MISSION TO SOUTH VIETNAM AND SOUTHEAST ASIA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090012-6
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 22
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 20, 2005
• Sequence Number: 12
• Publication Date: July 13, 1966
• Content Type: OPEN

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July 11i, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE
(Mrs. DWYER (at the request of Mr.
QUILLEN) was granted permission to ex-
tend her remarks at this point in the
RECORD and. to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
[Mrs. DWYER'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
(Mrs. DWYER (at the request of Mr.
QUILLEN) was granted permission to ex-
tend her remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
[Mrs. DWVER'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
THE HONORABLE JUDGE HOWARD
SMITH
(Mr. WATSON (at the request of Mr.
QUILLEN) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, if pres-
ent returns from the elections in Virginia
are certified, this body will lose the
serv- ices of our esteemed colleague, the gen-
tleman from Virginia, Judge HOWARD
SMITH, one of our most able, dedicated
and courageous leaders. His defeat will
result in further suffering, not only for
our beloved Southland, but for all Ameri-
cans who love the Constitution.
I am not passing Judgment on the
voters of Virginia, but the results of this
election presents ample evidence that the
Democratic Party has fallen into the
hands of the new left. Even now we
read where the liberal Democrats of the
House are plotting to prevent the gentle-
man from Mississippi, Congressman BILL
COLMER, from succeeding Judge SMrrx.
These events further convince me that
the hope for saving this Nation is to be
found in the Republican Party.
PERSONAL EXPLANATION
Mr. GILLIGAN. Mr. Speaker, on roll-
call No. 159 of July 12, 1966, I was not
recorded as voting. I was unable to be
present in the House because of official
business.
Mr. Speaker, had I been present I
would have voted "aye."
GENERAL LEAVE TO EXTEND
Mr. GALLAGHER. Mr. Speaker, I ask
unanimous consent that all Members be
permitted to revise and extend their re-
marks during the general debate today on
H.R.15750,
The SPEAKER. Is the a objection to
the request of the gentle an from New
Jersey?
There was no c /e fo .
MISSION TO SOUTH VIETNAM AND
SOUTHEAST ASIA
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr.
KBESS). Under previous order of the
House, the gentleman from North Caro-
lina [Mr. WHITENER] is recognized for
30 minutes.
No. 111-12
(Mr. WHITENER asked and was given
permission to revise and extend his
remarks and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. WHITENER. Mr. Speaker, the
mission to South Vietnam and southeast
Asia in which I participated during the
4th of July recess was one of the most
rewarding experiences of my life. I ex-
press to you, Mr. Speaker, and to the
President my appreciation for being in-
cluded in this mission of 14 Members
of the House of Representatives who
were privileged to see at firsthand the
activities of our Government in south-
east Asia in such a vivid manner.
On yesterday I commented briefly upon
this mission when the gentleman from
New York [Mr. MURPHY] gave his.report
to the Members of the House. Today
I would like to give a more detailed state-
ment of my observations and experiences
while on this grueling, but exciting,
inspection.
MISSION OF THE DELEGATION
Mr. Speaker, the mission assigned to
our delegation by the President and by
you was to make a study of the role of
the United States in the Vietnamese con-
flict. This mission was not limited to
military activity but was to include a look
at the civic action efforts being carried
on by both the military and civilian
agencies of our Government. We were
then to report to you and. the President
our findings and our recommendations.
We were under the favorable condition
of having a direction from the President
we were to that permitted to see any-
thing that we desired at any place in
South Vietnam. This resulted in the
necessity of our group dividing itself in
order that we might collectively bring
back as thorough a report as practicable
after a 9-day study of our southeast
Asian involvement. This we did.
Mr. GILLIGAN. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. WHITENER. I shall be happy to
yield to the gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. GILLIGAN. Mr. Speaker, I thank
the gentleman from North Carolina for
yielding.
Mr. Speaker, as the gentleman from
North Carolina knows, and as I believe
many Members of the House know, all
of the Members who composed this com-
mittee which went on the trip to Vietnam
and to southeast Asia were combat vet-
erans of World War II or Korea.
Mr. Speaker, I believe the Members
of the House and our distinguished col-
leagues now present should recognize
that the gentleman now occupying the
well of the House CMr. WHITENER] is a
distinguished naval officer of World War
II and that he served as a gunnery officer
and received a Navy commendation from
Secretary Knox which cited him for his
courageous initiative under fire.
Mr. Speaker, as one of many who have
been decorated in the past and who were
on this trip, the gentleman from North
Carolina distinguished himself not only
in his service during World War II and
in his service to this House of Repre-
sentatives, but in his service to the com-
mittee during our explorations of the
problems in southeast Asia.
14799
Mr. WHITENER. I thank my friend,
the gentleman from Ohio, for his com-
ments. I might say to our colleagues in
the House since the gentleman from Ohiq..
and I were both navy gunnery officers,
we did have a community of interest as
we worked together on this mission which
we felt was important, and I can say to
my colleagues there was no more val-
uable contributions made during the
entire trip than the contributions made
by the gentleman from Ohio [Mr.
GILLIGAN]. He and all of the others were
dedicated to the task and I hope and I
know that he shares the hope that the
several reports we will make will indi-
cate that we did view our mission as a
serious one and as an important one for
our country.
It was my privilege to go to the north-
ernmost sector, the I Corps area, and the
II Corps area, in addition to visiting in
Saigon and surrounding territory, in-
cluding much of the III Corps area. I
regret that I was not able to participate
in any inspection in the southerly IV
Corps area. From the reports that we
received at our briefings and discussions
we were able to get much information as
to our situation there which had not
been available to us in the past. The
IV Corps area being under the military
area of authority primarily assigned to
the forces of the Republic of Vietnam
and other free world nations, we felt we
could best spend our limited time in the
areas of the primary responsibility of
U.S. forces.
To accomplish the widespread per-
sonal observations that I and other
members of our group were able to make
required the cooperation of Ambassador
Lodge and General Westmoreland and
many others under their command. I
feel that every effort was made by those
gentlemen to assist us in accomplishing
our desired purpose, bearing in mind al-
ways the limited amount of time avail-
able to our group.
While there may have been hesitancy
at times in going along with our personal
requests as to areas of visitation, I can
assure everyone that the infrequent re-
luctance displayed by the military was
in the interest of the safety of the in-
dividual Members of Congress. When
we persisted, our requests were granted.
This resulted in our being able to ac-
tually witness combat at first hand and
to fly over areas where combat was oc-
curring. We visited remote outposts
which were manned by small numbers of
Marine, Army, and Air Force personnel.
It was only through this type of visits
that we were able to really get the feel
of the military action and an under-
standing of the morale and performance
of our men under fire.
I believe that our delegation gave
every effort to the cause of accomplish-
ing the mission assigned to it. In spite
of the long hours and the great physical
fatigue involved, no member of any
party in our delegation with whom I
was associated at any time displayed any'
lack of energy or interest in fulfilling the
role which was assigned to the delega-
tion.
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14800 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -? HOUSE
arculn T LIMITATIONS
Since this report Is being given in a
public forum It is necessary that the
recitation of many facts, figures, and
data given to us under the classification
of "top secret" not be divulged. Because
of these necessary security limitations I
apprehend that this public report may
have the appearance of being fragmen-
tary. I know that my colleagues in the
Congress are fully aware of the essen-
tiality of omitting classified material in
this report.
Notwithstanding the security limita-
tions under which I address the House,
I am hopeful that the report will be of
Interest and aid to my colleagues.
OUR AMERICAN LEADERS IN SOUTHEAST
ASIA
In each of the areas visited by us I
was deeply impressed by the ability and
dedication to duty of our military and
civilian leaders. This was true at
CINCPAC's headquarters in Hawaii,
where Adm. Ulysses S. G. Sharpe serves
as commander in chief of the Pacific with
great ability and brillance. Associated
with him is Gen. Hunter Harris, chief
of Pacific Air Command, a worthy asso-
ciate of Admiral Sharpe.
