'CAN WE CONTROL THE WAR IN VIETNAM?'--ARTICLE BY DR. HENRY STEELE COMMAGER

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• Publication Date: September 21, 1966
• Content Type: OPEN

22620
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE September 21, 1966
substitute. A two-thirds vote is required
for final passage.
Mr. DIRKSEN. I thank the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
question is, Shall the joint resolution
(S.J. Res. 144), as amended, pass?
On this question, the yeas and nays
have been ordered, and the clerk will
call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call
the roll.
Mr. MOSS (when. his name was
called). On this vote I have a pair with
the Senator from New Hampshire [Mr.
MCINTYRE] and the Senator from Mary-
land [Mr. BREWSTER]. If the Senator
from New Hampshire were present and
voting, he would vote "yea." If the Sen-
ator from Maryland were present and
voting, he would vote "nay."
If I were at liberty to vote, I would
vote "yea." I withhold my vote.
Mr. BREWSTER (when his name was
called). I wish to confirm the live pair
which was announced by the Senator
from Utah [Mr. Moss]. If I were per-
mitted to vote, I would vote "nay." r
therefore withhold my vote.
The rollcall was concluded.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. I announce
that the Senator from New Mexico [Mr.
ANDERSON], the Senator from Tennessee
[Mr. BASS], the Senator from Connecti-
cut [Mr. DODD], the Senator from Ari-
zona [Mr. HAYDEN], and the Senator from
New Hampshire [Mr. MCINTYRE] are
necessarily absent.
I also announce that the Senator from
Tennessee [Mr. GORE], the Senator from
Indiana [Mr. HARTKE], the Senator from
Washington [Mr. MAGNUSON], and the
Senator from Montana [Mr. METCALF]
are absent on official business.
I further announce that, if present
and voting, the Senator from Connecti-
cut [Mr. DODD] would vote "yea."
I further announce that, if present
and voting, the Senator from Tennessee
[Mr. BASS], the Senator from Tennessee
[Mr. GORE] and the Senator from Mon-
tana [Mr. METCALF] would each vote
"nay."
Mr. HUCHEL. I announce that the
Senator from Colorado [Mr. ALLOTT],
the Senator from Idaho [Mr. JORDAN],
and the Senator from Kentucky [Mr.
MORTON] are necessarily absent.
If present and voting, the Senator
from Colorado [Mr. ALLOTT], the Sena-
tor from Idaho [Mr. JORDAN], and the
Senator from Kentucky [Mr..MORTON]
would each vote "yea."
The yeas and nays resulted-yeas
nays 37, as follows:
Aiken
Bennett
Boggs
Byrd, Va.
Byrd, W. Va.
Carlson
Church
Cooper
Cotton
Curtis
Dirksen
Dominick
Eastland
Ellender
Fannin
Fong
Griffin
[No. 260 Leg.]
YEAS-49
Hickenlooper
Hill
Holland
Hruska
Jordan, N.C.
Lausche
Long, La.
McClellan
Miller
Montoya
Mundt
Murphy
Pastore
Pearson
Prouty
Randolph
Robertson
Russell, S.C.
Russell, Ga.
Sal tonstail
Scott
Simpson
Smathers
Smith
Sparkman
Stennis
Symington
Talmadge
Thurmond
Tower
Williams, Del,
Young, N. Dak.
Bartlett
Bayh
Bible
Burdick
Cannon
Case
Clark
Douglas
Ervin
Fulbright
Gruening
Harris
Hart
NAYS-37
Inouye Morse
Jackson Muskie
Javits Nelson
Kennedy, Mass. Neuberger
Kennedy, N.Y. Pell
Kuchel Proxmire
Long, Mo. Ribicoff
Mansfield Tydings
McCarthy Williams, N.J.
McGee Yarborough
McGovern Young, Ohio
Mondale
Monroney
NOT VOTING-14
Allott Gore McIntyre
Anderson Hartke Metcalf
Bass Hayden Morton
Brewster Jordan, Idaho Moss
Dodd Magnuson
The PRESIDING OFFICER. On this
vote, the yeas are 49 and the nays are 37.
Two-thirds of the Senators present and
voting not having voted in the affirma-
tive, the joint resolution, as amended, is
rejected.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, may I
say that the crusade for the school
prayer amendment was carried on in the
best of spirit. It will continue. It will
be far better organized throughout the
country next time we wrestle with the
question of voluntary prayer in our pub-
lic schools.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
wish to commend those Senators who en-
gaged in the discussion of the minority
leader's proposal concerning prayer in
the public schools. Certainly the dis-
tinguished minority leader himself car-
ried forward the argument for his meas-
ure with all of his abundant skill and
grace.
His views, strong and most sincere,
were expressed with typical eloquence,
with characteristic clarity and, most as-
suredly, with deep and abiding convic-
tion. In short, the manner in which
this delicate issue was handled speaks
highly for the junior Illinois Senator,
not only for his ability as an outstanding
leader, but, more importantly, for his
undeniable position as an outstanding
American.
The junior Senator from Indiana like-
wise is to be singled out for the exem-
plary manner in which his views on
school prayer were brought to the at-
on this issue equals that of the minorityNw"CAN WE CONTROL THE WAR IN
leader. As chairman of the Suboommit- VIETNAM?"-ARTICLE BY DR,
tee on Constitutional Amendments, he HENRY STEELE COMMAGER
clearly excelled both for the thorough Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, the
manner in which he conducted the hear- September 17 issue of the Saturday Re-
ings and for his full and articulate ex- view eontains an excellent article by Dr.
planations on the floor of the Senate. Henry Steele Commager entitled, "Can
Particularly noteworthy during this We Control the War in Vietnam?" I
discussion were the contributions of the ask unanimous consent that the article
senior Senator from North Carolina [Mr, be printed at this point in the RECORD.
ERVIN], who we all acknowledge as one There being no objection, the article
of the Senate's and, indeed, the Nation's was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
outstanding constitutional historians. as follows:
Senator ERVIN presented his views with
typical clarity And e1nniieii a with fn,'th_ CAN WE CONTROL THE WAR IN VIETNAM? WHAT
we are grateful, as always, for offering
their clear and convincing views. So too
the Senators from Wyoming [Mr. SIMP-
SON] and Michigan [Mr. HART], are to be
thanked for similarly joining along with
others to make the discussion lively, en-
lightening, and certainly one of the most
provocative this session.
LEGISLATIVE PROGRAM
Mr. DIRKSEN. I should like to query
the distinguished majority leader about
the program for the rest of the day and
the rest of the week.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, re-
sponding to the request of the distin-
guished minority leader, it is antici-
pated-and this meets with his ap-
proval-to take up the UNICEF resolu-
tion next.
Mr. RANDOLPH. Mr. President, a
point of order. We cannot hear or see
the majority leader.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
point is well taken. Senators will take
their seats, Attaches will remove them-
selves from the Chamber or find seats.
The galleries will be in order.
The Senator from Montana.
Mr..MANSFIELD. Mr. President, the
UNICEF resolution will be the next order
of business. Then the District of Colum-
bia colleges bill, to which the distin-
guished Senator from Colorado [Mr.
DOMINICK] will have an amendment and
on which he may want a rollcall.
It is anticipated that on Thursday, the
distinguished senior Senator from Ala-
bama [Mr. HILL] chairman of the Com-
mittee on Labor and Public Welfare, will
report the Labor-HEW appropriation
bill. We would like to bring that bill up
Friday, but I rather doubt it, becaus'
if any Senator objects because of the ?
day rule, it will. not be called up. If not,
that will then become the pending buss ""
Hess.
Following that we hope to take up the
Department of Transportation bill next
week, if it is reported this week; then
the comprehensive transportation bill
and then the higher education bill.
persuasiveness. Certainly, we are in- (By Henry Steele Commager)
debted to him for the light he brought It is in Vietnam that we are fighting, but
to this issue. the ultimate enemy-so we are assured with
Finally, to the Senators from Nebraska anxious eloquence-is China. The "aggres-
sion" it awe ed we are ca and t t he he upon to Commop is munism we sm we re
[Mr. HRUSKA]; Massachusetts [Mr. SALT- n
" are
oNSTALL], and Maryland [Mr. TYDINGSI, asked to contain is Chinese Communism,
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 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 CIA-RDP67B00446R000400110007-9 `"-
`September 21, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE 221119
ranking representatives of all faiths have
opposed it, and Catholic opposition or indif-
ference to the question of the amendment
has grown over the years.
At first glance, this indifference tends to
surprise, if not shock. The simple question
arises: "Are not the clergy in favor of
prayer?" The answer here of course is Yes.
But the more accurate question is: "Are the
clergy in favor of prayers in the public
school?" which is something different. And
the real question is this: "Are the clergy in
favor of amending the Constitution to per-
mit these prayers?"
It is with respect to this last question the
clergy have been silent or opposed, and their
reason for so doing is substantial. (It is
not, as the National Review writer held, to
protect federal aid to Catholic schools.)
First, to consider the matter logically one
may ask if there is a proper proportion be-
tween means and end. To amend the Con-
stitution is 'a very weighty matter and
should not be undertaken lightly. And if
prayer's are a weighty matter, it can be ques-
tioned whether the brief, synthetic, and wa-
tered-down prayer that Is usually composed
in order to please all students and their par-
ents is worth an amendment to the Consti-
tution. Second, one can also ask whether
in our pluralistic society such a prayer is
worth the discontent, even ill-will, in the
community that these prayers often incite.
Prayers are intended to lead us to God, not
to fight with our neighbors.
