OUR INVOLVEMENT IN VIETNAM

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000400110002-4
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 28
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 20, 2005
• Sequence Number: 2
• Publication Date: September 29, 1966
• Content Type: OPEN

Approved For Release 2005/06/29: CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
September 29, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE 23533
freedom. At a time in history when we
are in competition with totalitarianism
for the minds of men, I think it is more
important than ever that we encourage
and applaud the establishment of edu-
cational institutions which encourage
freedom of inquiry, thought, and dis-
covery.
I think the objectives of Mackinac
College are well reflected in the follow-
ing article which appeared in the Bay
City Times on September 13, 1966:
(By Margaret Allison)
MACK/NAC IsLArin.?Mackinac College sees
itself headed toward a unique educational
breakthrough suited to the times.
Its island campus is permeated with the
spirit of high adventure as administrators
and faculty talk about how they believe
Mackinac will become a new force in edu-
cation.
The new school opens Wednesday with 150
charter freshmen and some 20 faculty mem-
bers,
Dr. Morris Martin, dean of faculty, wants
to keep this new liberal arts college relevant.
"This is the factor for which today's col-
leges are looking; but too many are high
and dry in the backwaters of history."
"I am enthusiastic about learning, but I
want to see knowledge used to redirect to-
day's world. Mackinac College will gear its
courses to answering the problems of the
world in which we live.
David Blair, English department co-ordi-
nator, believes problems of today's world are
compounded because much modern litera-
ture presents society as meaningless. "A
generation which is hungry for relevance is
being given a diet of husks," he contends.
In teaching literature at Mackinac, Blair
explains, "books will be evaluated in terms
of human values, not just structure and
form.
He fully expects a new crop of young writ-
ers to emerge at Mackinac, who will point
man to triumph, not to defeat."
"What happens in a nation's classrooms
will have as great a bearing on the future as
what happens in its research laboratories,"
is the conviction of Martin Dounda, member
of the English faculty and former speech-
writer for the Air Force Systems Command
in Washington, D.C.
"The thing that attracted me to Macki-
nac," he says, "is its avowed aim to educate
students for responsible leadership in a tech-
nological age."
Prof. E. Harold Tull, physics and introduc-
tory science teacher, believes "Anyone who
wants to take responsibility for the world
needs some knowledge of science." He has
been conducting investigations of the iono-
sphere by means of radio transmitters sent
aloft in sounding rockets from Fort Church-
ill in northern Canada.
Dr. Franklin S. Chance, until recently in
charge of research and production at Pfizer
International Pharmaceutical Co., wants "to
stress math as a way of thinking, rather than
just a technique for problem-solving. This
is not unique," he added. "Educators have
felt this was the main reason for teaching.
But at Mackinac I will try to bring it out
from under cover so the students them-
selves realize its importance and achieve
mental discipline."
W. Timothy Gallwey, director of admis-
sions, from San Francisco, said "This is the
first college to start from scratch with the
Idea in mind to teach leadership in per-
spective to world opportunity."
Gallwey, a 1960 graduate of Harvard Uni-
versity, explained before Mackinac was
formed teams visited 125 universities and
colleges in 20 states, interviewing countless
students, teachers and parents. Confer-
No. 165-20
ences also were held to explore the concerns
and needs of youth for a type of education
most suited to the demands of today's world:-
"This combination of visits, interviews and
conferences revealed the widespread demand
for the kind of education that Mackinac
College will provide." he said.
Gallwey said the 150-member charter stu-
dent body hal a wide range of academic
ability. "Thirty per cent are in the top 10
per cent of their class and could get into
any college in the country; 55 per cent in
upper one-half and could get into most
colleges; the other 15 per cent have leader-
ship potential although their scores are
lower. We'll offer a remedial program for
them, and if they need more extra help we'll
start a special program."
More than 50 per cent of the students "re-
ceive some sort of financial assistance,"
Gallwey said "We made it possible for all
13
students accepted to meet college penses."
'Si
OUR, INVOLVEMENT IN VIETNAM
(Mr. FARNUM asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute; to revise and extend his remarks
and to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. FARNUM. Mr. Speaker, during
my frequent returns to my district in
Michigan, it has become apparent, from
discussions with constituents about our
involvement in Vietnam, that the basic
position of the United States is not clear-
ly understood. I have attended every
possible briefing, I have studied every
possible source of informed opinion, and
I have talked to many persons who have
seen first hand the situation in Viet-
nam?my objective being to understand
why we are there, what we are doing, and
how do we intend to ultimately find
Peaceful solution to this conflict. I have
brought together what I consider the
essentials of our commitment in Vietnam
in the form of a careful review of our
basic position, our efforts for negotia-
tions, the political situation in light of
the recent elections, the history of our
economic aid, and an honest hard-facts
statement on the military situation there.
Yet my emphasis is on our desire for
peace, for I believe that, more than any-
thing else, the people of my district and
of the country as a whole, earnestly de-
sire world peace consistent with our na-
tional honor. I have tried to make this
review as up to date as possible, realiz-
ing that the history of events in that
troubled country has been that of con-
stant change, and that we ourselves have
had to look again and again for wise al-
ternatives amidst a sea of changing cir-
cumstances.
To summarize our position in the
world on the question of peace, and how
we propose to bring about a just peace,
we have no finer projection of our ob-
jectives than that enunciated by Am-
bassador Arthur J. Goldberg, the U.S.
representative to the United Nations, in
the plenary session in general debate,
on September 22, 1966. Rather than
paraphrase or excerpt, I am asking
unanimous consent that Ambassador
Goldberg's address be printed in the
RECORD following my review of our basic
position, as his statement marks a signif-
icant initiative for peace which must be
considered as an integral part of our
basic U.S. policy in Vietnam.
The United States is ready to order
a cessation of all bombing of North Viet-
nam, when assured?privately or other-
wise?that this step will be answered
promptly by a corresponding and appro-
priate de-escalation of aggression against
the South.
The United States is also ready to with-
draw its forces as others withdraw theirs
so that peace can be restored in South
Vietnam, and favors international ma-
chinery to insure effective supervision of
the withdrawal.
In stating these U.S. proposals to the
United Nations General Assembly, Amer-
ican Ambassador Arthur Goldberg made
clear September 22 that the United
States desires a political, not a military,
solution to the conflict in Vietnam. And
he stressed that Vietcong representation
in unconditional discussions or negotia-
tions of a political solution would be no
insurmountable problem.
In his address Ambassador Goldberg
posed these questions:
First. Would the government in Hanoi,
In the interest of peace, and in response
to a prior cessation by the United States
of the bombing in North Vietnam, take
corresponding and timely steps to reduce
or bring to an end its military activities
against South Vietnam?
Second. Would North Vietnam be will-
ing to agree to a time schedule for super-
vised, phased withdrawal from South
Vietnam of all external forces?those of
North Vietnam as well as those of the
United States and other countries aiding
South Vietnam?
All who are devoted to peace will wel-
come the U.S. initiatives which Mr. Gold-
berg outlined. As I speak to you today,
we are waiting. We are waiting for a
positive response from North Vietnam.
As a result of my exhaustive and end-
less search for the course of reason in
this most important national question, I
can only conclude that we must support
the patience and perseverance of our
President.
THE BASIC UNITED STATES POSITION
A commitment against aggression
The people of the United States are assist-
ing the people of South Viet-Nam for the
same reason that we assisted the people of
Greece and of South Korea?to support a
free people in the face of Communist aggres-
sion. Our goal is to preserve the freedom of
the South Vietnamese people to determine
their future as they see fit. Tens of thou-
sands of armed, trained men including tons
of armaments and North Vietnamese regular
army units have been infiltrated into South
Viet-Nam to impress Hanoi's will by force.
Three American presidents?Dwight Eisen-
hower, John F. Kennedy, and Lyndon John-
son?have pledged us to assist South Viet
Nam. Many nations whose future may hinge
on American support are anxiously watching
our actions in South-Vietnam to determine
the value of solemn American commitments.
Their future conduct, as well as that of hos-
tile nations, will be influenced by the con-
clusions that are drawn from our support of
South Viet-Nam. They are watching to see if
America will persevere. Our example will
sustain their desire for freedom, independ-
ence, and peace.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
23534 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
? Countering "wars of national liberation"
Vo the Chinese Communists, South Viet-
Nam is the model of ea-celled wars Of na-
tional liberation. If South Viet-Nam ie con-
quered, we can expect future conflicts in
Asian nations?Thailand has already been
designated as the next target--in Africa and
In Latin America. If South Viet-Nam suc-
cessfully resists; it will show the Communist
pOwers that cheap victories are no longer
possible and that the price of aggression is
too costly. In time, the Communist powers
Will hopefully choose to focus their energies
on. their own vast internal problems.
The goal of self-determination
Our goals in South Viet-Nam are neither
military bases, economic domination, nor
political alliances. We support the right of
the people of South Viet-Nam to elect their
government freely and to decide for them-
eelves without outside force and coercion
Such questions as reunification and neutral-
ity. The United States does not seek the
destruction of North Viet-Nam pr its regime.
President Johnson stated the American
preference for using our resources for the
ecOnornic reconstruction of Sontheast Asia.
We are prepared to contribute our share to
help these people help themselves. But
despite our desire for peace we are determined
to honor our commitments and to take all
necessary measures until we and the 34 other
nations aiding in the struggle successfully
assist the people of South Viet-Narn in pre-
serving their right to determine their own
destiny. We must not forget that despite
our assistance it is the' South Vietnamese
people who are still suffering the bulk of the
oasualties in what remains their struggle for
01,f-4etermination.
Shove me the timetable for the withdrawal
Of North Vietnamese forces and I will show
you the timetable for American withdrawal,
the President said on Labor Day.
Unconditional discussions
The Presidents actions and statements
over the past year have clearly shown that we
are fully prepared to transfer the struggle for
South Viet-Nam's freedom from the battle-
field to the conference table. We continue
to be ready to discuss a peaceful solution
Without preconditions. When, either as a
result of the gradual lessening of hostilities
or of a formal settlement, the people of South
Viet-Nam are relieved from outside coercion,
our forces will be withdrawn.
U.S. EFFORTS FOR NEGOTIATIONS
Here are some examples of the continuing
;search for a peaceful settlement by the V.S.
_Government during 1965 and 1966:
In February, April, June, July, and Decem-
ber, 1965, the Administration warmly en-
dorsed the repeated efforts by the United
Kingdom to find such a solution through its
individual efforts and through the collective
efforts of the Commonwealth.
In April, 1965, the Administration wel-
comed the appeal by seventeen non-aligned
nations for a settlement through negotia-
tions Without preconditions.
In May, 1965, the Administration sus-
pended our bombing of North Viet-Nam and
sought some indication of a North Viet-
namese willingness to respond.
In June, 1965, the Administration encour-
aged the attempt by the Canadian repre-
Sentative on the International Control Com-
mission for Viet-Nam to discuss the possibili-
ties of peace with representatives of the
North Vietnamese Government in Hanoi,
In July, 1965, the Administration sent a
message to the Security Council expressing
the hope that UN members would use their
influence to bring all governments to the
negotiating table to halt aggression and
evolve a peaceful solution.
'Prom December 24, 1965 to January 30,
-1986, a period of 37 days, the President halted
our bombing of military and communica-
tions targets in North Viet-Nam. He pur-
sued this course as part of a continuing
effort to uncover any signs of North Vietna-
mese willingness to respond in some con-
,.
structive way which might signify an interest
in a peaceful solution. The purpose and
sincerity of OUT action was conveyed on be-
half of the President across the globe by
Vice President Hubert H. Humphrey, Gover-
nor Averell Harriman, former Under Secre-
tary Thomas Mann, Governor G. Mennen
Williams and Ambassador Arthur Goldberg.
In addition, U.S. Ambassadors abroad brought
the intent of our actions directly to the
attention of the leaders of over 100 coun-
tries. Our message was conveyed both di-
rectly and indirectly to Hanoi.
In June, 1966, the Administration followed
Closely the peace-seeking mission of Cana-
dian Ambassador Chester Ronning to Hanoi.
The Administration welcomes Prime Min-
ister Gandhi's proposal of July 7, 1966 for a
peace conference on Viet-Nam.
.In August, 1966, we expressed our great
interest in the constructive suggestion of
the Government of Thailand for the conven-
ing of an Asian Conference to deal with the
problem of achieving peace in Viet-Nam.
The Administration encouraged initiatives
from world leaders such as President Rad-
hakrislinan of India, former President Nkru-
mah of Ghana, President Tito of Yugoslavia,
President Nasser of the United Arab Repub-
lic, Foreign Minister Fanfani of Italy, and
the Pope, among others, in seeking means of
working toward a peaceful settlement.
No meaningful response
What has been the response from Hanoi?
There has been no favorable response from
Hanoi to any United states or other peace
initiative. The North Vietnamese continue
to insist that their agents, the Viet Cong,
be accepted in advance of any discussions
as "the sole genuine representative" of the
South Vietnamese people. In other words,
North Viet-Nam still insists that it be al-
lowed to contol the South before it will even
discuss peace.
THE FoLITICAL SITUATION
General situation
The present Government of South Viet-
Nam, composed of a Directorate as the ruling
authority over a combined military-civilian
cabinet, has served more than one year with-
out major alteration, However, the Govern-
ment was subjected to internal pressures
following the dismissal of one of the Direc-
torate members, General Thi, in mid-March,
1966. On June 6, as a result of these pres-
sures, the Directorate of ten generals was
enlarged to include ten civilians. The Gov-
ernment also announced on June 1 its in-
tentions to establish an armed forces-civilian
council to serve in an advisory capacity to
the Government. This council met for the
first time on July 5.
Development of political institutions
On April 12, 1966 the Government con-
vened a National Political Congress, mem-
bers of which were broadly representative
of all non-communist Civilian political and
religious groupings, to discuss steps to be
taken for a return to constitutional govern-
ment. Prior to the Congress, the Govern-
ment had announced on January 15 its in-
tentions to establish a National Advisory
Council to draft a constitution which would
have been, submitted to a national ref-
erendurn in October and followed by elec-
tions in late 1967. However, acception the
consensus of the Congress, Chief of State
General Thietfissned a decree April 14 pro-
viding for elections for a constituent as-
sembly within 'three to five months.
After additional consultations with re-
presentative groups, the Government on May
5 convoked a 32-man Election Law Draft-
ing Committee, consisting again of Repres-
entatives of Viet-Nam's major non-commu-
September 29, 1966
nist groups, to draw up draft laws pertain-
ing to the conduct of constituent assembly
elections, the composition and functions of
the constituent assembly, and the rejuvena-
tion of political activity. In early June the
Committee forwarded its recommended
draft laws to the Government.
Constituent assembly elections
Procedures
On June 19, 1966, the Government of Viet-
Nam Issued two decree laws pertaining to the
organization and functions of a Constituent
Assembly and on election procedures for the
creation of such an Assembly. The decree
laws were the translation into law of a con-
sensus arrived at by the Vietnamese Gov-
ernment and the Election Law Drafting
Committee.
They provided for a Constituent Assembly
to be convened with the sole purpose of
drawing up a constitution. The Vietnamese
Election Law allowed for one seat in the Con-
stituent Assembly for each 50,000 voters who
were,registered for the May, 1965 provincial
and municipal elections. Using this for-
mula, there were 108 seats open for elec-
tions, including four "seat which were re-
served for the ethnic Cambodian minority.
Nine additional seats were reserved for the
Montagnard (hill tribe) minority.
Election would be by the direct method
and by a system of proportional representa-
tion. In constituencies where there was one
seat up for election, individual candidates
would run, and the candidate with the most
votes would win. In constituencies where
more than one seat was at stake, lists of
candidates would be submitted for election.
A certain percentage of votes would have to
be won in order for a list to win a seat for
one, or more, of its members. Special pro-
visions were applied to the elections for the
Montagnard seats.
Voters in the elections had to be 1.8 years
old as of December 31, 1965, be inscribed on
an electoral list, have a valid voter registra-
tion card, and have not been deprived of his
rights as a citizen. There were no political
restrictions placed on voter eligibility. There
were aproximately 5.600 polling places or
one polling place for about every 1,000 regis-
tered voters.
Candidates for elections could be male or
female, had to be at least 25 years of age,
and have .held Vietnamese citizenship for at
least five years. Some 540 candidates com-
peted for the 108 directly elected assembly
seats. Persons who directly or indirectly
worked for the Communists, and pro-Com-
munist neutralists as well as neutralists
whose actions were advantageous to the
Communists were disqualified as candidates.
Within fifteen days after the election, the
elected deputies convened the first meeting
of the National Constituent Assembly. Un-
der the Constituent Assembly Law the As-
sembly is allotted six months to draft a
constitution. The draft constitution is then
to be passed to the Chief of State for con-
sideration by the Directorate and promulga-
tion or return to the Constituent Assembly
in revised form. The latter may override
the Directorate's revisions by a two-thirds
majority vote of all members.
Results
On September 11, 1966 approximately 4,-
200,000 voters, or 80 percent of the country's
5;288,000 registered voters, went to the polls
and elected the Constituent Assembly.. They
braved a determined effort by the Viet Cong
to prevent their voting, which by terror, as-
sassination, threats and violence directed
against candidates and ordinary citizens re-
sulted in more than 500 casualties in the pe-
riod immediately preceding the election.
The Viet Cong did prevent those under
their control from reaching the polls, but 80
percent of those eligible in the total popula-
tion, were registered,, and, as. noted, 80 per-
Approved For Release 2005/06/29' : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
September 29, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE 23535
cent of these acTually voted. By comparison,
the average voter, turnout in an American
presidential election approximates 55 percent
of eligible voters; in non-presidential elec-
tions, the average is closer to 39 percent.
This was a vitally important step in Viet-
Nam's evolution toward representative and
constitutional government, to be followed in
1967 by the election of a president and na-
tional assembly. Successful candidates in-
cludes some of Viet-Nam's most prominent
nationalists and political figures as well as
a representative cross-section of religious,
regional, ethnic minority and political fac-
tion leaders. Impartial observers confirmed
that the election was free of irregularities,
and that no public support for the Viet Cong
was apparent.
17.8. ECONOM/C AID
Since its formation in 1954 the Republic
of Viet-Nam has received substantial United
States economic as,sistance including Food
for Peace. During fiscal 1968, the economic
aid imports totaled about $505 million and
U.S. assistance for economic and social pro-
grams about $160 million. AD) plans to con-
tinue at about this same level in FY 1967.
This economic assistance has made it pos-
sible to greatly expand programs that meet
new and enlarged needs for refugee relief,
health education and hospital construction.
For example, more than one Million South
Vietnamese refugees have fled to govern-
ment-controlled territory since January 1965,
and about half have been resettled while the
others are in temporary shelters. The United
States has provided food, construction mate-
rials, blankets and other supplies in refugee
relief. Major efforts are underway and ex-
panding in the field of health. We are as-
sisting the Vietnamese to enlarge teaching
facilities in medical and dental education.
A surgical or medical team is planned for
each of the provinces by the end of FY 1967.
An accelerated program of hospital renova-
tion, begun in FY 1965, will continue.
Revolutionary development progranis
Economic and social welfare programs sup-
ported by the United States play a crucial
role in the over-all effort to improve the wel-
fare of the rural population and develop
their loyalty to the Government of Viet-Nam.
As was clearly, stated in the Honolulu Decla-
ration, these programs must be closely tied
to military and police actions to protect the
villagers and political programs to develop
local governmental institutions. They cov-
er a broad range from the training of ad-
ministrators, teachers, doctors, agricultur-
alists and other technical personnel to the
provision of classrooms and textbooks, wells,
medicines, seeds and fertilizers. A number
of activities are aimed specifically at in-
creasing the participation of rural Vietnam-
ese in local development projects which
will give added incentives to village self-
defense. These self-help projects include
road building, well-digging and school con-
struction, and combine local labor and ma-
terials with AID-financed imports of con-
struction commodities. These are the kinds
of programs which I strongly support be-
cause they help people help themselves.
To foster the revolutionary development
program, members of the 'U.S. AID Mission
are working with Vietnamese in every one of
the country's 43 provinces. American ad-
visors are also assisting the Vietnamese in
measures to deny economic resources to the
Viet Cong, the "Open Arms" defector pro-
gram, and the vital task of training cadres
to carry out the entire rural construction
program.
Since the success of the entire revolution-
ary development effort also depends upon
the ability of the government to supply and
transport personnel( and materials to the
areas concerned, the U.S. is vigorously sup-
porting programs to improve transport and
logistics, electrification, telecottununications,
water and urban development. This serves
both to identify the government with the
people and to build the structure necessary
for long-term development under peaceful
conditions.
The problem of inflation
To cope with the inflationary threat, the
U.S. and the Government of Viet-Nam have
expanded financing of commercial imports
and are developing other financial and fiscal
measures; this process has been assisted by
the work of an IMF mission which visited
Viet-Nam in April and May 1966. On June
18 the Government of Viet-Nam announced
a major program to achieve economic stabi-
lization. At the same time wage and salary
Increases for civil and military employees
were granted as partial compensation for
the erosion of purchasing power which had
already occurred and which was anticipated
after devaluation. After an initial post-
devaluation rise in prices, recent indicators
show an encouraging leveling off. Viet-
namese and American officials are consulting
on additional anti-inflationary measures,
Including the improvement of port facilities
to increase the flow of goods into Viet-
Nam.
Free world shipping to North Vietnam
The U.S. Government has been making
a serious effort during the past year to
eliminate Free World shipping to North
Viet-Nam. This effort is underway through
a series of high level diplomatic approaches
to all the nations involved. In these ap-
proaches I point out the recent amendments
to the Foreign Assistance Act which would
end aid to countries whose ships remain in
the North Viet-Nam trade.
As a result we have met with considerable
success. During the first seven months of
1966 the average number of calls dropped to
5 a month from 21 a month in 1965 and 34
per month in 1964. In July 1966 only one
Free World ship called in North Viet-Nam.
Nearly all of the remaining shipping in-
volves small, coastal vessels under charter to
Communist countries, most of which are
registered in Hong Kong. Their cargoes are
nonstrategic. We know of no shipments
of arms on Free World vessels. Neverthe-
less, U.S. efforts to achieve a complete ces-
sation of this trade will continue.
THE MILITARY SITUATION
Chronological review
In late 1961, in response to an appeal by
President Diem and following a high-level
U.S. study mission which cofirraed the seri-
ous effects of the Hanoi-directed campaign
of terror and subversion, President Kennedy
agreed to increase significantly the U.S. ad-
visory and logistic effort in South Viet-Nam.
The Hanoi regime had begun in 1959 to in-
filtrate into South Viet-Nam former Viet
Minh cadres who had regrouped in the
North after the 1954 Geneva Agreements and
and who had received special training in
subversion and sabotage.
By the end of 1962 there was evidence
that the South Vietnamese had made some
military progress against the Viet Cong. The
Viet Cong, however, achieved a strength in-
crease and a noticeable increase in use of
mortars and recoilless rifles.
By the end of 1963 the Viet Cong appeared
optimistic. They improved their military
and political situation throughout the coun-
try from the Ap Bac battle in January 1983
to increased terrorism following the over-
throw of the Diem regime.
_
Into 1964, the Viet Cong objectives ap-
peared to be to destroy or prevent the estab-
lishment of New Life Hamlets, to consolidate
"liberated" areas, to destroy South Viet-Nam
forces and to counter efforts to obtain Hoa
Hao and Cao Dai support. The Viet Cong
carried out large-seals operations with rela-
tive impunity and achieved some success in
their terrorism and propaganda efforts. The
continuing infiltration of former Southern
guerrillas was augmented by the infiltration
of native Northerners and, late in the year,
of regular troop units of the North Viet-
namese Army.
During the first half of 1965 the Viet Cong
continued to maintain initiative and momen-
tum. South Vietnamese lines of communi-
cation were completaly disrupted and the
Central Highlands isolated for extended pe-
riods. In response to the request of Prime
Minister Quat, 'U.S. ground combat units
were sent to Viet-Nam, beginning in March,
to augment the Republic of Viet-Nam's
Armed Forces and thus correct the military
imbalance created by the previous introduc-
tion of North Vietnamese Army units.
They were later joined by units from Korea,
Australia, the Philippines, and New Zealand.
Combined South Vietnamese, United States
and Free World forces blunted this "mon-
soon offensive." The number of Communist
successes declined and there were some im-
portant victories over the Viet Cong. The
tempo of Viet Cong activity declined in July
but, in October the number of Viet Cong in-
cidents began to increase rapidly through the
remainder of the year. In October there
were over 3,300 incidents, in November it sur-
passed 3,600, and in December it reached
over 4,000. Each of these was the highest
encountered to date in the war. Despite over
40,000 killed or captured and over, 9,000 de-
fections, the Viet Cong continued to main-
tain an offensive capability. Their year-end
order of battle more than doubled that at
the beginning of 1965.
Combined Viet Cong and North Vietna-
mese military activity continues in 1966 to
follow the familiar pattern of terrorism,
harassment, sabotage and small-scale attacks
with occasional large-scale operations against
isolated Government positions. Recent
South Vietnamese, United States and Free
World forces operations and air strikes in
critical areas are believed to have generally
discouraged large-scale enemy activity and
disrupted their plans. The Viet Cong and
North Vietnamese Army will probably con-
tinue their pattern of terrorism, harassment
and sabotage and possibly increase the num-
ber of small "hit-and-run" attacks. When-
ever they can achieve terms of their own
choosing and when and where it suits their
purpose, as against the Ashau Special Forces
Camp in March, they are likely to attack in
force.
Enemy tactics
Enemy tactics have not changed since the
war began, despite the intensity of their at-
tacks and an increase in terrorism, propa-
ganda and sabotage. Their operations are
still essentially "hit-and-run," emphasizing
ambushing and destroying friendly reaction
forces.
Order of battle?Current strengths
Government of South Viet-Nam: Despite
combat and other losses, the South Vietna-
mese Armed Forces achieved a modest in-
crease. Their present strengths are: Approx-
mately 316,000; 280,000 Regional and Popular
Forces.
United States: Approximately 300,000.
Third National Forces (major contribu-
tions) :
Korea, 24,500 (soon to be increased to ap-
proximately 43,000).
Australia, 4,700.
New Zealand, Philippines and Thailand
(see Section on Free World Assistance to
South Viet-Nam).
Viet Cong: Approximately 64,000 Main
Force, 120,000 irregulars or guerrillas, 40,000
political cadre, 19,000 support.
North Vietnamese Army: Approximately
47,000. There are now 19 North Vietnamese
Army regiments in South Viet-Nam opposed
to 9 in 1965.
Infiltration
Men and supplies continue to enter South
Viet-Nam over established infiltration routes.
Current estimates give the Communists the
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
23536
Approved For Release 2005/06/29: CIA-RDP671300446R000400110002-4
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- HOUSE September 09, 1966
Capability of infiltrating approximately five
thousand men per month with enough sup-
plies to sustain them until the Viet Cone sys-
tem can provide for them or until integrated
into Viet Cong units. For 1958 to 1964 over
40,000 were infiltrated from North to South
Viet-Nam. During 1965, the estimate ex-
ceeded 26,000. It is estimated that the 1966
Infiltration exceeded 35,000 by the end of
July.
Casualties
Combat deaths since 1961, as of August 20,
1956, (With U.S. military deaths until 1965
sitatained by advisors only) were: Enemy
troops, over 141,000; GVN Military, over
39,000; US Military, 4,832.
B-52 operations
Since they started in June 1965, over 350
B-52 etriices have been conducted against
enemy bases in South Viet-Nam. These
strikes have provided continual disruption
and harassment in hitherto impregnable
areas. Prisoners-of-war report that :the B-52
operations have been a significant factor in
lowering Viet Cong and North Vietnamese
Army morale.
Air strikes against North Vietnam
Bombing of the North began in February
1965, with a strike on the Dong Hoi Barracks
arid gradually expanded to military targets
along the infiltration route. A 'pause in the
bombing occurred during the period May 13-
17, and a second pause of 37 days, began
I>ecember 24. Our air strikes have these
Objectives: to make it as difilcult and as
wetly as possible for North Viet-Nam to con-
tinue effective direction and support of the
Viet Cone to convince the North Vietnamese
Goyernment that its Control, direction and
support of the Communist insurgency in
South Viet-Nam ia not worthwhile; to bolster
nidrale in 8outli Viet-Nam.
Our recent bombings of oil facilities in
North Viet-Nam are in line with this general
FREE WORtD ASSISTANCE TO SOUTH VIETNAM
In the foreseeable future, the main bur-
den of outside support for the Government
of South Viet-Nam has been and will con-
tinue to be borne by the United States. But
substantial contributions of military and ci-
vilian assistance are provided by a large num-
ber of other countries.
At the present time, thirty-four free world
Countries are providing?and several more
have agreed to provide?assistance to South
Viet-Nam., Negotiations are underway be-
tween the Government of Viet-Nam and
many of these nations for additional aid.
The countries now contributing help to
South Viet-Nam are:
Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Brazil, Can-
' ada, China, Denmark, Ecuador, Prance, Ger-
many, Greece, Guatemala, India, Iran, Ire-
land, Isra61, Italy,
Japan, Korea, Laos, Luxembourg, Malaysia,
Netherlands, New Zealand, Pakistan, Philip-
pines, Spain, Switzerland, Thailand, Turkey,
United Kingdom, United States, Uruguay,
Venezuela,
-Significant contributions of armed forces
? have been made in the past year. A Korean
coinbat division has been in Viet-Nam since
October, 1965 and a second division is now
being deployed. The Australian Government
has increased its military forces in Viet-Nam
from 3,900 men to 4,500, and New Zealand
has raised its artillery battery from, four to
six howitzers. The Philippine congress has
approved President Marcos' request for a
2,000-man engineering force with support-
ing settirity personnel to be sent to Viet-
Nam; the advance party of this contingent
recently arrived in Viet-Nam.