During our visit to CINCPAC we were
sorry that Admiral Sharpe's duties had
called him to another area, but we were
appreciative of the briefings arranged by
Admiral Sharpe which were led by Gen-
eral Harris and Lt. Gen. Paul S. Em-
rick, U.S. Air Force. On previous oc-
casions I have had the privilege of par-
ticipating in conversations and briefings
with Admiral Sharpe and General Harris
and have developed a keen admiration
for the service they are rendering to our
Nation. They and the officers under
their command contributed much to giv-
Ing us the broad picture of the entire
Pacific military and political situation.
This was a very worthwhile commence-
ment to our mission.
At Clarke Air Force Base, where Gen.,
James Wilson, U.S. Air Force, is com-
manding, we were very hospitably re-?
ceved for a 3-hour visit to the base, and
particularly to the base hospital. Many
of our colleagues are acquainted with
General Wilson from years past when he
was associated with the Congress in li-
aison work for the Department of the
Air Force. I can report to them that
he Is still rendering the same high type
service In his present assignment to
which the Congress became accustomed
when he worked on Capitol Hill.
The Clarke Air Force Base Hospital
is under the command of Colonel Tar-
row, U.S. Air Force, one of-the most in-
spiring medical men that It has been
my privilege to meet. Colonel Tarrow
and the other members of his fine medi-
cal and nursing staff are doing a won-
derful work as they serve our military
personnel injured In Vietnam, who are
brought to them after being removed
from that beleaguered little country.
This Is an Important function in our
military program In the Far East. They
are fulfilling their role with a degree of
excellence almost unimaginable. As we
visited the injured patients and wit-
nessed the high degree of excellence of
the medical attention they were receiv-
ing at the hands of Colonel Tarrow and
his staff we felt that America Is fortu-
nate to have such considerate and ca-
pable people to bind up the wounds of
those who have given their blood and
health in defense of freedom.
After our 3-hour visit at Clarke Air
Force Base we proceeded to Saigon.
There we met with Gen. William C.
Westmoreland, our military commander
in Vietnam, and Ambassador Henry
Cabot Lodge, two of America's great citi-
zens. It has been my privilege to be
closely acquainted with "Westy" West-
moreland for many years and any eval-
uation of him by me could be suspect
because of the partiality of friendship
were it not for the fact that there is a
unanimity of opinion an the part of the
troops, as well as the leaders of our Gov-
ernment, that this South Carolina na-
tive is one of the great military men of
all time in our Nation.
On the diplomatic front Ambassador
Lodge is giving leadership of the highest
order. His candor in discussing some
of the problems confronting the people
of South Vietnam, and the people of our
own Nation, was enlightening and re-
freshing in its forthrightness. Truly, the
United States can be proud of these two
outstanding Americans.
We met and consulted with many
other great military people of all ranks
under General Westmoreland''s com-
mand. In my case it was a privilege to
be closely associated with Lt. Gen. Lew
Walt, commanding general, III Marine
Amphibious Forces, which has the re-
sponsibility for the area known as I
Corps area of Vietnam. General Walt Is
a great military figure. As I spent many
hours with him over a 2-day period I
came to realize that he was an equally
great humanitarian.
Maj. Gen. W. B. Kyles, U.S. Marine
Corps, commanding general of the 3d
Marine Division, Is also doing a great
service for our country In the., I Corps
area of Vietnam. It was my pleasure to
share his quarters while in the Da Nang
area. Out of that association I de-
veloped an appreciation for this fine
military man.
Serving in the Da Nang area as the
leader of our Naval Forces Is Rear.
Adm. Jack Wechsler, U.S. Navy, who
gave freely of his time and effort to as-
sist the four of us who had gone to the I
Corps area for an intensive visitation.
Admiral Wechsler Is ably commanding
our Naval Forces in the area. All about
us we could see the results of his perform-
ance of duty in an exemplary manner.
Associated with each of these gentle-
men are other outstandnng military men,
whom we were privileged to meet and
talk with in great detail. I will not un-
dertake to make a detailed listing of each
of these officers and enlisted men other
than to say that, without exception, I
was greatly impressed by their knowl-
edge, devotion, and zeal in the perform-
ance of their duty.
As we moved from the I Corps area to
the II Corps area with our party of four
Members of the House, we were privi-
leged to meet Maj. Gen. S. R. "Swede"
July 13,'T966
Larsen, U.S. Army, who has 'the Army
command in the II Corps area. General
Larsen is a brilliant military commander
with a scintillating military career
through past years. It is my prediction
that his service in the Vietnam conflict
will add further luster to his already re-
markable record.
Mr. Speaker, I am sure that all will
understand that the opportunities that
we had in Vietnam included those of
meeting countless other officers and en-
listed personnel serving under the direc-
tion of the gentlemen whom I have men-
tioned heretofore. This included civilian
personnel under the direct control and
supervision of Ambassador Lodge. The
performance which they are giving in
both military and civilian pursuits under
the direction of the distinguished lead-
ers I have mentioned is one which is im-
pressive. My observation of them at
work convinces me that the reports given
by the various commanders and civilian
leaders as to the high level of morale and
performance of duty was entirely accu-
rate: It seems unfair not to mention
many of these by name. I am sure that
all will know that my failure to do so is
not an indication of any lack of appre-
ciation for the contribution which they
are making.
ITINERARY OF DELEGATION
On July 3, 1966, at Camp H. M. Smith,
Hawaii, we were given a thorough brief-
ing by Gen. Hunter Harris, U.S. Air
Force, commander of the Pacific. Air
Forces; Lt. Gen, Paul S. Emrick, U.S. Air
Force, chief of staff, CINCPAC; Gen.
John K. Waters, commander in chief,
U.S. Army, Pacific; and Adm. Roy L.
Johnson, commander in chief, U.S. Navy,
Pacific, and several officers associated
with them in that great headquarters for
all of our activities in the Pacific. The
briefings gave us the story on the role of
CINCPAC, the situation in southeast
Asia, operations, logistics, and other
areas of Interest relating to our military
forces in the Pacific theater. These
briefings, coupled with a tour of the
military facilities In Hawaii, were very
revealing and gave us a backdrop for our
continuing mission as we moved further
east.
After leaving CINCPAC we flew to
Clarke Air Force Base, the Philippines,
where Gen. James Wilson, U.S. Air Force,
commanding general; Colonel Tarrow,
commanding officer of the Clarke Air
Force Base Hospital and other medical
facilities in southeast Asia, and the of-
ficers associated with them gave us a
complete briefing on the role of Clarke
Air Force Base and the medical com-
mand in the southeast Asian situation.
While we spent only approximately
3 hours at Clarke Air Force Base, we
were privileged to visit many of the In-
jured young men hospitalized in this
great medical facility and to have an
opportunity to discuss with them their
experiences on the battlefield which re-
sulted in their sustaining injuries. This
was a very worthwhile experience,
though not pleasant to witness. We
were Impressed-with the high quality of
the medical care being given to our per-
sonnel as well as the quality of the In-
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dividuals who were ministering unto
We were then taken to the flight line
where we were privileged to interview
some of the patients who were being
evacuated by airlift from Clarke Air
Force Base to hospitals in the United
States where they could be nearer their
families. This operation was carried out
with efficiency and with full considera-
tion of the physical conditions of the
individual patients. The airlift proce-
dures being utilized for handling ambu-
latory and nonambulatory casualties of
war was impressive. As we compared
this facility with our experiences in
World War II and the Korean conflict
each of the Members of Congress in the
mission expressed pleasant surprise at
the improvements that have been made
in this important area by our military
forces since the days of our service in
time'of war.
We then flew into Saigon, Vietnam,
where we were welcomed by Ambassador
Lodge and military personnel from the
headquarters of our American forces in
Vietnam.
