you always
have the air of someone who has just dis-
covered a gold mine. How do you get that
way?"
"Hey, Bub, see this?" pointing in the di-
rection of the sun, which was slowly sinking
behind the blue Juniata Mountain. "The
Master Artist who painted that sunset can
paint beauty just like it in your soul if you'll
give him a chance. And what's in your in-
nerts is always reflected through your skin."
It was evident that his gold-mined de-
meanor had won for him a host of friends.
This, coupled with his desire- to be of service
to his neighbors, made it easy to see why he
was so often singled out by his friends with
a special kind of greeting: "Hello, Kady!
Where do we go today?"
A typical answer: "Just across. the hills to
see Jim. Hear Banie, the youngest kid, is
sick. These oranges may bring her a bit of
cheer."
In his response reposed his secret-,his
philosophy of life. He completely forgot him-
self in his desire to bring cheer and comfort
to a neighbor in need. Everyone understood
that beneath his blue denim jacket beat a
heart with kindly feeling for his fellow men.
It was not so difficult to understand the
esteem of the mountain folk for this unusual
little man. Anyone having a birthday was
almost sure to receive a greeting in one form
or another from Kady. It might be just
"Hello, Andy, happy birthday." Or it might
be a few choice hazelnuts, a bunch of medic-
inal herbs, a rare wild flower, or he might
come smiling through your cabin door with
a string of pike or bass.
Once in a while Kady told, a big fish story
to crack the ice on the face of some frosty
old mountaineer.
"You know," he said, "the last time I was
fishing I pulled a big 'un out on the bank
and mounted it like you would a bucking
bronco. But it just dipped into the water
with Kady on its back and away we want
lickerty-split. The old boy Jonah didn't have
much on me. Well, me and that big fish
came back-for here I am."
"Yes, Kady," said neighbor Jim, "but
where's the fish?"
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