The Thai Government has announced that
It Will furnish a landing ship, patrol vessel
and two transport aircraft with crews, there-
by adding to a previous small military con-
tribution.
Free world personnel, other than American,
in Viet-Nam under governmental arrange-
ments now number over 38,000, the large
Majority of which are military personnel.
However, some of these military personnel
are engaged in civic action programs, such
as revolutionary development and medical
care, Among these are personnel from
Korea, the Philippines, New Zealand and
Australia.
Significant economic contributions have
been made by the United kingdom, Japan,
West Germany, France. Australia. Canada,
and New Zealand in the form of loans,
grants, and commercial credits. For ex-
ample, Germany has made available in loans
and grants about $27 million. Australia has
provided technical and economic assistance
totalling nearly $8 million. Assistance since
1955 from France has totalled more than $111
million, while Japan has provided about $55
million chiefly in the form of reparations.
Many nations are giving social and hu-
manitarian assistance to South Viet-Nam.
More than ten nations are sending medical
teams which provide for the medical needs
of entire provinces. Others have contributed
medicines and supplies for the half million
refugees in South Viet-Nam. Educators and
engineers from friendly nations are assisting
Viet-Nam to rebuild.
U.S. INITIATIVES FOR PEACE?THE FOURTEEN
POINTS
The following statements are on the public
record about elements which the U.S. be-
lieves can go into peace in Southeast Asia:
1. The Geneva Agreement of 1954 and 1962
are an adequate basis for peace in Southeast
Asia;
2. We would welcome a conference on
Southeast Asia or on any part thereof;
3. We would welcome "negotiations with-
out preconditions" as the 17 nations put it;
4. We would welcome unconditional dis-
cussions as President Johnson put it;
5. A. cessation of hostilities could be the
first- order of 'business at a conference or
could be the subject of preliminary dis-
cilssions;
6. Hanoi's four points could be discussed
along with other points which others might
wish to propose;
7. 'We want no U.S. bases in Southeast
Asia;
8. We do not desire to retain U.S. troops in
South Viet-Nam after peace is assured;
9. We support free elections in South Viet-
Nam to give the South Vietnamese a govern-
ment of their own choice;
10. The question of reunification of Viet-
Nam should be determined by the Vietnam-
ese through their own free decision;
-11. The countries of Southeast Asia can
be non-aligned or neutral if that be their
option;
12. We would much prefer to use our re-
sources for the economic reconstruction of
Southeast Asia than in war. If there is
peace, North Viet-Nam could participate in
a regional effort to which we would be pre-
pared to contribute a substantial share.
13. The President has said "The Viet Cong
wOuld not have difficulty being represented
and having their views represented if for a
monlent Hanoi decided she wanted to cease
aggression. I don't think that would be an
insurmountable problem."
14. We have said publicly and privately
that we could stop the bombing of North
Viet-Nam as a step toward peace although
there has not been the slighest hint or sug-
gestion from the other side as to what they
would do if the bombing stopped.
HANOI'S REJECTION OF PEACE?THE POUR POINTS
WS are not aware of any initiative which
has been taken by Hanoi during the past
five years to seek peace in Southeast Asia.
In fact, Hanoi has denied that It has ever
made any "Peace feelers." During 1965 Hanoi
has ecnisiatentii, insiSted that its four points
must be accepted as the sole basis for peace
in Viet-Nam.
Hanoi's four points are:
1. Recognition of the basic national rights
of the Vietnamese people?peace, independ-
ence, sovereignty, unity, and territorial in-
tegrity. According to the Geneva agree-
ments, the U.S. Government must withdraw
from South Viet-Nara U.S. troops, military
personnel, and weapons of all kinds, dis-
mantle all U.S. military bases there, and
cancel its "military alliance" with South
Viet-Nam. It must end its policy of inter-
vention and aggression in South Viet-Nam.
According to the Geneva agreements, the
U.S. Government must stop its acts of war
against North Viet-Nam, completely cease
all encroachments on the territory and sov-
ereignty of the DRV.
2. Pending the peaceful reunification of
Viet-Nam, while Viet-Nam is still temporarily
divided into two zones, the military pro-
visions of the 1954 Geneva agreements on
Viet-Nam must be strictly respected?the
two zones must refrain from joining any
military alliance with foreign countries,
there must be no foreign military bases, or
military personnel in their respective ter-
ritory.
3. The internal affairs of South Viet-Nam
must be settled by the South Vietnamese
people themselves in accordance with the
program of the National Liberation Front
without foreign interference.
(This point as interpreted by Hanoi would
require that the Viet Cong be accepted as
"the sole genuine representative" of the peo-
ple of South Viet-Nam, whether the South
Vietnamese want it or not).
4. The peaceful reunification of Viet-Nam
is to be settled by the Vietnamese people in
both zones, without any foreign interference.
STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR ARTHUR J. GOLD-
BERG, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE TO THE UNITED
NAT/ONS, IN THE PLENARY SESSION IN GEN-
ERAL DEBATE, SEPTEMBER 22, 1968
As the General Assembly convenes in this
twenty-first year of the United Nations, we
of the United States are aware, as indeed
every delegation must be, of the great re-
sponsibilities which all of us Share who work
in this world organization for peace.
No one, I am sure, feels these responsibili-
ties more keenly than our Secretary General.
U Thant. In the past five years he has filled
with distinction and effectiveness what is
perhaps the most difficult office in the world.
We know how much selfless dedication and
energy have been exacted from him on be-
half of the world community. We can well
understand how the burdens of his office led
him to his decision not to offer himself for
a second term as Secretary General.
The United Nations needs him. It needs
him as a person. It needs him as a Secretary
General who conceives his office in the full
spirit of the Charter as an important organ
of the United. Nations, endowed with the
authority to act with initiative and effective-
ness. The members, in all their diversity
and even discord, are united in their con-
fidence in him. His departure at this crucial
time in world affairs, and in the life of the
United Nations, would be a serious loss both
to the Organization itself and to the cause of
peace among nations. We reiterate our ear-
nest hope that he will heed the unanimous
wishes of the membership and permit his
tenure of office to be extended. His affirma-
tive decision on this question would give us
all new courage to deal with the many great
problems on our agenda.
The peoples of the world, Mr. President,
expect the United Nations to resolve these
problems. With all their troubles and as-
pirations they Put great faith in this Orga-
nization. They look to us not for pious words
but for solid results?agreements reached,
wars ended or prevented, treaties teritten,
Approved For Release 2005/06/29': CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
September 29, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE 23537
cooperative programs launched?results that
will bring humanity a few steps?but giant
steps?closer to the purposes of the Charter
which are our common commitment.
Realizing this, the United States has con-
sidered what it could say in this general
debate which would improve the prospects for
such fruitful results in the present session.
We concluded that, rather than attempt to
review the many questions to which we at-
tach importance, we could make a more use-
ful contribution by concentrating on the
serious dangers to peace now existing in
Asia?particularly the war in Vietnam; and
by treating this subject in a constructive
and positive way.
The conflict in Viet-Nam is first of all an
Asian issue, whose tragedy and suffering fall
most heavily on the peoples directly involved.
But its repercussions are world-wide. It
diverts much of the energies of many na-
tions, my own included, from urgent and
constructive endeavors. It is, as the Secre-
tary General said in his statement on Sep-
tember 1, "a source of grave concern and is
bound to be a source of even greater anxiety,
not only to the parties directly involved and
to the major powers but also to other mem-
bers of the Organization." My Government
remains determined to exercise every re-
straint to limit the war and to exert every
effort to bring the conflict to the earliest pos-
sible end.
The essential facts of the Viet-Nam con-
flict can be stated briefly?Viet-Nam today
remains divided along the demarcation line
agreed upon in Geneva in 1954. To the
north and south of that line are North Viet-
Nam and South Viet-Nam. Provisional
though they may be, pending a decision on
the peaceful reunification of Viet-Nam by
the process of self-determination, they are
nonetheless political realities in the inter-
national community.
The Geneva Accord which established the
demarcation line is so thorough in its pro-
hibition of the use of force that it forbids
military interference of any sort by one side
in the affairs of the other; it even forbids
civilians to cross the demilitarized zone. In
1962 military infiltration through Laos was
also forbidden. Yet, despite these provi-
sions, South Viet-Ram is under an attack,
already several years old, by forces directed
and supplied from the north, and reinforced
by regular units?currently some 17 identi-
fied regiments?of the North Vietnamese
Army. The manifest purpose of this attack
is to force upon the people of South Viet-
Nam a system which they have not chosen
by any peaceful process.
Let it be noted that this action by North
Viet Nam Contravenes not only the United
Nations Charter, but also the terms of Gen-
eral Assembly resolution 2131(XX), adopted
unanimously only last December and en-
titled "Declaration -on the Inadmissibility
in Vie Domestic Affairs of States and the
Protection of their Independence and
Sovereignty." That resolution declares,
among other things, that "no State has the
right to intervene, directly, or indirectly,
for any reason whatever, in the internal or
external affairs of any other State." It fur-
ther declares that "no State shall organize,
assist, foment, finance, incite or tolerate sub-
versive, terrorist or armed activities directed
toward the violent overthrow of another
State, or interfere in civil strife in another
State." It would be hard to write a more
concise description of what North Viet-Nam
is doing, and has been doing for years, in
South Viet-Nam.
Certainly the prohibition of the use of
force and subversion?both by this resolu-
tion and by the Charter itself?Must apply
with full vigor to international demarcation
lines that have been established by solemn
international agreements. This is true not
only in Viet-Nam but in all the divided
States, where the recourse to force between
the divided parts can have far-reaching con-
sequences. Furthermore, solemn interna-
tional agreements, specifically the Geneva
Accords, explicity prohibit recourse to force
as a means of reunifying that country.
Mr. President, it is because of the attempt
to upset by violence the situation in Viet-
Nam, and its far-reaching implications else-
where, that the United States and other
'countries have responded to appeals from
South Viet-Nam for military assistance.
Our aims in giving this assistance are
strictly limited. We are not engaged in a
"holy war" against communism. We do not
seek to establish an American empire or a
"sphere of influence" in Asia. We seek no
permanent military bases, no permanent
establishment of troops, no permanent alli-
ances, no permanent American "presence" of
any kind in South Viet-Nam. We do not
seek to impose a policy of alignment on South
Viet-Nam. We do not seek the overthrow of
the Government of North Viet-Nam. We do
not seek to do any injury to mainland China
nor to threaten any of its legitimate interests.
We do not ask of North Viet-Nam an uncon-
ditional surrender or indeed the surrender of
anything that belongs to it; nor do we seek
to exclude any segment of the South Viet-
namese people from peaceful participation in
their country's future.
Let me say affirmatively and succinctly
what our aims are.
We want a political solution, not a military
solution, to this conflict. By the same
token, we reject the idea that North Viet-
Nam has a right to impose a military solu-
tion.
We seek to assure for the people of South
Viet-Nam the same right of self-determina-
tion?to decide their own political destiny,
free of force?that the United Nations Char-
ter affirms for all.
And we believe that reunification of Viet-
Nam should be decided upon through a free
choice by the peoples of both the North and
South without outside interference, the re-
sults of which choice we are fully prepared
to support.
These, then, are our affirmative aims. We
are well aware of the stated position of Hanoi
on these issues. But no differences can be
resolved without contact, discussions or ne-
gotiations. For our part, we have long been
and remain today ready to negotiate with-
out any prior conditions. We are prepared
to discuss Hanoi's four points together with
any points which other parties may wish to
raise. We are ready to negotiate a settle-
ment based on a strict observance of the
1954 and 1962 Geneva Agreements, which
observance was called for in the communique
of the recent meeting of the Warsaw Pact
countries in Bucharest. And we will sup-
port a reconvening of the Geneva Confer-
ence, or an Asian conference, or any other
generally acceptable forum.
At the same time we have also considered
whether the lack of agreement on peace aims
has been the sole barrier to the beginning of
negotiations. We are aware that some per-
ceive other obstacles, and I wish to make
three proposals with respect to them:
First, it is said that one obstacle is the
United States bombing of North Viet-Nam.
Let it be recalled that there was no bombing
of North Viet-Nam for five years during
which there was steadily increasing infiltra-
tion from North Viet-Nam; during which
there were no United States combat forces
In Viet-Nam; and during which strenuous
efforts were being made to achieve a peace-
ful settlement. And let it further be re-
called that twice before we have suspended
our bombing, once for thirty-seven days,
without any reciprooal act of de-escalation
from the other side, and without any sign
from them of a willingness to negotiate.
Nevertheless, let me say that, in this mat-
ter, the United States is willing once again
to take the first step. We are prepared to
order a cessation of all bombing of North
Viet-Nam?the moment we are assured, pri-
vately or otherwise, that this step will be
answered promptly by a corresponding and
appropriate de-escalation on the other side.
We therefore urge that the Government in
Hanoi be asked the following question, to
which we would be prepared to receive either
a private or a public response:
Would it, in the interest of peace, and in
response to a prior cessation by the United
States of the bombing in North Viet-Nam,
take corresponding and timely steps to reduce
or bring to an end its own military activities
against South Viet-Nam?
Another obstacle is said to be North Viet-
Name conviction or fear that the United
States intends to establish a permanent mili-
tary presence in Viet-Nam. There is no basis
for such a fear. The United States stands
ready to withdraw its forces as others with-
draw theirs so that peace can be restored in
South Viet-Nam, and favors international
machinery?either of the United Nations or
other machinery? to ensure effective super-
vision of the withdrawal. We therefore urge
that Hanoi be asked the following question
also:
Would North Viet-Nam be willing to agree
to a time schedule for supervised phased
withdrawal from South Viet-Nam of all ex-
ternal forces?those of North Viet-Nam as
well as those from the United States and
other countries aiding South Viet-Nam?
A further obstacle is said to be disagree-
ment over the place of the Viet Cong in the
negotiations. Some argue that, regardless
of different views on who controls the Viet
Cong, it is a combatant force and, as such,
should take part in the negotiations.
Our view on this matter was stated by
President Johnson, who made clear that, as
far as we are concerned, this question would
not be "an insurmountable problem". We
invite the authorities in Hanoi to consider
whether this obstacle to negotiation may not
be more imaginary than real.
Mr. President, we offer these proposals in
the interest of peace in Southeast Asia.
There may be other proposals. We have not
been and are not now inflexible in our po-
sition. But we do believe that, whatever
approach finally succeeds, it will not be one
which simply decries what is happening in
Viet-Nam and appeals to one side to stop
while encouraging the other. Such a po-
sition can only further delay the peace we all
desire. The only workable formula for a
settlement will be one which is just to the
basic interests of all those involved.
In this spirit we welcome discussion of this
question either in the Security Council where
the United States itself has raised the matter,
or here in the General Assembly, and we are
fully prepared to take part in any such dis-
cussion. We earnestly solicit the further
Initiative of any organ or any Member of
the United Nations whose influence can help
in this cause. Every Member has a respon-
sibility to exert its power and influence for
peace; and the greater its power and in-
fluence, the greater is this responsibility.
Now I turn to another problem, related
In part to the first: the problem of how to
foster a constructive relationship between
the mainland of China, with its 700 million
people, and the outside world. The misdi-
rection of so much of the energies of this
vast, industrious and gifted people into xeno-
phobic displays, such as the extraordinary
and alarming activities of the Red Guards;
and the official policy and doctrine of pro-
moting revolution and subversion through-
out the world?these are among the most
disturbing phoenomena of our age. Surely,
among the essentials of peace in Asia are
"reconciliation between nations that now call
themselves enemies" and, specifically, "a
peaceful mainland China."
Let me say categorically that it is not the
policy of the United States to isolate Corn-
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
23538 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE September 29, 1966
munist China from the world. On the con-
trary, we have sought to limit the areas of
hostility and to pave the way for the restora-
tion of our historically friendly relations
with the great people of China.
Our efforts to this end have taken many
forms. Since 1955, United States representa-
tives have held 131 bilateral diplomatic meet-
ings in Geneva, and later in Warsaw, with
emissaries from Peking.
We have sought without success to open
numerous unofficial channels of communi-
cation with mainland China.
We have made it clear that we do not
intend to attack, invade, or attempt to over-
throw the existing regime in Peking.
And we have expressed our hope to see
representatives of Peking join us and others
in mantngful negotiations on disarmament, a
nuclear test ban, and a ban on the further
spread of nuclear weapons.
But the international community cannot
countenance Peking's doctrine and policy of
intervening by violence and subversion in
other nations, whether under the guise of so-
called wars of national liberation against
independent countries or under any other
guise. Such intervention finds no place in
the United Nations Charter, nor in the resolu-
tions of the General Assembly. Yet dozens
of nations represented in this hall have had
direct experience of these illegal activities.
It is in the light of these facts, and of
our desire for a better atmosphere, that the '
United States has carefully considered the
? issues arising from the absence of representa-
tives of Peking from the United Nations.
Two facts bear on this issue and on the
attitude of my country toward any attempted
solution.
First, the Republic of China on Taiwan is a
founding member of the United Nations and
its rights are clear. The United States will
vigorously oppose any effort to exclude the
representative of the Republic of China from
the United Nations in order to put repre-
sentatives of Communist China in their place.
The second fact is that Communist China,
unlike anyone else in the history of this
Organization, has put forward special and
extraordinary terms for consenting to enter
the -United Nations. In addition to the ex-
pulsion of the Republic of China, there are
also demands to transform and pervert this
Orgnaization from its Charter purposes--
some of them put forward as recently as
yesterday.
What can be the cause of this attitude?
We cannot be sure, but we do know that it
comes from a leadership whose stated pro-
gram is tei transform the world by violence.
It comes from a leadership which is opposed
to any discussion of a peaceful settlement in
Viet-Nam. It would almost seem that these
leaders wish to isolate their country from a
world?and from a United Nations?that
they cannot transform and control. Indeed,
they have already brought their country to
a degree of isolation that is unique in the
world today?an isolation not only from the
United States and its allies, but from most
of the non-aligned world and even from most
of the Communist nations. Many, not only
the United States, have sought improved
relations and have been rebuffed.
At this moment in history, therefore, Mr.
President, the basic question about the rela-
tion between Communist China and the
United Nations is a question to which only
the leaders in Peking can give the answer.
Will they refrain from putting forward
clearly unacceptable terms; and are they
prepared to assume the obligations of the
United Nations Charter, in particular the
basic Charter obligation to refrain from the
threat or use of force against the territorial
integrity or political independence of any
state?
' The world?and my Government?will lis-
ten most attentively for a helpful response
to these questions. We hope it will come
soon?the sooner the better. Like many
other members here, the United States has
the friendliest historic feelings toward the
great Chinese people, and 'looks forward to
the occassion when they will once again
enrich, rather than endanger, the fabric of
the world community. and, in the spirit of
the Charter, "practice tolerance and live to-
gether in peace with one another as good
neighbors."
Mr. President, I have dwelt on these great
and thorny issues of Asia because they are of
?
far more than regional importance. Progress
toward their solution would visibly brighten
the atmosphere of international relations all
over the world. It would enable the United
Nations to turn a new corner--to apply it-
self with new energy to the great tasks of
reconciliation and peaceful construction
which lie before us in every part of the
globe.
Such peaceful construction is needed above
an in the less developed areas. It is needed
in Southeast Asia, today a region of con-
flict but also a region of vast undeveloped
resources?where my country is prepared to
make a most substantial contribution to the
development of the whole region including
North Viet-Nam. It is needed in the West-
ern Hemisphere, where, under the bold ideals
of the Alliance for Progress, the states of
Latin America are already carrying out a
far-reaching, peaceful process of economic
and social development.
In no area are the tasks of economic de-
velopment more important than on the con-
tinent of Africa?represented in this hall by
the delegates of thirty-seven nations. Last
May, in commemorating the anniversary of
the Organization of African Unity, the Presi-
dent suggested ways in which the United
States, as a friend of Africa, might help with
some of that continent's major economic
problems. Our efforts in this entire field are
now entering a new stage as we begin to
carry out the recommendations of a special
committee appointed to review United States
participation in African development pro-
grams, both bilateral and multilateral.
But the economic side of peace cannot
stand alone. The time is past when either
peace or material progress could be founded
on the domination of one.people, or one race
or one group, by another. Yet attempts to
do just that still continue in southern Africa
today. As a result, the danger to peace in
that area is real.
My Government holds strong views on
these problems. We are not, and never will
be, content with a minority government in
Southern Rhodesia. The objective we sup-
port for that country remains as it was stated
last May: "to 'open the full power and re-
sponsibility of nationhood to all the people
of Rhodesia?not just 6 percent of them."
Nor can we ever be content with a situa-
tion such as that in Southwest Africa, where
one race holds another in intolerable sub-
jection under the false name of apartheid.
The decision of the International Court,
in refusing to touch the merits of the ques-
tion of Southwest Africa, was most disap-
pointing. But the application of law to this
question does not hang on that decision
alone. South Africa's conduct remains sub-
ject to obligations reaffirmed by earlier ad-
visory opinions of the Court whose authority
is undiminished. Under these opinions,
South Africa cannot alter the international
status of the territory without the consent
of the United Nations; and South Africa
remains bound to accept United Nations
supervision, submit annual reports to the
General Assembly, and "promote to the ut-
most the material and moral well-being and
the social progress of the inhabitants."
This is no time for South Africa to take
refuge in a technical finding of the Interna-
tional Court, which did not deal with the
substantive merits of the case. The time is
overdue for South Africa to accept its obli-
gations to the international community in
regard to Southwest Africa. Continued vio-
lation by South Africa of its plain obliga-
tions to the international community would
necessarily require all members to take such
an attitude into account in their relation-
ships with South Africa.
Mr. President, many other questions of sig-
nificance will engage our attention during
this session of the General Assembly.: Fore-
most among them are questions of disarma-
ment and arms control, of which the most
urgent are the completion of a treaty to pre-
vent the further proliferation of nuclear
weapons and the extension of the limited
test ban treaty. Remaining differences on
these issues can and must be resolved on a
basis of mutual compromise.
Finally, I wish to speak of one further ,
matter of great concern both to the United
Nations and to ray country: the draft treaty
to govern activities in outer space including
the moon and other celestial bodies.
Major progress has been made in the nego-
tiation of this important treaty, but several
Issues remain. One of these concerns the
question of reporting by space powers on
their activities on celestial bodies. A second
issue concerns access by space powers to one
another's installations on celestial bodies.
On both of these points the United States,
at the most recent meeting of the Legal Sub-
committee of the Committee on Outer Space,
made significant compromise proposals in.
the interest otearly agreement.
Unfortunately, the USSR has not re-
sponded constructively to these proposals.
Instead, it has insisted on still another mat-
ter: a provision requiring states whic.h grant
tracking facilities to one country to make
the same facilities available to all others?
without reciprocity and without regard to
the wishes of the granting state. The obli-
gation proposed by the USSR was unaccept-
able to many countries participating in the
outer-space discussions, and was supported
only by a very small number of East Euro-
pean states.
Tracking facilities are a matter for bi-
lateral negotiation and agreement. The
United States has held such discussions and
reached such agreements with a nu:mber of
countries on a basis of mutual commitment
and common advantage. France and the
European Space Research Organization have
also established widespread tracking net-
works on a similar basis. It is, of course,
open to the USSR and any other space power
to proceed in exactly the same way.
I should like to state today my Govern-
ment's interest in bilateral cooperation in
tracking of space vehicles on the basis cf
mutual benefits, and I should like to make
an offer to help resolve this impasse: If the
USSR desires to provide for tracking cover-
age from United States territory, we for our
part, are prepared to discuss with Soviet
representatives the technical and other re-
quirements involved with a view to reaching
some mutually beneficial agreement. Our
scientists and technical representatives can
meet without delay to explore the possi-
bilities.
The outer space treaty is too important
and too urgent to be delayed. This treaty
offers us the opportunity to establish, in the
unlimited realm of space beyond this planet,
a rule of peace and law?before the arms
race has been extended into that realm. it
Is all the more urgent because of man's
rapid strides toward landing on the moon.
By far the greater part of the work on the
treaty is now behind us. We have agreed on
important provisions, including major ob-
ligations in the area of arms control. We
should proceed to settle the remaining sub-
sidiary issues in a spirit of understanding
so that this General Assembly may give its
approval to a completed treaty before the
Assembly adjourns.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP671300446R000400110002-4
?
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
September 29, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE 23539
Mr. President, it is our earnest hope that
the words of the United States today on all
these issues may contribute to concrete steps
toward peace and a better world.
We know the difficulties but we are not
discouraged. In the twenty-one turbulent
years since the Charter went into effect, we
of the United Nations have faced conflicts
at least as great and as difficult as any that
confront us today. The failure of this Or-
ganization has been prophesied many times.
But all these prophesies have been disproved.
Even the most formidable issues have not
killed our Organization?and none will. In-
deed, it has grown great and respected by fac-
ing the hardest issues and dealing forth-
rightly with them.
There is no magic in the United Nations
save what we its members, bring to it. And
that magic is a simple thing; our irreducible
awareness of our common humanity and
our consequent will to peace. Without the
awareness and that will, these buildings
would be an empty shell. With them, we
have here the greatest instrument ever de-
vised by man for the reconciliation of con-
flicts and the building of the better future
for which all mankind yearns.
A BILL TO ENCOURAGE THE INCLU-
SION OF LOSS RAIL CARRIERS IN
RAILROAD MERGERS
(Mr. WIDNALL (at the request of Mr.
Comunz) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. WIDNALL. Mr. Speaker, I am
today introducing a bill which would
provide an income tax incentive to the
possible merger partners of small, debt-
ridden rail carriers through the means
of a full carryover of net operating'
losses of the smaller carrier to the new
railroad corporation formed by a merger.
This bill, I believe would assist such
railroads as the debt-ridden Erie-Lack-
awanna Railroad in their efforts to be
Included as a part of a major rail sys-
tem in the East through merger proceed-
ings.
With a long-term debt of $345 million,
and operating losses in 9 out of the last
10 years amounting to $117 million for
tax purposes, it is no wonder that the
Erie-Lackawanna is so unattractive as a
merger candidate. In addition, any
merger partner would have to be pre-
pared to either take over the Erie-Lack-
awanna payroll of more than $9 million
per month by employing that railroad's
workers, or assume an obligation in line
with the standard Washington condi-
tions imposed by the Interstate Com-
merce Commission of providing each
worker laid off with 60 percent of his pay
for the next 5 years.
Under the present law, loss carryovers
can be used in a merger of railroads of
not too unequal sze. This is not the case
with a merger between the smaller debt-
ridden carriers such as the Erie-Lack-
awanna with any of the three major
Eastern giants, the C. & 0.-B. & 0., the
Norfolk and Western, or the proposed
Pennsylvania-New York Central. Nor
Is there any carryover of net operating
losses where the assets of an insolvent
railroad, such as the New Haven, are
transferred to another railroad. My bill,
if enacted, would eliminate these in-
equities.
The continuing losses from commuter
service plaguing the Erie-Lackawanna
and other small carriers has created re-
sistence to merger on the part of the
larger rail systems and even the ICC.
The ICC could require the inclusion of
the smaller systems, commuter service
and all, as a condiiton to approval of
any merger proposals invloving the large
rail networks. But the Agency is un-
doubtedly aware of the fact that such a
requirement could be challenged in court
on the grounds that it would not con-
form to the best interests of promoting
a sound rail transportation policy. My
bill, if enacted, would both assist the
larger carriers in meeting the impact
of merger with loss rail lines, and would
provide the ICC with suffiicent reason for
the Agency to require the continuation of
the necessary commuter service by the
merged lines.
My bill would allow a 10-year period
to be used, rather than the standard
'7-year period, for calculating carryover
losses. It would apply only in the case
of regulated rail carriers, defined by law
as a corporation with 80 percent or more
of its gross income originating through
the furnishing or sale of transportation.
The merged corporations, as a new cor-
porate entity, would have to continue as
a regulated rail carrier to benefit from
the tax carryover provisions. I would
estimate that in the case of the Erie-
Lackawanna, the Treasury might lose
up to $42 million in taxes following a
merger.
The potential loss of 16,000 jobs, and
of rights-of-way that might later have
to be repurchased for a mass transporta-
tion system, as well as the need for main-
taining important freight and commuter
service, clearly outweighs any temporary
revenue loss.
The legislation I have introduced to-
day is similar in nature to H.R. 10542,
introd-Iced by my colleague from New
York, Mr. KEOGH, whose experience in
these matters as a member of the Com-
mittee on Ways and Means is highly
valued. I would hope that early hearings
could be held on this measure, given the
fact that the question of the inclusion
of the small rail carriers in mergers of
the large eastern railroads and the con-
tinuation of commuter service is still be-
ing determined before the ICC and the
courts. Action on the part of the Con-
gress on this proposal would be of great
benefit in the development of a national
rail merger policy at the national level,
particularly here in the Northeast.
(Mr. WIDNALL (at the request of Mr.
CONABLE) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
[Mr. WIDNALL'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
NEW BATTLE CRY FOR FARMERS
(Mr. FINDLEY (at the request of Mr.
CONABLE) waS granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. FINDLEY. Mr. Speaker, after
years of congressional effort aimed at
strengthening farm income in the face
of adverse market conditions, Congress
must now give its attention to protect-
ing the farmer from selective price fix-
ing by the executive branch of the Fed-
eral Government.
The farmer is entitled to full parity
income in the marketplace, but he is
being denied it because the President and
his aids arbitrarily use a variety of de-
vices to drive down farm prices.
This is a reversal of the historic role
of government in farm problems.
For the first time in American history
the power of government is being used
to beat farm prices down below parity.
The Congress has been slow to recog-
nize this change, and action to curb
arbitrary control over farm prices must
be given top priority when the next ses-
sion convenes in January.