Here we were giver{ morning briefings
by Ambassador Lodge and the key civil-
ian personnel in the U.S. Embassy in
Saigon. These briefings included back-
drop information on the history of the
Vietnam situation, its development, and
current status. These briefings em-
braced discussions of the economic, mili-
tary, political, and social conditions
existing in the past and. present and
with suggestions as to the possible course
in the future.
Briefly stated, we were told that our
forces are now better organized mili-
tarily and that great gains are being
made in ' social, political, and economic
reform. Reconstruction in villages has
moved along well under the joint guid-
ance of civilian and military representa-
tives of our Nation in that war-torn
country.
We were also told of the terroristic tac-
tics being used by the Vietcong and the
forces of North Vietnam, particularly
their active program of slaying officials
of villages, hamlets, and Provinces for
the purpose of terrorizing the average
citizens of the community.
It was heartening to hear from the lips
of these leaders that in their opinion the
Congress has provided all that has been
needed to do the job that is necessary to
be done in Vietnam, and we were assured
that our representatives there were doing
their very best to utilize these resources
effectively.
In the utilization of these resources we
were given information as to construc-
tion projects, including building new sea-
ports, marshaling the necessary logistics
and materiel support for anticipated
military requirements, the development
of pacification programs and civil action
efforts, all of which seemed to bear equal
importance in the minds of our Ameri-
can leadership.
As a result of this proper and wise
utilization of the resources provided for
the Vietnamese conflict we were assured
that the situation is looking up and be-
coming more favorable each day as far
as military victory and civil action pro-
grams are concerned. Another effect of
this utilization of resources provided by
the Congress has been an increase in the
manpower and materials of war. With
these added resources we were told that
there has been a heightening of confi-
dence on the part of the South Vietnam
friendly forces and a corresponding in-
crease in the number of defections by
the Vietcong and North Vietnamese
fighting men to our side.
We were further assured that it is the
opinion of our top personnel that the
projected general election on September
11, 1966, will be held and that it is the
present desire of Prime Minister Ky that
his administration have these elections
conducted fairly and honestly.
The evaluation placed upon Prime
Minister Ky was that he was a dedicated
advocate of freedom and an unflinching
opponent of communism. While he is a
young man with a limited political back-
ground and a predominantly military ex-
perience, he appears to be a strong leader
and is dedicated to military victory and
to a better life for the people of his na-
tion. His cooperation has greatly ad-
vanced the pacification program in the
various hamlets, villages, and privinces,
and his cooperation with our civic action
programs has been a display of team-
work which deserves the plaudits of his
people.
Ambassador William J. Porter, top as-
sistant to Ambassador Lodge, expressed
the view that the degree of cooperation
between the administration of Prime
Minister Ky and the allied civilian and
military leaders has been of the highest
order. It was his feeling that through
the pacification programs which are car-
ried on in a direct way by the Vietnamese
Government, as well as efforts to train
local police forces and the participation
of many medical experts from the free
world in a voluntary medical program is
working very effectively in Vietnam.
Their activity will bring many benefits
as we jointly try to build a future for the
people of Vietnam.
The AID director in Vietnam, Charles
Mann, pointed out that the program of
his Agency was the largest and most
complete undertaking by AID in any
country in the history of that program.
Some of the goals sought by this pro-
gram, according to Mr. Mann, are the
building of a stable Vietnamese economy
as soon as possible, to support and
strengthen the Vietnamese Government
and establish viability in that field, and
to promote a program of building of in-
stitutions such as agricultural research,
schools, public works, electric and water
systems, ports, and many other needed
facilities. He suggested that in his opin-
ion the degree of cooperation between
the military and civilian government
had reached a point not heretofore seen
in that country.
.Another effort of the AID program is to
assist in training of local and provincial
leaders, including police and communi-
cations officials, as well as public office-
holders. In this program our AID people
are working with representatives of Aus-
tralia and Great Britain in trying to
bring about the organization of an effec-
tive police force.
14801
The AID program is also concerning
itself with the establishment of a major
electric powerplant, as well as rural elec-
tric plants at several sites. This phase of
the program also includes road and port
facility construction which is essential
to the future economic stability of, the
country.
AID also has a public health program,
which involves the use of both civilian
and medical teams. They seek to develop
teams of 17 members; with 3 medical
doctors and a corps of technicians.
Twenty of these teams are capable of
performing surgery and providing spe-
cialized medical treatment. In addition
to the medical teams, this program in-
volves large hospital renovation proj-
ects in 13 Provinces and a broad-based
preventive medicine program which in-
cludes prenatal care, malaria control,
and the elimination or reduction of com-
municable diseases.
We were further advised that under
the refugee program of AID there are ap-
proximately 1 million refugees in South
Vietnam today who have been provided
with care under the auspices of the Viet-
namese Government with the coopera-
tion of our Government. The AID mis-
sion is providing buildings, supplies, food,
and other commodities necessary to
establish and operate refugee shelters.
We were given a detailed statement
of the important agricultural extension
services and research projects which
have been instituted by AID and the
Vietnamese Government. It is felt that
this will bring about an increased pro-
duction of agricultural products. It will
also aid in developing much-needed
know-how in the future. This know-
how is essential if the Vietnamese agri-
cultural economy is to be adequate to
provide the basic food and fiber needs of
its people.
We were advised that under the AID
program buildings for school purposes
are being promoted with the cooperation
of the Government of Vietnam. This
additional venture involves the provision
of classrooms, textbooks, and institutions
of higher learning and vocational
schools. These are essential as a part of
the necessary civil action program if
Vietnam is to subsist at the conclusion of
hostilities at some future time. It has
been noteworthy, we were told, that
much of this educational program is be-
ing accomplished on a self-help basis
with full cooperation on the part of
many of the Provincial, village, and
hamlet leaders under the encouragement
of the Central Government of Vietnam.
During the afternoon we were trans-
ported to the headquarters MACV-Mili-
tary Assistance Command, Vietnam-
where General Westmoreland led a brief-
ing. A full disclosure of the mission and
activities of our military forces and those
of the Government of Vietnam was made
by General Westmoreland and the other
briefing officers.
Logistics problems and their solution,
combat methods and results, political
and social conditions within Vietnam,
civic action efforts and results, morale of
our forces and the Vietnam military men
and civilians, and numerous other sub-
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14802 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD .-HOUSE July 1J_,'2'96,6
One of the most solid benefits of this
briefing and the ensuing question-and-
answer period was that it gave to each
of us the broad picture prior to our mak-
ing local inspections. We were, there-
fore, enabled to more fully appreciate
the importance of the role of the individ-
ual units and commands that we were
to later visit in the mosaic of the total
effort our forces are making for freedom
in Vietnam.
This occasion also gave us an oppor-
tunity to meet and consult with the top
staff people in General Westmoreland's
headquarters. They made a most favor-
able impression as individual officers of
the several U.S. military services work-
ing together as a team for the cause to
which our Nation is committed.
Congressmen CORMAN, CARTER, GUR-
NEY, and I then took leave of the other
members of our mission and were flown
to the headquarters of the III Ma-
rine Amphibious Forces near Da Nang.
There we were briefed by Lt. Gen. Lew
Walt, U.S. Marine Corps commanding
general, III Marine Amphibious Forces,
and several officers serving with him in
that command.
General Walt and his officers ex-
pressed the view that more progress has
been made in the past month in mili-
tary and civic action efforts than they
had experienced in any previous 3-
month period since our troops were
committed to Vietnam. They pointed
out that cooperation with province offi-
cials in the I Corps area had reached a
new high and that in their opinion this
resulted from a greater feeling of se-
curity on the part of the Province, vil-
lage, and hamlet officials because of the
presence of the American forces in their
area. They gave us full information as
to the background and location of enemy
and friendly forces in the area, as well as
detailed information as to military oper-
ations which they had experienced. In
this outline we were shown the current
deployment of enemy and friendly forces
in their area of responsibility in a very
vivid and impressive manner.