The most weighty reason we know that
can be given against the Dlrksen amendment
is that it Is not necessary. This newspaper
has in the past-and we believe Senator
Pell also-proposed that in our 'public
schools a moment of silence be permitted
each morning for children to pray, or not, as
they wished. For this no Constitutional
amendment is needed. Furthermore, a mo-
ment of silence permits those who pray a
better method of praying and those who will
not pray in public the freedom of desisting
without the embarrassment they insist they
suffer.
A moment of silent communion with God
is certainly far superior to the types of
prayer that have been served up in commu-
nities where school prayers have been
permitted.
We urge once more that school systems
and teachers in the State employ the simple
method of permitting a moment of silence
each day for their students to pray. In this
way no one can be offended; we believe that
God.will be pleased; and our Constitution
will remain as It is.
Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, I shall
vote for Senate Joint Resolution 148
which is before us today. This resolu-
tion was introduced by the distinguished
Senator from Illinois, Senator DIaiSEN,
on March 22, and I joined as cosponsor
along with 47 other Members of the Sen-
ate.
My statement shall be brief because I
believe the purpose of the amendment is
understood by all Members. Neverthe-
less, since this proposal holds wide in-
terest throughout the country, I wish to
state my views.
The proposed amendment is designed
to resolve the uncertainty created by re-
cent decisions of the Supreme Court and
of our lower courts. In Engel against
Vitale, the Supreme Court held that a
prayer formulated by the New York
State Board of Regents and recommend-
ed by them for use in the schools of that
.State constituted the "establishment of
religion" and was forbidden by the first
amendment of the Constitution. In the
case of School District of Abington
against Schempp a majority of the Su-
preme Court invalidated a Pennsylvania
statute which required that "at least 10
verses from the Holy Bible shall be read,
without comment, at the opening of each
public school on each schoolday. Any
child shall be excused from such Bible
reading, or attending such Bible reading,
upon the written request of his parent or
guardian. The Court found that the
statute violated the establishment clause
of the first amendment.
Without attempting to analyze fully
the holdings of the Court, I simply point
out that these decisions were based on
the proposition that a particular form of
prayer cannot be required or prescribed
by the Government, whether it be the
United States, the States, or instrumen-
talities of the States such as municipali-
ties and school boards. To do so would
be to violate the first amendment of the
Constitution which declares that, "Con-
gress shall make no law respecting an
establishment of religion, or prohibiting
the free exercise thereof." And, In 1940,
the Supreme Court in the case of Cant-
well against Connecticut held that the
14th amendment made the 1st amend-
ment applicable to the States and local
governing bodies.
The proposed constitutional amend-
ment before us today-known as the
Dirksen amendment-reads as follows:
Resolved by the Senate and House of Rep-
resentatives of the United States of America
in Congress assembled (two-thirds of each
House concurring therein), That the follow-
ing article is hereby proposed as an amend-
ment to the Constitution of the United
States, which shall be valid to all intents and
purposes as part of the Constitution when
ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths
of the several States:
"ARTICLE -
"SECTION 1. Nothing contained in this
Constitution shall prohibit the authority ad-
ministering any school, school system, edu-
cational institution or other public building
supported in whole or in part through the
expenditure of public funds from providing
for or permitting the voluntary participation
by students or others in prayer. Nothing
contained in this article shall authorize any
such authority to prescribe the form or con-
tent of any prayer.
"SEC. 2. This article shall be inoperative
unless it shall have been ratified as an
amendment to the Constitution by the legis-
latures of three-fourths of the several States
within seven years from the date of its sub-
mission to the States by the Congress."
It can be seen from reading the pro-
posed amendment that it leaves undis-
turbed the decisions of the Supreme
Court which forbid the States to pre-
scribe the form of content of prayers or
to require the recitation of prayers in
public schools. The Dirksen amendment
would overrule the decision of the Court
of Appeals for the Second Circuit in Stein
against Oshinsky, in which the Court sus-
tained the right of a State school district
to refuse to allow voluntary prayers in
the classroom. In this connection, I
think an analogy' may be made to those
cases involving the'saluting of the flag.
In the case of West Virginia Board of
Education against Barnette, the Supreme
Court held that no student can be com-
pelled to participate in the saluting of the
flag when such participation is contrary
to his religious beliefs or conscience. But
the Court never went so far as to hold
..that no school district can deny the
saluting of the flag for those who wish to
participate simply because there is a stu-
dent who does not wish to salute the flag
because of his religious beliefs. The fact
that one or more students do not desire to
engage in voluntary prayer should not
prevent other students from doing so.
Our country has observed the tradition
of tolerance for minorities as well as
majorities. Dean Erwin Griswold of the
Harvard Law School has analyzed this
tradition with great insight in an article
in which he stated:
In a country which has a great tradition of
tolerance, is it not important that minorities,
who have benefited so greatly from that
tolerance, should be tolerant, too, as long
as they are not compelled to take affirmative
action themselves, and nothing is done which
they cannot wait out, or pass respectfully by,
without their own personal participation, if
they do not want to give it? Is it not a
travesty that we have brought ourselves,
through an essentially thought-denying
absolutist approach, to the point where such
things as chaplains in our prisons, or chapels
in our military academies, can be seriously
and solemnly raised as threats to the religious
freedom which Is guaranteed by the First
Amendment-as made applicable to the
States, in very general terms, by the Four-
teenth Amendment? In saying this, l: am
fully mindful of the rights of those who have
or profess no religion, and who are surely
entitled to the same respect as any one else--
and should themselves give the same respect-
ful regard to the rights of other citizens, ac-
cepting reasonable arrangements made in this
area by the majority, with no compulsion
on them to participate.
Finally, our system of government
which emphasizes the freedom of the
individual, is connected with religious
faith. It would be a sad day In the, his-
tory of our country if it should cease to
be so. While the first amendment to the
Constitution prohibits-and properly
so-our Government from establishing a
religion or supporting it, or prescribing
its exercise in our public schools, I think
it wrong that we should deny individual
children the right of exercising freedom
of religious thought such that they may
pause at some time during the schoolday
to utter a voluntary prayer, to express
their belief and faith.
For these reasons, I will support and
vote for this amendment, which would
permit voluntary prayers in our public
schools.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
question is on the final passage of Senate
Joint Resolution 144, as amended.
Mr. BAYH. Mr. President, I ask for
the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, a par-
liamentary inquiry.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator from Illinois will state it.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Do I correctly under-
stand that this is a constitutional vote
which will require a two-thirds vote for
passage, and that the Dirksen resolution
substitutes for it, on final passage?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
vote is on the final passage of the joint
resolution as amended by the Dirksen
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September 21, 1 ~ CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 22621
That China is Communist is .not denied, Begin with the first of our wars, the War The war with Spain was, if not planned,
and that it is militaristic and aggressive is for Independence. It is pretty clear that widely desired and widely popular, for Amer-
taken for granted, for after all is this not the neither the Americans nor the British scan distrust of Spain was deep-rooted, and
very nature of Communism? With every year wanted war in 1775; it Is equally clear that American sympathy with the heroic Cubans
China grows more powerful and more in- neither people followed policies designed to struggling for independence was ardent,
tractable. Already it has a population of 700 avoid it. Certainly Colonel Smith, who President McKinley, to be sure, tried some-
million; already it is well on the way to in- marched so bravely out on the Concord road what ineffectually to avoid war over Cuba, but
dustrialization; already it has the atomic to capture the gunpowder stored in that lacked the backbone to put up any real re-
bomb. Clearly-so the argument runs-it is town, did not realize that he was inaugurat- sistance to the war-mongers. War might
China that inspires and sustains the war In ing a great war, nor did the embattled farm- have been avoided-Spain was prepared to
Vietnam, supplying, if not the men, all other ers who fired the shot which Emerson later make almost any concessions-had it not
necessities of war. If our intervention should asserted was heard 'round the world. Neither been for the bad luck of the explosion of
fail of its objectives-whatever they are-it George III nor Washington wanted war, and the battleship Maine In Havana harbor.
is not Vietnam that will win, but China, though Lexington and Concord were fought There was no evidence at the time that the
And if China is victorious in Vietnam what Is in April 1775, the Continental Congress was Spaniards had blown up the Maine, and there
to prevent it from moving on to Laos and still debating war and independence a year has been no evidence since, but the country
Cambodia, Thailand and Burma, then to the later. And as late as 1776 Washington, John was not interested in evidence. Spain was
Philippines and Indonesia, and ultimately- Adams, Thomas Jefferson, and other Ameri- held responsible for the foul act, and "Re-
the imagination boggles-into Japan, Aus- can leaders are on record as deprecating both member the Maine" echoed across prairie
tralia, and India? independence and war. But war came. and plain. That fortuitous event was the
Meantime, we carry the war ever close to Certainly few wanted and fewer expected fuse which set off the war, just as the in-
China. Now we bomb within a few miles of war in 1812. That war is, indeed, a classic effectual firing on a U.S. destroyer in the
the Chinese border; now we engage in "hot example of the role of chance and of blun- Gulf of Tonkin was the fuse that set off the
pursuit" over Chinese territory; now we dering. The British were too absorbed in war on North Vietnam. In both cases an
grimly warn that there is no Asanctuary nd China, for their rNpn to give any serious administration pledged to peace eagerly s on en feel itself sChinea se sd and And in thought to American grievances; certainly seized on a pretext to wage war.