Singling out farmers for punishment?
through dumping grains, curbing hides
exports, urging consumer boycotts and
the like?is patently unfair in times of
inflation. Farmers today are in a wor-
sening cost-price squeeze.
The parity ratio?which measures the
prices they get with what they must pay
for goods and services?is 20 percent
below the fair level. The new legisla-
tive battle cry of farmers must be: "Full
parity in the marketplace."
Farm operating expenses are running
about 4 percent higher than a year ago
and still climbing. Across-the-board
price controls are one thing. Selective
punishment of farmers is quite another.
A logical first step toward protecting
the farmer in his right to full parity in
the marketplace is to insulate Govern-
ment grain holdings from normal market
channels. With that in mind I have
proposed that Government wheat stocks
cannot be sold for less than $2 a bushel.
Similar limits should be placed on Gov-
ernment sales of other grains.
PROVIDING FOR COST-OF-LIVING
INCREASES IN THE BENEFITS
PAYABLE UNDER SOCIAL SECU-
RITY
(Mr. BROCK (at the request of Mr.
CONABLE) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. BROCK. Mr. Speaker, today I am
introducing a bill to amend title II of the
Social Security Act to provide for cost-
of-living increases in the benefits pay-
able thereunder.
Inflation steals from everyone, young
and old alike, but hurts especially those
elderly Americans who live on pensions
or other fixed incomes.
During the period from 1958 to 1965,
the consumer price index increased over
8 percentage points. The cost of serv-
ices, which our older citizens are more
likely to need than our younger citizens,
increased over 16 percentage points.
When services, exclusive of rent, are con-
sidered, the increase was 18 percentage
points. Yet during this 7-year period,
social security beneficiaries received no
inctease in social security benefits.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29: CIA-RDP671300446R000400110002-4
23540
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE September
Inflation is now a fact of life. Prices
continue to soar upward. There is an
urgent need for such a change in the law
as this bill proposes. Our older people
and others who live on fixed incomes
simply cannot stand the pace of this ad-
ministration's inflation.
There is a precedent for such a, provi-
sion as I am introducing. Congress, in
the Federal Employees Salary Act of
1962, section 1102, provided for an auto-
matic increase in civil service retirement
pensions when there has been an in-
crease of 3 percent or more in the con-
sumer price index.
Why should our elderly people and
others continue to suffer while runaway
Inflation further destroys the purchasing
power of their dollar? I urge immediate
passage of the bill.
OPPOSITION TO WAR ON POVERTY
(Mr. WALKER of Mississippi (at the
request of Mr. Comuu,E) was granted
Permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. WALKER of Mississippi. Mr.
Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to
the so-called war on poverty and any
measure that would extend this pro-
gram in any degree.
I have seen, in my own congressional
district many examples of how these
funds are "misused" for strictly political
purposes. I have seen examples on how
"poverty" money has been used in my
State to promote racial unrest. I have
seen how the taxpayer's money has been
taken by Great Society bureaucrats in
high salaried positions in the name of
helping the poor. And, I have seen tax
money used in my State to pay rent on
toilets, drinking fountains, refrigerators,
and so forth, when in fact the property
was claimed to be rent free.
The questionable activities of the war
on poverty by no means ends with the
State of Mississippi. The entire nation-
wide program has proven ineffective, and
a burden on the American taxpayer.
At the present time we have committed
approximately 300,000 servicemen?and
no telling how many dollars?to fight
the spread of communism in the Far
East. There is no question in my mind
that we should be there, but I do strong-
ly question the wisdom of conducting a
so-called wax on poverty at home with
funds we should be using to provide
equipment and supplies to our military
men.
We in the Congress over the past sev-
eral months have heard much about var-
ious shortages in equipment and supplies
in Vietnam, trucks, medical equipment,
and ammunition. There has also been
considerable talk on the subject of a pos-
sible tax increase to cover the added
cost of the war in Vietnam. In my judg-
ment, there is no excuse whatsoever for
our country to experience either military
shortages?or monetary shortages.
Our taxes are quite high enough if
we would cut this political shackel from
the taxpayer. In the President's budget
message this year, he proposed sharp
cutbacks in our school lunch program
and the school milk program?these Pro-
grams have proven effective for years
now, yet Great Society officials say they
are interested in helping the poor. I
am afraid that the only help the Great
Society wants to give to the poor is that
which binds them to the Great Society's
political machine. The administration
claims that it is exercising prudence in
Its spending. Yet, it asks the Congress
to provide this poverty bill calling for
even greater expenditures than last year's
program. This increase must be covered
by the taxpayer when threats of a tax
increase is at hand.
Mr. Speaker, I ask my Colleagues to
weigh carefully the many pitfalls of
this bill, the enormous responsibility we
in Congress have to our servicemen in
Vietnam, as well as our responsibility to
the American taxpayer during this time
of inflation, to set the example toward
curbing domestic spending.
(Mr. CURTIS (at the request of Mr.
CONADLE) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
[Mr. CURTIS' remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.1
FOREIGN AFFAIRS COMPLICATIONS
(Mr. DERWINSKI (at the request of
Mr. CONABLE) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in
the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. DERWINSKI. Mr. Speaker, the
complications in foreign affairs are a
growing concern to the public, and I am
very pleased to note the leadership
struggle against communism that is de-
veloping at the grassroots level.
Typical of this leadership are speakers
who are discussing this subject with
their fellow Americans in a most effective
fashion. I insert in the RECORD as a
continuation of my remarks, a speech by
Mr. Walter V. Chopyk, of Buffalo, N.Y.,
the public relations director of the Anti-
Communist Committee of Western New
York, who, in addition, is secretary of the
Erie County Planning Department.
His remarks were delivered at a meet-
ing of the Kiwanis Club in Wilkes-Barre,
Pa., on July 21. His topic, "Berlin West;
Berlin, East," was delivered in line with
Captive Nations Week, July 17-23:
REMARKS OF MR. WALTER V. CHOPYK TO THE
WILKES-BARRE KIWANIS CLUB IN WILKES-
BARRE, PA., ON JULY 21, 1966, AFTER SLIDES
AND BRIEF TALK ON "BERLIN, WEST; BERLIN,
EAST," IN LINE WITH CAPTIVE NATIONS
WEEK COMMEMORATION
Mr. Chairman, gentlemen, you have heard
my comments on Berlin, West; Berlin, East.
You have seen the pictures I secured while
in West Germany and directly on the site of
that infamous and ominous construction
dividing illegally?a formerly free nation. I
have expressed my opinions clearly after
interviewing many there and seeing (with
my own eyes) this terrible wall of the
enslaved--for that is exactly the term we
can also apply to East Germany in this
critical hour in this ominous year of 1966.
No one likes to hear this, Iknow,, and few
care to discuss this dividing line?cutting
in half the jewel-like city of Berlin, proper.
For it really is this (in appearance, and
especially at night when millions of vari-
colored lights illuminate the free side which
we call west Benin.
29 1966
Before I speak on the Captive Nations
Week, I ask you sincerely to remember that
we can no longer go on making mistakes
such as permitting (as we did and our other
allies can be so indicted) words to be given?
lines to be written in so-called agreements
and then?weakly submit when these are
broken suddenly and a nation or a city thus
becomes enslaved overnight.
This is (as you and the world knows) the
Important week of the year?(so proclaimed
by our President and many Presidents before
him)?Captive Nations Week.
Here?in every major city?we gather to
commemorate and to honor the nations and
their brave people?now absorbed into that?
prison of nations erroneously called the
Soviet Union. There are 28 (and I repeat
sharply) 28 formerly free, autonomous East
European nations (East Germany definitely
Included) all of which are enslaved, ex-
ploited, under dictation from the Muscovites
daily and we so easily tend to forget this
factual and appalling reality.
In passing, may I say, that ere long we
will be sharply called upon to do something
more than honor and commemorate these?
the enslaved nations. Humans can endure
just so much after having lived in freedom,
masters of their own ventures, governments
and destiny. The cracking point comes sud-
denly and then, regardless, slaves arise to
throw off their shackles. East Europe could
be called a tinder-box today?wating for a
flare to ignite those feelings (inherent in
those, all of whom love freedom) and then,
who can predict the outcome.
West Berlin (living in freedom, yet liter-
ally rubbing shoulders with slavery) is a
beacon to those in eastern slavery in Europe
and may be a pivot, a key territory for West-
ern diplomatic moves in Europe as time
shows the way and hour for decisions.
We must never overlook such important
key facts (nor forget the east Europeans
fate?their faithful people living here, never
forget and still wage battle for liberation of
their old homelands as this Captive Nations
Week is full evidence). We must remember
East Europe's fate even though crafty, so-
called friendly Muscovites try now to direct
our minds towards such places as Vietnam,
etc. The Soviet would like to consolidate
their ill-gotten gains in Europe yet always?
free, West Berlin emanates the promise that
freedom can be held if once obtained again.
It is the fear and I repeat?the fear (the
Soviet leaders live with hourly) that inner
strength in many satellite nations in east
Europe will suddenly gain .in power and mo-
mentum?then?those in the western alli-
ance would have to act also?and this?the
Soviets fear and roundly so, as many of their
recent moves will indicate. Such as, for
instance (like a carrot to a donkey) re-
laxing tension?policies?permitting more
western tourists to enter red-dominated sat-
ellites?encouring mail to flow East-West
more freely?sending Red athletes and art-
ists out of dominated countries, etc.
Time does not permit further discourse
regarding East Europe and the Soviet en-
slaved there. But I leave this comment?any
failure by the western allies to honor their
guarantees (now remaining) to West Ger-
many will have serious repercussions and
even the fate of the free world could hang
In balance for our allies are becoming hard
to locate?when the need arises?have you
noticed?
Again, in passing and as a service to the
Soviet-enslaved nations at this time of the
spotlight on Captive Nations Week, I bring
up again, the idea that the implementation
of the United Nations Charter regarding "self
determination of nations" and free elections
be tabled again and openly discussed and
considered at the U.N. (and this because
the time is opportune when so many new
nations are emerging and being openly rec-
ognized?especially by the Soviet Govern-
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
23544 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE September 29, 1966
is done in the bureaucracy to influence Con-
gressional action is illegal. The law (Title
18, Section 1913, of the U.S. Code) flatly
forbids both officers and employes of the
Executive Branch to use appropriated funds
for the purpose of lobbying."
CONFORIVIITY?OR ELSE
Increasingly, the Administration operates
a highly developed system of political re-
wards and punishments which politicians
call "arm twisting." For example, White
House emissaries offered Democratic Sen.
E. I. BARTLETT of Alaska decisive backing for
a $10-million program to upgrade housing
for Eskimos (which he had hitherto unsuc-
cessfully proposed) if he would switch his
vote to support this year's controversial rent-
subsidy program. BARTLETT agreed, and the
Senate approved the potential $6-billion
measure, 46 to 45. BARTLETT later said, "I'm
not proud of myself."
There has been special obedience training
for the 66 freshman House Democrats. So
they would parrot only approval, the Demo-
cratic National Committee has drafted their
speeches and press blurbs. Also, as a fol-
low-up to a Presidential message, "Mike N.
Manatos, the White House liaison man for
the Senate, personally handed out ghosted
reaction" for their use, the Washington Star
reported. "Sheets were neatly typed, suit-
able for immediate insertion in the records
of any day's CongreSsional debate. Uni-
formly, the White House speechwriters
tended toward expansive praise of the Presi-
dent's leadership."
Meanwhile, the White House arranged for
them to rendezvous regularly with bosses of
the government's heftiest spending programs.
"The purpose," the Washington Post re-
ported, "is to mobilize the resources of the
federal government to help re-elect" these
Johnson supporters. Each freshman was
asked what federal handouts he wanted
poured into his district. "Administration
officials have been coached to go along with
any reasonable requests," the Washington
Star disclosed.
Thirty-two senior officials stopped work to
perform for Representative RICHARD C.
WHITE of Texas. Before 45 constituents in-
vited to Washington, they wasted two days
adding up federal money suddenly available
for WHrrE's district?grants for everything
from football fields to health centers. Ex-
tolling a, White bill to extend a Texas canal,
Richard Shunick of the Bureau of Reclama-
tion exclaimed, "The U.S. would pick up the
whole tab and not charge those who benefit."
The Democratic National Committee
meanwhile leased a nationwide communica-
tions network so the freshmen could phone
announcements of their prizes to newspapers
and radio stations back home. Representa-
tive JOHN R. HANSEN breathlessly announced
a new post office for Glenwood, Iowa.
"Why?" exclaimed the dumbfounded mayor,
noting that the local post office had just been
remodeled.
In return, the Administration demands
conformity. Freshman Representative JOHN
C. CULVER of Iowa once mustered enough in-
dependence to oppose a White House-spon-
sored bill. When he sought to explain to
constituents via the communications net-
work, the National Committee curtly re-
fused him the services it had so eagerly
offered in the past.
Representative OTIS PIKE, a liberal Demo-
crat from Long Island, once had his post-
office patronage abruptly cut off for failing
to support Executive Branch legislation.
Last spring, because he concluded that the
tent-subsidy bill was bad for the country,
he got a warning call from the White House,
followed by a barrage of others from Ad-
ministration men. Finally, a messenger let
him know that a vote against rent subsidies
might cost his district an important research
project.
? "There are so many Ways the Executive
Branch can exert pressure," PIKE explains.
"There are post offices to be built, inlets to
be dredged; there is money available for
poverty and school programs, for agricul-
ture programs and defense programs. There
are decisions to be made on locating veterans
hospitals and nuclear reactors. The ac-
cumulation of powers in the Executive
Branch, at the expense of Congress, is so
huge that our system of checks and balances
has largely broken down."
The threats, bribes, payoffs and persecu-
tions all add up to what liberal commentator
Eric Sevareid calls "a curious kind of intimi-
dation." So many members of Congress have
been brought to heel by it that Sevareid
finds "the once exalted title of Senator or
Representative has last much of its prestige."
THE BRAVE ONES'
Yet there do remain strong men, liberals
and conservatives, Republicans and Demo-
crats, who fight to make Congress the insti-
tution it was meant to be. They often dis-
agree, but they share the common qualities
of courage, integrity and independence.
Republican Rep, To Gnarls studies late
at night, analyzing and originating legisla-
tion. Then each week or so he flies home to
St. Louis to explain issues at people's semi-
nars. "A Congressman's job," Cuirris says,
"should be to give his people independent
representation."
Rep. Enrrit GREEN (Dem.) from Oregon
cries out for creative debate. Though a lib-
eral supporter of Great Society
she dares to question its sloppy drafting and
the steamralling. "We have in the House a
determined effort to silence those in dis-
agreement," she says.
Just last spring, labor leaders warned
Democrat Sen. FRANK Lauscuz of Ohio that
they. would unseat him if he voted to uphold
right-to-work laws. "The people elected me
to use my own reasoning and conscience,"
LAUSCHE replied. "I will not be a political
slave to any special group." And Republican
Sen. JoHN 3. WILLIAMS of Delaware' cast the
decisive vote which cost stockholders of his
state's most influential corporations, Du Pont
and Christiana, a half-billion dollars in tax
exemptions. "I'm bound by my oath to seek
answers that are best for all the people, not
just a few," he declared.
As you get ready to go to the polls this
November, ask yourself how your Representa-
tive and Senators measure up against such
men and women. Scrutinize their voting
recoros and find out whether they are legis-
lators or puppets. Judge whether their first
concern is themselves or the nation. Con-
sider whether they will help wipe out the
moral and intellectual corruption besetting
Washington or whether they're content to
"go along." Find out whether they will join
the battle to make Congress an independent
branch of the government which takes orders
only from the electorate. Whether you vote
for a Democrat or a Republican is not nearly
as important as whether you vote for
integrity.
A $90-A-DAY 0E0 CONSULTANT
GETS POVERTY CONTRACT
(Mr. QUIE (at the request of Mr.
CONABLE) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. QUIE. Mn Speaker, early this
year, a $105,247 poverty contract was
signed to train community action, work
experience, and adult basic education
officials in Iowa. The organization de-
signated to train these officials was
Social, Educational Research & Develop-
ment, Inc.?SERD?whose incorporator,
president, treasurer, and apparent one-
man corporation was Mr. John W.
McCollum, a $90-a-day 0E0 consultant.
We made a mistake by going to SERD?
Said Mr. C. J. Johnson, Iowa State
Department of Public Instruction?
we could have done as well without SERD.
Mr. Speaker, the SERD contract has
been widely criticized in the Des Moines,
Iowa, area. It not only failed miserably
in its assigned task of training poverty
officials, but it is reported that guest
speakers who receive their regular pay in
Federal tax dollars were paid honorar-
iums of $75 a day plus expenses.
? This fiasco raises serious questions of
conflict of interest, duplication of pro-
grams and wasteful expenditures. What
justification does 0E0 have in negoti-
ating a contract for this kind of service
with an individual who is a high-paid
consultant to 0E0 and whose "firm" is
obviously unqualified to do the job?
How many other consultants does 0E0
have at $90 a day who are receiving
lucrative poverty contracts from 0E0?
Local and Regional officials say this con-
tract was negotiated at the Washington
level of 0E0. It is obvious that this
incident illustrates yet another example
of taxpayers money poured down a drain
Instead of being used effectively to help
the poor.
We would like some direct and sensible
answers as to how this wasteful contract
came about and what provision has been
made to avoid future fiascos of this
natur4i.
VIETNAM
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under
previous order of the House, the gentle-
man from Michigan [Mr. CHAMBERLAIN]
Is recognized for 30 minutes.
(Mr. CHAMBERLAIN asked and was
given permission to revise and extend
his remarks.)
Mr. CHAMBERLAIN. Mr. Speaker,
because of my concern over the course
of the war in Vietnam and the real and
urgent need to cut off supplies to the
enemy in order to shorten this tragic con-
flict, I have, from time to time, under-
taken to share with my colleagues un-
classified information made available to
me by the Department of Defense detail-
ing the nature and extent of free world
shipping into North Vietnam as well as
the "backdoor" aid the Vietcong derives
from Cambodia. I know most Members
share my concern over this trading with
the enemy by our so-called friends and
allies, and I am grateful for the support
that has been given my efforts to pro-
hibit United States aid to any foreign
country involved in this traffic. I know
also that most Members have been
equally concerned over the administra-
tion's apparent willingness to tolerate
this flow of supplies to the enemy and
its reluctance to take full and effective
action against it.
NO TRADE OR NO AID
Just last week, in fact, the Administra-
tion in its foreign aid appropriations bill
requested authority to continue aid to
countries shipping supplies?including
war goods?to North Vietnam if the
Approved For Release 2005/06/29: CIA-RDP6713Q0446R000400110002-4
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
September 29, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
cause the farmer is better organized.
When it comes to choosing sides, maybe
Mr. Freeman, and now Mr. Schnittker,
had better make sure the side they
choose wants them. Some 80 percent of
the farmers in the area where I am from
might have different ideas.
These farmers, large or small, are
going to remember that this same De-
partment is the one which lifts cheese
import restrictions, to the detriment of
the American dairy farmer; and uses
Defense Department cutbacks on pork
buying to control the hog prices, and
promotes beef imports in competition
with American farmers; and whose Com-
modity Credit Corporation dumped mil-
lions of bushels of wheat and corn on
markets which were then bringing the
farmer only 80 percent of parity; and
finally the Department which conven-
iently brushes aside the fact that the
farmer is also faced with inflation.
WHAT YOUR VOTE CAN DO FOR
CONGRESS
(Mr. ASHBROOK (at the request of
Mr. CormstE) was granted permission to
.extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extranous matter.)
Mr. ASHBROOK. Mr. Speaker, I do
not believe that I have ever read a more
timely article than the one written by
Charles Stevenson in the October 1066
Reader's Digest. Entitled "What Your
Vote Can Do for Congress," it surely hits
the nail right on the head.
The late Senator Jim Reed, constitu-
tional Democrat from Missouri, once said
that about the most contemptuous per-
son he knew was a "congressional White
House cat who for a little cream would
sell the interests of his constituents
down the river." Modern day rubber-
stamps are no better than that.
The great article should be read by
every interested American:
WHAT YOUR VOTE CAN Do FOR CONGRESS?THE
URGENT NEED THIS NOVEMBER IS THE ELEC-
TION, NOT JUST OF REPUBLICANS OR DEMO-
CRATS, BUT OF COURAGEOUS MEN WHO WILL
BE TRUE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE PEOPLE
(By Charles Stevenson)
This year's national elections on November
8 are as important as any in history. The
future of constitutional government could
depend upon how you vote; not Republican,
Demacratic, liberal or conservative, but
whether you elect Senators and Representa-
tives who will fight to save Congress from the
forces now destroying it.
If this statement seems incredible, consider,
as one example, the role of Congress in the
S.S. Yarmouth. Castle tragedy.
Certain money-hungry operators have been
putting ricketry old ships into the Caribbean-
cruise business under foreign flags, a practice
which enables them to evade U.S. safety
regulations. Thousands of unsuspecting
Americans assume the ships must be safe
because they are permitted to operate out of
American ports. Alarmed, legitimate Ameri-
can shipping men and concerned legislators
of both parties joined to seek a law com-
pelling the dilapidated vessels to meet U.S.
standards.
"Floating firetraps . . . could result in
Unspeakable horror and, death," exploded
Hoyt Haddock of the AFL-CIO Maritime
Committee. "Risking the lives of cur
citizens . .," warned Rear Adm. W. J. McNeil
Of the Committee of American Steamship
Lines. The leaky, 38-year-old S.S. Yarmouth.
Castle was branded especially dangerous.
"A shining example" of an unfit ship,
summed up Rep. WILLIAM S. MAILLIARD Of
California.
But then the Executive Branch jumped in,
claiming the urgently needed safety meas-
ures would represent "unreasonable discrim-
ination agilnst foreign-flag vessels." "After
the word came down from on high," says
MAILLIARD, "apparently Congress was afraid
to act am}, it just let the proposals die."
Two and a half months later the Yarmouth
Castle caught fire as it wallowed through the
sea. The general alarm wasn't rung. The
sprinkler system was ineffective. Fire hoses
lacked pressure. So flames raged through
the tinderbox wooden walls. And,, amid
screams and terror, 90 men and 'women
perished.
This incident is shockingly typical of the
way Congress is surrendering its constitu-
tional legislative role to the Executive
Branch. Thus it is helping to bring about a
perilous change in our form of government.
Our founding fathers deeply feared concen-
tration Of governmental power, so they
clearly divided authority: the Congress to
make our laws, the Courts to interpret them,
the Executive to administer them. And Con-
gress was to be the national forum where the
voices of all the people could be heard
through elected representatives directly re-
sponsible to them.
PELL-MELL LEGISLATION
Now, however, as stressed by Prof. Samuel
P. Huntington of Harvard, "Congress has
conceded not only the initiative in originat-
ing legislation . . . It has also lost the dom-
inant influence it once had in shaping the
content of legislation." Scarcely ever does
Congress attempt to refine complicated,
often revolutionary legislation written by
Administration bureaucrats-unanswerable to
the public, and merely dispatched to Con-
gress to be rubber-stamped.
The result is a crumbling of traditional
checks and balances that frightens liberal
and conservative alike. "For heaven's sake,"
Rep. E. J. GURNEY of Florida cried out in dis-
gust on the floor of the House, "let us retain
a little self-respect and independence as a
legislative body and have the courage to do
some of the things on our own once in a
while."
Last April, for instance, President Johnson
called on Congress to compel the taxpayers
to contribute at least $381 million in supple-
mentary interest so that bankers would find
it profitable to buy up low-interest loans
made by the government under its various
subsidy programs. The receipts from this
Inflated sale of government assets could then
be represented as normal income that would
reduce the Administration's spending deficit.
Critics of all stripes denounced this gimmick.
"Just a government subsidy to the banking
Interests," declared the liberal Americans for
Democratic Action, ". , . will increase in-
terest rates for all borrowers. . . . accelerate
the tightening of the money market." Here
was a measure which cried out. for Congress
to solicit expert views, to deliberate, to take
into account the interests of all Americans.
But what happened? House Banking and
Currency Committee Democrats in caucus
agreed that the measure "stank," to quote
one of them. Yet when they began hearings,
these men were summoned outside one by
one to take orders phoned from the White
House. The committee permitted only two
witnesses to testify?both sent by the Presi-
dent. In three hours the . committee
obediently approved the bill, involving nearly
$11 billion. The House obligingly followed
suit. Since, interest rates have shot up to
a 40-year high, making it hard for families to
buy or sell homes and far industry to finance
job-creating expansion.
23543
"A good bill can stand debate, deliberation
and full inquiry," warns Rep. Burr TALCOTT,
a California Republican. "Suppression of -
debate and of the free expression of opinion
will inexorably undermine the majority, Con-
gress and the nation." But it goes on all
the time.
The President's bill to subsidize the arts
compels every taxpayer to finance whatever
painter, musician, woodcarver, wire bender or
dancer our federal administrators want to
help support. Many artists themselves op-
posed the measure as restricting rather than
nourishing art.
Yet up to the very moment the House
Labor and Education Committee met to con-
sider the final bill, Republician members
were denied even a look at it. Rep. ROBERT
P. GRIFFIN of Michigan, now a Senator, asked
that it at least be read aloud. Instead, the
committee hurriedly put through previously
undiscussed amendments, then approved the
revolutionary legislation?all in less than 15
minutes.
In this pell-mell fashion, Congress has
been passing even more momentous laws
without being aware of what the legislation
would do. It voted Medicare with most of
the membership thinking it was providing
only for the elderly. But an unnoticed sec-
tion of the measure enables any state to fur-
nish medical care for anyone regardless of
age?with taxpayers all over the country re-
quired to pick up the bills. Now the Ad-
ministration quietly has admitted that
Medicare may cost one billion dollars more
a year than expected!
LEFT TO DISCRETION
Today the Executive Branch is making the
law. It forces enactment of bills so vaguely
written that it can make them mean just
above anything it wants.
In the $2.3-billion poverty-program legisla-
tion, for example, 87 phrases such as "in his
discretion" and "as he shall deem necessary
or appropriate" give bureaucrats an incredi-
bly free hand.
Thus $256,720 that was voted to help the
pcor in Appalachia is going instead to a
branch library in well-off Pittsburgh. Arid
thus the Department of Housing and Urban
Development is enabled to make an outright
gift of $81,351 for tennis courts and a 1.6-acre
park in Somerset, a swank Washington
suburb whose 400 families, most of them up-
percrust government employes, boast a
median income of $17,273, the highest in the
entire Washington area. Meanwhile, as the
outraged Washington Post pointed out, the
adjacent District of Columbia is left without
funds to light playgrounds "needed by tens
of thousands" of poor children.
Further reaching for power inevitably lies
In prospect. Even as the Executive Branch
Ignores the clearly written law by refusing to
submit five-year estimates of what new fed-
eral programs will cost, Budget Director
Charles L. Schultze tells Congress it no
longer should bother about costs. Instead,
he insists, Congress should merely approve
."goals" dreamed up by the bureaucrats.
"We're not sure that it is always wise to ex-
press the authorizations in dollar terms,"
Schultze testified.
The bureaucracy and the White House
are as one in these seizures of power. Ever
since New Deal days the bureaucracy has
been evolving its own elite?career adminis-
trators, top technicians, specialists?who op-
erate the programs and plan what they want
to enact next. The President often buys
their ideas; then departmental agents known
as "legislative liaison" men fan out over
Capitol Hill, cultivating Congress and, in the
name of supplying information, actively lob-
bying for the agreed-upon legislation.
"Technically," says Daniel M. Berman?
professor of Government and Public Admin-
istration at American University, in his book
In Congress Assembled, "all the work that
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
September 29, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE 23545
President determined it to be in the
national interest. As I could not possibly
umceive how it would be in our national
interest to continue aid to those supply-
ing our enemy I urged that the requested
authority be denied and was gratified
that the House agreed with my position.
As it is, South Vietnam has been getting
little help from our so-called friends.
There is no valid reason why we should
reward those aiding the enemies of free-
dom in southeast Asia.
HANOI TRADE: THE OTHER HALF
Particularly disturbing, as well, has
been the administration's policy, up to
only a few months ago, of hiding under a
cloak of unnecessary secrecy, full infor-
mation about this trade. Until April of
this year the administration was telling
the American people only half of the
story about the number of free world
ships arriving in North Vietnam. Mis-
information and distortion on this sub-
ject still continue to appear.
The September 19 issue of Newsweek
magazine contains the following "Peri-
scope" sighting:
SHIPS TO HAIPHONG
Only a few "Free World" vessels still carry
supplies to Haiphong and other North Viet-
nam ports. Maritime Administration watch-
dogs report seven British, four Cypriot, two
Greek and one Maltese ships between Janu-
ary 26th and July 14th.
Newsweek bases its information ob-
viously on the list issued by the U.S.
Maritime AdMinistration of ships pro-
hibited from carrying U.S. Government-
financed cargoes out of U.S. ports be-
cause they had sailed to North Vietnam.
This so-called blacklist, which I urged
the President to establish but which the
Administration inexplicably waited un-
til February 11 of this year to an-
nounce?retroactive to January 25?is
not an accurate measure of free world
trade with the Hanoi regime. It records
only the names of ships, not how many
times they have gone to North Vietnam.
The following free-world-flag ships
appeared on Report No. 7, list of foreign-
flag vessels arriving in North Vietnam
on or after January 26, 1966, issued Sep-
tember 8 by the Maritime Administra-
tion:
Flag of registry, name of ship: Gross
British: tonnage
Ardtara 5, '795
Green ford 2, 964
Isabel Erica 7, 105
Milford 1, 889
Santa Granda 7, 229
Shienfoon 7, 127
Shirley Christine 6, 724
Cypriot:
Acme 7, 173
Am fitriti 7, 147
Amon 7, 229
Antonia II 7, 303
Greek: -
A genor 7, 139
Alkon 7, 150
Maltese:
Amalia 7, 304
Information provided me by the De-
partment of Defense reveals that during
the period referred to by Newsweek, there
were actually 22 free-world-flag vessels
trading with North Vietnam rather than
14 which they reported. Furthermore,
since January 1, 1966, there have been
some 30 different free-world vessels call-
ing at the ports of Haiphong, Hon Gay
and Campha. What is even more mis-
leading about Newsweek's report is that
it completely overlooks the fact that
these 22 ships have made a total of 41
trips to North Vietnam between January
25 and July 31. A -look through News-
week's "Periscope" is like looking
through the wrong end of a telescope.