After this preliminary briefing we
were taken by' helicopter to the An Hoa
area, where two Vietnamese engineers
gave us a tour of a burgeoning industrial
development. This project is being
carried on by a corporation jointly fi-
nanced by the Governments of Vietnam,
West Germany, France, and the United
States. The corporation contemplates
the erection of ail electric generating
plant, a water control plant, a fertilizer
manufacturing facility, and a small steel
mill. Due to the presence of coal and a
large iron ore deposit this area was se-
lected for the proposed $52 million in-
dustrial development.
sons.
in connection with this industrial de-
velopment project there has been estab-
lished a school for 300 children of em-
ployees, together with a technical school.
A high school is contemplated for next
school year and a much-needed :hospital
will be constructed to serve the company
personnel, as well as residents of the Da
Nang area.
It was very gratifying to hear these
outstanding Vietnamese engineers ex-
press their appreciation for the presence
of American troops in the Da Nang area,
saying that the presence of these troops
has greatly expedited the construction
progress of this important industrial
facility.
I thought it was significant that under
the leadership of these two gentlemen all
employees of the industrial complex are
trained on the job, and many of these
young men and women are learning such
crafts as draftsmanship and extremely
technical subjects.
We then left An Hoa for a visit to a
Combined Action Company-CAC-east
of Da Nang. Under the CAC program 12
marines and 36 Vietnamese local or
Province force members make up a unit.
Our marines train the Vietnamese who
are in the service of their own Govern-
ment and are paid from the treasury of
the Government of Vietnam. They live
and work in the same compound and will
do so until the Vietnamese members of
the company are ready to assume the full
responsibility of their operations.
From this CAC unit we made a heli-
copter tour of the area of responsibility
of the 3d Marine Division, accompanied
by Maj. Gen. W. B. Kyles, commanding
general, 3d Marine Division. This heli-
copter flight took us over many villages
and hamlets, including areas in which
hostile action was occurring as we flew
over. The areas of previous military
actions were pointed out to us, as were
suspected locations of Vietcong units and
units of our own military services.
This tour ended at Hoa Khan.h Chil-
dren's Hospital, which is operated on a
volunteer basis by members of the 1st
battalion, 3d Marines. This small unit
was built by our marines on a voluntary
basis. Corpsmen became carpenters and
constructed cribs and storage space.
Two young Vietnamese women were
hired at the expense of the individual
marines to do nursing, laundry, and min-
ister to the children. This facility was
opened on December 26, 1965, and has
resulted in the treatment of hundreds of
children of the area suffering a wide va-
riety of diseases, such as scabies, bubonic
plague, malnutrition, malaria, pneumo-
nia, and other diseases. The hospital
not only treats patients who are brought
to it.
These humanitarian men of the Ma-
These gentlemen spoke very hopefully rive Corps hold a daily sick call for per-
of the proposed project and expressed sons of all ages in the area in which the
the view that its completion would be of hospital is located. The opportunity to
intestimable value economically and visit this primitive, but effective, hospi-
psychologically since it would show the tat, manned by skilled Marine arld Navy
Communists what free people can do in medical officers and volunteer military
the field of economic development. Al- enlisted men, was another experience
ready this project is providing employ- which increases one's pride in the mili-
ment for 900 Vietnamese citizens and tary men. of America.
After leaving the hospital we then
made a helicopter flight to the command
post of the 2d battalion, 3d Marines, at
Dai Loc, where the battalion commander,
Lieutenant Colonel Horns, U.S. Marine
Corps, gave us a complete orientation as
to the role of his battalion, which at the
time, was engaged in contact with the
enemy a short distance from the com-
mand post.
Upon leaving Dai Loc we then flew by
helicopter to hill 55 where we visited an
infantry unit of the 9th Marines under
the command of Major Blaz, U.S. Ma-
rine Corps. We were given an orienta-
tion discussion, as well as a report of
action by this unit during the past 24
hours. Here again the marines of this
Infantry unit were in contact with the
enemy within a short distance of hill
55.
We then departed hill 55 and flew to
Chu Lai, where Colonel Brown, U.S. Ma-
rine Corps, and Major Moore, U.S. Ma-
rine Corps, gave us an orientation dis-
cussion similar to that which we bad had
at the other Marine units that we had
visited at hill 55, Dai Loc, and other
places. It was in this village that we
saw another Combined Action Company
(CAC) and witnessed one of the classes
being conducted by the Marine officers
and enlisted personnel with a group of
local Vietnamese men. We found the
morale of this unit to be on the same
high level as we had found with our
own forces. As we departed a young
American Marine lieutenant advised us
that some of his Vietnamese men had
located a unit of Vietcong approximately
2 miles from Chu Lai and that as soon
as darkness came they planned to go out
and launch an attack against this Viet-
cong group.
On the same evening Lieutenant Gen-
eral Walt, Rear Admiral Wechsler, Con-
gressmen CORMAN, CARTER, GURNEY, and I
visited the U.S. Naval Hospital at Da
Nang. There we visited with the injured
personnel hospitalized in this new and
excellent facility under the command of
Captain Spencer of the Medical Corps
of the U.S. Navy. We were given the
privilege of presenting Purple Heart
Medals to a number of men who been
injured in action. This new hospital is
serving a very great need and is offering
to our wounded the highest quality of
medical treatment.
Upon leaving the naval hospital Ad-
miral Wechsler and AID representatives
Gordon and Burgess drove us to the U.S.
AID hospital at Da Nang. This hospital
facility was filled and overflowing with
Vietnamese civilians of all ages who had
suffered casualties as a result of the war
activity. The variety of injuries was
myriad in nature, and the horrors of the
war to a civilian population were vividly
illustrated to us as we walked through
the wards and halls.
The AID representatives told us that
in addition to local medical men this
hospital has been the recipient of much
assistance from volunteer medical doctors
of the United States. They expressed
commendation for the American Medical
Association and the individual physicians
who have made such a great contribution
to the people of Vietnam through their
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July , 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
voluntary and gratuitous services to the
casualties who have been hospitalized in
this facility since its opening.
At 6 a.m. the following morning our
party again boarded a helicopter, landed
at an airstrip, and then proceeded by
airplane to An Khe, where we visited the
command post of the 1st Cavalry Divi-
sion. As we entered this command post,
artillery fire was being executed by the
men of the 1st Cavalry Division and con-
tinued for an appreciable period of time
during our visit. Col. George S. Beatty,
U:S. Army, chief of staff of the division,
and other officers gave us a complete
briefing as to the activities that had oc-
curred with that division and in the area
of its responsibility.
They pointed out that the enemy had
a strength of approximately 16,000 men
within the area of responsibility of the
1st Cavalry Division and that this divi-
sion operates over a wide area from the
China Sea a distance of approximately
200 kilometers and a similar area from
north to south. The division has ac-
counted for capturing 1,182 prisoners of
war, captured great quantities of rice
and medical supplies from the Vietcong,
and have killed approximately 5,000 of
the enemy during their operations.
Notwithstanding the fact that the
enemy has shelled the camp on many
occasions we found that the morale in
the division was at a high level and that
the new concepts of military action em-
ployed by this division has proven to be
most effective in combating the enemy.
We were told of the civic action program,
the information approach of the Vietna-
mese, the amount of food dispensed by
the division to the Vietnamese, and of
the excellent joint operations between
the 1st Cavalry Division and the Viet-
namese military forces.
We then left the command post by
helicopter and flew to Hong Kong Hill
and to other small units of the 1st Cav-
alry Division where we witnessed the
performance of the officers and men of
the division. It was apparent to me that
this division was highly skilled, zealous
in the accomplishment of its mission,
and contributing mightily to the military
and civic action progress being made by
our forces in Vietnam.