beleaguered: they had no desire to take on another enemy. It was, said Theodore Roosevelt, "a splen-
a hostile Soviet Russia pressing on the long Americans protested against illegal impress- did little war." The war that grew out of it
boundary historically the North Chinese; Acontrollin merican btsr- ment and Indian depredations, but had little was not at all splendid, and took everyone
nituJa an, Okinawa, the ese Ines, and bases stomach for a fight. New England did not by surprise. Indeed so surprising was it
in J; the Seventh kinaFleet-most i want war, and sabotaged it when it came; that-like the present enterprise in Viet-
the powerful the belligerence of the West has been ex- nam-it was not really a war at all. The
g)theng the South China t Sea; giant aggerated, and it was in any event a belliger- Americans had liberated the Philippines from
diersbombers Viased on with Guam; almost the ,000 sot- ence against Indians. When, in 1812, war Spanish rule, and the Filipinos, or a substan-
in , more on Y. finally came, it was unnecessary, for the tial number of them, assumed that they were
We are alarmed-and so are the Chinese- British had already repealed the odious now free. But not at all. McKinley was not
and when two powerful and proud antag- Orders in Council, the ostensible provoca- prepared to hand the islands back to Spain,
onists are alarmed, almost anything can hap- tion for war. Nevertheless the war came, nor to set up an international protectorate,
pen. Senator FULBRIGHT and many of his As for the next major war, that with Mex- nor to leave them alone, exposed to the wick-
Senatorial colleagues think we are on a "col- ico, it is fair to say that it was ardently ed designs of other nations.
lision course" with China, a view which the desired by some, bitterly opposed by others. But the Filipinos, like the Vietnamese in
Chinese themselves share. Meantime, Secre- Santa Anna probably did not want war, but 1945, thought that they had helped win their
taxies Rusk and McNamara assure us that our he wanted to indulge in gestures that might independence, and did not want any foreign,
own government has no intention of broad- provoke war. Polk did, no doubt, want war, certainly not any Western, power to take
ening the war. And the military, in turn, and so, too, did a good many Texans, and, over. They thought that independence from
however much some of its members might supporting them, a good many land-hungry Spain meant an end to colonialism, and they
yearn for a showdown now rather than later, Middle Westerners. The South was not were outraged when McKinley calmly
discount the notion that China Is able to enthusiastic; New England abolitionists assumed that they had nothing to say about
engage in a major war. charged that the war was fought merely their fate. It did not, apparently, occur to
There is, alas, neither comfort nor re- to get "bigger pens to cram slaves In." McKinley that the Filipinos would oppose
assurance
thesne a this. Wars rarely carefully planned and come dbe- e Certainly
- reason and not passion no beeneed n in for war; had
the did American rule the islands, and when they
they ar launched- not p did so, he reacted impulsively, almost in-
liberately circumstances et ours anyway-but ocontrol. disputes that agitated Mexico, Texas, and the stinctively, as w we later reacted to Vietcong
get out United States could have been negotiated. intransigence. He struck back, and we found
They come, most of them, notwithstanding The Mexican War is a classic example of the ourselves engaged in just the kind of jungle
earnest and even sincere efforts to avoid way in which a determined President can warfare in which we are now once a ain
them. To assume that statesmen, or mil- maneuver the country Into a war neither embroiled. g
Itary men, sitting In distant capitals, can popular nor necessary. That war dragged on for three years, and
manipulate the great, seething, and tumul- The Civil War, greatest of our wars, was before it was over it had engaged 120,000
tuous processes of history as they might by no means that "irresistible conflict" American troops-the equivalent then of our
manipulate pieces on a chessboard Is to 1g- which Seward predicted. Neither North nor 300,000 now in Vietnam-and cost almost as
nore the lessons of the past. The lessons of South really wanted war; Southerners hoped many lives as the war with Spain. Like
the past are not those implicit in the argu- to the end that the North would allow them almost all wars between people of different
meats of a Kahn or a Kissinger; they are to go in peace; Northerners hoped, to the end, races and colors, between a highly civilized
rather those explicit in the lines of Euripides: that the "erring sisters" would in fact return and a more primitive people, this war speedily
"And the ends men look for cometh not, - to the fold. So said Oliver Wendell Holmes: degenerated into the worst kind of guerrilla
And a path there is where no man thought, in an appeal to "Caroline, Child of the Sun": fighting, with barbarities and torture on both
So hath it fallen here." "Go, then, our rash sister, afar and aloof, sides. Within a short time the United States
History, to be sure, tells us of wars that Run wild in the sunshine away from our found itself doing in the Philippines what
t
were ry, o be sure, roof; it had condemned Spain for doing in Cuba,
quite deliberately planned. Napoleon But when your heart aches and your feet just as now we find ourselves doing in Viet-
knew just what he was doing when he re- have grown sore, nam what we condemned the Germans for
newed his war on Britain in 1803; so did Remember the pathway that doing in the last war.
Bismarck in his wars on Denmark, Austria, leads to our
door." The First rld xam affords the best
and France. Hitler planned his attack on perhaps the
only-example of a war which
Poland, Norway, the Low Countries, and Lincoln put It more sadly in his second entered upon upl World
one We move-
Russia, and Japan carefully calculated its Inaugural Address: "Both parties deprecated toward pon deliberately
attack on Pearl Harbor. Such things, it will war, but one of them would make war rather laced the war risks with our eyes open; no c fight-
be said, belong to the bad Old World; they than let the nation survive, and the other of fighting, and of not fight-
do not happen in the New. Indeed they do would accept war rather than let it perish, weighed d ing; Cu and calculated. eW W war err her eights r not. We do not plan our wars; we blunder and the war came.... Neither party expected that decision-and the looking
rfi y into them. Doubtless this has its ad- for the war the magnitude or the duration ion and
back on wrongs w it from m the perspective ttve of fifty years,
s,
vantages: We can maintain to the end that which it has already attained. . . Each there still seem to be more rights than
we are a "peace-loving" people, even as we looked for an easier triumph and a result less wrongs-it cannot be alleged that this was
are locked in mortal Combat with our fundamental and astounding." an occasion where events overrode human
enemies-who, of course, are not "peace- When secession came, Lincoln allowed judgment. We did not, of course, see the
loving.`' Sumter to fall rather than fire the first consequences of our involvement; even the
That is, in any event, the record of most shot, and Seward contrived a fantastic plan eye of Woodrow Wilson could not penetrate
of our wars. Let us see what light that rec- to reunite the nation by warring on Britain that far into the future.
ord throws on the problem that confronts us and France. All in vain. Events ruled and With the Second World War we were
now, overruled the plans of men, clearly back in the world of chance. Granted,
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22622 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE September 21, .1966
Roosevelt had not been a passive spectator tangled is part of that larger intellectual with any social change in the interests of the
to the drama unfolding before us in Europe And moral vanity which is one of the most people as a whole. The landowners, users,
and in Asia; granted too, that by 1941 we had frightening features of the American charac- sweat-shop `owners, corrupt political bosses,
moved, somewhat erratically, toward partici- ter today. It is of a piece with those games and parasitic bureaucrats who now control in
pation in a "shooting" war, with conscrip- theories which so fascinate the servants of varying combinations most governments of
tion swelling the ranks of our armed forces, the Rand Corporation, of a piece with Henry the third world are precisely those people
our airplane and munitions factories work- Kissinger's careful calculations of the tol- who must be deprived of their raison d'etre
log day and night, our protection extended erable limit of losses in a nuclear war-Is it if there is to be a social revolution, Why
to Iceland, and our Navy prepared to shoot 50 per cent or 70?-of a piece with Herman should these people allow themselves to be
submarines on sight. But the election of Kahn's theory of controlled escalation of peacefully ousted as long as they have the
1940, like that of 1910, had been fought on atomic warfare, all as neat and impersonal money to pay others to defend their in-
a platform that appeared to promise that the as a computer. terests? Such defense need not always be as
government would stay out of "foreign" wars. Those whom the gods would destroy they obvious as the employment of white merce-
Public opinion was, in fact, unprepared for first make vain. To suppose that we are a naries by the government of the Congo.
war in 1941. And when war came, it came special people, that we can not only foresee Rulers of most poor countries, by reason of
not by our choice, but by the choice of but control the future, that we can bestride that very poverty, can recruit mercenaries
Japan. Once again it could be said that we the swift currents of history, that the choice from among their own people. This method
did not control events, events controlled us. of life and death for nations and even for is less conspicuous than the Congolese
We did not plan the war, controlling each Mankind has been delivered into our hands-- method, but it is also less reliable because
move in a complex game; there were calcu- this is a special and fearful kind of arro- the danger of defection and mutiny is in-
lations, but they went awry; the moves and gance and pride. Nothing in our experience escapable when national forces are used in a
finally the game itself got out of hand. promises us that we can subdue the arro- revolutionary situation. This danger, in
The Korean War does not fit quite so gance or conquer the pride. turn, can give rise to a demand for extra-
neatly into this patern of wars into which national, counterrevolutionary forces-Bel-
the United States blundered or strayed, but gian regular troops in the nominally Inde-
whatever else may be said of it, this can be "THE COUNTERREVOLUTIONARY pendent Congo, French regular troops in
said with certainty, that it was not a war REFLEX"-ARTICLE BY CONOR nominally independent Gabon, U.S. regular
we either anticipated or planned. The CRUISE O'BRIEN troops in nominally independent Santo Do-
Korean War caught us by surprise as it mingo and South Vietnam.
caught most of the world by,surprise, and Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, in If the line of reasoning is correct, and
so, too, did the ferocity of the fighting. The a recent issue of the Columbia University recent history seems to support it, then it is
analogy to our involvement in Vietnam is Forum, a distinguished former interna- not likely that social revolution will occur
without political revolution; political revolu-
not far-fetched: We plunged into what we tional Civil Servant makes some percep- tion will be opposed by force, and cannot pre-
took for a war of aggression; as we moved tiVe and enlightening comments on 'the vail without greater force. The forms that
ever closer to the China boundary, China problems of Conducting American for- political revolutions take and the relations
concluded that it was threatened (as in- eign policy in a world of sometimes they bear to social change vary according
deed it was by MacArthur and the war violent social upheaval. to the widely differing social realities of the
hawks, though not by Truman) and itself
plunged into the war. We are confident now Conor Cruise O'Brien, a former mein- regions covered. What seems certain, how-
that escalation of the Vietnam war will not her of the Irish delegation to the United ever, is that change of the dimensions implied
bring in China, but our experience in Korea Nations, and a representative of the Sec- by the term "social revolution" is not ac-
Nor political change of
does not justify that confidence. Nor does it retary General in the Congo in 19-61, has complished corresponding dimensions-that is, without
justify our confidence that we can, in the observed firsthand some of the difficul- political revolution. Even Japan, sometimes
end, impose our will on all participants: in ties arising when a world power involves cited as an example of social revolution
Korea we had to settle for something less itself in the political affairs of nations without political revolution, actually went
than total victory, and to accept an armistice whose masses are poor and politically through two political revolutions, one in
which still hangs over us.