Month
January .
February
March
April
May
une
.Tuly
Aur fist
Total
Se
It makes reality appear smaller than it is.
In assessing the full impact of this
trade, it is not just the number of ships
involved but the volume of cargo actually
delivered that is important.
To put the record straight, Mr.
Speaker, I insert a chart indicating by
country of registry the free-world ship
arrivals in North Vietnam during the
first 8 months of 1966.
i nited
ingdom
Greece
Italy
Cyprus
Malta
Total
13
3
1
1
18
11
1
12
5
1
6
4
1
1
1
7
4
1
1
6
1
I
1
2
1
5
1
1
1
1
3
40
7
1
r
3
58
FREE WORLD SHIPPING STILL IMPORTANT
As compared with the traffic of last
year, this is a decided improvement.
This shows something could be done.
This also shows clearly that more must
be done. That this traffic exists at all
is appalling and I will not be satisfied
so long as there is one free world ship
helping to supply the enemy. Certainly
this is not a time to be minimizing this
deplorable trade and its impact on the
war effort. In fact, information I have
received within the past few days con-
cerning the free world ships arriving
in Haiphong during August of this year
Included cargo reports which strongly
suggest the presence of goods of strategic
value to keep Communist military sup-
plies Moving south. The nature and ex-
tent of this shipping must continue to
have the closest scrutiny and the Amer-
ican people should be told the facts.
A BELATED "BLACKLIST" WITH LOOPHOLES
While it has its weaknesses, the es-
tablishment of the "blacklist" is signifi-
cant in that it put the U.S. Government
on public record for the first time as
doing something positive to stop this
trading with the enemy. In retrospect
it is clearly incredible that during 1964
when there were 401 free world ship ar-
rivals in North Vietnam and during 1965
when there were 256, there was no such
"blacklist," with some of these same
ships actually coming to U.S. ports and,
at least in one instance, picking up U.S.
Government cargoes. This is even more
shocking because during 1964 and 1965
there were more free world ship arrivals
In North Vietnam than there were Com-
munist-flag ship arrivals.
Mr. Speaker, I have joined a score of
other Members in sponsoring legislation
to close our ports for private as well as
Government business to all ships of any
foreign shipping interest which permits
any of the vessels under its control to
trade with the Hanoi regime. The ad-
ministration has recommended against
this legislation, even though for a time
it was given "de facto" enforcement
through the extra legal boycott initiated
by patriotic longshoremen. Why, I ask,
Mr. President does your administration
oppose closing our ports to all shipping
interests that are helping to supply the
enemy?
RED-FLAG SIIIPPING UP
While there has been an apparent de-
cline in free world trade to North Viet-
nam in 1966 it is to be especially noted
that there has been at the same time an
Increase in Communist-flag shipping.
Although I cannot be specific because of
the nature of the information, I can
say?based upon general knowledge?
that the increase in Communist-flag
shipping is most alarming and shows
clearly the vital importance of outside
supplies to North Vietnam's war effort.
It is generally known that these ships
carry not only oil but military hardware
as well. It is equally evident that without
this source of supply, Ho Chi Minh would
be unable to maintain the present level
of aggression against us and our allies
in South Vietnam. Yet we continue to
just watch this trade and collect statis-
tics, while at the same time sending more
and more boys into South Vietnam to be
wounded and killed as they do their best
to resist an enemy who has been well
armed with supplies delivered by sea.
I say we cannot just sit by and watch
the war being continually escalated in
South Vietnam by supplies delivered to
North Vietnam in either Communist or
free world ships. Our "hands off" policy
with regard to the procession of ships
into North Vietnam is but another ex-
ample of the way in which we are fight-
ing this war on terms dictated by the
Communists. The Vietcong, to be sure,
give our ships no safe conduct passes up
the river to Saigon. They have, in fact,
this past month successfully mined a
U.S. merchant ship, the Baton Rouge
Victory, killing seven American crewmen.
Yet we, with the full might of the U.S.
Navy controlling the South China Sea,
just seem to drift about, taking no effec-
tive steps.
When it became apparent that the So-
viets were shipping missiles into Cuba?
where no U.S. men were fighting?Presi-
dent Kennedy risked a nuclear confron-
tation in stopping those ships. Every-
one applauded his resolve and courage
in so doing. There is no question as to
how the SAM missiles entered North
Vietnam and how they are being con-
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDF'67600446R000400110002-4
23546 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- HOUSE
tinually resupplied. Such heavy ton-
nages of missiles, antiaircraft guns and
ammunition can only Come by sea. Yet,
we are still not doing much about A even
though these weapons have been shoot-
ing down American fliers.
CAMBODIA'S "BACKDOOR" AID
Mr. Speaker, there is another aspect of
the problem of cutting off the enemy's
sources of supply which is equally im-
portant, but with which the administra-
tion bas also failed to come to grips. I
speak of the Vietcong's "backdoor"
source of supply through Cambodia.
Following an Armed Services Commit-
tee mission to South Vietnam last April,
which confirmed numerous reports, I had
received for several months, I began
urging that shipping up the Mekong
River, passing right through South Viet-
nam, to Cambodia be halted for two prin-
ciple reasons: First, to stop the suspected
flow of contraband over which I found
there is no effective control; and second,
to apply economic pressure on Cambodia
to encourage it to live up to its alleged
policy of "strict neutrality."
I have yet to talk to any knowledgeable
military people who have any doubt that
Cambodia is used as a Vietcong sanctu-
ary and source of supply. In fact, when
our subcommittee was only a few miles
from the border, we were told by a Spe-
cial Forces officer of the existence of
three airstrips and a training ground
on Cambodian soil being used by the
Vietcong. While Cambodian officials
may not have full information Of these,
activities, there is no dispute that they
have openly aided the enemies of South
Vietnam,
The Cambodian delegate to the United
Nations has said his country "continues
to support morally and politically the
struggle of the brave Vietnam people
against American aggression. We have
never concealed the fact that in token
of Our solidarity with the Vietnam peo-
ple we have offered medical supplies and
dried fish to the National Liberation
Front."
This is not neutrality.
In the past, prince Sihanouk, the
Cambodian Chief of State, has often
called for better border surveillance by
the International Control Commission?
composed of Canada, India, and Po-
land?but he always knew that Poland,
in deference to North Vietnam, would
not permit it. While indistinct bound-
ary lines present real inspection prob-
lems it would be comparatively easy to
insure the "neutrality" of goods entering
Cambodian ports through a meaningful
examination of ship cargoes as they ar-
rive and I have challenged the Cambo-
dian Government to do just that.
Mr. Speaker, at this point I insert, a
chart detailing the extent of free world
shipping, by country, up the Mekong
River through South Vietnam en route to
Cambodia during 1966.
Free world ships in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, 1966
Panaman-
Jan
United
Kingdom
French
Japanese
?
Nether-
lai ids
Italy
Denmark
Total
-
January
19
4
10
5
1
39
February
17
3
8
6
2
1
37
March
13
3
10
6
32
?April
5
2
11
4
22
May
8
1
8
2
1
1
21
June
4
3
9
5
21
July
12
2
6
6
26
Total_ _
78
18
62
34
4
1
1
198
No One wants the war to be enlarged,
whether into Cambodia or elsewhere, but
the point is that the war has been carried
into Cambodia by the Communists with
at least the tacit permission of Prince
Sihanouk. This fact cannot be ignored
If a much longer, costlier, bloodier strug-
gle is to be averted.
I have advocated economic, not mili-
tary, pressure to be applied to Combodia
to spike this escalation before it reaches
even greater proportions. A truly neu-
tral Cambodia has nothing to fear.
Mr. Speaker, the situation with re-
spect to the "front door" of Haiphong
and the "back door" of Cambodia can-
not be permitted to continue if we are to
resolve this conflict. In neither World
War I nor World War LI were vital sup-
plies permitted to reach our enemies
without challenge. More recently, in
the 1962 missile crisis President Kennedy
did not permit the delivery of strategic
weapons to Cuba and at, a time when
there were no American forces in combat
in that country. Why, I ask, Mr. Presi-
dent, if this is war, as? you have told us,
has your administration not done more
to cut off the enemy's source of supply?
TAX REFORM
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under
previous order of the House, the gentle-
man from New York [Mr. HALPERN] is
recognized for 10 minutes.
(Mr. HALPERN asked and was given
permission to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. HALPERN. Mr. Speaker, last
June 1, I introduced H.R. 15405, to elimi-
nate the oil depletion allowance. The
purpose of the bill is to rectify a situa-
tion of special tax advantage which is
no longer justified.
When the 90th Congress convenes, as
soon as possible, Congress should ex-
amine the structure and undertake major
reform. Most recommendations in this
field were rejected when the 1964 Reve-
nue Act was enacted into law.
In remarks I made on the floor of the
House on June 1, I pointed to the allow-
ances granted oil and other natural re-
sources as a particular inequity which
should be dealt with at an early date.
The repeal or substantial reduction
of this deduction is hut one step in the
direction of ending tax favoritism.
September 29 1966
Local and State taxation is steadily
rising. In this situation Congress must
insure that Federal income taxes are
levied as equitably as possible, and an
end to privileged treatment is a first
prerequisite.
In essence, the combination of local,
State, and Federal levies, along with ris-
ing prices, is putting lower middle- and
middle-income groups, as well as retired
persons, into an intolerable squeeze,
while other taxable categories are
granted unjustifiable advantages.
Tax reform can substantially increase
Government revenue, at a time when
deficit spending is feeding the fires of
inflation. Moreover, when this infla-
tionary period is effectively halted,
through various methods, then we can
ease the brunt now unequally borne by
certain taxable groups and individuals.
In order to make the Federal tax bur-
den more equitable, Congress should
undertake major tax reform. And I
once again urge that the depletion allow-
ance be made a priority item in the re-
drafting of tax treatment.
GERMAN ADMIRAL SEES NEED FOR
CLOSER UNION IN NATO
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under
previous order of the House, the gentle-
man from Illinois [Mr. FINDLEY ] is rec-
ognized for 30 minutes.
(Mr. FINDLEY asked and was given
permission to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. FINDLEY. Mr. Speaker, among
the topics discussed with Chancellor Er-
hard during his recent visit to this coun-
try was cooperation in space exploration.
This makes timely the conclusion and
recommendations of German Vice Adm.
Friedrich Ruge concerning general tech-
nological cooperation among the nations
of NATO.
Admiral Ruge, who has participated
in foreign policy symposia in this coun-
try and written extensively on NATO
problems, is a member of the panel of 26
eminent scientists, scholars, and military
experts established by the House Re,pub-
lican Committee on NATO and the At-
lantic Community to assist in its Atlantic
studies program.
Here is Admiral Ruge's statement::
NATURE OF THE ALLIANCE
NATO is a coordinated alliance, its mem-
bers are partners with equal rights though
of greatly differing size and importance. In
the Atlantic Council, decisions can be reached
only by unanimous vote, and the Council has
no powers to enforce them because it is not
supranational. As a consequence, problems
are far more difficult to handle than in a
subordinated alliance where all the smaller
partners (satellites) have to obey the orders
of one hegemonial power as it is the case in
the Warsaw Pact.
NATO is an alliance concluded for an in-
definite period, with the proviso that single
members can leave after twenty years, and
in the hope that they may not do so. The
best way to prevent their leaving will be to
develop the alliance to closer cooperation.
There is ample historical evidence that coali-
tions of nations have no great life expectancy
unless they succeed in evolving a closer union
with a common governing authority responsi-
ble at least for foreign policy and defense.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 ? CIA:RDP6.7BORW00040gtelninnenrvn91-Aer 29, 1966
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPE
Mr. Chairman, if we pass this amend-
ment, I believe it would force 0E0 to
run a more economical operation, al-
though I do not feel that the sum of
$7,000 a year is exactly economical. But,
at least, we would be making one step in
the direction toward requiring them to
be a little more economical than t4iey
have been in the past.
Vietnam in the Balance
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. DONALD M. FRASER
OF MINNESOTA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, September 28, 1966
Mr. FRASER. Mr. Speaker, the citi-
zens of the United States are being asked
to support policies in Vietnam which do
not rest easily with our traditions. Most
Americans resist involvement in foreign
wars, but when involved, want to win.
Probably the most effective means open
to the administration to maintain public
support for the nature and style of our
pperations in Vietnam is through a
deepening of understanding of the dy-
namics of this struggle, including a care-
ful identification of the political
component.
The relationship between the Hanoi
regime and the Vietcong in the south has
not been discussed with the care and
specificity it deserves. Both in public
discussion and in private conversation
with policymakers in the executive
branch, I have been struck with the in-
sistence on the total identity between
the forces in the south and the north.
The dogmatic position of the administra-
tion on this point does not engender con-
fidence, but rather doubt. When policy-
makers are so certain about a matter
Inherently uncertain, larger doubts are
raised about our perception with respect
to other aspects of this struggle.
Earlier this year I commented on the
relationship between the north and the
south in the following words?page 4407
of the March 2 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD:
The relationship between Hanoi and the
National Liberation Front has been much
discussed. Many officials of the U.S. Govern-
ment have repeatedly stressed the role of
Hanoi in stimulating, organizing, supplying,
and directing the Vietcong and the National
Liberation Front. But this does not give
a complete picture of the relationship be-
tween Hanoi and the forces in the south.
The strong political motivation of the Com-
munist forces must be studied carefully.
If a political movement in one country
decides to extend its influence into another
country, the usual procedure is to send in
people to proselytize and to organize on be-
half of the ideas which the political move-
ment seeks to promote. If the organizational
effort is successful, a group in the second
country comes into being. Its ideology, per-
haps some of its leadership, and its tactics
' may continue to be guided by the forces in
the first country. But the group in the sec-
ond cOnntry still has an independent, viable
existence. The relationship between the two
groups is relatively stable so long as the
tactics are agreed upon. But if the first
group takes a new course, then the viable
nature of the group in the second country
suddenly becomes clear.
According to the figures of the Defense
Department, approximately 200,000 of the
Vietcong are from South Vietnam. These
Vietcong and the National Liberation Front
believe they are fighting for certain ideas.
It would seem doubtful that they regard
themselves simply as soldiers whose com-
mand loyalties run to Hanoi. Their per-
sistence and their sacrifices could not be
explained on this basis.
Thus there is the strong probability that
as Hanoi has sought to organize in the
South, it has at the same time created forces
which, if not independent today, are po-
tentially independent if Hanoi shifts 'o
courses which are incompatible with the
primary thrust of those fighting in the
South.
Thus, if Hanoi were to pursue a course of
action which would seem to the National
Liberation Front to thwart and make use-
less the years of sacrifice, there is doubt
that Hanoi could compel acceptance of this
course. But even more devastating, Hanoi
would be regarded as abandoning an ally in
the South to which it not only owed an
ideological allegiance but which it had
spawned.
The United States looks at its commitment
to South Vietnam as binding. Then con-
sider how much more deeply Hanoi must
feel bound to the fortunes of those whom it
sponsored in the South. Because this has
been my rough analysis of this relationship.
I have always believed that the hope that
bombing in the North would drive Hanoi
out of this conflict was doomed to failure. I
believe furthermore that the bombing would
force Hanoi into an even more active role
in the belief that events in the South would
have to be speeded up as the only way for
Hanoi to obtain an end to the bombing.
On the other hand, pressure against the
National Liberation Front and the Vietcong
forces could bring about a settlement some
day. It may be that regardless of what the
United States does, the fabric of the South
Vietnamese society is so torn and weakened
that a successful effort against the Commun-
ist forces cannot be sustained. Whatever
the settlement possibilities, however, com-
munication directly with the National Lib-
eration Front would seem to make more sense
than to force Hanoi to act as broker with its
interests not necessarily paralleling those of
the Liberation Front.
In any event, these matters must be looked
at with care and objectivity. The great stress
which the Milted States places on the role
of the North Vietnamese must not obscure
the fact that our national interests require
that we make our understanding conform to
reality.
My views have been reinforced by an
excellent article by Bernard Fall appear-
ing in the October 1966 issue of the For-
eign Affairs Quarterly. Because of the
importance of this question I insert a
portion of his article in the RECORD:
VIETNAM IN THE BALANCE
IV -
A major part of the whole Viet Nam argu-
ment revolves around a clear identification
of the character of the enemy?for it is that
identification which pins the label of "ag-
gressor" on North Viet Nam (and thus justi-
fies military action against it) or, conversely,
makes the conflict largely a civil war, with
the United States as the major foreign
"interventionist."
A recent issue of Foreign Affairs presented
an unusually well-argued and sophisticated
case for the first view? But precisely be-
1 George A. Carver, Jr., "The Faceless Viet
Cong," Foreign Affairs, April 1965.
cause it is so well argued, it unconscionsly
presents some of the arguments for the op-
posite viewpoint as well. And since it is
almost impossible to discuss the possible ra-
tional outcomes of the Viet Nam situation
as long as the true character of the ad-
versary is in doubt?it is this writer's own
belief that it lies somewhere between the two
extremes presented above?the nature of
the Viet Cong must be explored further be-
fore it can be definitively dismissed as "face-
less."
It can be conceded in advance that any
Communist member of the National Libera-
tion Front in South Viet Nam is likewise a
momber of the Lao Dong, the Vietnamese
Communist Party, and that North Viet Nam,
which had without a shred of doubt won the
war against France in 1954, fully expected
to gain control of South Viet Nam as well
either by the elections slated for July 1956
or at a later date. I am, however, inclined
to doubt that Hanoi's decision to intervene
In South Vietnamese affairs was prompted by
any "increasing disparity between political
life north and south." For it became ob-
vious even to the blindest of optimists th-t,
unfortunately, the political lives of both Viet
Nams, far from becoming "disparate," be-
gan to resemble each other as only two ex-
tremes can, with their gradual falsification
of representative processes and, finally, with
their concentration camps and persecution of
religious groups. The existence of a "Cen-
tral Reunification Department" in Hanoi of
which much is made is surely revelatory of
something?until one becomes aware that
West Germany, for example, has a Ministry
for All-German Affairs to which, of course,
East Germany and the Soviets ascribe equal-
ly sinister motives, even thought it can be
safely assumed that the Minister tam fiir
Gesamtdeutsche Fragen is more innocuous
than any Hanoi committee with the same
purpose.
It is likewise very much open to ques-
tion that the intervention of Hanoi was first
evidenced by a terror campaign directed
against small South Vietnamese officials.
In actual fact, Diem began to become op-
pressive as early as January 1956, when a
concentration camp ordinance (No. 6 of Jan-
uary 11, 1956) gave the regime almost un-
checked power to deal with the opposition?
and the non-Communist opposition, least
inured to clandestine operations, was hit
hardest. It took until May 1966 for a U.S.
Government agency, the Public Affairs Office
in Saigon, to state candidly what was a well-
known fact all along?to wit, that some of
the so-called "political-religious" sects pro-
vided the hard core of the early opposi-
tion:
. . . Ten of the eleven Mao-Dail sub-sects
had opposed Diem, and their leadership fled
to Cambodia or went into hiding. . . . The
members of the other ten sects made up the
bulk of the early NLF support, although the
alliance was at all times an uneasy one . . .
. . . The [Hoa-Hao] sect in 1952 formed
the Social Democratic Party as its political
arm. It too challenged Diem, and its armies
were smashed by .ARVN in 1956. Like the
Cao Dal, it was an early and major partici-
pant in the NLF, . . .
. . The third of the esoteric sects of Viet
Nam, the Binh Xuyen, which was also
smashed by Diem, also worked with the NLF
In its early days.2 '
The decision by Diem?probably his most
pregnant in terms of its future consequen-
ces?to abolish elected village government in
June 1956 (again before the July 1956 elec-
tion deadline, at a time when the Commu-
nists were on their best behavior) did the
rest. The hated appointees became a prime
target for local resentment and by March
2 U.S. Mission in Viet Nam, JTJSPAO Plan-
ning Office, A Note on the Vietnamese Sects,
May 1966, p. 2-3.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29: CIA-RDP67B00446R000400110002-4
September proved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
4,131966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- APPENDIX
most of whom have special engineering, sci-
entific or medical qualifications.
The board has are administrative and en-
gineering staff of 16 and an annual budget
of $485,000. Near its Los Angeles headquar-
ters, it operate ? one of the world's most com-
plete laboratories in the field of vehicular air
pollution.
The newly created board promptly joined
in a battle that the Los Angeles County
agency had been waging for years with the
automobile industry over fume controls.
DETROIT IS CRITICIZED.
In a current Federal grand jury inquiry
in Los Angeles, local officials have charged
that the auto companies collusively dragged
their feet for years on producing these con-
trols. Detroit says it was engrossed in re-
search.
When accessory manufacturers were on
the verge of preempting the fume control
business with exhaust attachments. Detroit
announced in July, 1965, that it was pre-
' pared to turn out oars with built-in equip-
ment.
This equipment is of two types. One is a
pump that injects extra air into the ex-
haust manifold so that fumes are burned
there. Chrysler accomplished the same fume
reduction by special carburetor and ignition
rigging.
The other is a "blow-by" tube. Since
1963, California has required that new cars
have these tubes to carry troublesome crank-
case gases back' into the combustion
chambers.
Starting last fall, with 1966 models, the
exhaust controls were made mandatory on
all new cars.
The two items, blow-by tubes and exhaust
Controls, are supposed to eliminate 70 per
cent of the two worst automebile contam-
inants, hydrocarbon gases and carbon mon-
teXide. Last March the Public Health Serv-
ice felt confident enough of them to promul-
gate the California requirements national-
ly for next year.
The California beard is considering tight-
ening its restrictions by nearly 50 per cent
before 1970. The new restrictions would re-
duce permissible hydrocarbon emissions from
275 parts per million to 180, and carbon mom-
oxide frcun 1,5 percent to I per cent.
The board is also moving toward control
of another important pollutant family,
oxides of nitrogen. Federal officials plan
to follow close in applying such restrictions
nationally.
California had hopes of developing exhaust
Controls for older care, which make up 90
per cent of those on the road. This has been
thwarted by both technical and legislative
difficulties. The only requirement for pre-
196a models is that crankcase blow-by tubes
must be put on cars when they change own-
ers. There is no corresponding Federal re-
quirement.
The achievement of control equipment is
an oblique process. The state starts out by
promulgating desired emission standards.
The standards remain theoretical until in-
dustry comes up with the equipment to
match the standards. This is the situation
with oxides of nitrogen, for which controls
have not yet been devised.
Another problem that will present itself
In all 50 states is making sure fume control
equipment operates effectively, something
the Federal Government can't police.
Even California has only cursory random
inspection by state highway patrolmen. Com-
prehensive checks on fume equipment can
be incorporated in regular safety inspec-
tions?New York and New Jersey have laws
calling for them?but there is a problem of
providing inspection stations with adequate
testing devices.
California may also provide lessons for
Other states in the way it works out its ad-
ministrative structure for pollution control.
There is now a three-way division of re-
sponsibility among the motor vehicle board,
the county districts that deal with stationary,
pollution sources and the State Department
of Health, which must work closely with the
others.
Assuming that each contingent does its
job perfectly, critics observes, there is no
unified, statewide determination of prior-
ities in expenditures and effort, However,
Gov. Edmund G. Brown has just designated
Eric Grant, the director of the motor vehicle
board, as an inter-agency coordinator in a
step toward unification. ,
Vernon MacKenzie, the recent director of
the Air Pollution Division of the Public
Health Service, is a soft-speaking man, in-
clined to understatement. But he recently
remarked ominously:
"For the next decade or so every urban
area is going to have to control pollution in
terms that might be considered radical even
in Los Angeles."
(Tomorrow: The outlook for clean air.)
Noteworthy Editorial
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON., JOHN BELL WILLIAMS
OF MISSISSIPPI
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, September 28, 1966
Mr. WILLIAMS. Mr. Speaker, under
leave to extend my remarks in the REC-
ORD, I include -the following editorial
from the September 25, 1966, edition of
the Vicksburg, Miss., Sunday Post. I
commend the reading of the editorial to
my colleagues because of the timely mes-
sage it presents:
INVESTIGATING THE FAMOUS "GUIDELINES"
The House of Representatives will seek,
through investigation, to ascertain if the De-
partment of Health. Education and Welfare,
through the 'guidelines" it has imposed in
the field, of education, has overstepped both
the letter and the spirit of the 1964 Civil
Rights Act. In true bureaucratic form,. the
Department of Education, has formulated its
own pet formulas, has withheld federal
money from those areas which did not
knuckle down to its arbitrary regulations,
and has, in general, assumed a highly dicta-
torial attitude.
Under the actions of the Department, the
stress has been put, not on education, but on
integration. Freedom of choice is not pos-
sible, with the inference that intimidation
nullifies that freedom. The spectacle of
busing pupils from one area to another, is
both ridiculous and tragic, for it is mailing
pawns out of children who should have no
interference with their studies. In every
way, the arrogant and inflexible attitude of
the Department has done more to down-
grade educaticn in the nation than anything
else.
It is timely that- a congressional investi-
gation be undertaken. The Congress passed
the law, and the law has certain limitations,
which should be studiously followed. There
has been a completely biased conception of
the Civil Rights Act. Under it, discrimina-
tion was banned if based on race or color.
But it did not spell out literally, or in spirit,
that it should be used as a vehicle to com-
pletely integrate or to achieve "racial bal-
ance." The absence of discrimination would
have the effect of bringing the educational
picture into real perspective, something that
forced integration and a headlong -dash into
racial balance would never achieve.
, As has been so eloquently stated on many
occasions by spokesmen for the South, the
-
A5017
Civil Rights Act was conceived in politics
and aimed directly and exclusively at the
South. In spite of the warnings of our
Southern representatives, the people of
other areas swallowed the plea for support
on the punitive measure. But Northern
and Eastern and Western citizens have come
face to face with the "guidelines" and are
finding out that the South is not the only
area involved. Transporting pupils from
one school to another, entirely out of their
natural environment, has caused the peo-
ple of newer areas to begin to understand
the warnings which were not heeded during
the debate on the measures. The opposi-
tion to the dictatorial administration of the
Department of Education has become both
spirited and vocal and the representatives
in the Congress have begun to feel its effect.
So, let us get down to the business of con-
ducting a searching investigation to ascer-
tain where the power to rule has been given
by the Act, or has been assumed by the bu-
reaucrats. After all, the cause of public
education is at stake, and public education
means just that in every city and county in
every state in the Union, and the arbitrary
withholding of funds because arbitrary
guidelines have not been accepted, is con-
trary to the American concept of govern-
Ment.
Economic Opportunity Amendments of
1966
SPEECH
OF
HON. ALBERT H. QUIE
OF MINNESOTA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, September 28, 1966
The House in Committee of the Whole
House on the State of the Union had under
consideration the bill (H.R. 15111) to provide
for continued progress in the Nation's war
on poverty.
(Mr. QUIE asked and was given per-
mission to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. QUIE. Mr. Chairman, I just
wanted to use this procedure to make
sure that we will have an opportunity to
vote on this, because as the gentlewoman
from Oregon [Mrs. GREEN] suggested, we
ought to try the $7,000 figure. This is
very close to what the administration
says they will eventually be able to run
these programs, but which is way above.
any other similar effort training, educa-
tional, and residential which is now
being carried on.
Mr. Chairman, as I indicated before,
this is certainly true with reference to
the residential vocational schools which
are training some drop-outs from the Job
Corps, dropouts who could not be
trained in the Job Corps at that extra
cost, but who are now being trained in
the residential vocational education
schools for an average of $2,600 per year.
Mr. Chairman, if they can do it there,
the Job Corps ought to be able to do it for
$7,000.
Surely, Mr. Chairman, this cannot be
an unreasonable figure and, perhaps, this
will in and of itself take care of some of
the high salaries that are being paid to
staff people and prevent the Job Corps
from pirating and taking away teachers
from our other school systems.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP671300446R090400110002-4
A
Amor-eyed F zrocKelitgsiM/H/2/19ERABp_12W153191*M10040011 0002-4 A5019
September 29,
1958 over 400 had been murdered by guer-
rillas who indeed, as Carver points out,
"harped on local issues and avoided preach-
ing Marxist doctrine." When it is remem-
bered that there were enough "local issues"
around to cause the South Vietnamese Army
itself to try at least three -times to murder
Diem, it becomes understandable why South
Viet Nam appeared to Hanoi ripe for pluck-
ing. In other words, there can be no doubt
but that Hanoi, or even South Vietnamese
stay-behind Communist elements, took ad-
vantage of Saigon's glaring weaknesses after
1959. But the Communists can hardly be
held responsible for the incredible stupidity
of the Diem regime and the somewhat sur-
prising blindness to its faults of its Ameri-
can advisers. And it is equally hard to deny
that there was plenty of motivation inside
South Viet Nam, on the left as well as on
? the right, for a revolutionary explosion.