From An Khe we flew to Nha Trang,
where we visited the headquarters of
Maj. Gen. S. R. Larsen, U.S. Army, U.S.
Army commander in the II Corps area.
General Larsen and his associates pro-
vided us with a tour of the area and gave
us an excellent discussion of the activity
which has transpired in recent months
in the II Corps area, including the effec-
tive work of the 1st Calvary Division.
He expressed the view that from a
military ai'id civic action standpoint
things look a little bit better every
month. He further suggested t';iat the
criticisms with reference to the supply of
ammunition for our troops were not well
founded as far as he had observed and
stated that his units had never been
short of any type of ammunition at any
time that they needed it.
General Larsen further pointed out
that due to the military progress that
the allied forces have made in recent
months the Vietnam; cc e'vilians are now
providing much valuable information
which was not obtainable prior _to the
buildup of our forces in Vietnam. He
further expressed complete approval of
the decisions made by higher authority
and stated that we were fighting the
smartest war psychologically and mili-
tarily that our country has engaged in
during his lifetime.
Significantly, General Larsen stated
that: "Our men are shaping up better
than any men ever committed to military
conflict by the United States."
After completing our assignment at
Nha Trang we then returned by aircraft
to Saigon, where we rejoined the remain-
ing members of the delegation.
On the following morning at 8:00 a.m.
we departed Saigon by U. S. Army air-
craft for Song Be for a visit with a de-
tachment of U.S. Army special forces in
the Phouc Long Province. This unit was
under the command of Lt. Col. Jay B.
Durst, U.S. Army. The unit immediate-
ly impressed me with its readiness and
ability even though situated in an area
infested by the enemy. Colonel Durst
then escorted us to the headquarters of
the Province where the Province chief
briefed us on the conditions in his area.
He expressed the appreciation of his peo-
ple for the assistance which our forces
were giving in the battle against commu-
nism. His attitude for the future was
one of optimism and hope for a brighter
tomorrow for the people of his Province.
We were then taken by Colonel Durst
and his men to visit a tribe of Montag-
nard people in a small tribal village in
Song Be. After crossing the river in
small boats we were greeted ceremonious-
ly by a primitive musical band of the
village and then guided to the center of
the village for a further visit. The tribal
chief extended greetings through an in-
terpreter and expressed his appreciation
for the presence of the men of the Army
special forces. Here we were shown some
of the tangible results of the special
forces civic action efforts. Most signifi-
cant, I felt, was the evidence of the effec-
tive work by these U.S. Army men in the
form of the spirit of friendship directed
toward them by the people of this par-
ticular primitive tribe.
We then left the Montagnard village
for a tour of the limited secure area
surrounding it. We then reboarded our
aircraft for the return flight to Saigon.
That evening-Saturday-we had our
final visit with General Westmoreland,
Ambassador Lodge, and principal civilian
officials and military commanders in the
Saigon area at the residence of General
Westmoreland. In an informal ex-
change of views we as individuals con-
veyed to Ambassador Lodge and General
Westmoreland the impressions that we
had derived from our several visitations
and inspections.
The following morning we departed
Saigon for Bangkok, Thailand, where we
arrived at 4:45 p.m. In the absence of
Ambassador Graham Martin, who is on
home leave, a splendid briefing was.con-
ducted by Mr. Fluker, Charge de'Affaires
of the U.S. Embassy. The situation of
Thailand, its economy, military status,
and other material facts were conveyed
to us by Mr. Fluker ?.nd several other
members of his Embassy staff.
Maj. Gen. Richard Stilwell, U.S. Army,
commanding general, MACTHAI, also
gave us an excellent report on the status
of U.S. military forces, as well as Thai-
land military forces deployed in Thai-
land. Included in his statement was a
recitation of some of the plans for the
future that our military forces have in
Thailand and a portrayal of the impor-
tance of the splendid relations that we
have consistently had with the Govern-
ment of Thailand as we jointly under-
take to preserve freedom in southeast
Asia.
At midday on July 10 we departed
Bangkok for Taipei, Taiwan, arriving
there at approximately 6:00 p.m. At
7:45 a.m. on Monday morning we went
to the United States-Thailand defense
command headquarters, where we were
briefed by Vice Adm. William E. Gent-
ner, Jr., commander, USTDC, and two
other officers.
Admiral Gentner impresses me as a
dedicated Naval officer who is fulfilling
in a commendable fashion a very impor-
tant role of our Government.
? The briefing at USTDC included a
statement of the role of our forces at
Taiwan, the cooperation we are receiving
from the Republic of China, and data,
with reference to the military strength
and capabilities of the Red Chinese Gov-
ernment. The briefing reemphasized in
my mind the importance of our con-
tinued cooperation with the Government
of the Republic of China and the mag-
nificence of the cooperation that we have
consistently had from that Government
and its military forces.
Following the USTDC briefing our
group departed for the Executive Yuan
for a meeting with the Honorable C. K.
Yen, Vice President of the Republic of
China. Vice President Yen in a very
forthright manner outlined his thoughts
as to the future in the relationship be-
tween our Government and his Govern-
ment, as well as the absolute necessity
that we stand together in our opposition
to further aggression by the Red Chinese.
We then proceeded from the Executive
Yuan to the residence of the President of
the Republic of China, Generalissimo
Chiang Kai-shek. The President re-
ceived us graciously. He was very forth-
right in his discussion of the mutual
problems of our Nation and his nation.
He expressed a keen desire to have our
views on several matters of international
relations and frequently addressed ques-
tions to members of our group. It was
my feeling that this was a most produc-
tive audience. I believe that the mem-
bers of our congressional mission clearly
stated the position of our Government in
its relationship with the Government of
the Republic of China.
We then departed the residence of the
President for the residence of Ambassa-
dor William Walter McConnaughy for a
buffet luncheon and briefing. Ambassa-
dor McConnaughy and his associates in
the U.S. Embassy in a" concise and suc-
cinct manner conveyed to us many
salient facts with reference to our situa-
tion as far as the Government of the
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Republic, of China was concerned. We
then departed Taipei at 1 P.M. for the
return to Andrews Air Force Base, Md.
ARRIVAL IN WASHINGTON
Upon our arrival at Andrews Air Force
Base we were advised that the President
and .Speaker MCCOR.MACB were awaiting
our arrival at the White House. They
desired that we give a full report and
expression of our individual views on
the state of the war in Vietnam, as well
as conditions in the Far East. Upon
arrival at the White House President
Johnson and Speaker MCCORMACx
greeted us in the Cabinet Room where
the President asked each individual
member of the delegation for a verbal
report and any recommendations that
he might have. Each of us made such
report and recommendations as we felt
proper.
Following an hour and thirty-five
minute session with the President and
Speaker, a press conference was held in
the White House at which time each of
the members of the delegation made a
statement to the press and answered the
questions propounded to them.
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
First. It is beyond question that polit-
ical problems in Vietnam have been
burdensome in the overall picture of our
aims for freedom for the Vietnamese
people. These political problems, how-
ever, have not in my opinion, been over-
coming to our position and to the pros-
pects for the building of a strong and
viable government in that country,.
Second. I do not believe that it can
be questioned that we are engaged in a
venture which involves both military and
civic action to an equal degree. Vietnam
will not have a strong and effective gov-
ernment until a spirit of nationalism, as
contrasted with the existing orientation
to province, hamlet, or village has been
developed. A complete military victory
without a, corresponding victory over the
present handicaps of lack of civic and
national consciousness will be unproduc-
tive In my opinion.
Third. The present Government of
Vietnam under the leadership of Prime
Minister Ky seems to be more stable and
reliable than was true several months
ago. It is my feeling that If the pro-
jected elections on September 11, 1966,
retain strong leadership oriented toward
the democratic way of life that the
people of Vietnam will rally even more
strongly to the side of freedom.