Now, once again, we are involved in a war inarticulate. He urges, and I think the last century and one in this.
wisely so, extreme caution in employing Ruling classes, about to be overwhelmed in
that began, quite fortuitously, as a minor their own country, will look outside their
action and developed into a major one. Be- ideological arguments in international country for military help, or will actually
cause public relations, propaganda, and per- affairs, and urges policynlakers to be receive that help, without looking for it, from
haps pride, are more insistent than ever somewhat humble in determining just outsiders who either have important interests
before, we are assured, more persuasively what is, and what is not, acceptable po- of their own in the country concerned, or
than ever before, that everything is under litical change abroad. judge their general network of international
enlarge-
control. No need to fear a further enlarge- Mr. President, I ask unanimous Cori- interests threatened by the combination of
ment of the war; no need to fear war with sent that Mr. O'Brien's article, "The political and society revolution in any coun-
try. no need to fear an atomic conflict. try. The former was the case of Belgium in
But the one thing that is inescapably clear Counterrevolutionary Reflex," be printed the Congo, and France in Gabon: the latter
is that nothing is really under control. In the RECORD at this point. has become the established position of the
Month after month, year after year, we have There being no objection, the article government of the United States.
been misled and deceived. We have been told was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, At a given moment then, social revolution
that the conflict in Vietnam was not a real as follows: In any country, having taken political form,
war, that a show of force would bring it to THE COUNTEaREVOLUTIONARY REFLEX provokes the use of violence, first national
an end; that the Vietcong were being deci- and then-if successful-probably interna-
mated, and were deserting by the thousands; (By Conor Cruise O'Brien) tional. When violence threatens to cross na-
that a few days' bombing would bring North It is widely asserted, and believed, that so- tional boundaries, the United Nations comes
Vietnam to its knees; that we had at last set cial revolution can be peacefully accoln- into the matter, at least in theory, for the
up a stable government; that the South Viet- plished. I can accept this as a reasonable purpose of that organization, in the words
namese army was a real fighting force; that hypothesis when applied' to the so-called of the first line of the first article of the
the long-awaited social and land reforms pockets of poverty in this country and other Charter, is "to maintain international peace
were finally being fulfilled; that we had rich countries, where available resources are and security." However, what the UN does
staunch allies who would surely come to our large in relation to the scale of the problem, or can do in places where social revolution
aid. But why go on? The record of no other where there is a relatively alert and far-see- threatens international peace depends largely
war in our history is so littered with the ing ruling class, and where social changes on the international posture of the United
bric-a-brac of miscalculations, misguided of the magnitude required may well be con- States. This country is not only the greatest
policies, and mistaken predictions. sistent with the interests of the ruling class. and richest of world powers, with widespread
Yet those responsible for this matchless Even in rich countries an increase in sporadic economic, financial, diplomatic and mill-
record of confusion, self-deception, and error violence seems likely, but it seems highly tary influence, but it is also the major
still have the temerity to assure us that unlikely that the relation of violence to contributor to the UN budget, and as such
everything is under control-their control, change will be such as to deserve the name exercises a predominant influence over UN
We are still asked to believe that the Presi- revolution in anything but the rhetorical or policies, decisions and-most important of
dent and his advisors make all the decisions declamatory sense. all-interpretation of policies at the level of
and direct all the actions, that they can cal- In the poor world, or the poor part of the the Secretariat. This situation is widely
culate with certainty just how far the war third world, the situation is qualitatively recognized in the world at large-not only in
will go and how far it will not go; that they different. Throughout most of the area the the Communist world, but also in Western
can move the pieces on the chessboard of oppressed are not minorities but the masses, Europe, Latin America and elsewhere. Only
Asia with such deftness and skill that we and they are confronted by ruling classes in this country does the illusion persist that
need never fear that anything will go awry. that cling avidly to their traditional large the UN is an organization run by Africans
Confidence in our ability to control the share of scarce resources. The interests of for the purpose of thwarting and tormenting
war in which we are now so hopelessly en- the ruling classes are simply not consistent Uncle Sam. It is an illusion that has its
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE September 21, 1966
HOW THE. U.S. RATES
Although the United States has been creat-
ing new companies and institutions in recent
years, it is still far behind Europe with its
state and municipally supported theaters,
opera houses and orchestras.
Glance through the roster of Fulbright
alumni and you will discover how many have
gone on to useful and even distinguished
careers and positions in this country.
Among the composers there are Leslie Bas-
sett, this year's Pultizer Prize-winner; Jack
Beeson, Maurice Bonney, Lukas Foss, Lee
Hoiby, Ulysses Kay, Donald Martino and
George Rochberg.
The concert pianists include Gary Graff-
man and Ivan Davis and the solo violinist
include Berl Senofsky and Sylvia Rosenberg.
Among the conductors have been Loren
Mazael, Newell Jenkins and Thomas Dunn.
The singers have gone to berths in the
leading opera houses of Europe and have
appeared at the outstanding festivals. Some
have started modestly in provincial lyric
theaters and, thanks to the chance to be
heard, have been engaged for better roles in
more important opera houses. The Metro-
politan Opera has hired more than a dozen,
including Irene Davis, Ezio Flagello, Gladys
Kuchta, Anna Moffo, Grace Hof man and
Teresa Stich Randall. Others have appeared
with, the New York City, Chicago and San
Francisco Operas.
Among the theater people have been Alan
Schneider, Allen Fletcher and William Ball,
directors who have been influential not only
on and off Broadway but also in resident
companies across the country.
Among the painters and sculptors have
been Jack Levine, Lee Bontecue, Dimitri
Hadzi, Louis Finkelstein,and Elias Frieden-
sohn.
Add to the creators and performers a lim-
ited but select group of scholars in the arts
.who have received awards and you get the
full measure of the program's scope. Many
of the researchers and lecturers who have
gone abroad under the aegis of the Fulbright
Act have come home to teach a new genera-
tion of scholars,
The faculties of our universities and col-
leges have a generous sprinkling of Fulbright
alumni. Six out of 32 members of the art
department at the University of California in
Berkeley have held exchange fellowships.
GETTING THE RIGHT PEOPLE
There are 16 screening committees ranging
from cinematography to wind instruments
set up by the Institute of International Edu-
cation to review the applicants and choose
the awards winners. Then binational com-
missions representing the host countries and
the United States meet to make sure that
there, is a proper niche for artist, performer
or"scholar. There is considerable give and
take in the operation of these commissions.
Once they go abroad the award winners
enjoy a great deal of freedom and flexibility.
They are assumed to be adults who are eager
to make the most fruitful use of their year
abroad. They receive travel and maintenance
expenses and in special cases additional al-
lowances for books and other supplies.
In other generations the scions of the rich
went abroad for their Wanderjahr, the year
of wandering and absorption of European
culture. Now it is the Government through
the State Department that makes possible a
fruitful year abroad for many gifted young
Americans.
Its reward is that it receives back from
Europe men and women whose talents have
been sharpened and whose horizons have
been broadened. In their own work and in
their influence on others they contribute to
the nation's cultural flowering.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, fol-
lowing that, there was published in the
Times Literary Supplement of Thursday,
July 14, 1966, a review of a book by
Walter Johnson and Francis J. Colligan
relating to the Fulbright program, pub-
lished by the University of Chicago Press.
The review is of a book relating to the
same program, and I ask unanimous con-
sent that it be printed as a part of the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as fellows:
BENEVOLENT INVASION
(Walter Johnson and Francis J. Colligan:
The Fulbright Program. 380 pp. University
of Chicago Press. #3 3s.)
The Master of Pembroke (Oxford), Senator
FULBRIGHT'S old college, said of him that his
famous "Program" had done more for the
spread of learning than any event since the
fall of Constantinople. All over the world
Fulbright fellows are spread like an invading
army of benevolent and fertilizing locusts.
Their effect was that of Attila's horse in re-
verse.
Few junior senators like Senator FULBRIGHT
have so quickly and so deservedly found fame
and left a monument more enduring. This
candid, illuminating and lively history tells
of the growing. pains and of the vicissitudes
of the Program since It was started in a world
in which all continents were in desperate
need. If today the case is altered, if the
needs of the mother countries of the Ameri-
can people are no longer in the forefront,
more than ever the Program has taken the
world for its parish and its beneficence can
be seen everywhere; in Peru if not in mod-
ern China, from Ibadan to Calcutta.