The next point which requires clarification
is not whether the insurgency in South Viet
Nam is abetted, directed and aided from
North Viet Nam (it is to a large extent), but
whether such outside controls preclude the
existence of real objectives which are spe-
cifically those of the insurgents rather than
of their external sponsors. Here, the recent
British revelations as to the truly enormous
extent of the control of the French Resist-
ance in France by the Special Operations Ex-
ecutive (S.O.E.) ?the 1940-46 British
equivalent of the Central Intelligence
Agency?shows what is meant. According to
the now-published official history of S.O.E.
in France, "till 1941 the British had a virtual
monopoly over all of de Gaulle's means of
communications with France," and the
French "could not introduce a single agent
or a single store" without Allied permission
and help, and "anything [they] planned with
marked political implications was liable to be
vetoed by any of the three major Western
allies." Yet, having substantiated exactly
what both the Vichy French and the Nazis
had said all along, i.e. that the French Re-
sistance was nothing but an "Anglo-Saxon
conspiracy" and the resisters (this writer in-
cluded) nothing but foreign agents, the offi-
cial history makes the key point: "All these
victories by and through resistance forces in
France had a common basis: overwhelming
popular support."
The hard historical facts which emerge
from the French Resistance and which ap-
pear to apply to the Viet Cong are (a) that
in spite of overwhelming technical control by
the Allies, de Gaulle succeeded in winning
political and military loyalty among the di-
verse guerrilla forces in France, and (b)
that even de Gaulle's own views anti desires
had to accommodate themselves to those de-
veloped by the internal resistance in its four-
year fight, in which it bore the brunt of the
struggle and suffered the bulk of the losses.
The differences of view between Viet Cong
leaders who have now been in the fight for
six years (and some of them for twenty!)
and the Hanoi theoreticians and conven-
tional military commanders go in many cases
far beyond normal internecine party strug-
gles or mere tactical disagreements.
A glance at factual examples is interesting:
there have been three changes of N.L.F. sec-
retaries-general at times when Hanoi was in
? the throes of no purge whatsoever. There
vyas the N.L.F. five-point manifesto of March
23, 1965, whose "jungle version" was rebroad-
- cast later by Hanoi with 39 extensive amend-
ments or text changes, softening some of the
N.L.V. statements. There were the spontane-
ous reactions of N.L.F. leaders when faced
with respected Western observers on neutral
ground"' openly explaining why ,they dis-
agreed with the "narrow-minded commissars
in Hanoi...! And there is the fact that while
KRA?, root, "sox
Tier Majesty's StatioM
33, and 442-443, passim.
the United States and Hanoi are now offi-
cially wedded to a return to a Geneva-type
conference (and, presumably, its two-year
election clause), the N.L.F. has thus far left
Geneva out of its program, preferring a flex-
ible formula of eventual reunification in ne-
gotiated stages.
- It is easy to dismiss those differences as be-
ing mere camouflage (after all, some people
believe that the Sino-Soviet split is nothing
but a grand deception foisted on the easily-
fooled West) and to believe the N.L.F. is in-
deed nothing but "a contrived political
mechanism with no indigenuous roots," as
Carver avers. But in that case, the 220,000
Viet Cong who fight side-by-side with 50,-
000 PAVN regulars, and who over the past
three years are said to have suffered almost
100,000 dead and 182,000 wounded, fight
rather well for what must be a vast mass of
remote-controlled and force-drafted recruits.
Otherwise, desertion would be just as easy
on the Viet Cong side as it is on the ARVN
side, but thus far the V.C. desertion rate
simply seems to keep pace with the increase
of manpower on the Communist side. ?
That leaves, lastly, the argument of "face-
lessness": the N.L.F. leaders are men of little
stature in their own society; they are un-
knowns. But four years ago only a few Viet-
namese military men knew who General Ky
was, and no one thought of him even two
years ago as being of presidential timber.
Clandestineness is not attractive to the sort
of men who are national figures: aside from
Yugoslavia's Marshal Tito, it takes real ex-
pertise to recall the names of European
resistance leaders. In any case, N.L.F. propa-
ganda has seen to it that its leaders should
not remain anonymous: at least forty senior
leaders' biographies have been published,
along with their photos.4 Their background
shows the normal social background of Viet-
namese leadership in general, from medical
doctors and pharmacists, to lawyers and even
army officers (though the sprinkling of Mon-
tagnards and women is more typical of the
likewise classic "united front" picture). And
they have one remarkable common charac-
teristic which thus far no Saigon government
has been able to match: they are all from
south of the seventeenth parallel.
None of the foregoing justifies Hanoi's
claim that the N.L.F. should be the "sole
legitimate voice of the South Vietnamese peo-
ple." But nothing justifies the opposite
claim either, to the effect that without
Hanoi's full support, the N.L.F. would dis-
appear into thin air like a desert mirage.
There can indeed be no quarrel with Carver's
statement that "the Viet Cong organization
is unquestionably a major factor in the
South Vietnamese political scene." In that
case, however, it must be treated as what it
is?a political force in South Viet Nam which
cannot be simply blasted off the surface of
the earth with B-52 saturation raids, or
told to pack up and go into exile to North
Viet Nam.
There is one further consideration which
argues against the likelihood of Hanoi being
able (assuming it were willing, and it does
not seem to be) to turn off the southern
guerrilla movement like a water tap: Hanoi
has, since March 1946, made four separate
deals with the West at the expense of the
South Vietnamese. The French-Vietnamese
accords of March 6, 1946, provided for a Viet-
namese "free state with its own government,
armed forces and foreign relations" but left
South Viet Nam proper (i.e., Cochin China)
under French control and, as it turned out,
severe anti-Viet Minh repression. The
French-Vietnamese modus vivendi signed by
Ho Chi Minh in Paris, September 14, 1948,
further confirmed this seeming "abandon-
ment" of the South. In the Geneva Accords
of July 1954, it was South Viet Nam which
was left to the tender mercies of the Diem
regime for at least two years, and we have
Nguyen Huu Tho's own word in an inter-
view with Wilfred Burohett to the effect
that "there were mixed feelings about the
two-years' delay over reunification." And
when neither Hanoi nor Peking (nor the So-
viet Union) made strong representations
against dropping elections in 1956, it must
have become obvious to even the most ob-
tuse pro-Hanoi elments south of the seven-
teenth parallel that the North Vietnamese
Communists are somewhat unreliable allies.
The Inner City School
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. MARTHA W. GRIFFITHS
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, September 29, 1966
Mrs. GRIFFITHS. Mr. Speaker, in
four different places in today's RECORD
I am inserting an account of a Detroit
Free Press reporter's experiences, as an
English teacher, in a Detroit inner city
school, along with his recommendations.
In my judgment, Mr. Jim Treloar brings
sensitive insight to bear on one of Amer-
ica's great problems.
One of the articles follows:
THE INNER CITY CLASSROOM?A REPORTER'S
EDUCATION
(By Jim Treloar)
Miss Kenneth Schaal, the head of the
English department, led the way downstairs
to Room 127, the click of her heels running
two steps ahead in the pre-school quiet.
The room I was to teach in at Jefferson
Intermediate School is on the first floor, next
to the stairwell. She opened the door and
turned on the lights.
There was a wad of gum stuck on -the
blackboard. In one corner, paint flaked off
the ceiling. Later, students would sit very
still and watch the pieces drift down and
land on their shoulders and in their hair,
artificial dandruff.
Last year's paper and chalk scented the air.
The only splash of color came from sheets
of yellow paper stapled across the top of the
blackboard, the edges curling with age.
I don't know how old the desks were, but
there must have been two generations of
initials etched into the unvarnished tops.
Each desk had a hole for an inkwell, and
those were going out of date when I was in
school.
There's a dark little courtyard just outside
the window, with iron gratings everywhere.
In the middle sat a cement something where
trash was thrown.
Miss Schaal saw me looking out the
window. "We had lovely curtains to cover
the window, but the last teacher in this room
took them. She only lasted five months."
It had been one of those pencil-sharp,
eraser-clean fall days when I entered the De-
troit Public Schools' placement office on
Woodward Avenue-and met Mrs. Julie Strawn.
I asked her for a job teaching American
History in high school, because that's where
my interest and competence lay. History is
my graduate major, and my teaching experi-
ence had been in a country high school.
What I got was a job teaching English and
social studies in junior high school. I told
Mrs. Strawn that I had only the most mini-
- mum class time for an undergraduate minor
fmusgioiegitgonogrowyrokwatiou4g-Rtivabactmk
th t I _hadn't opened the
-400k since the 6th
Liberation Movement, ad. [1963], 44 nr
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
A5020 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX September 29 1966
Briskly, Mrs. Strawn explained: "We re-
quire our high school teachers to have a
master's degree." I was two or three classes
short of my master's, so I settled for a job in
which I didn't feel competent.
(The fact is that only 66.28 percent of
Detroit's high school teachers have master's
degrees.)
In college, you study to be either a "second-
err' or an "elementary" teacher. Junior
- high schools are lumped with high schools
' and called "secondary."
But in a school like Jefferson, elementary
teaching skills are needed. You don't toss
American literature at children who still
don't know how to read. I'd never taken a
course in elenaentary education and had no
idea how to teach a child to read,
The same sort of thing happens to other
teachers. One, who earned a Phi Beta Kappa
key while majoring in biology, applied for a
junior high science position.
"No," she was told. "You haven't had
physics."
She was offered a job teaching mathe-
matics instead.
"But I haven't had a math course since
high school!" she protested. The placement
office explained that they badly needed math
teachers. A science opening was "discovered"
only when the teacher refused to take any
other job.
Early next morning, I arrived at Jefferson
School, built in 1922 at the corner of Selden
and Fourth on Detroit's near West Side, and
preSented myself to Miss Schaal, my depart-
ment head.
I found her in a cramped little office, blow-
ing dust off an armful of books. She sized
me up in one quick glance and found me
wanting.
Miss Schaal is pushing retirement. Her
hair which looks like bleached straw, was
already disheveled by work, and it wasn't
8:30 yet.
Her face is dried by years of chalk dust,
but those blue eyes crackled. I thought:
"Here's a gal who knows how to teach." My
first impression was just as accurate as hers.
After she introduced me to Room 127, I
asked her if the students already had their
textbooks.
"The seventh and eighth graders don't
get textbooks," she said.
"When I get them to you, the books are
to be kept in the room. You pass them out
when you need them, and you collect them
at the end of the hour. If the children took
books home, we'd never get them back.
"The ninth graders will get English texts,
but they'll have to sign out for them. We
try to push homework on the ninth:graders,
but don't bank on it ever getting done.
"And watch that they don't write in the
books!" She grabbed a book at random,
opened the cover and triumphantly displayed
the most common two-word obscenity in the
English language.
"If the children start complaining about
the condition of the books, just take them
away," she said. "One cla.ss complained
about how badly marked up their spellers
were last year, so we just took them away.
"You've got to be careful. These kids
can demonstrate. You probably heard what
happened at Northern High school last year.
Who dp these kids think mark the books up
anyhow, huh?"
The textbooks?for classroom use only?
kept dribbing in all the time I was at Jef-
ferson.
It was a week before the ninth graders got
their English texts. When I left at the
end of seven days, there were still no litera-
ture books.
I found that I'd have to share the seventh
grade geography and eighth grade history
books with the teaclApepyreVed? F
? But the children at jerferson la
'even more basic than textbooks.
When I inspected the boys' lavatory, there
was no soap, no towels?not ,eve oilt paper-
Billy Stanhouse, the teacher across the
hall, told me: "If we supplied the lavatories,
they'd rip the fixtures oft the walls and
throw the paper all around."
I didn't see any teacher's copies of the
text books I'd be using and asked Mrs. Schaal
where they were.
"We expect our teachers to be able to
handle the children for two or. three days
without having to use texts," she said.
When I persisted, she told Me: "If we
gave them out right away, some teachers
would take them home and never come back,
Some of our teachers don't last very long.
Besides, I have a full schedule of classes
myself, and I don't have time to cart books
around!" -
She careened out the door muttering some-
thing over her shoulder.
But, she was back in five minutes with
my copies of the texts. She's just as tough
with her teachers as she is with her stu-
dents; but she always came through for me.
I suspect she never disappointed her students
either.
When that was straightened out, Miss
Schaal began ticking off the things I'd be
responsible for.
"Each teacher is allowed only $5 for class-
room supplies each year," she said. "But
If you're not here in May to fill out the forms
for the next year, you're just out of luck.
"Keep your blackboards clean. The jani-
tors don't have time to wash them. We'll
give you a basin, but you'll have to buy
your own sponge. Don't get a plastic one.
"If you need mimeograph paper, there's
sone in the office. We're not supposed to
give you any, but you can use what's there.
After that's gone, you'll have to buy your
own.
"You'll need a lesson-plan book. You can
buy one at the book store."
The $27.50 a day I was getting for this job
began to shrink. The two years I'd taught at
Powlerville Community Schools, everything
had been supplied; the janitors kept the
rooms spotless; and if you wanted something
mimeographed you whistled for an office girl.
Teachers were supposed to concentrate on
teaching.
But within a week a sponge appeared, and
a day later I found a lesson-plan book in my
locker. I don't know where she rustled up
the sponge, but I knew Miss Schaal had paid
for the book herself.
I also found out about those curtains that
had been swiped from my room. Miss Schaal
made them last year from material she
bought. Jefferson School has no money for
such niceties.
Jefferson's teachers object to many of the
textbooks they use.
The books speak in terms the inner city
child doesn't understand. The street scenes
described in their English books aren't what
they see. The problems they hear about in
social studies aren't the social problems that
are important to' them.
Sally Johnson, who teaches history and has
a way of putting things, announced at lunch
one day: "The stuff I have to give these kids
is just so much garp!"
Miss Schaal told me there were special ma-
terials written for the inner city youngsters,
but that she hadn't the money to buy them.
"I was .supposed to have $1,000 for extra
materials this year," she said, "but the social
studies people overspent their budget.
Progress in the Other War
EXTENSION OF REMARXS
OF
HON. DANTE B. FASCELL
OF FLORIDA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, September 29, 1966
Mr. FASCELL. Mr. Speaker, our pre-
odcupation with the military effort
should not divert our interest from what
we know as "the other war" in South
Vietnam..
President Johnson has made public a
report ori what is being done to improve
the life of the people in the villages and
hamlets of that testing ground of free-
dom.
I believe it warrants study by all of us
who recognize the importance to man-
kind of the conflict in South Vietnam.
Parts of the report by Robert W.
Komer of the President's staff are sum-
med up by the Washington Post in an
editorial which discusses the progress
made in education, transportation, hous-
ing, health and everyday living for the
- South Vietnamese.
The Post comments that the con-
structive task of pacification is an es-
sential counterpart of our military en-
deavor. It states that these civil pro-
grams go nicely with the new hopes jus-
tified by the South Vietnamese elections.
The record to date, declares the Post,
is one in which the United States can
take satisfaction before the world.
The complete editorial is as follows,:
"When the school board auditors caught it,
they took away my $1,000 to help balance the
books, and that was the end of that."
I took another look at the first letter the
school board wrote me when I applied for
this job.
e Inhiadakig63? t":slockAituitM04
ars have developed a deep loyalty to the
who support us so well."
THE OTHEit WAR
Since 1957 more than 18,000 South Viet-
namese civilian officials?village headmen,
schoolteachers, technicians?have been mur-
dered or kidnaped by the Communists. In
the week of Sept. 4-10 this year, more than
four times as many South Vietnamese as
Americans were killed by enemy action.
These figures ought to be understood more
widely in Europe. At a time when our pre-
occupations are understandably with Amer-
ican casualties and military efforts, they give
extra emphasis to a report just submitted
to the President on "the other war" in Viet-
nam?the efforts to assist the South Viet-
namese civilian society that has been so
cruelly ravaged.
In this report Special Assistant Robert W.
Korner relates an impressive chronicle of
what is being done to build schoolrooms, dis-
pensaries and roads, to house refugees, to
improve and expand agricultural production,
to broaden the industrial base and provide
more electric power, to increase port facil-
ities, to check inflation, through monetary
reform and American imports. Some 6900
hamlet school classrooms have been built,
for example, 1600 of them in 1966 alone.
Some 280,000 refugees were resettled and
460,000 given temporary shelter within the
last year.
No less significant are the accomplish-
ments in internal security, although the fig-
ures are less dramatic. It often has been
assumed, erroneously, that most of the peo-
ple of South Vietnam are under Vietcong
domination. In point of fact, by August 31
of this year some 55 per cent of the popula-
tion was in "secure" areas. Another 21 per
cent lived in areas that fluctuated between
South Vietnamese and Vietcong control,
aidow4ibbilittlycv were in parts of the
tile Vietcong. In the
year ending June 30 nearly 1000 additional
hamlets had been made secure and In 1906
Approved For Release 2005/
29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
4111M1Omm.
23390 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD? SENATE September 29, 1966
two-and-a-half hours instead of the present
six. A Monte Carlo gambler could fly to
Las Vegas to try his luck in a different set-
ting in three hours instead of seven.
Along the way the sonic boom would leave
a trail of broken windows, awakened and
crying babies and falling plaster that Wis-
consin "survivors" of the B-68 supersonic
bomber runs of a few years ago can vividly
recall.
At that time my office was deluged with
complaints. Wisconsinites put up with this
resounding nuisance out of patriotism. But
you could hardly be expected to do the same
for the pleasure-loving jet-set.
STIVIINGTON JOINS FIGHT
The unsolved technical problems are so
great and so expensive to solve that Senator
STUART SYMINGTON (D.-Mo.), a former Sec-
retary of the Air Force and a leading cham-
pion of American aviation, helped me lead
the fight for my amendment before the
Senate.
The supersonic transport not only would
have no military value but would be used
strictly for private commercial purposes.
For the federal government to provide this
kind of massive subsidy to a private indus-
try is virtually unprecedented.
WHY FORCE ADDITIONAL HALF BILLION ON
DEFENSE?
I also fought and voted to cut defense
appropriations back by half a billion dollars
to the level requested by the President and
the Defense Department.
Y017R COST OF LIVING AT STAKE
Every one of these amendments was zeroed
in to cut back government spending in the
most inflationary part of the economy.
American business has sharply increased
Its spending for plant and equipment, break-
ing all records. Competitive government
spending in this area where manpoWer and
materials are especially in short supply is
sure to drive prices up.
And because the government with its defi-
cit has to borrow money to pay for these
additional expenditures, spending also drives
interest rates up as government demand for
money bids up the price of money; i.e.,
interest.
Our fight helped to make Senators more
conscious of the fact that government spend-
ing drives up your cost of living.
We aren't giving up. We intend to carry
on this fight!
SELECTION OF STEPHEN N. SHUL-
MAN LAUDED
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, a few days
ago the Senate confirmed the President's
nomination of Stephen N. Shulman as
Chairman of the Equal Employment Op-
portunity Commission.
In my judgment, the President selected
one of the Government's most capable
young executives to serve in this key po-
sition. It will be my pleasure to work
closely with him, as the chairman of the
Subcommittee on Employment, Man-
power, and Poverty, before which sub-
committee come legislative matters deal-
ing with equal employment opportunity.
I ask unanimous consent that Mr.
Shulman's extensive scholastic, business,
legal, and Government service accom-
plishments?which in my judgment in-
? dicate that the Commission, under his
direction, should have a bright future?
may be printed in the RECORD, in the
form of a biographical sketch.
There being no objection, the bio-
graphical sketch was ordered to be print-
ed in the RECORD, as follows:
BIOGRAPHY OF STEPHEN 11, SHULMAN, CHAIR-
MAN, EQUAL EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNITY
COMMISSION
Shulman received an A.B. degree from Har-
vard University in 1954. He then did indus-
trial and labor relations work for Bendix
Aviation Corporation, first at the Fries In-
strument Division in Towson, Maryland, and
later at the Utica Division in Utica, New
York.
He received an LL. B. degree, cum lauds,
from Yale University in 1958. At Yale, he
was Editor-in-Chief of the Yale Law Jour-
nal and a member of the Order of the Coif
honorary society.
Shulman was Law Clerk to Mr. Justice Har-
lan, Supreme Court of the United States, for
the October Term, 1958.
He was associated with the law firm of
Covington & Burling in the District of Co-
lumbia until May 1960, when he became As-
sistant United States Attorney for the Dis-
trict.
In February 1961, Shulman was appointed
Executive Assistant to the Secretary of Labor
by then Secretary Arthur J. Goldberg. While
In that post, he served for a time as Acting
Executive Vice Chairman of the President's
Committee on Equal Employment Opportu-
nity. In November 1962, he was appointed
Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense in
charge of Civilian Personnel and Industrial
Relations by Defense Secretary Robert S.
McNamara. In August 1964, Secretary Mc-
Namara added Civil Rights to Shulman's re-
sponsibilities.
On September 1, 1965, Shulman took office
as General Counsel of the Air Force. He has
served, in 1959, as Visiting Assistant Pro-
fessor of Law at the University of Michigan
and, in 1965, as Visiting Professor of Man-
agement at the University of Oklahoma. In
May 1966, Shulman was awarded the William
A. Jump Memorial Foundation Award for
exemplary service in public administration
in the Departments of Labor and Defense.
He subsequently became a member of the
Board of Trustees of the Foundation.
On August 30, 1966, President Johnson
nominated Shulman as Chairman of the
Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.
A native of New Haven, Connecticut, Shul-
man is 33 years old, and is married to the
former Sandra P. Still, also of New Haven.
They have three children: Harry, age eight;
Dean Jeffrey, age five; and John David, age
THE ELECTION IN VIETNAM
Mr. CLARK, Mr. President, there has
been a great deal of undue optimism, in
my judgment, over the long-range results
of the recent election in Vietnam.
I do not deny that the turnout at the
election was highly gratifying, nor do I
deny that a group of quite able Viet-
namese citizens appear to have been
selected to draft a new constitution for
that unhappy country. But I suspect
that many of the paeans of praise and
joy and optimism which have been
forthcoming from commentators and
others are quite unjustified, in that they
go much too far in their interpretation
of what this election means.
Accordingly, I ask unanimous consent
that a column written by Clayton
Fritchey entitled "Why the Joy Over Viet
Election?" may be printed in the RECORD
at this point in my remarks.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
From the Washington (D.C.), Evening Star,,
Sept. 19, 19661
WYLY THE JOT OVER VIET ELECTION?
(By Clayton Fritchey)
The post-election jag in South Viet Nam
goes on unabated, and the intoxication of
Washington offici4iclom almost equals that
of the Saigon generals, who are described as
'almost delirious with joy."
Premier Kg and the other leaders of the
military dictatorship are hailing the elec-
tion as a "triumph for democracy," a
-smash'ng victory" for the government, and
testimonial to the ruling junta.
The President Of the U.S. has added his
own beaming benediction: "The large turn-
out," he said, "is to me a vote of confidence."
Confidence in what?
If the America people swallow the new
fCy-Johnson line, they will again end up dis-
appointed and disillusioned, lust as they
have in the past when the truth ultimately
deflated previous propaganda fantasies.
It is Isetter to face up to the truth at once,
and the truth is that the Viet Nam election
(if it can honestly be called that) is by no
stretch of the imagination a testimonial to
Gen. Ky's Military government.'
No one yet knows what the election results
really mean, or even portend, so Ky and his
U.S. supporters simply proclaim that the
mere size of the turnout (also in dispute)
is einn self an endorsement of the govern-
mt.
Yet the one, indisputable fact seems to be
that if the-irate is a testimonial to anything
at all, it is to the people's deep desire to have
an elected, civilian government, and not a
self-imposerl military one, such as Ky pres-
ently heads up.
Just hove Ithat constitutes a ringing af-
firmation of the_Ky junta is something that
baffles disinterested observers, most of whom
see the election as a strong expression of
popular will for replacing the generals with
a constitutional, representative government.
If that is so, why are the generals so elated?
They are jubilant because they think they
have succeeded (temporarily at least) in ac-
quiring the protective coloring of a demo-
cratic eleCtion, without running any risks
to their own future. They think they have
fixed it so that they are safe no matter what
happens. And they are probably right in this
estimate. --
As everyone knows, the only reason the
elections were held iii the first place is that
the Buddhists forced Ky to call them. Last
spring, it twit_ Weeks of demonstrations,
violence, and fiery immolations to exact an
electoral promise from the junta. The Bud-
dhists have never been pro-Communist or
pro-Viet Gong. They simply fought for elec-
tions and representative government until
the militarists grudgingly gave in.
No doubt the hopes of many unsophis-
ticated Vietnamese, especially in the prov-
inces, have been momentarily raised by the
joy of just casting a ballot; and no doubt
many Americans would like to believe Pre-
mier Ky's statement that the election means
"a brighter, snore beautiful future" for his
nation. -
The only fly in this unctuous ointment, is
that in the little more than 10 years of South
Viet Nasn's history there have been a dozen
military governments, and none of these re-
gimes, including Ky's, has yet been able to
find a place for the people in the country's
"beautiful _future,"
\)V4?
COST OF -VINAIVI WAR
Mn CLARK.? Mr. President, there has
been a great deal of discussion lately
about how rmiCh the war in Vietnam is
costing on a monthly basis. The other
day, Secretary Fowler indicated that he
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
September 29, 1966 CONGRESSIONArMCORP ? SENATE
If they are going to permit the kind of
international expansion they need and
the liquidity that they must have, they
will see the need to get together and
negotiate.
None of us likes the kind of painful
Policies that are necessary in the judg-
ment of many people to get our pay-
ments in balance.
Mr. CLARK. The Senator is correct.
Mr. PROXMIRE. That is the reason
why Secretary Fowler has not been mak-
ing the kind of progress that he wants
to make.
Mr. CLARK. The Senator is correct.
I point out that, in my judgment, the
balance-of-payments situation is getting
worse and not better.
The annual rate of the deficit during
the second quarter was around $1.6 bil-
lion. All early indications are that the
third quarter will be much worse.
We have no feasible method left by
which to bring our balance of payments
in balance except two, one of which I
would strenuously object to. One in-
volves cutting back on our domestic
prosperity by rigorous methods of aus-
terity accompanied by restrictions on in-
ternational trade. The other involves
stopping the war in Vietnam and bring-
ing the troops home from Europe. If we
could eliminate those costs, we would go
two-thirds of the way toward eliminat-
ing our balance-of-payments difficulty.
Mr. PROXMIRE. I am afraid that I
left the situation dangling when I im-
plied that the only answer is to correct
our balance-of-payments difficulty.
I do think that the Senator from New
York brings in a very wholesome thought
when he implies that we should not be so
Paralyzed and overwhelmingly concerned
about the loss of gold.
The fact is that if we did refuse to buy
gold at $35 an ounce, the value of gold,
In my Judgment, would diminish quite
rapidly. That is very controversial and
the economists do not all agree on the
matter. We need much greater discus-
sion on this.
We do not have to make a
Judgment that we would otherwise not
make with regard to military policy,
foreign policy, and so forth in order to
solve this very difficult world monetary
situation.
Mr. JAV1TS. The essential difference
between the Senator and myself is not a
critical matter. It is not a matter of
criticizing Secretary Fowler. He is prob-
ably following the instructions of the
administration.
Mr. CLARK. Reluctantly.
Mr. JAV1TS. The Senator is correct,
and he is doing so, in my Judgment, to
the best of his ability. I never criticize
any President or Cabinet officer for doing
his best.
In the famous Tiox investigation, al-
though I disagreed with the administra-
tion, I was its best defender.
I do not want to be in a position of
criticizing Secretary Fowler, for whom I
have a wholesome affection.
We must take this matter out of the
Private room in which it is being consid-
ered. We must expose it to the light of
day. 'This is a matter of urgency.
No. 165------2
23389
It is like the ord-t1:7us?Of_thWidninTi -it JP what we, may have to do. That is
too important to en
W--4t- Mau- Iliejastle that,' raise, _
That is why rtu* an international lgr,? CLARK. Ir, President, how
monetary conference. Much time do I have remaining?
Mr. CLARK. I do. not tlitk ..the _ The, .FRF.SIDLNG OFFICER. The
vestigation is being con_u_eted_ in a Senator from Pennsylvania has 1 minute
smoke-filled row]. All)ve would have remaining.
to do to find out WOW& be a go to the Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, seeing no
Sheraton Park 49,4,4 and s?..heInatter,,,,ope.,else, jp._,the ,chaluber, I ask unani-
discussed in the preFfitgOLthel=re- mv_si efavent_ft_Ulugy proceed for not
sentatives of thCpTerforn:a hundred__ in_ezegas_caf winutea_for_the purpose
ink
countries. I th' t cliscussioR has of speaking on other Matters.
been on the top WI% table. The PRESIDING OFFICL.K. Without
That is why ksp.:494.4041,0Laaree objection, it is so ordered. _
with thesuggestioW91.tne,.?,Wt,Q,LIKPM
New York, that, ily_thi:Ineep, )R..410,, of_ ,?
SENATOR PROXMIRE'S
calling an international, monstau con-
ference, we woulsl.kt...4nLIAucJLmere,,.., ??
than is being done_ nOw., CLARK. Mr. President, in Sep-
Nobody wants ,te -get off erx,7?.. Jerailer, last month, our able colleague,
change standard finy quicker -pail I do. _ Senator PROXMIRE, of Wisconsin, issued
It is obsolete and othmoded,, There is newsletter .under the heading "Keep
not enough gold he'nff produced il1Anr_ litov_n.Fripea rZell_Pay by Cutting Gov-
country, South Afc, Russjelse:. einment, _Spending." I find myself in
where to meet the.ne --,.-SalIllalek.afaqrd with .a large number of
As in the depress tnesoarly,thir- the .suggestieris _wade by the Senator in
ties, we will have abandm the_ gold- that newsletter, particularly his recom-
exchange standard. Pleniati2PLOPling With cutting out the
time is far away -w en we 41: have waste ln_?.pacez the problem of the Jet-
to abandon the goicr-eiehaUge se't' _1, other .words, the
ard. It may well bit._$?4,the suggestion snPersqp^ ic , tyansport?anti the fore-
of the Senator from .ew, Yea that, we ling of an aciditiginal half_billion dollars,
refuse to buy gold isirene steP in the_r_iknt_*.whicli the adminiStratiOn_SIORS not want,
direction. = e Detense Department.