Fourth. The Vietnamese forces have
been engaged in many years of war. The
manifestations of fatigue are reported
by all responsible military and civilian
officials of the United States with whom
we talked. This condition is one which
is inescapable and apparently irremedial.
It is my feeling that the increased num-
ber of U.S. troops in Vietnam will have
the effect of relieving some of the pres-
sure on the Vietnamese forces and that
the fatigue which has been observed may
be somewhat abated as pressure sub-
sides.
Fifth. The civilian and military lead-
ership now being provided by the United
States in the personages of General
Westmoreland and Ambasador Lodge
and their associates is of the highest pos-
sible quality. It is my belief that this
leadership has resulted in great measure
in a much improved situation for the
forces of freedom in Vietnam and will
ultimately deal a mortal blow to the
forces of North Vietnam and the Viet-
cong.,
Sixth. The civic action programs of
our military and civilian forces have
made a favorable impact upon the people
of Vietnam, including those who here-
tofore have seemed to be inclined to-
ward the side of the Vietcong and the
North Vietnamese. In my judgment this
program has not attained the magnitude
which it must attain if we are to win the
ultimate goal of a strong and effective
government of the people in the Repub-
lic of Vietnam after military hostilities
have been concluded.
Seventh. It is apparent to me that one
of the major problems today in Viet-
nam is the localized attitude of the citi-
zens of the villages, hamlets, and Prov-
inces. They seem to have no sense of
loyalty to Vietnam as a nation. It is
my opinion that immediate steps should
be taken under the direction. of the U.S.
Information Agency and other appropri-
ate Government agencies to promote an
accelerated program toward developing
a pride in their nation in the minds of
the people of Vietnam. I believe that
this can be accomplished through many
unsophisticated approaches which will
get through to the people of Vietnam
without great difficulty, even though it
may take an appreciable period of time.
Eighth. We are faced with a clear
problem of difficulty in communicating
the message of, freedom directly to the
rank and file of the people scattered
throughout Vietnam. This presents a
problem which seems acute. I am
hopeful that members of the U.S. Infor-
mation Agency, Central Intelligence
Agency, and other appropriate Govern-
ment agencies can develop a more
widespread program of Government-to-
people communication in order that the
message of freedom might be indelibly
carved in the minds of the rank and file
of Vietnam.
Ninth. The voluntary medical and
civic action programs now being carried
on by charitable and religious organiza-
tions, by individual members of the mili-
tary units, by volunteer physicians from
the United States, and others have been
most fruitful. It is my belief that this
program should be encouraged by our
Government since it seems to be the
most direct way to tangibly evidence the
desire of the United States and. the Gov-
ernment of Vietnam to be of help and
assistance to the people of that country.
Tenth. The war in Vietnam has defi-
nitely taken a turn in favor of the allied
forces in a rather remarkably way in
recent months. The destruction of the
oil supplies in the vicinity of Haiphong
and Hanoi in recent weeks has had a
very salutary effect upon our own fight-
ing men and the civilian population of
Vietnam who support their Government.
At the same time it has had a devastat-
ing effect upon the morale of the Viet-
cong and the North Vietnamese who now
J'uly1_3, "1966
combat us In South Vietnam. It is my
belief that continued pressure upon the
sources of supply, electric generating fa-
cilities, and transportation media will
hasten the day of military victory.
Eleventh. The efforts of the U.S. Gov-
ernment to seek an honorable settlement
of the conflict in Vietnam through more
than 200 contacts through intermediaries
have been commendable and praise-
worthy efforts. It is my belief that the
people of Vietnam and others in south-
east Asia now know that our desire f;
for peace, and not for war. I believe that
we should continue our efforts for sucl:
an honorable settlement. Pending sue],
honorable settlement, we should not In
any way diminish our military capacity
or military efforts.
Twelfth. No one can predict the pe-
riod of time that our forces will be en-
gaged in the Vietnamese conflict. It is
my belief that there is reason. for op-
timism and that we will within a reason-
able time attain a military victory. The
prognosis at this time, however, based
upon all intelligence given to our mis-
sion, would indicate that we cannot con-
template such a conclusion of hostilities
In the near future. There is no doubt
that the unfortunate conduct of many
groups and individuals in the United
States has contributed greatly to worsen-
ing of our situation in Vietnam. This
conduct has not appeared to be harmful
to the morale of our own military person-
nel, but it has given aid and comfort
to our enemy. It is my belief that we
should in some way intensify our efforts
to convey to those who have engaged in
such activities and public statements as
may have encouraged the enemy and
caused him to misjudge the will of the
United States to desist from such con-
duct in the future. This plea should be
made to persons in and out of Govern-
Thirteenth. Our military personnel in
Vietnam, ably supported by U.S. civil-
ians, are generally fulfilling their mission
in Vietnam in a manner which is a great
credit to them and their country'. It is
my belief that we should at all times con-
vey to them and to their families the ap-
preciation of a grateful nation for the
role they are playing in the preservation
of freedom and in combating the ideol-
ogy of communism.
(Mr. WHITENER asked and was giver
permission to revise and extend hi;
remarks.)
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Unde
a previous order of the House, the gen
tleman from Massachusetts [Mr. KEITH
is recognized for 60 minutes.
[Mr. KEITH addressed the Hous,
His remarks will appear in the Af
pendix.]
SOUND AND LIGHT FOR THE
CAPITOL
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Undc
a previous order of the House, the gentlh
man from New York [Mr. HALPER.N]
recognized for 5 minutes.
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Julti,/-1, `I966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 14805
:Mr.' HALPERN. Mr. Speaker, I was
privileged- to join our distinguished
colleague from Wisconsin [Mr. REVSS]
in cosponsoring his fine resolution to
provide for a program of historical
drama on the Capitol Grounds.
It seems to me that this would be a
grand vehicle in re-creating the great
historical events of American history.
With powerful lights, paired with sound
tracks of music, voices, and special ef-
fects; great spectacles dramatizing the
.history of the Capitol can be re-created
for American patriots. "Son et lumiere"
as named by a French architect, Paul
Robert-Houdin, originated after World
War I. Since then, this process of sound
and light has been used successfully all
over the world.
Frederick March staged an impressive
show on the tale of "The American Bell"
at Independence Hall in June of 1964.
To the delight of the ear, band music
swelled as sounds of builders labored and
ropes and pulleys strained.
Such a program conducted on the
Capitol Grounds will be the concern of
a commission established to organize and
manage these "son et lumiere" historical
events. With the aid of historians,
artists, writers, choral groups, military
bands and the National Council on the
Arts; an outstanding presentation can
be produced. Few technicians are need-
ed to set up the loud speakers and lights
in addition to only one technician needed
to operate the control mechanism. A
relatively low costing drama can be
staged several times a week from late
spring to early fall open free to the
public.
The Capitol is ideal for such historical
narration and recreation. It is a build-
ing that symbolizes our Nation in which
the history of our country is entwined
in William Thornton's architectural
achievements. Congress has met at the
Capitol since 1800 therefore forming the
perfect setting to present the convening
of the first session in Washington or the
first address to a joint session of Con-
gress by President John Adams. Fur-
thermore, the Supreme Court met at this
famous site for 134 years. An effective
program can reenact the Dred Scott deci-
sion and the great McCulloch against
Maryland controversy.
The Capitol has seen most all of our
Chief Executives inaugurated, creating
an ideal spot for Lincoln's first Inaugural
address. The noisy gaslight celebration
of the news of the fall of Richmond can
be coupled with cannon fire followed by
soft solemn music of Lincoln lying in
state. Son et lumiere can also create
sounds of claps of thunder, capturing the
passion flying during the Clay-Calhoun-
Webster debates of the 1850's. The
clamor of the conversion of the Capitol
into a barracks, hospital, bakery, and
storehouse during the Civil War can
stimulate minds.