Of course, the authors of the survey do not
think that the Program was totally a novelty.
ern America) a Rhodes scholar. The great
foundations, especially the Rockefeller Foun-
dation, had pioneered, and the Fulbright Pro-
gram gained a great deal from the experience,
won so hardly by Rockefeller, Ford, .Carnegie,
Harkness and the rest. The political talents
(and courage) of the founder were signifi-
cant. Naturally he and Senator Joe Mc-
Carthy were set on collision course, a colli-
sion in which the junior senator from Wis-
consin had the worst of it. The world will
little note or remember what Joe did (if the
world is wise) but the achievement of the
Fulbright Program will outlive, if not the
palace of the Escorial, at any rate the achieve-
ments of the only Arkansas statesman who
has rivalled Senator FULBRIGHT in interna-
tional eminence, Governor Orville Faubus.
On the whole, the Program was lucky. It
fended off, with little difficulty, the intru-
sions of congressmen. It made mistakes but
is recovered from them. It taught the Brit-
ish academic community that there were
serious American institutions outside the Ivy
League and the eastern establishment and
that there were serious academic institutions
in Britain apart from Oxbridge. It even
shook the complacency of the Sorbonne and
provided a way for the German academy to
work its passage back into the Republic of
Letters.
The Program had more and more to do with
the underprivileged world. It had to deal
with the rival claims of Tagalog and English
in the Philippines and corresponding prob-
lems in India,
It has also educated many Americans away
from the "PX attitude to the heathen
dwelling in outer darkness. It has spread
Keynesian economics in Japan as' a rival
doctrine to Marxism-thus running the risk
of infuriating the numerous Americans for
whom Keynes was simply a more dangerous
because more insinuating Marx. It spread
music in the narrow as well as In the wider
sense. It even promoted, through its
fellows, gymnastics. It had the honour of
violent abuse from L'HUmanite and it ac-
cepted the criticism of scholars like the late
Perry Miller that the Program must not be
seen in America as a way of selling "Amer-
icanism". It has been a great and beneficent
success.
It would be unjust to say that Mr. John-
son and Mr. Colligan, like a sundial, note only
the sunny hours. There are inevitable dif-
ferences between hosts and guests. The
Americans an institution would most wel-
come may not be available or not be sent
to the institution or country where they
would be most at home and, from a purely
academic point of view, most useful. Schol-
ars were sent to remote corners of the mis-
sion field who would rather have tilled lusher
fields. Empire-building in the State De-
partment had to be resisted. But all things
considered, the snafus, even the bureaucratic
snafus were few. And unlike the emigration
from Constantinople, the Program worked
both ways. It benefited the United States
as much as it benefited the outer world. Mr.
Johnson and Mr. Colligan, naturally, enough,
in writing for an American audience, made
allusions not necessarily immediately mean-
ingful to non-American readers. (Not every-
body, for instance, will realize that the "Re-
public of China" is an American euphemism
for the Chiang Kai-shek regime on Formosa.)
And it is a little distressing to find that the
authors mix -up the Eastman and Harms-
worth chairs at Oxford and ignore the Pitt
chair at Cambridge, although the teaching
of American history at both of the ancient
OVERCOMMITTED AND UNDER-
SUPPORTED
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, re-
cently, on the 8th of September, the Wall
Street Journal, which I think all of us
recognize as a reputable, very open-
minded, and well edited newspaper, had
an editorial entitled "Overcommitted
and Undersupported." I ask unanimous
consent that it be printed in the REC-
ORD at this point.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
OVERCOMMITTED AND UNDERSUPPORTED
The above words express a growing worry
on the part of a number of Senators: That
the U.S. could become engulfed in more
than one brush-fire war at the same time, In
Increasing isolation from erstwhile allies.
There seems ample cause for the concern.
The strains. of the Vietnam war alone show
how difficult it would be to handle even one
other comparable conflict simultaneously.
Yet the U.S. has military treaties with up-
wards of 40 nations,
Moreover, Secretary of State Rusk, while
denying that Washington is trying to be
policeman for the world, has indicated that
it does not consider itself limited to the de-
fense of those 40-odd countries; rather it
feels more generally bound to uphold the
peace-keeping work of the UN throughout
the world. If so, that is an open-ended com-
mitment if there ever was one.
The specter of new outbreaks while we are
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September 21, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE
status, the intellectual has great opportuni- hostilities--but it is still a question which I
ties, he also has heavy responsibilities. And believe must be squarely faced. It is simply
these have not been well thought through this: How important Is it that educational
or defined. Many forces play on him: the processes, including especially international
policies of his own government and nation; cooperation in education, continue insofar as
the interests of his university and immedi- possible through periods of abrupt govern-
ate colleagues; the composition of his own mental change, domestic turmoil, social in-
scientific or professional international fra- stability, civil disturbance, guerrilla warfare,
ternity; the standards of scholarship and in- and other forms of internal disruption that
i
qu
ry accepted in his own field; and, not seem to be visited on so many countries at
least, his own convictions regarding the uni- this stage of history? And if it is imuor-
v
,
era
va ues and purposes he would like to
serte.
All these different forces and influences,
unfortunately, do not operate within identi-
cal perimeters. He must weigh, measure,
sort out and balance. How indeed does he
assign priorities? How does he resolve a real
confrontation, when it occurs, between his
patriotic duty as a citizen and his profes-
sional commitment as a man of learning?
According to what criteria does he analyze
his obligations if, for example, he is tempted
to become a statistic in the "braindrain":
what weight should he assign to the need of
his own less-developed country for his pre-
cious talents and training, and what weight
to the richer opportunities for professional
development and contributions that the job
proffered to him in the advanced country
presents? Clearly the problems growing out
of the intellectual's new role in world affairs
are manifold. I believe they are worthy of
your serious discussion.
The second question I want to lay before
you is not unrelated to the first because it
concerns one aspect of the intellectual's re-
sponsibility. Here I am concerned with
bringing to larger segments of the popula-
tions of all countries-to a considerably
larger fraction of the world's people-some
of the enlightenment gained by the few
who are the active agents of international
education. Those who work and study out-
side their countries, those who travel and
observe as consultants and study missions,
those who reside abroad as exchange pro-
fessors-they will always be but a tiny per-
centage of the population of any country.
It is our assumption-or perhaps I should
say it is our faith-that something is in-
volved in international educational experi-
ence beyond the specific enhancement of the
individual's own professional ability-be-
yond his further training as classicist, bot-
anist, architect or anthropologist. He is also
a culture-carrier, one who brings back to his
own people general insights into the cul-
tures and societies of others.. One of the
currently favored terms to describe this
process of transmission is "feedback." Con-
siderable attention has been given to this
matter, at least in the United States. We
have experimented with ways of broadening
and enriching the world affairs content of
what might be called "life's curriculum"-
from a little after the cradle to 'just this
side of the grave. But we have so far still
to go!
If Indeed our ultimate goal in this entire
area of endeavor is to send down ever deeper
roots of comity among peoples, then this
translation of specialized knowledge into in-
formed public understanding about world
affairs should stand near the, top of our
agenda of unfinished business. We in the
United States would like to know how suc-
cessfully the leaders of other countries have
addressed this problem, how they conceive
of it within their own societies and what
approaches and techniques they have found
promising. This second question which I
am proposing for inclusion in your discus-
sions here is one in which we in America
perhaps have ideas to share, but indeed have
incumbent upon intellectuals to re-examine
many of their assumptions, develop some
new implements for their tool kits, and gen-
erally refurbish their methods and tech-
niques in international education?
We can most easily portray our traditional
ways of thinking about this question-or
rather, of not really thinking about it at
all-by looking at two extreme situations.
On the one hand, we have tended to view
the calm and relaxed relationships between
the United States and England (or the U.S.
and Canada) as really the natural setting for
cooperative educational relationships. In
that context of amity and understanding,
the movement of students and professors
and the development of intellectual ties goes
on effectively and almost unnoticed. At the
other extreme, during the holocaust of World
War If, nothing was farther from our
thoughts than international cooperation in
education (except perhaps with Latin Amer-
ica,'far removed from the battlefront).
If we think about the realities of our world
today, we know that most sets of interna-
tional relationships fall somewhere between
the tranquility of the United States vis-a-vis
the United Kingdom, and the total conflag-
ration of the Second World War. The in-
between ground is immense, showing almost
every possible gradation and different color-
ation--from the problems posed by the suc-
cessive governmental turnovers in Nigeria
to the picture of acrimony and total non-
relations between Mainland China and the
U.S. Such examples of the "exceptional cir-
cumstances" in which educational relation-
ships roust function, if they are to exist at
all, could be multiplied almost at will. But
I am sure that without further elaboration,
the issue I am trying to pose for your con-
sideration is clear. The situation for most
of the world lies within this area of "excep-
tional circumstances". Most important of
all, the less developed countries that en-
compass two-thirds of mankind are almost
without exception those that are most sus-
ceptible to the turmoil of social strife and
upheaval. If we could simply overlook this,
that would be one thing. How convenient
it would be if we could say: "Ah, ha! 'Upper
M:arsovia has had a revolutionary upset. We
shall just pull out and wait to see whether
they can straighten themselves out!" But
those countries are precisely the ones that
most urgently need the cooperation, assist-
ance and sustenance which the advanced
countries can offer. We have to do better-
to be capable of greater sophistication of
approach-than the old black-and-white
analysis allows.