Mr. JAVITS.T, ask tplanimous gonsenkthatexcerpts
more point to Mk Niltex:_,49Ar .pei.latorA newsletter may be
in the RECORD. 1: , Pt112:tred: in the EXCPRE at thls_point in
rM . CLAR,K. /n- ?CeNellssSieNAL n17 remarks.
RECORD.
-.^ 4.g n.0 04:leetion, the excerpts
Mr.
jAvrrs.
,Ignteredinglz, enough,were ordered to be printed in the REcorn,
our debates are 6tt'ng reported, al- OA follows:
though it may be tk, t le elayl. How- KEEP DOWN PRICES OR PAY RX_CUTTING
ever, people do dries liem. -
,d_ee _
IC
GOVERNMENT SPENDING
I have notice&I in x.e5pect, _to, a -
Members of Congress--especialiy Sena-
number of recent matters
-
lealr. _,
t6rs-L-withoUt regard to party must take a
? - - ',,,,,,,,,,-- ' - --heavy share of the blame for the rise in your
We are pinned on ' ``-?"'"0?40 ' - ?cost of living.
reduce our balance a ents by -ttig_ Government spending does push up the
drastic method v4e. . vd,,..?thel_11. _prices you pay and no one can deny it. The
we will very materlaljy iurt.ur Seal:. _government is competing for what you and
rity and the seem y of bhe world. If I buy and driving up prices in the process.
we fail to reduce,t,b4_ Wu= _oiL pay- CUT SPACE WASTE
ments, then the flqw4 W44(1.= going to , This is exactly why I introduced amend-
try to drive us iii all, internal-NW - raeats_ to cut half a billion dollars of highly
crisis in an effort to _ . frills out of the space program
will be hurt the Mesand they know last month. I also fought to cut $200 million
this. ? ' -- '-r-Drigress proposes to spend during this fiscal
We must unilaterally move with our
'year for the supersonic transport,
_
- -
enormous financial ti - ,- -Frlier e amendment to slash the space program
, .,
-would have reduced funds by 10%. It would
to help ourselves _and.seek to_avold_ the - have left enough to carry out the moon probe
inevitability of the -Greek tragedy which
, but forced space officials to do what every
is driving us toil tlia_.,D4, ,illitgpAtlar104,---businessman and housewife has to do: stop
will ?4,44.'elp our-
il
balance-of-paymen, exists. , ____,, ,. -the spending you don't really need.
The ways in ge?,e
- -...TET-SET GIVEAWAY
-
selves unilaterally are , e ways by which , As for the supersonic transport, the amend-
we have to exploZe_lii sitUatie.' u. ? ?ment would have prevented the $40 million
The unacceptable _ways are the elinii- the Federal Aviation Agency will start to
nation of AmeriCan 1,9WriSill?and tlIt---Pour each And every month into building a
bringing back of our fioops. prototype super-speed plane beginning next
The acceptable way is to utiliztb& Febru2Liz. ? _
power of the dollar for lk werld effect?, Now if there's_Jmything this country
We should obtain-Tie:en agreen4ents with `aoesn't need, it's this _giveaway to the jet-
everybody else in The world vvUla respect 86t. This plane will cost you as a taxpayer
three billion dollars before it's completed,
to calling on gold-'and-feave only the
__ ? - -- - and it may never fly. Defense authorities,
French to call on it. We vwld_.thUs _including Secretary McNamara, have indi-
imperil them witli, .Ige...4.teXia-tiOn--of_ _cated that the plane will have no military
the gold they havelQ EktheY_Oould do value at all.
with such gold would-be to make gold NEW YORK TO PARIS IN TWO AND A HALF HOURS
teeth out of it.- --, _ _ ___ _ If It does fly, it could carry a playboy and
That Is a taugh-MethOcf to pursue, but his girl from New York to Paris in about
'.2.`,.....: - ,--. - _.?"'"--- --- --..=_;----;;;,,--:-.-;,--,-;,--.1Za.- -; '---. -
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP671300446R000400110002-4
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
,September 29, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD:? SENATE
thought the cost was about $1.5 billion
a month. An analysis of his figures
shows that he eliminates a number of
Items which I believe most objective in-
dividuals would agree should be included
in that cost.
During a colloquy in which I engaged
with the Senator from Mississippi [Mr.
STENNIS], during consideration of the
defense appropriations bill, he gave me
inforination which indicated that in his
judgment?and in the judgment of Sen-
ator RUSSELL, the chairman of the Com-
mittee on Armed Services?the monthly
cost was not less than $2 billion a month.
In the Washington Post, on Septem-
ber 23, the cost of the war in Vietnam
was stated by Marquis Childs, a well-
known and very reliable commentator,
as being $2.7 billion a month. He states:
Rather than a random figure picked out
of the air, this is a careful calculation ac-
cepted at the highest level of Government
concerned with taxes and debt and the
storm cloud of threatened inflation hovering
over the economy.
I ask unanimous consent that a copy
of Mr. Childs' column may be printed in
the RECORD at this point in my remarks.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Washintgon Post, Sept. 23, 1966]
THE COST Or WAR AND THE ECONOMY
(By Marquis Childs)
The war in Vietnam is now costing $2.7
billion a month. Rather than a random fig-
ure picked out of the air, this is a careful
calculation accepted at the highest level of
Government concerned with taxes and debt
and the storm cloud of threatened inflation
hovering over the economy.
What is more, It is believed that President
Johnson is now convinced he cannot wait
until January to ask Congress for an increase
in personal and corporate income taxes. Nor
will Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNa-
mara delay until after the first of the year his
long-anticipated, request for the added money
to finance the war. This will be in the range
of $11 to $14 billion.
These stark facts of life cannot be con-
cealed by rhetoric. For the past six months
the President, as so many of his predecessors
before him in troubled times, has been im-
prisoned on the rack between the pulls- of
policy and politics. He has felt he had to
postpone the bitter medicine, and one conse-
quence is an aura of mistrust obscuring that
brief passage on Pennsylvania Avenue be-
tween the Capitol and the White House.
Chairman Wri,sna. D. Mrr.r.s of the tax-
writing Ways and Means Committee in the
House called some time ago for a forthright
statement of what the war was costing, how
much economy could be expected in domestic
programs and where this came out in rela-
tion to inflation and a tax increase, He found
the reply sent by the Treasury vague and
ambiguous.
With Mrf.r..s feeling he had been given a
runaround, this did not Improve the at-
mosphere.
McNarnara's tactic in muffling the mount-
ing cost of the war is also the source of wide-
spread grumbling. In the current budget
Vietnam spending is based on the assump-
tion the war will begin to phase out in June
and the American commitment curtailed.
The reaSon; the Secretary explains, is to pre-
vent the services from overspending. He
cites the waste of some $20 billion in materiel
at the end of the Korean War as a horrible
exaMple of what he means to avoid.
But the rapid escalation in the cost of the
war has created' a growing sehse of the un-
reality of the Administration's fiscal stance.
During 1968 the cost has gone from an esti-
mated $1.5 billion to $2 billion to the cur-
rent $2.7 billion a month. With virtually
none of this contained in the budget the
result is a never-never land in which in-
calculable forces threaten stability.
For most of -us the money supply and in-
terest rates are arcane matters as remote as
the question of whether there is life on Mars.
But what has been happening in recent
months bring it down to the pinch of daily
life, as anyone discovers traveling around the
country. A loan for a year in college is hard
to come by. The interest rate has sky-
rocketed on mortgages on old and new dwell-
ings and the money is not there. The real
estate market is slowing to a jog trot.
Whether this is the way to cure inflation
is, to say the least, questionable, as the
President has been told by those arguing for
the simple method of a -tax increase. The
debate has been going on since last Decem-
ber when the Federal Reserve Board raised
the re-discount rate despite the fervent plea
of the President. Don't apply the brake on
the money supply, the President argued, un-
til you see our budget for next year.
As a sop to the chorus demanding action
to damp down the rise in prices and interest
rates, the President called for canceling the
'7 percent investment credit. That undoubt-
edly fed the boom. The effect of cancella-
tion will, however, hardly be felt before six
months or more have passed. With the
crucial date of Nov. 8 in the offing it was a
gesture calculated to offend the minimum
number of voters who could in any event
be counted as already alienated from the
Great Society.
When he signed the interest rate bill the
President did not disclose what his aides
describe as a kind of pact of peace with the
Federal Reserve Board. The Fed, using the
authority under the measure, will impose
a ceiling on long-term certificates of deposit,
dropping the interest rate perhaps half of
one percent from its present level.
Effective as this will be, in a limited sense,
it is not, in the view of those profoundly
concerned with the direction of the economy,
a substitute for a tax increase to soak up
surplus money. Nor, sad as it must seem to
the President, are his appeals for voluntary
cooperation from the bankers, trade unions,
Industry any more effective in throttling
down the racing engine of prosperity.
INFORMATION SERVICES CEN
OPENED BY SMITH KLINE 84
FRENCH LABORATORIES
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, I was
happy, indeed, to receive a copy of a
release issued by' Smith Kline 8.5 French
Laboratories, a respected and very pros-
perous drug company, which has its main
office at 1500 Spring Garden Street in
Philadelphia.
This release indicates that the com-
pany, at its own expense, is setting up an
office where people in the Spring Garden
area, which is part of our north central
Philadelphia poverty area, can find out
where they can get help when they need
It. This office has already been officially
opened, and I believe it to be the first
service of its kind to be operated by a
business concern.
I want to congratulate the company
and all its executives, particularly F.
Markoe Rivinus, its president, for this
splendid action in the public service.
I ask unanimous consent that a copy
of the press release may be printed in
the RECORD at this point in my remarks.
There being no objection, the press re-
23391
lease was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
An office where people in the Spring Gar-
den area can find out where they can get
help when they need it will be opened offi-
cially today (September 23) at 1'720 Mount
Vernon Street.
It will be known as the Information Serv-
ices Center and will be managed and sup-
ported by Smith Kline & French Labora-
tories, the pharmaceutical firm located near-
by at 1500 Spring Garden Street.
It will be the first service of its kind to be
operated by a business firm.
F. Markoe Rivinus, Smith Kline & French
President, said the center was established to
meet a serious need in the area,
"The center will be a bridge between the
people of the Spring Garden neighborhood
and government and social services. Our
experience in this neighborhood has shown
that the people do not know what services
are available and do not know how to avail
themselves of the services. Our purpose is to
help fill this gap."
The center principally will serve the area
bounded by Spring Garden Street, Broad
Street, Fairmount Avenue and Twenty-first
Street. The company estimates the area has
a population of about 24,000.
The center has a staff of two and a secre-
tary-receptionist. It will be open from 8:30
a.m. until 5:30 p.m. Monday through Friday.
Staff members are Carver A. Portlock and
Tom Perry. Portlock formerly was Alumni
Director of Bethune-Cookman College in
Daytona Beach, Florida. Perry, who speaks
Spanish, formerly was with the Human Re-
lations Commission here. Ana Vazquez is
the secretary-receptionist.
The center has been operating unofficially
since April at the Mount Vernon Street ad-
dress, which formerly was a church building.
Portlock joined Smith Kline & French short-
ly afterward. Through the assistance of
Mayor James H. J. Tate's office he received
an orientation to the services available in
the city government.
Among the problems handled by the center
since April were finding jobs for adults and
teen-agers; sending people to agencies which
can supply food and clothing; trying to rem-
edy housing problems, including a large
number of requests for better housing;
mediating debt problems; finding interpre-
ters; giving advice on how to apply for such
jobs as police officer and practical nurse;
helping to get children enrolled in day camps,
and so on.
Mr. CLARK. I hope that this action
by this fine, public-spirited firm, Smith
Kline Sr French, may be emulated by
many others of our great industrial cor-
poratio s, not only in Pennsylvania, but
also ac toss the Nation.
-A ASSADOR GOLDBERG'S VIET-
NAM PEACE OFFENSIVE
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, I turn
now to the subject of Ambassador Gold-
berg's address at the United Nations on
Thursday, September 22, and I ask unan-
imous consent that a copy of that ad-
dress may be printed in the RECORD at
this point in my remarks.
There being no objection, the address
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the New York Times, Sept. 23, 19661
TEXT OF GOLDBERG'S ADDRESS ON VrEnsrArs,
AFRICA, AND SPACE
(By Arthur J. Goldberg, Chief U.S. Delegate)
Ufsirran NATIONS, N.Y., Sept. 22.?As the
General Assembly convenes in this 21st year
of the United Nations, we of the United
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP671300446R0004001,10002-4
23392
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 7? SENATE September 29, 1966
States are aware, as indeed every delegation
must be, of the great responsibilities which
all of us share who work in this world organi-
zation for peace.
No one, fain sure, feels these responsibili-
ties more keenly than our Secretary General,
U Thant. In the past five years he has filled
with distinction and effectiveness what is
perhaps the most difficult office in the world.
We know how much selfless dedication and
energy have been exacted from him on behalf
of the world community. We can well un-
derstand how the burdens of his office led
him to hi a decision not to offer himself for
a second term as Secretary General.
But the United Nations needs him. It
needs him as a person. It needs him as a
Secretary General who conceives his office in
the full spirit of the Charter as an impor-
tant organ of the United Nations, endowed
with the authority to act with initiative and
effectiveness. The members, in all their di-
vereity and even discord, are united in their
confidence in him. His departure at this
Crucial time in world affairs, and in the life
of the United Nations, would be a serious loss
both to the organization itself and to the
cause of peace among nations. We reiterate
our earnest hope that he will heed the unan-
imous wishes of the membership and permit
his tenure of office to be extended. His af-
firmative decision on this question would
give us all new courage to deal with the many
great problems on our agenda.
The peoples of the world, Mr. President,
expect the United Nations to resolve these
problems. With all their troubles and as-
pirations they put great faith in this orga-
nization. They look to us not for pious
words but for solid results?agreements
reached, wars ended or prevented, treaties
written, cooperative programs launched?re-
sults that will bring humanity a few steps,
but giant steps, closer to the purposes of the
Charter which are our common commitment.
"secant USEFUL corrrarauTios"
Realizing this, the United States has con-
sidered what it could say in this general de-
bate which would improve the prospects for
such fruitful results in the present session.
We concluded that, rather than attempt to
review the many questions to which we at-
tach importance, we could make a more use-
ful contribution by concentrating on the
serious dangers to peace now existing in
Asia?particularly the war in Vietnam?and
by treating this subject in a constructive and
positive way.
The conflict in Vietnam is first of all an
Asian issue, whose tragedy and suffering fall
most heavily on the peoples directly involved.
But its repercussions are worldwide. It di-
verts much of the energies of many nations,
my own included, from urgent and construc-
tive endeavors. It is, as the Secretary Gen-
eral said in his statement on September 1, "a
source of grave concern and is bound to be
a source of even greater anxiety, not only
to the parties directly involved and to the
major powers but also to other members of
the organization." My Government remains
determined to exercise every restraint to limit
the war and to exert every effort to bring the
conflict to the earliest possible end.
The essential facts of the Vietnam conflict
can be stated briefly. Vietnam today remains
divided along the demarcation line agreed
upon in Geneva in 1954. To the north and
south of that line are North Vietnam and
South Vietnam. Provisional though they
may be, pending a decision on the peaceful
reunification of Vietnam by the process of
self-determination, they are nonetheless poli-
tical realities in the international community.
The Geneva accord which established the
demarcation line is so thorough in its pro-
hibition of the use of force that it forbids
military interference of any sort by one side
In the affairs of the other; it even forbids
civilians to cross the demilitarized zone. In
1962 military infiltration through Laos was
also forbidden. Yet despite these provisions,
South Vietnam is Under an attack, already
several years old, by forces directed and sup-
plied from the North, and reinforced by regu-
lar units?currently some 17 identified regi-
ments?of the North Vietnamese Army. The
manifest purpose of this attack is to force
upon the people of South Vietnam a system
which they have not chosen by any peaceful
process.
Let it be noted that this action by North
Vietnam contravenes not only the United
Nations Charter but also the terms of Gen-
eral Assembly resolution 2131 (XX), adopted
unanimously only last December and entitled
"Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Inter-
vention in the Domestic Affairs of States and
the Protection of their Independence and
Sovereignty."
That resolution declares, among other
things, that "no state has the right to inter-
vene, directly or indirectly, for any reason
whatever, in the internal or external affairs
of any other state." It further declares that
"no state shall organize, assist, foment, fin-
ance, incite or tolerate subversive, terrorist or
armed activities directed toward the violent
overthrow of another state, or interfere in
civil strife in another state." It would be
hard to write a more concise description of
what North Vietnam is doing, and has been
doing for years, in South Vietnam.
Certainly the prohibition of the use of
force and subversion?both by this resolu-
tion and by the Charter itself?must apply
with full vigor to international demarcation
lines that have been established by solemn
international agreements. This is true not
only in Vietnam but in all the divided States,
where the recourse to force between the di-
vided parts can have far-reaching conse-
quences. Furthermore solemn international
agreements, specifically the Geneva accords,
explicitly prohibit recourse to force as a
means of reunifying that country.
Mr. President, it is because of the attempt
to upset by violence the situation in Viet-
nam, and its far-reaching implications else-
where, that the United States and other
countries have responded to appeals from
South Vietnam for military assistance.
Our aims in giving this assistance are
strictly limited.
We are not engaged in a "holy war"
against Communism.
We do not seek to establish an American
empire or a "sphere of influence" in Asia.
We seek no permanent military bases, no
permanent establishment of troops, no per-
manent alliances, no permanent American
"presence" of any kind in South Vietnam.
We do not seek to impose a policy of align-
ment on South Vietnam.
We do not seek the overthrow of the Gov-
ernment of North Vietnam.
We do not seek to do any injury to main-
land China nor to threaten any of its legiti-
mate interests.
POLITICAL SOLUTION SOUGHT
We do not ask of North Vietnam an un-
conditional surrender or indeed the surren-
der of anything that belongs to it; nor do we
seek to exclude any segment of the South
Vietnamese people from peaceful participa-
tion in their country's future.
Let me say affirmatively and succinctly
what our aims are.
We want a political solution, not a mili-
tary solution, to this conflict. By the same
token, we reject the idea that North Viet-
nam has a right to impose a military solu-
tion.
We seek to assure for the people of South
Vietnam the same right of self-determina-
tion?to decide their own political destiny,
free of force--that the United Nations Char-
ter affirms for all.
And we believe that reunification of Viet-
nam should be decided upon through a free
choice by the peoples of both the North and
South without outside interference, the re-
sults of which choice we are fully prepared
to support.
These, then, are our affirmative aims. We
are well aware of the stated position of Hanoi
on these issues. But no differences can be
resolved without contact, discussions or ne-
gotiations. For our part, we have long been
and remain today ready to negotiate without
any prior conditions.
We are prepared to discuss Hanoi's four
points together with any points which other
parties may wish to raise. We are ready to
negotiate a settlement based on a strict ob-
servance of the 1954 and 1962 Geneva agree-
ments, which observance was called for in
the communiqu?f the recent meeting of the
Warsaw Pact countries in Bucharest. And
we will support a reconvening of the Geneva
conference, or an Asian conference, or any
other generally acceptable forum.
At the same time we have also soberly
considered whether the lack of agreement an
peace aims has been the sole barrier to the
beginning of negotiations. We are aware
that some perceive other obstacles, and I wish
to make three proposals with respect to
them:
First, it is said that one obstacle is the
United States bombing of North Vietnam.
Let it be recalled that there was DA bombing
of North Vietnam for five years during which
there was steadily increasing infiltration
from North Vietnam; during which there
were no United States combat forces in Viet-
nam; and during which strenous efforts were
being made to achieve a peaceful settlement.
And let it further be recalled that tWice be-
fore wes have suspended our bombing, once
for 37 days, without any reciprocal act of de-
escalation from the other side, and without
any sign from them of a willingness to nego-
tiate.
U.S. OFFERS "FIRST STEP"
Nevertheless, let me say that, in this mat-
ter, the United States is wining once again to
take the first sttep. We are prepared to order
a cessation of all bombing of North Viet-
nam?the moment we are assured, privately
or otherwise, that this step will be answered
promptly by a corresponding and appropriate
de-escalation on the other side. We there-
fore urge before this Assembly that the Gov-
ernment in Hanoi be asked the following
question, to which we would be prepared to
receive either a private or a public response:
Would it in the interest of peace, and
in response to a prior cessation by the United
States of the bombing in North Vietnam,
take corresponding and timely steps to re-
duce or bring to an end its own military
activities against South Vietnam?
Another obstacle is said to be North Viet-
nam's conviction or fear that the United
States intends to establish a permanent mil-
itary presence in Vietnam. There is no basis
for such a fear. The United States stands
ready to withdraw its forces as others with-
draw theirs so that peace can be restored
In South Vietnam, and favors international
machinery?either of the United Nations or
other machinery?to insure effective super-
vision of the withdrawal. We therefore urge
that Hanoi be asked the following question
also:
Would North Vietnam be willing to agree
to a time schedule for supervised, phased
withdrawal from South Vietnam of all ex-
ternal forces?those of North Vietnam as
well as those from the United States and
other countries aiding South Vietnam?
A further obstacle is said to be disagree-
ment over the place of the Vietcong in the
negotiations. Some argue that, regardless
of different views on who controls the Viet-
cong, it is a combatant force and, as such,
should take part in the negotiations.
Some time ago our view on this matter was
stated by President Johnson, who made clear
that, as far as we are concerned, this ques-
tion would not be "an insurmountable prob-
lem." We therefore invite the authorities in
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP671300446R000400110002-4
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
September 29, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ?SENATE
Hanoi to consider whether this obstacle to
negotiation may not be more imaginary than
real.
Mr. President, we offer these proposals in
the interest of peace in Southeast Asia.
There may be other proposals. We have not
been and are not now inflexible in our posi-
tion. But we do believe that, whatever ap-
proach finally succeeds, it will not be one
which simply decries what Is happening in
Vietnam and appeals to one side to stop
while encouraging the other. Such a posi-
tion can only further delay the peace we
all desire and fervently hope for. The only
workable formula for a settlement will be
one which is just to the basic interests of all
who are involved.
In this spirit we welcome discussion of this
question either in the Security Council,
where the United States itself has raised the
matter, or here in the General Assembly, and
we are fully prepared to take part in any
such discussion. We earnestly solicit the
further initative of any organ, including the
Secretary General, or any member of the
United Nations whose influence can help in
this cause. Every member has a responsibil-
ity to exert its power and influence for peace;
and the greater its power and influence, the
greater is this responsibility.
Now I turn to another problem, related
In part to the first; the problem of how to
foster a constructive relationship between the
mainland of China, with its 700 million peo-
ple, and the outside world. The misdirection
of so much of the energies of this vast, in-
dustrious and gifted people into xenophobic
displays, such as the extraordinary, difficult
to understand and alarming activities of the
Red Guards; and the official policy and doc-
trine of promoting revolution and subversion
throughout the world?these are among the
most disturbing phenomena of our age.
Surely, among the essentials of peace in
Asia are "reconciliation between nations that
now call themselves enemies" and, specifical-
ly, "a peaceful mainland China."
Let me say categorically to this assembly
that it is not the policy of the United States
to isolate Communist China from the world.
On the contrary, we have sought to limit
the areas of hostility and to pave the way for
the restoration of our historically friendly
relations with the great people of China.
Our efforts to this end have taken many
forms. Since 1955, United States representa-
tives have held 131 bilateral diplomatic meet-
ings in Geneva, and later in Warsaw, with
emissaries from Peking.
We have sought without success to open
numerous unofficial channels of communica-
tion with mainland China.
We have made it crystal clear that we do
not intend to attack, invade or attempt to
overthrow the existing regime in Peking.
And we have expressed our hope to see rep-
resentatives of Peking join us and others in
meaningful negotiations on disarmament, a
nuclear test ban and a ban on the further
spread of nuclear weapons.
But the international community cannot
countenance Peking's doctrine and policy of
Intervening by violence and subversion in
other nations, whether under the guise of
so-called wars of national liberation against
independent countries or under any other
guise. Such intervention can find no place
in the United Nations Charter, nor in the
resolutions of the General Assembly. Yet
dozens of nations represented in this hall
have had direct experience of these 1/legal
activities.
ISSUE OE RED CHINA
It is in the light of these facts, and of our
ardent desire for a better atmosphere, that
the United States has 'carefully considered
the issues arising from the absence of rep-
re,sentatives of Peking from the United Na-
tions.
Two facts bear on this issue and on the
attitude of my country toward any attempted
solution.
First, the Republic of China on Taiwan is
a founding member of the United Nations
and its rights are clear. The United States
will vigorously oppose any effort to exclude
the representative of the Republic of China
from the United Nations in order to put rep-
resentatives of Communist China in their
place.
The second fact is that Communist China,
unlike anyone else in the history of this
organization, has put forward special and
extraordinary terms for consenting to enter
the United Nations. In addition to the ex-
pulsion of the Republic of China, there are
also demands to transform and pervert this
organization from its Charter purposes?
some of them put forward as recently as yes-
terday.
What can be the cause of this attitude?
We cannot be sure, but we do know that it
comes from a leadership whose stated pro-
gram is to transform the world by violence.
It comes from a leadership which openly
proclaims it is opposed to any discussion of
a peaceful settlement in Vietnam.
It would almost seem that these leaders
wish to isolate their country from a world?
and from a United Nations?that they can-
not transform and control. Indeed, they
have already brought their country to a
degree of isolation that is unique in the
world today?an isolation not only from the
United States and its allies, but from most
of the nonaligned world and even from most
of the Communist nations. Many, not only
the United States, have sought improved re-
lations and have been rebuffed.
At this moment in history, therefore, Mr.
President, the basic question about the rela-
tion between Communist China and the
United Nations is a question to which only
the leaders in Peking can give the answer.
And I put the question. Will they refrain
from putting forward clearly unacceptable
terms; and are they prepared to assume the
obligations of the United Nations Charter,
in particular the basic Charter obligation
to refrain from the threat or use of force
against the territorial integrity or political
independence of any state?
The world? . . . my Government?will
listen most attentively for a helpful re-
sponse to these questions. We hope it will
come soon?the sooner the better. Like
many other members here, the United States
has the friendliset historic feelings toward
the great Chinese people, and looks forward
to the occasion when they will once again
enrich, rather than endanger, the fabric of
the world community, and, in the spirit of
the Charter, "practice tolerance, and live
together in peace with one another as good
neighbors."
"GREAT AND THORNY ISSUES"
Mr. President, I have dwelt on these great
and thorny issues of Asia because they are
of far more than regional importance.
Progress toward their solution would visibly
brighten the atmosphere of international
relations all over the world. It would en-
able the United Nations to turn a new
corner?to apply itself with renewed energy
to the great tasks of reconciliation and peace-
ful construtcion which lies before us in every
part of the globe.
Surely peaceful construction is needed
above all in the less developed areas. It is
needed in Southeast Asia, today a region of
conflict but also a region of vast undevel-
oped resources?where my country is pre-
pared to make a most substantial contribu-
tion to the development of the whole region,
including North Vietnam, It is needed in
the Western Hemisphere, where, under the
bold ideals of the Alliance for Progress the
states of Latin America are already carrying
out a far-reaching, peaceful process of eco-
nomic and social development.
And indeed, in no area are the tasks of
economic development more important than
on the continent of Africa?represented hi
this hall by the delegates of 37 nations. Last
23393
May, in commemorating the anniversary of
the Organization of African Unity, the Pres-
ident suggested ways in which the United
States, as a friend of Africa, might help with
some of that continent's major economic
problems. Our efforts in this entire field are
now entering a new stage as we begin to
carry out the recommendations of a special
committee appointed to review United States
participation in African development pro-
grams, both bilateral and multilateral.
But the economic side of this picture can-
not stand alone. The time is past when
either peace or material progress could be
founded on the domination of one people,
or one race or one group, by another. Yet
attempts to do this still continue in south-
ern Africa today. As a result, the danger
to peace in that area is real.
My Government holds strong views on
these problems. We are not, and never will
be, content with a minority government in
Southern Rhodesia. The objective we sup-
port for that country remains as it was stated
last May: "to open the full power and re-
sponsibility of nationhood to all the people
of Rhodesia?not just 6 percent of them."
Nor can we ever be content with a situa-
tion such as that in South-West Africa,
where one race holds another in intolerable
subjection under the false name of apart-
heid.
DECISION IS REGRETTED
The decision of the International Court, in
refusing to touch the merits of the question
of South-West Africa, was most disappoint-
ing. But the application of law to this
question does not hang on that decision
alone. South Africa's conduct remains sub-
ject to obligations reaffirmed by earlier ad-
visory opinions of the Court whose author-
ity is undiminished. Under these opinions,
South Africa cannot alter the international
status of the territory without the consent
of the United Nations; and South Africa re-
mains bound to accept United Nations super-
vision, submit annual reports to the Gen-
eral Assembly and "promote to the utmost
the material and moral well-being and the
social progress of the inhabitants."
This is no time for South Africa to take
refuge in an overly technical finding of the
International Court, which did not deal with
the substantive merits of the case. The time
is overdue?long overdue?for South Africa
to accept its obligations to the international
community in regard to South-West Africa.
Continued violation by South Africa of its
plain obligations to the international com-
munity would necessarily require all mem-
bers to take such an attitude into account
in their relationships with South Africa.
Mr. President, many other questions of
significance will engage our attention dur-
ing this session of the General Assembly.
Foremost among them are questions of dis-
armament and arms control, of which the
most urgent are the completion of a treaty
to prevent the further proliferation of nu-
clear weapons and the extension a the lim-
ited test ban treaty. Remaining differences
on these issues can and must be resolved on
a basis of mutual compromise.
Finally, I wish to speak of one further
matter of great concern both to the United
Nations and to my country; the draft treaty
to govern activities in outer space, including
the moon and other celestial bodies.