Nineteen Presidents recall their terms
in Congress at the Capitol before enter-
ing the Presidency, allowing narrators
an opportunity to echo Woodrow Wil-
son's declaration to Congress that the
"world must be made safe for demo-
cracy" or F.D.R.'s historic message to
Congress on December 7, 1941..
As done at the Cathedral of. Notre
Dame in Paris and the Acropolis in
Athens, son et lumiere can produce a
spectacular array of entertainment for
anxious spectators.
Mr. Speaker, I fervently hope that the
House Committee on Administration,
where these resolutions have been re-
ferred, will act favorably to speed ap-
proval of this plan for the Nation's
Capitol.
VIETCONG AID FROM INSIDE THE
UNITED STATES SHOULD BE
STOPPED
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under
a previous order of the House, the gen-
tleman from Ohio [Mr. ASHBRooi ] is rec-
ognized for 10 minutes.
Mr. ASHBROOK. Mr. Speaker, there
is one aspect of the war in Vietnam
which both perplexes and enrages loyal
American citizens: While American sol-
diers give their lives to help the people of
South Vietnam in their fight for freedom
against the Vietcong, other American cit-
izens are actively assisting the same Viet-
cong in their program of terror. Each
time an American soldier's death no-
tice appears in the press, the incongruity
and utter insanity of the situation is fur-
ther emphasized. The question is asked
over and over: "How can these traitors
aid and abet the enemy with impunity?"
The explanation of course lies in the
fact that a declaration of war has not
been made by the United States against
the Vietcong and the North Vietnamese.
If we were formally at war with the en-
emy, these so-called Americans would be
behind bars overnight. However, I am
sure that the majority of our citizens be-
lieve that the absence of a technical dec-
laration of war should not permit Amer-
ican citizens to assist the Vietcong in
wounding and killing fellow Americans.
To correct this glaring oversight in our
prosecution of the war against the Viet-
cong, I have Introduced legislation which
would punish those who give money,
property, or things to any hostile foreign
power acting In opposition to the Armed
Forces of the United States. This legis-
lation would also make the obstruction
of the movement of military personnel or
transportation a punishable offense.
A review of some recent incidents con-
nected with the anti-Vietnam protestors
in the past few months illustrates why
there is a crying need for legislation of
this type.
Attempts have been made to solicit
donations of money and blood for the
Vietcong, and actual remittances of
money have been blocked by the Treasury
Department because of Federal regula-
tions prohibiting unlicensed remittances
to the Vietcong and related organiza-
tions.
In October of last year efforts were
made in Oakland, Calif., to prevent the
passage of troop trains and railroad cars
carrying military supplies to the docks
for transshipment to southeast Asia.
Radio tapes made in the United States
addressed to the American troops in
South Vietnam have been forwarded in-
directly to Hanoi for broadcasting to our
-troops. The theme of these messages
stressed opposition to the U.S. military
efforts on behalf of the Vietnamese
people and encourage the American
soldiers to lay down their arms and re-
fuse to fight. An excerpt from one such
tape, as reported in the press, stated:
We're not asking you to shoot your com-
manding officer or sergeant in the back yet-
not at this time.
These are but a few of the forms of
protest which have outraged the sensi-
bilities of loyal Americans. In Septem-
ber of last year I introduced H.R. 10818
to prohibit the making of certain
threatening and abusive communications
to members of the Armed Forces and
their families. This proposal was made
necessary by incidents in which wives
and relatives of soldiers killed in Vietnam
received abusive phone calls from callers
opposing the war in Vietnam. A more
vicious form of protest can hardly be
imagined.
Another excess in which the Vietnam
protestors participated involved the des-
ecration of the flag. At Purdue Univer-
sity and in a New York City off-Broad-
way theater, the American flag was held
up to ridicule and abused. These inci-
dents called to the attention of Congress
the absence of a Federal statute to cover
this offense. Accordingly, along with
other Members of Congress, I introduced
legislation, H.R. 14476, to punish similar
future offenses.
One thing is certain: In the minds of
most Americans, a force which has killed
and wounded thousands of American
boys is rightfully classified as the en-
emy-whether a declaration of war has
been promulgated or not. And those who
owe. allegiance to this Nation and still
persist in aiding and abetting this enemy
should be dealt with swiftly and force-
fully.
(Mr. LONG of Maryland (at the re-
quest of Mr. REEs) was granted permis-
sion to extend his remarks at this point
in the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
[Mr. LONG of Maryland's remarks
will appear hereafter in the Appendix.]
(Mr. BLATNIK (at the request of Mr.
REES) was granted permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the RECORD
and to include extraneous matter.)
[Mr. BLATNIK'S remarks will appear
hereafter In the Appendix.)
ADDRESS BY CONGRESSMAN JOHN
BRADEMAS AT ST. MARY'S DOMIN-
ICAN COLLEGE COMMENCEMENT
EXERCISES
(Mr. BOGGS (at the request of Mr.
REEs) was granted permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the RECORD
and to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. BOGGS. Mr. Speaker, it is in-
deed a pleasure for me to commend to you
a very fine speech given by the gentle-
man from Indiana, Congressman JornN
BRADEMAS, on the occasion of the 57th
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6019GRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE July " 33- 1966
commencement exercises of St. Mary's Nov, however, there are more than 26 charity which, by combining In a fitting
Dominican College on May 22, 1966, in million women working In America, manner the precepts and
my home city of New Orleans. One of every three American workers Is a love, p p practice of mutual
JOHN BRADEMAS Very eloquently sets woman, and almost three out of five of this twofold Commandm nt owonderful he e-
forth the vital role in public service at all where-
those are married. in is contained the full social teaching and
levels the
government which American Eight or nine out of ten girls today will be action of the Catholic Church."
women of play rnme t wh chl play more gainfully employed at some time during Throughout the encyclical Pope John in-
do -and their
extensively in the future. He cites as ex- The change in opportunities for women is and upon this basic theme: that every man
and every woman, whether clergy or lay,
amples the vast opportunities for public nowhere more evident than in government. should approach the problems of modern
service in the Peace Corps, in the Vol- Women have come to assume Important civilization-some of which are unique in
unteers in Service to America, and the positions throughout the government. At man's history-with a truly Christian vision
National Teacher Corps, and urges the the national level, women occupy some 130 of the prime importance of charity, justice
young ladies c the 1966 graduating, class jobs filled by executive or Presidential ap- and human dignity.
pointment; in state government, there are To me one of the most striking character-
of Dominican College to enter public 394 women state legislators and 45 women istics of the encyclicals of both Pope John
service as the most rewarding type of In statewide elective offices. And I need go and Pope Paul is that they are not simply
work they can do. no further than my own Committee in the restatements of Christian principles unre-
I am happy to recommend to my fellow House of Representatives, Education and lated to the Immediate problems of con-
colleagues this splendid address by Con- Labor, to see the outstanding contribution temporary life.
gressman eague splendid The speech made by two of the seventeen Congress- They are rather hard-hitting directives,
follows: women riow in Washington, EDITH GREEN Of setting forth in clear terms the responsibili-
Oregon and PATSY MINK of Hawaii. ties of the individual, the Church and the
ADDRESS BY CONGRESSMAN JOHN BRADEMAS, In reciting the advances in education made State, in interpreting Christ's message-in
DEMOCRAT, OF INDIANA, 57TH COMMENCE- by women and indicating just one sector of our family life, business relations, commu-
MINT EXERCISES OF ST. MARY'S DOMINICAN our society where women have made notable nity activities, in our natonal life and In In-
COLLEGE, NEW ORLEANS, LA., MAY 22, 1966 achievements, government, I do not at all ternational relations.