So my final theme for your consideration-
put forward with an even greater sense of
urgency than the two preceding-is that all
of us concerned with the vitality of inter-
national education and its full moderniza-
tion in the real world of the 1960's would do
well to ponder how these linkage and rela-
tionships can be effectively developed with
the South Vietnams, the Dominican Repub-
lics, the Indonesias and the Nigerias of this
globe. For the intellectual, this is a towering
challenge. The terrain is very different from
the one over which he is accustomed to move
My third question raises some very difFi-
22625
vanced and the enlightened-but the down-
trodden and disadvantaged of this earth will
have to go on waiting for the benefits it can
confer. By his very nature, the intellectual
does not wish to write that message into the
tablets of history. But for the verdict to be
otherwise, we are all called upon to give
earnest thought to the ways in which we
adjust the patterns and relationships of in-
ternational education so that they become
relevant and meaningful for the millions of
human souls in the troubled countries of the
world.
I have tried in a sketchy manner to suggest
three themes for discussion. The way the
intellectual solves the tensions which develop
between his duties as citizen and his obliga-
tions as scholar; his role as a culture carrier
and interpreter; and his responsibility to
further educational progress in areas of active
conflict and severe political strain.
In the course of the next two days I am
confident that our distinguished panelists
and participants will introduce many addi-
tional themes for discussion.
It is my hope and expectation that our
proceedings will be worthy of the great anni-
versary which is the occasion of our
gathering.
INVESTMENT IN THE ARTS
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr.. President,
following that speech by Mr. Wells, I ask
unanimous consent that an article re-
lating to the same subject, written by
Howard Taubman, published in the New
York Times of June 22, 1966, entitled
"Investment in the Arts," be printed in
the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
[From the New York Times June 22, 19661
INVESTMENT IN THE ARTS-FULBRIGHT GRANTS
YIELD RICH DIVIDENDS As ALUMNI'S TAL-
ENTS BENEFIT THE NATION
(By Howard Taubman)
If you were asked to guess who has been
underwriting the largest program of awards
in the arts during the last 20 years, you
probably would say the Ford or Rockefeller
Foundation. But you would be wrong. It
is the StateDepartment through its interna-
tional exchanges under the 1946 Fulbright
Act, so called because the bill was sponsored
by Senator J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT of Arkan-
sas. It has made a total of 2,350 grants to
Americans pursuing studies and careers In
the arts. These grants each year constitute
16 to 20 percent of all Fulbright fellowships
awarded to Americans. Only the language
fields have provided a larger number of Ful-
bright scholars.
An analysis of the grants in the two
decades that the program has been in opera-
tion shows that there have been 159 awards
In drama, 18 in cinema, 27 in dance, 383 in
painting, 83 in. sculpture, 342 in architecture,
138 in design, 145 in composition, 53 in
conducting, 609 to instrumentalists and 393
to singers.
But even more impressive than the sta-
tistics is the significance of the awards both
to the individuals who received them and
to the United States itself to which they
eventually bring back their heightened and
polished powers.
For many artists, especially. young per-
forming artists, the gravest problem is to
find opportunities to employ their skills
after they have finished their formal studies.
Actors, singers, instrumental soloists and
conductors desperately need the equivalent
u
t is here that he is called upon to
cult issues. So far as I am aware, little of internships. They require places where
leave a record of accomplishment for history. they can gain experience, test themselves in
thought has been given to this matter. It Otherwise, he is driven back to saying that different roles and repertories and develop.
is one that brings us up against the hard international cooperation in education is their talents in an exigent professional am-
facts of international political tensions and fine for the stable, the prosperous, the ad- biance.
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September 21, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SUNATE .22627
.engaged in Vietnam is hardly fanciful. The
talk about Thailand gets steadily more
ominous, and although warfare there could
be viewed as an extension of Vietnam, it
would be no less troublesome on that ac-
count. The Communists could, if they
chose, reopen the Korean front and try to
instigate uprisings elsewhere.
Such eventualities, at any rate, fit in with
the oft-stated strategic hopes of Red China.
The most recent statement, an editorial in a
Chinese paper, professes to welcome the
American concentration on Asia; "the more
forces U.S. Imperialism throws into Asia,
the more will it be bogged down there and
the deeper will be the grave it digs for it-
self."
Peking also envisions "wars of national
liberation" in other parts of the under-
developed world. The editorial explains it in
a somewhat mixed metaphor: With many
peoples rising to attack the U.S., "one hit-
ting at its head and the other at its feet,
U.S,. imperialism can be nibbled up bit by
bit."
For their, part, President Johnson and his
advisers believe the threats should be taken
seriously, whatever, anyone may think of Red
China's present capacity to carry them out.
To the Administration, of course, this is a
principal reason for being in Vietnam. If
that particular "war of liberation" can be
stopped cold, it may persuade Peking to
desist from further attempts In Southeast
Asia or anywhere else.
It must be hoped it will work out that
way, and like most Americans we see no
good alternative at this stage to continuing
the .fight. But assurance 1s wanting that
the U.S. can bring the war to a satisfactory
conclusion in any reasonable period of time.
or is it by any means certain that a
Communist defeat there would in fact make
Red China refrain from other aggressions;
so far Vietnam_ apparently is costing the
Chinese nothing in men and relatively little
in materiel. And the thunderous lack of
support the U.S. is getting in the world for
its effort in Vietnam suggests how little
relish even friendly nations would have for
additional entanglements.
The prospect of the U.S., all but alone, em-
broiled in Vietnams successively or simul-
taneously for the indefinite future is one that
Americans should not be required to accept,
no matter bow deep their opposition to in-
ternational communism, The potential
drain, it seems to us, is too great in propor-
tion to whatever the possible gains. Some-
? how the present overextension must be cor-
rected.
An obvious place to start is to cut back
the heavy U.S. troop commitment in Europe,
As Senator Mansfield now urges (and these
columns have argued for years). A token
force would be sufficient to keep the Soviets
aware that the U.S. would resist an attack
on Western Europe, which pledge is NATO's
central deterrent.
Even so modest a proposal, however, won
instant rejection from the White House, and
the rebuff seems symptomatic of the Admin-
istration's overextended thinking.
What needs understanding is that the U.S.
cannot protect every people in the world
from Communist peril without weakening its
ability to fight a major war with a major
foe should that ever become necessary. The
Government has to be more selective, and the
proper basis for the selectivity is how direct-
ly an aggression impinges on American na-
tional interests.
Had that fundamental principle of foreign
policy been adhered to, it is doubtful that
THE SITUATION IN SOUTH
VIETNAM
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent to have printed
at this point in the RECORD as a part of
my remarks an article by Clayton
Fritchey relating to South Vietnam.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
(By Clayton Fritchey)
WASHINGTON.-The post election jag in
South Vietnam goes on unabated, and the
intoxication of Washington officialdom al-
most equals that of the Saigon generals, who
are described as "almost delirious with joy."
Premier Ky and the other leaders of the
military dictatorship are hailing the election
as a "triumph for democracy," a "smashing
victory" for the government, and a testimo-
nial to the ruling junta.
The President of the U.S. has added his own
beaming benediction: "The large turnout,"
he said, "is to me a vote of confidence." Con-
fidence in what?
If the American people swallow the new
Ky-Johnson line, they will again end up dis-
appointed and disillusioned, just as they
have in the past when the truth ultimately
deflated previous propaganda fantasies.
It is better to face up to the truth at once,
and the truth is that the Vietnam election
(if it can honesly be called that) is by no
stretch of the imagination a testimonial to
Gen. Ky's military government.
No one yet knows what the election results
really mean, or even portend, so Ky and his
U.S. supporters simply proclaim that the
mere size of the turnout (also in dispute) is
in itself an endorsement of the government.
Yet the one, indisputable, fact seems to
be that if the vote is a testimonial to any-
thing at all, it is to the people's deep desire
to have an elected, civilian government, and
not a self-imposed military one, such as Ky
presently heads up.
Just how that constitutes a ringing af-
firmation of the Ky junta is something that
baffles disinterested observers, most of whom
see the election as a strong expression of
popular will for replacing the generals with
a constitutional, representative government.
If that is so, why are the generals so elated?
They are jubilant because they think they
have succeeded (temporarily at least) in ac-
quiring the protective coloring of a demo-
cratic election, without running any risks to
their own future. They think they have
fixed it so that they are safe no matter what
'happens. And they are probably right in this
estimate.
According to the Chief of State, Gen. Van
Thieu, the election was "a victory for the
entire free world over international Com-
munism." Since the junta did not permit
any reds or even neutralists to run for the
assembly, it is not clear how the election
could have been a test of Communism, for it
was never an issue during the campaign.
. The victory claims come down to Ky's
Orwellian proposition that the junta was
"for" elections, and the Buddhists and Viet-
cong were "against" them, and therefore the
balloting was a vote for him and a rebuke
to his enemies.
As everyone knows, the only reason the
elections were held in the first place is that
the Buddhists forced Ky to call them. Last
spring, it took weeks of demonstrations, vio-
lence, and fiery immolations to exact an elec-
toral promise from the junta. The Buddhists
have never been pro-Communist or pro-
Vietcong. They simply fought for elections
assembly, and (2) arranging it so that any
new constitution will have to be just what
the junta ordered.
The Buddhist answer was to boycott the
election on the grounds that it had been
turned into a "farce." They have never been
"against" elections, but only against debasing
them.
All that happened on September 11 is that
the embattled people of Vietnam, subjected
so long to military tyranny, decided that even
a rigged election was better than no election
at all.