Major progress has been made in the nego-
tiation of this important treaty, but several
issues remain. One of these concerns the
question of reporting by space powers on
their activities on celestial bodies. A second
Issue concerns access by space powers to one
another's installations on celestial bodies.
On both of the points the United States, at
the most recent meeting of the Legal Sub-
committee of the Committee on Outer Space,
made significant compromise proposals in
the interest of early agreement.
Unfortunately and regretfully, the U.S.S.R.
has not responded constructively to these
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
Approved Forl Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
28394 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE September 29, 1966
proposals. Instead, it has insisted on still
another matter: a provision requiring states
Which grant tracking facilities to one coun-
try to make the same facilities available to
all others?without reciprocity and without
regard to the wishes of the granting state.
The obligation proposed by the U.S.S.R., as
was apparent in the Outer Space Committee,
was unacceptable to many countries par-
ticipating in the outer-space discussions, and
Was supported only by a very small number
'of East European states.
Tracking facilities are a matter for bilat-
eral negotiation and agreement. The United
States has held such discussions and reached
such agreements with a number of .countries
Ian a basis of mutual commitment and corn-
/non advantage. France and the European
Space Research Organization have also es-
tablished widespread tracking networks on a
similar basis. It is, of course, open to the
U.S.S.R. and any other space power, without
objection from my country, to proceed in ex-
actly the same way.
I should like to state today my Govern-
Trient's interest in bilateral cooperation in.
tracking of space vehicles on the basis of
'mutual benefits, and I shpuld like to make an
Offer to help resolve this impasse: If the
U.S.S.R. desires to provide for tracking cover-
age from United States territory, we for our
part, are prepared to discuss with Soviet
representatives the technical and other re-
4uirements involved with a view to reach-
ing some mutually beneficial agreement. Our
seleotists and technical representatives and
Inset without delay to explore the pos-
sibilities.
The outer space treaty is too important
and too urgent to be delayed. This treaty
offers us the opportunity to establish, in the
'Unlimited realm of space beyond this planet,
rule of peace and law?before the arms
race has been extended into that realm. It
Is all the more urgent because of man's
rapid strides toward landing on the moon.
' By far the greater part of the work on the
treaty is now behind us. We have agreed on
important provisions, including major ob-
ligations in the area of arms control. We
Should proceed to settle the remaining sub-
sidiary issues in a spirit of understanding so
that this General Assembly may give its ap-
proval to a completed treaty before the As-
sembly adjourns.
lir. President, it is our earnest hope that
the words of the United States today on all
these issues may contribute to concrete steps
toward peace and a better world.
We 'know the difficulties but we are not dis-
couraged. In the 21 turbulent years since
the Charter went into effect, we of the United
Nations have faced conflicts at least as great
and as difficult as any that confront us to-
day. The failure of this organization has
been prophesized many times. But all these
prophesies have been disproved. Even the
Most formidable issues have not killed our
organization?and none will. Indeed, it has
grown great and respected by facing the
hardest issues and dealing forthrightly with
them.
There is no magic in the United Nations
save what we, its members, bring to it. And
that magic is a simple thing: our irreducible
awareness of our common humanity and our
consequent will to peace. Without the
awareness and that will, these buildings
wolild be an empty shell. With them, we
have here the greatest instrument ever de-
vised by man for the reconciliation of con-
flicts and the building of the better future
for Which all mankind yearns.
Mr. CLARK. I believe that we in the
S.enate have been slow to appreciate the
very constructive nature of this splendid
address, which was, I understand, cleared
by both the Secretary of State and the
President before it was delivered. I want
to congratulate both the Secretary of
State and the President for having per-
mitted Mr. Goldberg to start this strong
peace offensive.
I think that several points in the ad-
dress are worthy of special comment.
In the first place, Ambasador Goldberg
speaks of the necesity for concentrating
on the serious dangers to peace now ex-
isting in Asia, particularly the war in
Vietnam, and indicates that our Govern-
ment remains determined to exercise
every restraint to limit the war and to
exert every effort to bring the conflict to
the earliest possible end.
My deep regret is that while Mr. Gold-
berg speaks in the United Nations for the
policy of our Government?and sup-
posedly of the President and the Secre-
tary of State?I note in the Morning
paper that we are sending American
troops into the Mekong Delta for the
first time. I also noted on a television
broadcast this morning that American
deaths last week reached a new high since
May; that they again exceeded, as they
have several weeks in the past, the total
South Vietnamese casualties; that the
number of wounded is drastically up.
I am gravely concerned that while we
talk peace at the United Nations, not
only are we accelerating the war in Viet-
nam, but also, our military commanders
are sending American boys unnecessarily
to their deaths.
I believe the President should be called
upon, in no uncertain terms, to stop this
unnecessary slaughter and wounding of
American boys, while the peace offensive
Initiated by Ambassador Goldberg can
be given an opportunity to move for-
ward?hopefully to result, at long last,
in negotiations.
I point out that Mr. Goldberg, for the
first time, makes this fine statement:
We are not engaged in a "holy war" against
communism.
This is the first time that any responsi-
ble officer of our Government, so far as
I know, has made any such statement.
Mr. Goldberg reiterates, and I am
happy to hear him reiterate, what has
been said before, but which I fear far too
many people around the globe do not
believe. He says:
We do not seek to establish an American
empire or a "sphere of influence" in Asia.
That is good news.
We seek no permanent military bases, no
permanent establishment of troops, no per-
manent alliances, no permanent American
"presence" of any kind in South Vietnam.
That is good news.
We do not seek to impose a policy of
alignment on South Vietnam.
That is extraordinarily good news.
We do not seek the overthrow of the gov-
ernment of North Vietnam.
That, too, is encouraging.
We do not seek to do any injury to main-
land China or to threaten any of its legiti-
mate interats.
This is, indeed, constructive comment.
I would hope that others in the executive
branch of the Government have taken
careful note of what Mr. Goldberg has
said. In particular, I refer to some of
the hawks in the Department of 8tate, in
the Joint Chiefs of Staff, in the Central
Intelligence Agency, and in all the other
agencies in the executive branch of the
Government, who have been taking so
belligerent an attitude with respect to
our policy in southeast Asia.
Mr. Goldberg says:
We want a political solution, not a mili-
tary solution, to this conflict.
Let us stop the search and destroy
policy; let us stop the bombing of North
Vietnam; let us stop the unnecessary
killing of American boys far purposes
which do not serve our National interest.
Mr. Goldberg continues:
The United States is willing once again to
take the first step. We are prepared to order
a cessation of all bombing of North Viet-
nam?the moment we are assured, privately
or otherwise, that this step will he answered
promptly by corresponding and appropriate
de-escalation on the other side.
This, indeed, is good news; but while
he is saying that, we are stepping up the
bombing of North Vietnam; we are
moving into the Mekong Delta for the
first time; American casualties are at a
new high.
Why is it not possible for once, since
this unhappy war began, for us to act
the way we talk? Why, when we go
with this initiative to the United Na-
tions, do we reinstate the bombing of
North Vietnam at the same time?
Why can we not coordinate our policy
behind the wise statement of Ambassa-
dor Goldberg?
Mr. President, in conclusion, although
the entire speech deserves careful read-
ing by every Member of the Senate?and
I see in the Chamber the chairman of
the Subcommittee on Disarmament of
the Committee on Foreign Relations?
I note with great pleasure that Ambas-
sador Goldberg concludes by saying:
Mr. President, many other questions of
significance will engage our attention during
this session of the General Assembly. Fore-
most among them are questions of disarma-
ment and arms control, of which the most
urgent are the completion of a treaty to
prevent the further proliferation of nuclear
weapons and the extension of the limited
test ban treaty. Remaining differences on
these issues can and must be resolved on a
basis of mutual compromise.
Mr. President, I wait for the day when
the Secretary of State will permit Am-
bassador Goldberg, and will permit Mr.
William Foster and his associates to
make that reasonable compromise which
within 24 hours could get us within strik-
ing distance of a nonproliferation treaty,
by abandoning the outmoded and obso-
lete concept of a joint nuclear force in
which the West German Government
would retain an option to get its finger
on the nuclear trigger.
I express admiration for Ambassador
Goldberg, and I hope that the lead he
has taken will be followed by others in
the administration.
INTER-AMERICAN CONFERENCE C)F
THE PARTNERS OF THE ALLI-
ANCE FOR PROGRESS
Mr. ERVIN. Mr. President, one of
North Carolina's ablest young sons, Bill
Suttle, president of 'the U.S. Junior
Chamber of Commerce, made an elo-
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
Approved For Release 2
005/06/29 cltEP67Elpg4M0004001-10M2-4.
oeiTturrwer 29, 1966
23400 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
reporters and scholars, some of whom have
figured prominently in the current purge, to
escape to freedom. If Peiping should some
day permit their people to visit the United
States, it will only mean that the Chinese
Communists have decided to send disguised
secret agents and agitators to subvert the
Americans.
7. Finally, if the medicine prescribed by
these "experts" is administered, will the hun-
gry tiger turn into a "humanistic bureau-
crat"? We find the "experts" arriving at dif-
ferent conclusions from their shared prem-
ises. Some say that a change in Peiping's
policy will be possible when Mao Tse-tung
dies, citing Peiping's recent frustrations in
Indonesia, Cuba, Ghana, and elsewhere.
Others tell us that frustrations will only pro-
voke the hungry tiger into more violence.
Ironically, the truth of the matter lies in
what Marx said of Czarist Russia?aggression
Is sure to follow aggression and expansion to
follow expansion. History and common sense
tell us that a hungry tiger's appetite is
whetted everytime it gets a good meal.
To sum up, we submit that in their pro-
posals for far-reaching changes in the United
States policy, the "experts" have no solid
ground to support either their premises or
their conclusions. Witingly or unwittingly,
they have helped the Communists, and
harmed the cause for free Chinese every-
where in the world. They have rendered a
disservice to the United States by undermin-
ing American efforts and credibility in the
Far East.
We solemnly declare that we have no de-
sire of seeing the United States go to war
with the Chinese Communists for, in the
event of armed hostilities, both the American
people 'anti our own people will suffer. How-
ever, should the proposals of the "experts" be
adopted, thus fostering the growth of Cham-
berlainism in the United States, the Chinese
Communists may be encouraged to risk a war
with the United States as soon as they feel
strong enough to do so. It is precisely be-
cause we desire to prevent such a war that
we feel duty-bound to state our views.
The only things we Chinese people ask of
the United States are:
(I) that she, pursuant to the 'traditional
friendship between the two countries, stand
firm on her present policy of recognizing the
government of the Republic of China as the
only legal and true representative of the Chi-
nese people and not the Communist regime
in Peiping which does not represent the peo-
ple On the Chinese mainland; and
(2) that she distinguish friend from foe
and refuse to be a party to the Chinese Com-
munists' crime of persecuting the people.
May the United States keep close to her
heart the following memorable words of Pres-
ident Abraham Lincoln; "Let us have faith
that right makes might, and in that faith let
us to the end dare to do our duty as we un-
derstand it."
This open letter signed by more than 1,800
university faculty members and scholars in
the Republic of China is brought to you by
the following organizations representing Chi-
nese communities in their cities and states:
Chung, Ping Tom, President, Chinese Con-
solidated Benevolent Association, New York,
New York.
Bob Lee, President, Chinese Consolidated
Benevolent Association of New England, Bos-
ton, Massachusetts.
Poy Fong, Kai Lee, Co-Presidents, Chinese
Benevolent Association, Philadelphia, Penn-
sylvania.
Y. N. Yee, President, Chinese Benevolent
Association, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.
William Chin, President, Chinese Consoli-
dated Benevolent Association, Washington,
Y, S. Horn, S. M. Chin, Co-Presidents, Chi-
nese Consolidated Benevolent Association,
Baltimore, Maryland.
Robert. Tongrnan, Chairman of the Board,
Chinese Association of Arkansas.
J. W Lock, President, Lung Kong Tin Yee
Association, Memphis, Tennessee.
Wong Yin Doon, King High Tam, Pow Sam
Yee, T. Kong Lee, Edward Chen, Tim Hall,
James Hsieh, Co-Presidents, Chinese Con-
solidated Benevolent Association, San Fran-
cisco, California.
King C. Yee, Tom Chin, Co-Presidents, On
Leong Merchants Association, Detroit, Mich-
igan.
Albert K. LeOng, President, Chinese Con-
solidated Benevolent Association, Chicago,
Illinois.
Frank Wong, President, Chinese Consoli-
dated Benevolent Association, Los Angeles,
California.
Gilbert Gor, President, Chinese Consoli-
dated Benevolent Association, Houston,
Texas.
M. B. Lew, President, Chinese Association,
San Antonio, Texas.
Charles Y. Wah, President, Washington
State Chong Wa Benevolent Association,
Seattle, Washington.
Sam B. Liu, President, Oregon State Chi-
nese Consolidated Benevolent Association,
Portland, Oregon.
Ray W. Joe, President, On Leong Merchants
Association, Greenville, Mississippi.
Frank Gee, President, On Leong Merchants
Association, New Orleans, Louisiana.
N. K. Wong, President, Chinese Chamber
of Commerce, Phoenix, Arizona.
Yule Hoon Wong, President, United Chi-
nese Labor Association of Hawaii.
STILL TIME TO ACT ON STRIKE
LEGISLATION
Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. President, once
again the Nation's industrial peace has
been shaken by labor-management
stalemates that threaten to erupt into
serious strikes.
Only hasty last-minute maneuvering
averted a walkout at American Airlines
that was scheduled to begin this morn-
ing. But, there is every indication that
a threatened strike at General Electric
will become a reality next Monday. It
appears that members of the Interna-
tional Union of Electrical Workers are
overwhelmingly rejecting a General
Electric contract offer, and the prospects
that agreement can be reached before
the Monday deadline are dim.
Should General Electric and the IUE
somehow arrive at a settlement before
Monday, there is still the possibility that
Westinghouse, where the IUE's contract
expires soon, could be struck.
In addition, compacts in the automo-
bile, trucking, construction, and machin-
ery industries are up for renewal in the
near future.
For the moment, we have escaped the
hardships and economic losses that ac-
company major deadlocks. There is
little likelihood, however, that we will be
able to avoid at least one crippling
strike in the next year.
As usual, it will be the public?aver-
age citizens with no interest whatever in
the issues that divide these particular
employers and employees?that will suf-
fer the most from the upcoming walk-
outs.
Merchants, housewives, students,
Americans of every occupation will
hit by the economic fallout from labo
management explosions over which the
have no control.
Mr. President, there may be some ques-
tion as to whether a strike at either Gen-
eral Electric or Westinghouse would have
the impact of this summer's airline strike
or last winter's New York subway walk-
out. But there can be no questioning
the fact that our machinery to deal with
such impasses, when they imperil the
public interest, is woefully inadequate.
The Railway Labor Act has proven
completely ineffectual. It was powerless
to protect the American people in 1963,
during the railroad work rules dispute.
It was powerless to do so last July. It
will be just as impotent in the future.
Similarly, the emergency strike pro-
visions of the Taft-Hartley Act offer no
final solution to management-union con-
flicts that pummel the public while they
go unresolved.
I am convinced that Congress cannot
much longer fail in its obligation to guard
the interests of the citizens of this Na-
tion. The precedents for action are
clear.
In the airline and other transportation
and communication industries, we have
already recognized the public stake by
providing subsidies and regulating rates
and routes. We have in effect declared
that these industries perform vital public
services and must be operated to benefit
the public.
In other types of enterprises, Con-
gress has the responsibility to act under
its Constitutional authority to regulate
interstate commerce.
On February 8 of this year, I intro-
duced S. 2891, a bill to create a five-
man U.S. Court of Labor-Manage-
ment Relations. This court would have
jurisdiction in labor-management stale-
mates adversely affecting the national
interest and would provide the machin-
ery through which binding settlements
could be achieved in the most intransi-
gent deadlocks.
The labor court idea is hardly a new
one. Labor columnist Victor Riesel
points out that Sweden, which has long
had such an institution, has not had a
major strike in 21 years. Although the
Swedish Court differs in some respects
from what I have proposed, its purpose
is the same: Labor peace. The results
have been spectacularly successful.
In addition, labor courts in Austrailia
and New Zealand have helped cushion
those nations against the harsh blows
of industrial strife.
Mr. President, the American people
should not have to wait for a repetition
of this year's 41-day airline strike be-
fore Congress moves to tighten our na-
tional labor. laws.
A first step in that direction should
be taken now, before a crisis situation
Inflames emotions and clouds reason.
That first step should be hearings before
the Subcommittee on Improvements in
Judicial Machinery, where S. 2891 is now
pending.
Although the 89th Congress is nearing
adjournment, there is still time to act
on this measure, and I am hopeful that
we can begin now.
VIETNAM PEACE PROPOSALS OF
AMBASSADOR GOLDBERG
Mr. MOSS. Mr. President, as I read
the Vietnam peace proposals offered by
Ambassador Goldberg at the United Na-
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
September 29Ainvogred For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RD
P
SENATE
, c0NGRESSjONAL RECORD -4
21399
And they have made a great claim at
representing the "reality" of the China
debate.
The open letter, to which I have al-
luded, comes as an effective answer to
the utterances of those who would dis-
tort, sincerely or otherwise, the issue and
history of the China debate.
The letter, which is signed by more
than 1,600 university faculty members
and scholars in the Republic of China,
asserts that "the experts have no solid
ground to support either their premises
or their conclusions, Wittingly or unwit-
tingly, they have helped the Communists,
and harmed the cause for free Chinese
everywhere in the world. They have
rendered a disservice to the United States
by undermining American efforts and
credibility in the Par East,"
I ask unanimous consent that the
'Open Letter to the American People
on the 'China Debate'" be printed in
the body of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
with my remarks.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
AN OPEN LETTER TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE
ON THE "CHINA DEBATE"
In recent months there have been proposals
by certain persons in the United States that
concessions be made to the Peiping regime in
Order to induce it to widen its participa-
ton In international affars. Many so-called
"China experts" in the United States have fig-
ured prominently in an oganized propaganda
campaign urging for a change of the United
States China policy. They have lent their
stature in the academic community to the in-
spired Campaign to attain the desired ends.
In their efforts to support their contentions
they have displayed a knowledge of things
Chinese, which is quite superficial even if
sincere.
Capitalizing on what they allege as the au-
thoritarian tradition of dynastic China dur-
ing the last three milleniums, they argue
that the Communist regime in Peiping is but
the latest manifestation of the mainstream
of Chinese cultural heritage. They claim
that the existence of the regime is a "real-
ity" which one must face, and that the only
way to face up to the "reality" is to work
toward a gradual shift from trying to iso-
late Peiping to admitting ft to the United
Nations and other international organize-
tion, A few of them have even recom-
mended that the United States policy should
aim at eventual establishment of normal dip-
lomatic relations with that regime. Con-
veniently, they ignore the fact that the re-
gime oppresses the Chinese people and that
the Chinese people hate the regime and con-
tinue to resist It. Furthermore, the present
propaganda campaign is carried out at a time
when Americans are dying in southeast Asia
to check the expansionism of that very re-
gime which they call Chinese. We, the un-
dersigned, feel obliged to refute the assertions
of these "China experts."
These "China experts" have made many as-
sertions at variance with facts, the most ap-
parent of which are as follows:
1. They have distorted Maoism into some-
thing representative of a modernized exten-
sion of the venerable tradition of China. The
true Chinese tradition has,, since time im-
memorial, consisted of love of one's kith
and kin; charity for man; the virtues of pro-
priety, humility, loyalty and sympathy, and
the pursuit of universal peace and worldwide
commonwealth. None of these virtues is
compatible with the contrivances of the
Chinese Communists to destroy family love
and Instigate mutual hate and class struggle.
There i.s really no shortage of Sinologues
in the United States. Can any of them find
In real ,Cliineae tradition even a shred of
Stalinism or such Communist-made mani-
festations as: brain-washing, liquidation of
a father by the son, betrayal of one's friends,
slave-labor camps or the "people's com-
munes"?
2. It is alleged that Chinese Communism
is an expression of nationalism, a reaction
against the humiliations and reverses China
had suffered in the 19th century. Dr. Sun
Yat-sen, who tutored modern China in na-
tionalism, said that Chinese nationalism
should aim only at righting past wrongs, and
that China, when she achieves power, should
not imitate decadent imperialist behavior.
Early in this century, Chinese nationalism
rose in self-defense against Japanese and
Russian expansionism. Quite naturally,
China was drawn closer to the West and
Dr. Sun clearly advocated economic coopera-
tion between China and the Western nations
as the goal of China's national reconstruc-
tion. On the other hand, the United States
has never encroached upon any Chinese ter-
ritory and the Chinese have always regarded
the United States as a special friend. All
the anti-American views one hears_ now are
invented by the Communists and dissemi-
nated by their propaganda mills. They do
not reflect the true sentiment of the Chinese
people on the mainland.
3. The so-called experts strive to extol the
supposed Chinese Communist economic and
military strength. Of course China is a
vast country with an immense population.
But the Chinese Communists do not repre-
sent the Chinese people.. The 600 million
Chinese people, to use Peiping's figure, are
not an. asset but a liability to the Chinese
Communists. Furthermore, in talking about
economic development under the Chinese
Communists, one should always beware of
over-stated claims. In 1959, for example, the
Chinese Communists themselves openly ad-
mitted that all production figures fOr 1958
had been exaggerated by from 50 to 58 per
cent. Yet this is conveniently overlooked by
the so-called experts. It is true that the
Chinese Communists have test exploded
three nuclear devices. These blasts are cer-
tainly storm. signals. But as Hitler's V.-1.s
and V-2s :failed to bring him victory or to
frighten the free world into submission, we
need not tremble and cower before Mao's
mushroom clouds.
4. These experts like to refer to what they
call "fact" and "reality." Oh, fact and
reality, what foolish acts and evil have been
committed in thy name! When Hitler's
armies began their march in Europe, Neville
Chamberlain and Charles A. Lindbergh ar-
gued that this fact and reality must be
acknowledged. Winston Churchill and
Franklin D. Roosevelt refused to accept them.
When Japan invaded China in 1937, certain
American columnists also saw the invasion
as an inevitable although unpleasant fact.
But we Chinese refused to accept it. The
"realists" of today see only what they regard
as facts, but decline to take into considera-
tion the actual forts contrary to their thesis,
such as: the numerous anti-Communist in-
cidents on the Chinese mainland (249,012 in
1061 versus 56,000 in 1965, according to the
Chinese Communist "Ministry of Public
Security"), the open rebellion of the intel-
lectuals against the Communists (and in
the name of Chinese tradition too), the
escape. to freedom of thousands upon thou-
sands of youths, and the defection of many
officers of Peiping's armed forces and its
diplomatic and civil functionaries.
5. The "peace mongers" try to influence
the thinking of the peace-loving Americans
with the specter of war. Some say a new
policy of accommodation and gradual yield-
ing is the only alternative. Since war is dan-
gerous, recognition of the Peipins?b regime be-
comes a panacea. But what inherent right
have the Chinese Communists to present the
United States with the choice between sub-
mission and war? Has not the United States
the same right to insist that the Chinese
Communists give up the use of force and
their announced goal of world revolution
through subversion and "people's liberation
wars"? Some say Peiping is a "hungry tiger"
which loses its temper when frustrated or
irritated by the United States. If this "pet"
is lovingly patted and well fed, so the theory
goes, it will regain its Confucian virtues.
Such views of the "China-experts" dumb-
found us. They are defending the tiger's
right to devour others in the hope that it
will never be hungry again.
6. These experts prescribe "containment
without isolation" under which five steps are
urged:
General softening of the United States pol-
icy toward Peiping to achieve "containment;
without isolation". This, however, is self-
contradiction. Unless the regime is effec-
tively isolated it will continue to resort to
subversive activities as It has been doing all
along. Containment then becomes impossi-
ble. In that event, not only the free world
position in Southeast Asia will become un-
tenable, but the retreat will not be confined
to Vietnam. Furthermore, these same ex-
perts say that this formula of "containment
without isolation" has proved effective in
dealing with Soviet Russia, but they forget
that whatever compromise Moscow has made
should be attributed only to United States
firmness, not concessions.
Admission of Peiping into the United Na-
tions. For a variety of reasons some Ameri-
can experts advocate a seat in the United
Nations for the Chinese Communists, "even
though they said they would dynamite the
place." Peiping's admission would violate
both the letter and the spirit of the United
Nations Charter. -Furthermore the Chinese
Communists will certainly engage in large-
scale subversive activities in the United
States. These experts, at the same time, sug-
gest half-heartedly that the United Nations
seat of the Republic of China should be pre-
served. In reality, however, they are dealing
a severe blow to the cause of a free China.
and denying the people on the Chinese main-
land any hope of deliverance.
Lifting of the trade embargo on the Chi-
nese Communists, and acceptance of their
participation in nuclear controls. If isola-
tion of the Chinese Communists is to end.
the embargo on trade with the Chinese main-
land would have to be lifted, these experts
contend. This is tantamount to helping the
enemy by replenishing his stocks and ar-
senals. The Chinese Communists are al-
ready employing to great advantage their
crude bombs for blackmail. They have arro-
gantly refused to join the nuclear test ban
treaty. Why should they accept Interna-
tional controls unless, as they, have pro-
posed, the United States would scrap al/
nuclear weapons along with them? And
even then, who can guarantee that they will
not continue to develop their atomic arsenal
in secret, and will not in time brandish their
bombs to threaten the world?
Progression from appeasing flexibility to
eventual recognition. These American ex-
perts are in fact asking the United States
to yield to their pressure and accord diplo-
matic recognition to a -U.N.-condemned ag-
gressor, who is directly and vicariously re-
sponsible for the murder of Americans in
Korea and Vietnam. Such a proposal makes
a mockery of righteousness and justice, and
constitutes a breach of faith with thousands
upon thousands of Americans who gave their
lives unhesitatingly for freedom.
Permitting Chinese Communist reporters
and scholars to visit the United States. As
-expected, Peiping has already rejected con-
temptuously recent American offers to ex-
change visits, for it has no intention of lift-
ing up the Bamboo Curtain to allow its own
K.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
gipte?iber 29, 19 diPprovemiefiftitiaria2cecififtE9ERTE446R000400110002-4
23401
tions last week, it seems to me that the
tone of compromise is greater than it
has ever been before.
To my knowledge, for example, we
have never stated with such clarity that
we do not ask North Vietnam to sur-
render anything "which belongs to it,4
nor do we seek to exclude "any seg-
ment" of South Vietnam from partici-
pating in peace discussions or in the
peaceful future of their country.
Ambassador Goldberg also restated,
with eloquence and firmness, the limited
purposes for which the United States is
giving assistance to South Vietnam, and
exactly what our aims there are.
Because I feel we cannot repeat too
often our aims in southeast Asia and our
moderate and judicious proposals for
ending the Vietnam conflict, I should
like to read them again here, as ex-
pressed by Ambassador Goldberg:
First, this is what we are not doing in
Vietnam.
We are not engaged in a "holy war" against
communism.
We do not seek to establish an American
empire or a "sphere of influence" in Asia.
We seek no permanent military bases, no
permanent establishment of troops, no per-
manent alliances, no permanent American
"presence" of any kind in South Viet Nam.
We do not seek to impose a policy of
alignment on South Viet Na,m.
We do not seek the overthrow of the Gov-
ernment of North Viet Nam.
We do not seek to do any injury to main-
land China nor to threaten any of its legiti-
mate interests.
We do not ask of North Viet Nam an un-
conditional surrender or indeed the surrender
of anything that belongs to it; nor do we seek
to exclude any segment of the South Viet-
namese people from peaceful participation in
their country's future.
And, now this is briefly what we seek:
We want a political solution, not a military
solution, to this conflict. By the same token,
we reject the idea that North Viet Nam has
a right to impose a military solution.
We seek to assure for the people of South
Viet Nam the same right of self-determina-
tion?to decide their own political destiny,
free of force?that the United Nations
Charter affirms for all,
And we believe that reunification of Viet
Ham should be decided through a free choice
by the peoples of both the North and South
without outside interference, the results of
which choice we are fully prepared to sup-
port.
It /seems to me this puts the problem
prety directly in the lap of the govern-
ment at Hanoi. The next move is up to
them. We reiterate our good faith offer
to negotiate unconditionally for a politi-
cal settlement without loss of honor by
those involved.
OMBUDSMAN
Mr. LONG of Missouri. Mr. President,
the concept of ombudsman has started
to interest many people across the Na-
tion. An article appeared in Focus/
Midwest, 1965, suggesting that?
As the Ombudsman program is more
readily transferable to state rather than to
the Federal Government in our country, Mis-
souri and Illinois could take the lead in
bringing this concept to the U.S.A.
Mr. President, I think it is important
for the States to consider the merits of
an ombudsman system. I ask unani-
mous consent to insert, at this point in
the RECORD, the article referred to.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
WE NEED AN OMBUDSMAN
(Thomas E. Eichhorst)
What can you do if a bureaucrat irritates
YOU, or delays too long, or requires too much
red tape, or petulantly denies what you
want?
This problem is of increasing importance
as governmental agencies proliferate and
their activities become even more encom-
passing. The answer, like many other re-
forms, is the result of the political experi-
mentation in that great practical laboratory
of social progress?Scandinavian govern-
ment; it is the Ombudsman.
Nordic peoples have long provided a re-
view for the actions of the leadership of the
tribe or nation. The fierce and rapacious
Vikings have left a deep and lasting impres-
sion on our concepts of fair play and justice
that more than compensates for their vio-
lent visitations a millenium ago. These
warriors established lovsigemands (law
speakers) who would proclaim the law and
regulate the primitive processes of govern-
ment. The first truly representative na-
tional assembly is another of the govern-
mental gifts of the Norseman; the Iceland
Athing, established in 930, is the world's
oldest parliamentary body.