No doubt the hopes of many unsophisti-
cated Vietnamese, especially in the provinces,
have been momentarily raised by the joy of
just casting a ballot; and no doubt many
Americans would like to believe Premier Ky's
statement that the election means "a
brighter, more beautiful future" for his na-
tion.
The only fly in this unctuous ointment is
that in the 10 years of South Vietnam's his-
story there have been a dozen military gov-
ernments, and none of these regimes, in-
cluding Ky's, has yet been able to find a
place fqr the people in the country's "beauti-
the U.S. would have stumbled, into the? Viet- and representative government until the
nam war' in the manner that it has. Before militarists grudgingly gave in.
we get any repeat performances, Vietnam Confronted with, the, necessity of going
should above all stand as a warning of the through with elections, the generals cleverly
danger of unlimited commitments and in- made the most of the situation by (1)
discriminate interventions. screening all candidates for the constituent
O\R 'CbMMITMENT IN SOUTHEAST
ASIA
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mn President,
during the last few weeks there have
been two or three notable occurrences
in regard to our commitment in south-
east Asia, notably Pope Paul's appeal for
peace, directed, of course, to all of the
world, and particularly to the half bil-
lion Catholics. I think his encyclical
dealing with this subject was an out-
standing document and deserves the
serious consideration of our political
leaders and all Members of this body. I
certainly wish to join in applauding the
statement of Pope Paul.
In that connection, the statement of
the Secretary General of the United Na-
tions, Mr. U Thant, and his three points,
should be mentioned. I only wish to say
again that if our Government would pur-
sue his suggestions, there might be some
possibility of progress in the effort to
stop the gradual escalation of the war
in southeast Asia.
I refer also to the New York Times
Sunday magazine section in which there
appeared an article by Arthur Schles-
inger dealing with this matter.
Mr. Richard Goodwin made a speech
entitled "No Wider War," taking, for
the major part of his speech, the same
theme the President took during his
election campaign in 1964. I commend
that speech of Mr. Goodwin's to the. Sen-
ate. It states very eloquently, in the
lowest common denominator, what the
situation is with regard to southeast
Asia.
It seems to me that nearly everyone
except the most rabid warmongers could
agree that we do not desire a wider,
broader, or more extensive war than we
now have. If we can agree upon that; if
this Government, our enemies, and our
allies could agree that the war is not to
be extended, that might give us a pause
which would allow our diplomats and
our political leaders to find a way out of
a very dangerous situation. I I
Finally, I wish again to pay tribute
to the majority leader for his statements
in this field and his initiative with re-
gard to reducing substantially our troops
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE September 21, 1966
In Europe. I think if his advice were
taken more seriously by our leaders, we
would be much better off. I pay him
tribute.
NATIONAL UNICEF DAY-SENATE
JOINT RESOLUTION 194
Mr. TYDINGS. Mr. President on be-
half of myself and 25 other Senators, I
Introduce a joint resolution to authorize
the President to designate October 31 of
each year as National UNICEF Day.
This joint resolution (S.J. Res. 194) is
identical to Senate Joint Resolution 144,
as favorably reported by the Committee
on the Judiciary. That resolution was
just interred, the victim of the prayer
amendment.
I ask unanimous consent that the
Senate proceed to the immediate con-
sideration of Senate Joint Resolution
194.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr.
JORDAN of North Carolina in the chair).
The joint resolution will be stated by
title for the information of the Senate.
The LEGISLATIVE CLERK. A joint reso-
lution (S.J. Res. 194) to authorize the
President to designate October 31 of each
year as National UNICEF Day.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection to the present consideration of
the joint resolution?
There being no objection, the Senate
proceeded to consider the joint resolu-
tion, which was read twice by its title.
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, will the
Senator from Maryland yield?
Mr. TYDINGS. I yield.
Mr. JAVITS. I am entirely in favor
of this measure. I am drawing on my
recollection now, but I believe that it is
a fact that contributions made by in-
dividuals to UNICEF, such as those re-
ceived on the famous "trick-or-treat"
tour that the children take at Halloween,
whereby a good deal of money is collected
for UNICEF, and which is a marvelous
demonstration of the children's feeling
for it, are not tax deductible. Is the Sen-
ator to tell us whether that has been
checked into at all?
Mr. TYDINGS. I am not able to give
the Senator a firm answer to that ques-
tion, as to the tax deductibility of contri-
butions to UNICEF.
Mr. JAVITS. I believe that they are
not tax deductible, and I should like to
use this occasion, when we are establish-
ing a point of honor to UNICEF, to make
another point which, perhaps, will do
that organization as much good as honor.
Though honor is great, they can cer-
tainly use more money.
Many such voluntary contributions in
this country are tax deductible, and I be-
lieve that more contributions for this
extremely deserving cause, the United
Nations Children's Fund, could be ob-
tained if we would give it some degree of
tax exemption. I do not see any reason
why it should not be a complete tax
exemption. I hope very much that-some
consideration may be given by the ad-
ministration-who would have to request
it-to this matter. We have been after
them for a long time, and I shall keep
after them. But I suggest and urge, at
this point, that that be done. As well
as doing UNICEF honor, let us also do
it some good.
I thank the, Senator.
Mr. TYDINGS. I thank the distin-
guished Senator from New Ycrk. I think
.his remarks are well taken.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
joint resolution (S.J. Res. 194) is open to
amendment. If there be no amendment
to be proposed, the question is on the en-
grossment and third reading of the joint
resolution.
The joint resolution was ordered to be
engrossed for a third reading, and was
read the third time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
joint resolution having been read the
third time, the question is, Shall it pass?
The joint resolutions (S.J. Res. 194)
was passed, as follows:
Resolved, by the Senate and Souse of
Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assembled, That the
President of the United States is authorized
and requested to issue annually a proclama-
tion designating October 31 as National
UNICEF Day, inviting the Governors and
mayors of State and local governments of
the United States to issue similar proclama-
tions, and urging all Americans, both adults
and children, in their traditional spirit of
good will, to continue and to strengthen
their support of UNICEF, not only as indi-
viduals but also through their schools, their
churches, and other community organiza-
tions.
AMENDMENT TO THE ACT OF SEP-
TEMBER 2, 1964, FOR PAYMENT OF
COMPENSATION FOR CERTAIN
LANDS UTILIZED FOR DITCHES
AND CANALS IN RECLAMATION
PROJECTS
Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that the Senate pro-
ceed to the consideration of Calendar No.
1586, Ii.R. 9976.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill
will be stated by title.
The LEGISLATIVE CLERK. A bill. (H.R.
9976) to amend the act of September 2,
1964.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. (Mr.
HARRIS in the chair), Is there objection
to the present consideration of the bill?
There being no objection, the Senate
proceeded to consider the bill.
Mr. CURTIS. Mr. President, I thank
the distinguished acting majority leader,
the Senator from Hawaii [Mr. INOUYE]
for calling this matter up. I wish to ex-
press my gratitude to the chairman of
the subcommittee and to all the members
of the Committee on Interior and In-
sular Affairs.
This measure (H.R. 9976) is presented
to us exactly as it passed the House of
Representatives. The bill will do what
we intended to do in 1964. It is a, cor-
rective measure.
I call attention to one statement that
the House of Representatives put in
their hearings:
Enactment of H.R. 9976 will involve little
increase .in expenditures over those now re-
quired by Public Law 88-561.
Mr. President, what we do here today
is what we intended to do when the pre-
vious act was passed. The bill provides
compensation for lands taken for canal
purposes, which is already the law. It
merely provides jurisdiction for the
courts, so that the determination of the
amount of compensation can be carried
out as originally intended.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have printed in the RECORD, an
excerpt from the report (No. 1619), ex-
plaining the purposes of the bill.
There being no objection, the excerpt
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
PURPOSE
H.R. 9976 and a companion measure, S.
2297, introduced by Senators CURTIS and
HRUSKA propose an amendment to Public
Law 88-561 (78 Stat. BOB, 43 U.S.C. 945a) au-
thorizing suits in Federal district courts to
determine just compensation in the event
that the landowner and the United States fail
to agree on the value of the lands involved.
In addition, it will permit the United States,
through the Secretary of the Interior, to
compensate landowners for canal rights-of-
way reserved to it in patents issued by the
States.
BACKGROUND
An 1890 act of Congress (26 Stat. 371) re-
quired a reservation to the United States of
rights-of-way for canals and ditches to be
incorporated in all patents for lands west of
the 100th meridian, after October 2, 1.888.
In the last Congress, the 1890 act was
amended by Public Law 88-561 so that the
United States could compensate property
owners for lands utilized in connection with
the Federal reclamation program notwith-
standing the reservations required by the act
of 1890. Many Western States, following the
Federal policy, disposed of State lands with
a similar reservation for canals and ditches
to the United States. While the 1964 act
authorized the United States to pay compen-
sation for reserved rights-of-way contained
in patents from the Federal Government, it
did not authorize compensation for those
holding State issued patents containing a
similar reservation to the United States.
H.R. 9976, if enacted, would resolve this in-
equitable inconsistency by allowing land-
owners who trace their title to a patent is-
sued by a State, to be compensated like those
whose title runs from a patent from the Fed-
eral Government.
Another aspect of H.R. 9976 Involves the
question of where the amount of the com-
pensation to be paid to the landowners is to
be determined, The committee recommends,
in the event of disagreement between the
United States and the landowner as to the
value of the land within the right-of-way.
that the Federal district courts should ascer-
tain the amount which would constitute just
compensation. It was felt by the committee
that the landowner should not be handi-
capped with the burden of accepting, without
recourse, the offer tendered by the United
States, or of bringing suit to the Court of
Claims.
DISCUSSION
In 1964; the Congress had before it the re-
port of the Interior and Insular Affairs Com-
mittee which outlined the need for the re-
vision of the 1890 act. It was pointed out, at
that time, that when the Congress required,
as it did in 1890, the incorporation of canal
and ditch reservations in all patents for lands
west of the 100th meridian, it probably con-
templated a right-of-way 75 to 100 feet in
width. Contrary to that early concept, ?\he
report indicated the rights-of-way required
now are often many times that width. Since
the easement was not fixed in size nor limited
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`22636 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE September 21, 1966
t
nance
etnam war. precluding rates for lakDOD. e ports, thus meThere nt was ordered objection, the state- ment sprinted in the fact isfirn slead nhg. The Government is-
clally
pend sues bonds because it spends more than
'DOD annually s spends $ $400 400 million on RECORD, as follows:
DOD
this commercial sealift. By putting it CHET HUNTLEY ANALYZES U THANT'S it receiv byin Gaxes. The boficit u and
on a strictly competitive basis, DOD will STATEMENT
be saving the taxpayer tens of millions Considerable attention is being given today the Government borrows today not only
a con-
con- flirt abut fbethe causecost of its e GreatVietnam
General U.N. ssmbly, which eneral Than
dollars a year. Great Lakes shippers ra to the report
will Society
will be able to bid competitively for
vene tomorrow. This is another typical spending.
go
`1 " POSED BY SENATOR MILLER
Mr. iDttct'SE . ~?
portant account of Senator JACK MIL-
LER'S contribution to everyone's thinking
about the war in Vietnam was published
last week in the Senate Republican
memo, which is sent to Senators on our
side of the aisle by the staff of the Sen-
ate Republican policy committee. The
weekly memo is a compilation of facts
on affairs of Government. This partic-
ular account deals with the All-Asian
Conference which the junior Senator
from Iowa originally conceived.
I ask unanimous consent that the ac-
count be printed at this point in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the account
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
SENATOR MILLER RECORDED AS FIRST To SUG-
GEST ALL-ASIA VIET MEETING
It was Republican Senator o JACK reMILLER
cord,
of Iowa who first suggested,
the idea of a possible all-Asian conference
which might lead to settlement of the Viet
Nam war. His suggestion (CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD, Feb. 25, 1966, p. 3942, 3rd column),
came in the course of a wide-ranging address
to the Senate on the background, legality,
and buildup of the war in Southeast Asia.
Senator MILLER also pointed out at the
time that if the Asian nations could join
together in an all-Asian Development Bank
for economic development in that area of
the world, "they ought to be able to join to-
gether to seek peace in their area."
Senator MILLER pointed out in his address
the present Viet Nam mess could well have
developed the way it did because of the tem-
porizing of the Administration with the?glar-
ing violations by Hanoi of the Geneva agree-
ment on Laos. The United States pulled out
its troops but several thousand Red troops
remained. it was not until February 1965,
Senator MILLER said, that it was made clear
to North Viet Nam there would be no privi-
leged. sanctuary above the 17th Parallel.
CHET HUNTLEY ANALYZES
U THANT'S STATEMENT
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr.
President, much has been heard in recent
days about the statement made by
United Nations Secretary General U
Thant.
References were made to the war in
South Vietnam which have been inter-
preted, in many different ways. I be-
lieve one of the most interesting an-
alysis of Mr. Thant's statement was made
Tuesday, September 20, 1966, by the na-
tionally known radio and television com-
mentator, Mr. Chet Huntley, in a pro-
gram broadcast by the National Broad-
casting Co.
Because it gives a clear commonsense
analysis of'the statement, I ask unan-
imous consent to have the statement
laced in the RECORD.
p
the international orgauI.am.-, -- ti.,. __- to approve an antipoverty autnormza~lull
General might have done better than placing
into the record another round of platitudes. of $2.7 billion-nearly $1 billion more
This report is another one which can be in- than the administration has requested.
terpreted in almost any way the reader The sale of bonds, which is the issu-
chooses. ante of Government notes, is necessary,
U Thant's report to the United Nations to-
m on not just because of the Vietnam costs,
day cNam.ned some ored what he the war in but because Great Society spending pro-
as s a a called Holy the grams, inspired by political expediency,
tentdency . to He regard deplor the ed what struggle he
tenl
War of differing ideologies. He said that it executed in waste and being only sham
politics but rather by patience and with con-
sideration for the people of South and North
Viet Nam. The New Times, both on the front
page and on its editorial page, interprets U
Thant's remarks on Viet Nam as a stern
rebuke for the United States. This may not
be surprising in that the Times' editorial
stance in respect to Viet Nam has frequently
been as nebulous as many of Thant's re-
marks. The Times appears to urge that the
United States stay on in South Viet Nam but
that it refrain from employing any more men
or weapons.
is the American presence in Viet Nam one
in behalf of a Holy War of different ide-
ologies? In other words, are we in Viet Nam
only to stop communism? It does seem that
d
it might be reasonably and forcably argue
that, that does not define our policy or that
it is a gross over-simplification.
We are certainly in Viet Nam to try to get
communism to stop realizing its objective by
force. The fact that the United States has
made every conceivable offer to negotiate
would seem to demonstrate that we have no
illusions about wiping out communism in
Southeast Asia. If we are engaged in an
ideological war, something must surely be
said about the ideology of the right of self
determination. Wo have had demonstrations
and proof over and over again that there are
people in Viet Nam who choose to resist the
the country by using force. And American ounce. But only foreign central banks or
ideology to wipe out communism in South- foreign governments may buy these bars.
east Asia or anywhere else would be unwise An American citizen violates the law by buy-
and unworkable, if the ideology of the self ing, selling or owning one.
determination of people in such ill repute President, the rate of redemption
that it deserves to be discarded. And what Mr.
about the widely advertised communist ideol- of U.S. Savings bonds is precisely the
ogy. Does it somehow deserve to write the same type of action U.S. citizens for-
order for the world? merly used when they demanded gold U service to
In e to the e world Thant by has not calling do this a a gr Holy for paper money. Today the redemp-
l
War of differing ideologists. Precisely, whose tion rate is the citizen's way of telling
ideology is so repulsive or which one is to his government to put its fiscal affairs in
yield when communist ideology confronts order.
the ideology of self determination? Mr, President, recently the President
INFLATION WARNINGS CONTINUE
TO APPEAR
Mr. PEARSON. Mr. President, I do
not know how many storm warnings
must be sounded before this administra-
tion will take steps to restore stability to
the national economy. The rate of in-
flation apparently does not yet alarm
this administration. But the pressures
increase and warnings continue to ap-
pear.
- Yesterday it was suggested by the
President that higher rate U.S. bonds
might be available to regular purchasers
of U.S. savings bonds. The reason given
was that this would help the Govern-
VW Moreover, Mr. President, the increased
bond rate is motivated by another con-
dition-an even louder storm warning.
Existing savings bonds pay 4.15 percent
to maturity and may be redeemed at any
time. The current pace of redemption
is a source of concern, it is said, to the
Treasury Department.
In this connection, I am reminded of
an article by my friend W. L. White in
the August issue of the Reader's Digest
wherein he writes of the rising risk of
runaway inflation:
During most of our country's history, gold
has served as a valuable alarm system-and
has given the citizen a check on his gov-
ernment. If the government was extrava-
gantly spending more than it took in, so
that its credit became shaky, a citizen could
protect himself against inflation by demand-
ing and getting gold for his paper money at
any bank. These withdrawals could con-
stitute a stern warning to government and
banks to put their affairs in order.
Today the American people no longer have
this protection, or this check on government
extravagance. Our dollar is still distantly
linked to gold, since our Treasury will still
redeem its paper money by selling gold bars
proposed that the 7-percent tax credit
for industrial expansion and retooling
be suspended along with accelerated de-
preciation. He further proposed that a
series of talks be initiated and that the
Government departments make every
move to curtail expenditures. This has
been characterized by many as a weak
proposal which came too late to be effec-
tive. Indeed business expansion and
purchase of equipment and inventories
will only be accelerated by this proposal.
And the talks if initiated only now come
too late. They should have - been the
concern of the Government for more
than a year.
A reduction of Federal expenditures
offers a real answer, but who among us
? Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400110007.9
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400110007-9:
September 21, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE
? Mrs, Cooley cited an example
M of Why Rep, Rarick charges that MORRISON is a rubber "It was just a telephone ,"
ahon.N help is unable to call on open Adminis- stamp for the Johnson administration on McMillan said. "Whe
She n Mrs. Lyle cameconversationback,
in his campaign. civil rights and other programs. While the the Post Office Department would simply bill
spending of- . the Johnson administration is the committee for that part of her sala:ry."
PHREY unwittingly" hurt Rep. MORRISON's reported to be an issue, it is the civil rights He said he saw nothing wrong with the
chances in a recdnt speech in Louisiana dur- issue that is most heated,
ing which he made some impromptu remarks t. ost Office Department loaning an employee
on racial rMrs. Florence Cooley, an administrative o the House Committee or to a Congress-
"We l know rioting. io Mr. HUMPHREY didn't intend to
aide. to MORRISON, explained the "frantic" man. He said he was "not familiar with the
hurt Mr. MORRISON," she s"but his s race that has "everyone in the office working Hatch Act" and could not say if it was prop-
Ad - , a she said, al ,. "but ,peech e