The office of Ombudsman inaugurated in
1809, is but another part of Sweden's devel-
opment of a bureaucracy bound by the rule
of law. The Swedish Parliament must
choose a person of known legal ability and
of outstanding integrity for Ombudsman.
Though a lawyer, he is not bound by legalis-
tic rules, but instead is encouraged to be an
ingenious pragmatist in order to find an ac-
ceptable remedy for every administrative
error. The powers and jurisdiction of that
Swedish Ombudsman have been continually
extended so that his area of review now in-
cludes almost all of the national bureauc-
racy.
The other Scandinavian nations have also
established such an office: Finland in 1919,
Denmark in 1955, and Norway in 1962. '
In recent years the value of this Office has
become more widely known and the practice
has now jumped half-a-world to New Zea-
land, where an Ombudsman was recently ap-
pointed. At present, England, Australia, and
several of the western provinces of Canada
are considering setting up a similar program.
As the Ombudsman program is more readily
transferable to state rather than to the fed-
eral government in our country, Missouri
and Illinois could take the leading in bring-
ing this concept to the U.S.A.
The Ombudsman, which in Swedish means
agent, is an official appointed, usually by the
legislature, to see that the people are treated
properly by their government. The Ombuds-
man is not unlike the man who hears com-
plaints in a large department store. Ile is
the man who hears every grievance, no mat-
ter how fanciful or far-fetched. Indeed, he
concerns himself with the pettifogging com-
plaints no one else in the impersonal gov-
ernment seems to bother about.
Under the present Ombudsman systems,
his activity is usually triggered by a letter
of complaint from a citizen. The Ombuds-
man then investigates the action (or in-
action) in an attempt to obtain satisfaction
for the citizens. Sometimes, as a result of
investigating such a complaint, or on his
own motion, he may decide to make a major
study of a large problem involving many
individual cases. The Ombudsman inquires
into substance, procedure, legality, delay,
convenience, and even politeness. While he
has no power to change administrative deci-
sions, he can investigate, criticize, recom-
mend, and publicize.
The theory and practice of Ombudsman-
ship is grounded on the cardinal principle
of checks and balances. This principle, as it
relates to the Ombudsman system, prescribes
that the action of a government official
should be reviewed by another official who
can challenge the action, but cannot sub-
stitute judgment. Because the Ombudsman
Is not involved in making the substantive
decisions, he can focus his attention on the
administrative procedures. The essential
idea behind this system is the view that con-
tinuing constructive criticsm can signficantly
improve the governmental processes.
The success of the program depends on the
personality of the man chosen for the office.
To properly perform his duties, the Ombuds-
man should combine an intimate knowledge
of state government and the leading political
and administrative personalities with a pro-
found belief in freedom and democracy; be
shrewd, tolerant, good humored, and be im-
bued with a sense of the value and the limits
of his office, and be without vanity or self-
importance. Every country which has estab-
lished the office, has been blessed with an
able and very human administrator with a
penchant for anonymity?just what the posi-
tion requires.
If, as a result of his investigations, the
Ombudsman finds that the bureaucrat's ac-
tions were wrong, he can publicly or pri-
vately reprimand him. This power has been
helpful in restoring a sense of purpose to
an errant government worker, particularly
when the complaint has involved an imper-
sonal or condescending attitude held by
some administrative employees. In other
cases, the Ombudsman might refuse to crit-
icize a past decision of a government worker,
but probably would suggest guidelines for
future actions. When the basic procedures
are faulty, he can recommend far reaching
changes and improvements. It is up to the
administrative officials or the legislature to
Implement these suggestions. It has been
the experience of the Scandinavian coun-
tries having the Ombudsman, that the pres-
tige of the office and the publicity given to
his pronouncements by the popular press
are powerful weapons. The threat of possi-
ble criticism by the Ombudsman has had a
desirable effect upon public officials and civil
servants.
The rectification of individual wrongs, and
the continuing improvement of the admin-
istrative system are the readily recognizable
results of the Ombudsman's efforts. Even
more important, however, is the spark of
creativity which it gives to and requires of
the entire corps of government workers.
This on-going interest in the monotonous
minutiae assists each worker to see every
dull dreary task as a challenge and, no less
real, as a possible cause for a complaint to
the Ombudsman. The Ombudsman's criti-
cisms apply to all areas of administrative
activity: his imaginative study of these
problems and his creative suggestions are
the prods needed to perfect the controls
policing governmental work. This broad ar-
senal of remonstrative devices has been ex-
tremely helpful in preserving human values
In governmental bureaucracies.
This Scandinavian concept of reformative
internal action and initiative could well pro-
vide us with a practical model which we
could adapt to help solve our own adminis-
trative problems. Having an agent for the
citizenry, inside the bureaucracy itself, would
have a salutary effect on all state workers?
the merit system employee as well as the
patronage jobholder. Such a vibrant cata-
ylst in, say, Jefferson City, Missouri and
Springfield, Illinois could be recommended
by the newly inaugurated governors who
would thus initiate a novel service for their
citizens,
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
Approved
23402
For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
CONdRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENAT
VFASeptember 29, 1966
OUR ASIAN ALLIES
Mr. McGEE. Mr. President, the lively
interests which Asian nations are show-
ing in taking the initiative for peace and
for backing up South Vietnam's fight
for independence and sovereignty, and
their escalating interest in siding with
the United States and South Vietnam,
is encouraging.
Also encouraging is the forthcoming
Manila conference. Although it is met
with varying degrees of hope, it is in-
disputably hopeful. Two editorials from
yesterday's Washington newspapers, re-
flect this hope.
That we have Asian allies increas-
ingly willing to step forward and be
counted, and to work toward a solution
of the problems in the Pacific, is made
clearer, too, by the words of Thailand's
Foreign Minister, Mr. Thanat :Khoman,
to the United Nations on Tuesday.
I ask unanimous consent that the two
editorials, one published in the Wash-
ington Post and the other in the Wash-
ington Evening Star of yesterday, and a
report from the New York Times on the
speech of Thanat Khoman be printed
in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
and editorials were ordered to be printed
in the RECORD, as follows:
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post,
Sept. 28, 19651
MANILA CONFERENCE
The seven-nation conference at Manila,
which President Johnson has promptly
agreed to attend, is welcome for any con-
tributions that the group can make to peace
and stability in South Vietnam. It is wel-
come, besides, as a product of Asian initia-
tive. And It is to be hoped that it may
mark the beginning of a post-war era in
which the United States will play a different
role than the one which has been imposed
upon it during a period of readjustment In
Asia.
It is not possible for the United States, as
the major power touching on the Pacific, let
alone the most powerful country in the
world, to avoid entanglement in the prob-
lems of the region. It is, by reason of geog-
raphy, national interest and World War II
obligations, a Pacific power. It should not
think of itself nor be thought of by other
Asian countries as "the" Pacific power. The
rising strength and stability of Asian allies
can diminish the disproportionate contribu-
tions of the United States to the forces mak-
ing for peace and stability in the region. The
Manila meeting is a good sign that Asian
friends are ready to rise to a role appro-
priate to their power and resources in the
region. The American contribution, for the
foreseeable future, will have to be great.
But it ought to be a diminishing one.
President Marcos has given a great impetus
to the political impulses of our Pacific
friends throughout the region. It is evident
that he found Washington receptive to his
notions on his recent visit here. No doubt
it would be naive to suppose and overly
sanguine to expect that Manila will usher
in at once a revolutionary transfer of power
and responsibility to the collective Pacific
countries. This transition can proceed only
in conformity with the realities of power in
the region. But it is not too much to hope
that in this decade we may see the founda-
tions laid for a redistribution of responsi-
bility under which the United States ulti-
Mately will not need to act anywhere in the
DEDICATION OF BIG BEND RESER-
VOIR IN SOUTH DAKOTA
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. Presisient, on Sep-
tember 15, well-attended and highly ap-
propriate ceremonies were held in South
Dakota to dedicate the completion of the
Big Bend Reservoir, one of the great
Missouri River reservoirs which now
comprise what we call "The Great Lakes
of South Dakota." These lakes are sec-
ond only in size in this country to the
natural Great Lakes stretching from
Chicago to Buffalo.
Secretary of State Dean Rusk deliv-
ered a highly effective address at the
dedication, reviewing the foreign policy
pattern of the United States and all per-
tinent factors relating to our part in the
war in Vietnam. His address was
warmly received by the more than 4,000
South Dakotans attending the dedica-
tion ceremonies.
One of the highlights of the speaking
program was an address by an enrolled
member of the Sioux Indian Tribe, Mr.
Philip S. Byrnes, now holding an off-
reservation job in our State Capital
Pierre. Mr. Byrnes Yield the audience
spellbound as he delivered a thrilling and
most impressive address reviewing early
history and how the great Sioux nation
had once lived their lives, fought their
wars, shot their buffalo, and made their
homes in the attractive Missouri River
Valley. Many of them were, in fact,
displaced and moved elsewhere as the
result of the impounded waters of Big
Bend Reservoir.
Mr. President, for the information of
Congress and the country, I ask unani-
mous consent to have printed in the
Rump the complete text of the fine ad-
dress by Mr. Byrnes.
There being no objection, the address
was ordered to be 'printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
ADDRE.ss ra pi-map S. Evrams
Secretary, honored guests, fellow citi-
zens of America. It is my privilege and
honor to represent the Sioux Nation at this
historic occasion.
What's better than a scene of togetherness
in our great country today, as we meet here
to officially dedicate the completion of the
Big Bend Dam.
Four of these large dams cover valuable
home land areas of the Sioux country across
the State of South Dakota.
In behalf of the Lower Brule and the Crow
Creek Sioux, I wish to state that we are proud
to have made our contribution in the con-
struction of these Important projects that
were started by men of vision, for the
strength and progress of our country. From
where we stand and as we look across this
beautiful lake you can see the banks of the
Crow Creek Reservation, and the location
where we are now, is the Lower Brule Reser-
vation. The Missouri River is the dividing
line of these two important Sioux reserva-
tions.
In order to understand the existence of
the Sioux Indians and the great plains area
Which constitute their home, an awareness of
history must be maintained.
This great river flowed through the heart
of the Sioux home for many centuries. The
Sioux lived along this river and within its
watersheds. From this river, the Sioux In-
dians received their strength.
On the great plains from which flows the
Waters that feed the Missouri River there
were large herds of buffalo, the life-blood of
our forefathers, Within this area the Sioux
developed a self-supporting way of life and
were in control of the area, and for many cen-
turies enjoyed the abundant life, but prog-
ress was not to be denied.
Foreseeable changes were inevitable in this
world if progress was to be made. The Sioux
defended its way of life as honorably and as
bravely as their resources would allow, but
their strength was not enough to stop the
encroachment of civilization on its march to
the West.
With the passing of the buffalo, our
strength and way of life was forever changed.
The Sioux found it necessary to make treaties
and become part of the Nation of America.
We cherish this civilization and, as in the
past, will in the future defend with all our
strength this country.,a.gainst nations who try
to defeat our country and rob us of our free-
dom and way of life.
It has not been "easy for many of the
Sioux to change sufficiently to cope with
the standards of living which modern civil-
ization demands. However, many have be-
come outstanding personalities in various
professions and leaders in the destiny of
this Nation.
The values which were lost by the Lower
Ernie and the Crow Creek Sioux for the
flood water of the Big Bend Dam were the
rich level fiat lands along the Missouri River,
the choice and highest priced of all lands in
this area. This water front carried also
great values to our people in the form of
valuable timber. It furnished cover for wild
animal life and wild fruit a:nd vegetables
were plentiful. From these things our peo-
ple have been accustomed for generations to
get fuel, food and shelter.
The spirit of the Lower Brule and the Crow
Creek Sioux is for progress.
The money received for the payment of
their losses is being used to develop a cattle
economy as a substitute for the native econ-
omy that vanished with the buffalo. Small
industry has been installed, and with the
development of their natural resources, the
building of better homes on both reserva-
tions.
The most important program is scholar-
ship grants for higher education for the
young people. Some of our Indian students
have already graduated from college with
degrees and are holding responsible jobs in
this highly competitive country in which we
live. By evaluating the historical back-
ground of the Sioux Indians who once
roamed and hunted on the Great Plains, en-
joying nature's bounty and their own un-
disputed might, it becomes evident that the
Sioux Nation went through a great change
and it is a most fitting tribute to them that
by treaty agreements we have become one
great nation.
M7. Secretary, it is our hope as you and
leaders of our country gather around the
council tables of the world, that our mes-
sage at this time will in some measure be
an inspiration to you and will give you a
feeling of support from the Sioux people of
the Great Plains area.
In behalf of the Sioux Indla:ns, our proper
business is improvement. Let our age be
the age of improvement. In a day of peace,
let us advance the arts of peace and the
works of peace. Let our conceptions be en-
larged to the circle of our duties. Let us
extend our ideas over the whole of the vast
field in which we are called to act. Let our
object be our country, our whole country,
and nothing but our country. And, by the
blessing of God, may our country itself be-
come a v4st'anti splendid monument, not of
oppression and terror, but of wisdom, of
peace, and of liberty, upon which the world
nay gaze with admiration.
region, except in concert with, in support of,
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
AooroveitoRKWAsnarQ. ORD 6/23 ? CJA-RDE6712L00446R000400110002-4
September 29, 196u? ? REC? SEN ATE 23403
and?for the most part?on the initiative of
Asian powers.
That ought to be the long-run objective of
American policy?and of the policy of all
our Asian allies. May Manila mark a step
toward that desirable end.
[From the Washington (D.C.) Star, Sept.
28, 1966]
MEETING IN MANILA
On the face of things, it is difficult to see
how the meeting which has been scheduled
for next month in Manila can make much
of a contribution toward settling the war in
Viet Nam. The same thing is true of the
announcement that Pope Paul VI is sending
a special mission from the Vatican to Saigon.
And for that matter much the same may be
said of the peace initiatives which have come
from Ambassador Goldberg at the United
Nations and from Secretary General U Thant.
Wars are not ended by assembling digni-
taries in Manila or in any other place. The
first and overriding requirement is a genuine
desire to arrive at a settlement. This applies
of course to Washington. And it also applies,
with particular emphasis in this case, to
Saigon, Hanoi, Peking and Moscow. To say
the least, the reactions from the last three
capitals have not been encouraging.
Nevertheless, since surface appearances can
be misleading, it is right, we think, that
President Johnson should go to Manila. The
inspiration for that meeting apparently came
from President Marcos of the Philippines.
Other nations which will be represented are
South Viet Nam, South Korea, Thailand,
Australia and New Zealand. They have a
direct and compelling interest in finding a
peaceful solution for the troubles in South-
east Asia, for they will be directly under the
guns if, for lack of a peaceful settlement,
a general war should erupt in the area. Nor
can Hanoi and Peking really be entirely in-
different to this prospect, despite their seem-
? ing indifference now. For President Marcos
was unquestionably right when he said to
the United Nations that Asian people are
under an "inescapable obligation to devise
Asian solutions to Asian problems." This
principle, he added, "is at once so just
and so indisputably right that Hanoi and
Peking will be under a strong moral obliga-
tion to relax their hostile attitdue."
Wishful thinking? Perhaps so. But hav-
ing in mind all the straws that have been
flying in the wind, especially the lively inter-
est that the Vatican is displaying in the
search for a peaceful settlement, it is difficult
to believe that the other side is as deter-
mined to pursue what for them is now a los-
ing war as the words coming out of Hanoi
would indicate. Today's new Viet Cong
statement of the conditions which might lead
to peace talks is a further hopeful develop-
ment.
Disappointment may await this hope. If
SO, there will be no choice for us except to
stay in the fight. In this connection, it was
right for Defense Secretary McNamara to
announce plans for the acquisition of 280
new combat aircraft in the next fiscal year
and for the White House to make it known
that the next budget will provide added bil-
lions for the coming months of conflict.
Hanoi should be put on plain notice that
an adamant refusal to discuss peace will
mean more, not less, punishment in the
future.
[Prom the New York Times, Sept. 28, 19661
THAI, IN U.N., BACKS THE UNITED STATES AND
CRITICIZES THANT'S POSITION?THANAT SAYS
COMMUNISTS ARE AGGRESSORS IN VIETNAM
AND OPPOSES APPEASEMENT
(By Drew Middleton)
UNITED NATIONS, N.Y., September 27.?
Thanat Khoman, Thailand's Foreign Min-
ister declared today that the United Nations
and its officials did not have the right to
barter South Vietnam's freedom and sov-
ereignty for dubious promises of peace.
That passage and others in Mr. Thanat's
address to the General Assembly were widely
interpreted as attacking Secretary General
Thant's three-step program for peace. The
Foreign Minister asserted that events had
shown that neither the United Nations nor
Mr. Thant could do much, if anything, to
achieve a peaceful solution in Southeast
Asia.
Nor did the Thai leader join the almost
universal chorus demanding that Mr. Thant
remain in office, a chorus in which both the
United States and the Soviet Union have
joined. The Secretary General, he noted
had been forced to adopt "a totally despond-
ent posture" as a result of the failure of his
peace efforts.
DEMANDS CONCESSIONS
Mr. Thanat's was an Asian voice that
forcefully rejected any peace proposals that
rewarded what he termed aggression and
failed to extract concessions from North
Vietnam and Communist doctrines "born in
the dark and sordid recesses of European
ghettos."
The speech marked, in the words of one
distinguished West European delegate, the
first time in this session that a pro-Western
Asian "has spoken clearly against any at-
tempt at appeasement" of the Communists.
Mr. Thanat's comments troubled many
delegates from the smaller powers. His
frank intransigence worried those who be-
lieved that something was stirring among
the Asian Communist powers and that the
smallest changes in the United States posi-
tion would lead to the start of peace nego-
tiations.
Mr. Thanat's denunciation of any appease-
ment of the Communists shocked what has
been called by Western diplomats the "peace
at any price" group among the delegations
and senior members of the United Nations
Secretariat.
That group has accepted the Secretary
General's three-step program and his own
authority as the keys to peace. It also
strongly favors Communist China's entry
into the United Nations as one means toward
peace in Asia.
CHALLENGE TO PEE/NG
Paul Hasluck, Australia's Minister for Ex-
ternal Affairs, took an aggressive line on that
question in his speech to the General Assem-
bly. He challenged Peking to give at least
a sign that it would obey the Charter of the
United Nations if entry were granted.
"China asks the United Nations to change,"
he said. "Is China not to make any change
itself to fit into the United Nations?"
Recognition of Communist China and its
admission to the United Nations will not
solve the larger problems of relations with
that country, Mr. Hasluck warned. He told
advocates of admission not to oversimplify
the China issue by "seeing it simply in terms
of recognition or of admissiOn to the United
Nations."
Mr. Thanat was highly critical of Mr.
Thant's three steps for a settlement in Viet-
nam. The first calls for cessation of Ameri-
can bombing of North Vietnam.
Everyone seems to have forgotten, the Thai
Minister said, that bombing has been halted
twice in the past without worthwhile results,
On the contrary, he declared, it gave the
Communists the opportunity to gather
strength for an intensification of the war.
SEES ONE-SIDED APPROACH
Perhaps alluding to President de Gaulle,
Mr. Thant said that others had advocated
the withdrawal of American forces from
South Vietnam without mentioning North
Vietnamese forces. The French President
proposed American withdrawal in a speech
at Pnompenh, Cambodia, early this month.
"As any impartial observer may notice,"
Mr. Thanat said, "many if not all the solu-
tions so far advanced by one party or another
tend to favor the side which instigated the
war for the purpose of placing South Viet-
nam under its control."
Apparently with Cambodia in mind, Mr.
Thanat warned that short-sighted views on
the term for peace might pave the way for
the destruction of those who hold them.
Prince Norodom Sihanouk, the Cambodian
chief of state, has generally supported Presi-
dent de Gaulle's position on the war.
Mr. Thant conceded that the proposal for
an Asian peace conference, backed by his
own country, the Philippines and Malaysia,
had failed to evoke a positive response from
North Vietnam or Communist China.
That, he said, shows that one side favors
a peaceful settlement, while "the other has
so far rejected every move towards a peaceful
settlement."
It is the aggressors, the Thai leader de-
clared, who cling to the idea of a military
solution in Vietnam while the United States
and its allies seek a negotiated peace. It is
the Communists, he said, who proclaim that
the wax is "a holy war of national libera-
tion."
GOOD NEWS ABOUT PROJECT HEAD-
START
-Mr. RIBICOFF. Mr. President, Proj-
ect Headstart, the Federal preschool pro-
gram for needy children, has gotten off
to a running start.
We have long known that the children
of the poor need help in many ways. All
over the country concerned people have
eagerly awaited an analysis of the first
results of Headstart to see if the program
can help young children acquire the basis
they need for the years of education to
follow.
Now, it Hartford, Conn., the first series
of tests has been completed. Many
aspects of the tests scores are encourag-
ing?some are even spectacular?and all
are of interest in planning for our young
people's education in the world of tomor-
row.
Mr. President, I .ask unanimous con-
sent that an article entitled "Headstart
Youngsters Show Remarkable IQ Im-
provement," which appeared in the Hart-
ford Courant on September 14, 1966, be
inserted in the RECORD at this point.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
HEADSTART YOUNGSTERS SHOW REMARKABLE
IQ IMPROVEMENT
(By John Lacy)
The first test results in Hartford's pre-
school child development program reveal
"a remarkable increase" in the performance
of many children.
A year ago, seven of the four-year-olds
tested had intelligence quotient (IQ) scores
above 110 and the highest was 118. After
nine months in the program, 21 children
scored over 110 and five of them were above
130.
Also, many language difficulties were
erased.
"I'm really delighted," said Mrs. Jeraldine
Withycombe, director of the federally spon-
sored "Head Start" program designed to help
children in the city's poverty areas. "It's
beyond what we thought we could do."
"We're encouraged," said Dr. John Caw-
ley, head of the University of Connecticut
Department of Special Education, who di-
rected the testing and who reported the
preliminary results to Mrs. Withycombe,
? Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4
Approved For Release 2005/06/29: CIA-RDP671300446R000400110002-4
23404 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE September 29, 1966
"COME THROUGH"
"This does not mean," Cawley said, "that
the children 'got smarter,' but it is more
likely that the pre-school program provided
them with the experimental background
and sophistication which enabled them to
`come through.'"
He found improvement also in children's
ability with language.
"It seems we have intervened with a re-
gression tendency?that is, a tendency for
the children to fall further behind?while,
at the same time, the language deficit of
many children has been overcome," Cawley
Said.
After nine months in the program, three
times as many pre-schoolers showed a level
of intellectual ability that could lead them
to education beyond high school.
Last September 30 of those tested had IQ
Scores below '75. But in May only 10 fell
below the mark.
"In spite of the fact that many children
showed a remarkable increase in their per-
formance," Cawley said, "there are some who
did not derive as much benefit."
Three kinds of tests were used with 140
to 150 children from five pre-school centers
in all corners of the city. The tests meas-
tired general intellectual ability, language
development and motor perception and mo-
tor behavior as well as social awareness.
RESULTS nlicomisLvirr
The results are incomplete, Cawley said,
but he added: "I'm sure that we've gotten
real good stuff."
He said he knows of nowhere else in the
country that children received such "a mas-
sive battery of tests."
"There are some tremendous individual
differences," he said.
For example, he said, one child whose
performance last September was "average"
would be called "gifted" today.
"In some instances, the scares of kids
almost doubled," and still these children
were below normal, said Cawley. "This gives
you some idea of the deficit they have."
On a task-performance test, some of the
pre-schoolers scored "well above the seven-
year level," he said. "That's quite a be-
havior level for these kids."
The child development program financed
,mostly by federal funds through the Com-
munity Renewal Team, schooled '700 chil-
dren last year under the direction of Mrs.
Withycombe and the Hartford Board of
Education.
MILWAUKEE JOURNAL CITES NEED
FOR COMPETITIVE BIDDING
Mr. PROXMTRE. Mr. President, a bill
which would undermine a recent Defense
Department decision to seek competitive
bids for its overseas shipping is pending
before the Senate. As I have said before,
if this bill is called up for a vote, I in-
tend to debate it thoroughly and in ex-
treme detail because of the mischief it
would do to sound, economic shipping
policy.
The Milwaukee Journal recognizes this
proposal for what it is, "blatant special
Interest legislation with the very purpose
to discriminate against lake ports."
The Journal is absolutely right. Since
the St. Lawrence Seaway opened, the
Great Lakes ports have had to face the
power of coastal shipping conferences in
attempting to get a rightful share of Gov-
ernment shipping. This discrimination
has cost the Government and taxpayer
millions of dollars because negotiated
freight charges are designed to keep even
the most inefficient ship companies sol-
vent at the expense of more progressive
and economical Great Lakes shipping
facilities.
I ask unanimous consent that the edi-
torial from the September 27 issue of the
Milwaukee Journal be inserted in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
LAKE PORTS PENALIZED
The port of Milwaukee has had to struggle
ever since the seaway opened to procure the
share of government shipments that would
most economically and efficiently move
abroad through lake ports instead of coastal
ones.
One hope of progress lies in the recent de-
cision. of the defense department to avoid its
overseas shipments by competitive bidding,
insitead of negotiating rates with conferences
of American flag lines as in the past. These
conferences are dominated by coastal ship-
pers who have pretty well seen to it that the
lakes don't get the business.
The department is strongly supported in
this new policy by congress' joint economic
subcommittee on procurement, with a sizable
cut in the department's annual $400 million
shipping bill as reason enough. But now
Sen. PROXMIRE (D-Wis.) sounds the alert
again at a sly move to rule out this use of
competitive bidding by law.
A bill has been quickly introduced and
quickly maneuvered onto the senate floor for
action, he reports, that would direct the de-
partment to resume and perpetuate the old
conference negotiation method of placing its
shipments. This can make no pretense of
being anything except blatant special inter-
est legislation, with the very purpose to dis-
criminate against lake ports.
PROXMIRE has warned the majority leader
that if the bill should be called up for pas-
sage it would "require extensive and ex-
haustive debate" to make sure of killing it?
translate filibuster?and that he will have
some cohorts if needed. Not only lake ports
but all taxpayers should hope he succeeds.
TLINGIT AND HAIDA CASE MOVES
ANOTHER STEP
Mr. BARTLETT. Mr. President, on
September 12, Commissioner Saul Rich-
and Gamer, of the Court of Claims, filed
a report on the proceedings before him as
to the amount of recovery to which the
Tlingit and Haida Indians of Alaska are
entitled for lands taken from them in
southeast Alaska by the United States.
The record for these proceedings is
more than 50,000 pages long. The briefs
of counsel covered more than a thousand
pages. Mr. Gamer's findings, number-
ing 327, cover 192 pages.
Commissioner Gamer has had a dif-
ficult task. It was his job to determine
the value of virtually all of southeastern
Alaska, including timber, minerals, fish-
eries and other resources, to which the
Tlingit and Haida Indians have claimed
aboriginal or original Indian title. Al-
though the original Court of Claims deci-
sion, that the Tlingit and Haida Indians
are entitled to recovery, was handed
down in October of 1959, it is under-
standable it has taken until now to make
the evaluation which was reserved for
further proceedings when the initial de-
cision was made.
But this is not the end of this case.
Commissioner Gamer's report is only a
series of factual findings. There will
now be exceptions and answers filed by
counsel on both sides. This will be fol-
lowed by the filing of legal briefs.
Finally, there will be oral argument by
the Government and Indian attorneys
before the five-meinber Court of Claims
sitting en bane.
It will not surprise anyone familiar
with Court of Claims procedure if an-
other year goes by before a final deci-
sion is reached by the court.
Commissioner Gamer made several
findings of particular interest to those
who have been following this case. The
first of these is finding No. 315 which
is a summary of the fair market value
for the lands claimed by the Tlingits and
Haidas and damages for the minerals,
fisheries, and timber removed from the
lands and waters prior to the taking:
In summary, the" fair market value of plain-
tiffs' lands and waters, and their resources,
taken by defendant, comprising all the areas
the parties have designated as areas 1-6,
was, as of the several taking dates, $14,034,-
953.80. Damages for the value of the min-
erals, timber and fisheries taken from plain-
tiffs' lands and waters prior to such several
taking dates of areas 1-5, and which would
represent compensation to plaintiffs for the
exploitation of such lands and waters dur-
ing such pretaking periods, totaled $1,547,205.
As to area 6, such damages resulting from
such exploitation prior to June 19, 1935, of
unpatented lands (or lands prior to their
having been patented), and from, the ex-
ploitation of the fisheries of the area, totaled
$352,210.
The total of such amounts is $15,934,368.80.
The second is finding 327 which is a
summary of the value to the Indians
reads as follows:
In summary, on the basis of the evidence,
the exploitable value to plaintiffs of their
lands, waters, and resources, i.e., the amount
the Tlingit and Haida Indians could rea-
sonably have realized had they continued
to exercise full and complete possession and
control of those lands and waters of south-
west Alaska which were taken from them as
delineated in the previous proceedings, was
$1,287,200, as follows:
Placer gold fields $100, 000
Salmon fisheries 1, 000, 000
Halibut and herring fisheries 187, 200
Total 1, 287, 200
The claimants, the Tlingit and Haida
Indians of Alaska, argue that they should
be compensated in the amount of the
fair market value of the land at the time
of the taking.
The Government on the other hand
argues that the Tlingits and Haidas
should be compensated only on the
"value to the Indians" basis. This is
commonly known as the value of nuts
and berries.
It will be up to the court to determine
which basis applies to the Tlingit and
Haida case.
Mr. President we all look forward to
the conclusion of this case. It has been
more than 30 years since the Congress
enacted the first Tlingit and Haida Juris-
dictional Act. All Alaskans, especially
the Tlingits and Haidas will welcome the
final decision of the court.
THE MOTION PICTURE INDUSTRY'S
CODE
Mr. JACKSON. Mr. President, re-
cently a number of my colleagues in both
the Senate and the House submitted for
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400110002-4