I am honored to be with you at Saint mean to suggest that you will not encounter I cite here only three areas wherein the
Mary's Dominican College today just over a problems and limitations and obstacles teachings of religion and the needs of peo-
century since the Dominican nuns first set- which sometimes hamper you simply be- ple should mean challen
tled in New Orleans in 1860 and over half cause you are women
ge to you, as wom-
As a former teacher at another Saint
their views about these difficulties. lwY~ sl~~u First, the quest for de
Mary's peace demands that
College, also for women, I feel at home here Yet a recent study by Dr. Eli Ginzberg of- we diminish the stark contrast between
In New Orleans with you. Columbia University entitled, "Life Styles of America's affluence and the terrible poverty
The only thing I miss is seeing the Uni- Educated Women," reached a highly signif- of the new nations.
versity of Notre Dame across the road but leant conclusion. After a survey of women Earlier this month I attended a conference
then I rather imagine you miss that even who pursued graduate education, Dr. Ginz- in England with a number of other Con-
more than I do i berg reported: "There Is little in our analysis gressman and Senators and Members of the
I am particularly pleased to be with you to support the widespread belief that most House of Commons for the purpose of dis-
on 4 day when my good friend and distin- educated women are trapped in situations cussing the policy of the United States and
guished colleague, Congressman HALE BOGGS, which create frustrations and disappoint- Britain in Africa and Latin America.
is being awarded the Saint Mary's Dominican went and that it is the rare woman Indeed One of the participants in the conference
College Medal for Public Service. Who is able to fulfill her potentiality, the was the distinguished author and economist,
You have chosen wisely for HALE BOGGS is opposite is much closer to the truth", he herself a Roman Catholic, Lady Jackson, per-
one of the most highly regarded leaders of baps better known to you as Barbara Ward.
otlr country. Dr. Ginzberg noted that nearly 80 percent Barbara Ward spoke eloquently of the
You perhaps know him best in Louisiana of the women under study held full time growing gap between the rich nations of
because he is such an effective champion of jobs demanding 36 hours of work or more a the West and the poor emerging countries of
the people of your State, both In time of week, the world.
trouble--witness his efforts to bring assist- One out of three was earning $10,000 a She said that the West, with 20 percent
ance following Hurricane Betsy-and in year or more. of the world's population, last year enjoyed
better times-I cite only his work to bring Yet over 70 percent were married and 60 75 percent of the world's income.
more trade to New Orleans. percent had children. In 1965, the West added $60 to $70 billion
As you know, he is, as Majority Whip, the While conceding that the women in the to its income, a single year increase that
number three leader of the House of Rep- study were not typical of all women in Simi- was larger than the Gross National Product
resentatives. lar educational categories, Dr, Ginsberg of all Latin America, and twice the Gross
. In our Nation's Capital, HALE BOGGS is re- called them "pacesetters" for our society in National Product of India.
spected both by the President and by his the future. Yet our own foreign aid program here in
Colleagues in Congress for his intelligence, He saw this as a future of far less conflict the United States has been going dawn, for
his courage and his unfailing good humor. between career and family than had been we give a smaller percentage of our national
The citizens of all of Louisiana should take thought inevitable in the past. wealth today to the poor nations of the world
great pride In having HALE BOGGS as one of ROLE OF WOMEN IN PUBLIC SERVICE than we did a decade ago.
their Representatives in Congress. I want now to comment on the possible Then hear the admonition of Barbara
CONGRESSMAN HALE BOGGS HONORED role of women in our future society with Ward: Surely if 0.3 percent of national in-
The honor which Congressman BOGGS re- particular emphasis on public service. come is all we can afford for those who
ceives today symbolizes public service and it For I submit that the teachings of your starve, those without shelter, those whose
is that theme that I wish to discuss with religious faith, the needs of people both tainly children are dying and those who will we
you today--public here at home and abroad, and the humaniz- live at least 30 years less because we
service and the oppor- ing instinct of women all combine to mean can do nothing, then we cannot say we are
tunity such service offers to educated women Christian or of the
20th Century America. new opportunities for service for the Ameri-
in great Judaic tradition, we
I said "educated women in 20th Century can college women of today. cannot say here is the true produce of a
America" for you who are today receiving eent The social encyclicals of Pope John XXIII humane Western civilization, we cannot sal
your degrees should know that not lonand Pope Paul VI are powerful pleas not only are the last best hope of mankind, wf
ago many of might long to Roman Catholics but to all y can say nothing that will not in fact b, every you opportunity t go to college.ot have had the where to relate the teachings that afflict a mockery of our claims and a proof of ou
number in Vthe ear1y~1960s as1173outof Pope John =111, in his
Here in our own , we withii
Christianity and Social Progress,nMateraand our own midst a nationtel have ln ens liv
every 100. Only one of every 100 21-years- Magistra, called direct attention to the chal- over 30 million of our fellow citizens liv
olds" was a college graduate in 1900; in the lenge of social action:
early 1960s, the proportion was 14 out of below the poverty lines, $1,600 a year for a:
every 100. "It is no wonder then that the Catholic individual and $3,000 annually for a f.ami1
our.
Church Even had you been among the lucky few his commands, f f r tChrist wo thousand lyears, of fLast Friday
Jackson, Missis.
to get an education, the chances were that from the ministry of the early deacons to I visited classes whererillite at Negroes, me. nht
few would go on to graduate school, as many the present time, tenaciously held -aloft the and women but mostly women, of all age;
do now, or find a decent place in the world torch of charity, not only by her- teaching were learning in a Roman Catholic school
of work. but also by her widespread example-that house how to read and write and do simp'
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July 13, 1966 CONGRE
These are the words of the' Supreme In summary, the questionnaires show that
Court in the case of McCollum v. Board prior to the Schempp decision, nine states
of,: Education, 333 U.S. 203, 211-212, required Bible reading in the public
schools.... Twenty-six states allowed Bible
which Justice Stewart quoted again in reading'
eading but did not require it. . . Finally
the Abington case. six states prohibited Bible reading in the
The amendment proposed by Senate public schools ... Of the twenty-nine states
Joint Resolution 148 states as follows: that reported Bible reading before Schempp,
Nothing contained in this Constitution only five (about 17 percent) report that
shall prohibit the authority administering Bible reading has completely stopped in their
any school, school system, educational in- school districts, fourteen (about 48 percent)
stitution or other public building supported report that it has almost completely stopped,
in whole or in part through the expenditure and six (about 21 percent) report that Bible
of public funds from providing for or per- reading continues about as it did before the
mitting the voluntary participation by stu- decision.
dents or others in prayer. Nothing con- It is fairly clear that opposition to the en-
tained in this article shall authorize any forcement of the Schempp decision was es-
such authority to prescribe the form or con- sentially local rather than statewide. . .
tent of any prayer. First, this study, along with other studies
of compliance with Supreme Court decisions
This amendment would restore to the
American people their "freedom of reli-
gion, not freedom from religion." It
would extend freedom of religion even
to the children in our public schools. It
would let them pray voluntarily or of
their own volition ; and while the Su-
preme Court may have cast some doubt
on how "voluntarily" children may
choose their actions in the public
schools, I prefer to look at this matter
as Justice Stewart did in the Abington
case.
It may well be, as has been argued to us,
that even the supposed benefits to be derived
from noncoercive religious -exercises in pub-
lic schools are incommensurate with the ad-
ministrative problems which they would
create. The choice involved, however, is one
for each local community and its school
board, and not for this Court.... it is con-
ceivable that these school boards, or even all
school boards, might eventually find it im-
possible to administer a system of religious
exercises during school hours in such a way
as to meet this constitutional standard-in
such a way as completely to free from any
kind of official coercion those who do not af-
firmatively want to participate.
But I think we must not assume that
school boards so lack the qualities of in-
ventiveness and good will as to make im-
possible the achievement of that goal.
(Abington, cited supra, p. 319, 320.)
Recently, Ellis Katz of Temple Univer-
sity wrote an article on "Patterns of
Compliance with the Schempp De-
cision"-3 Journal of Public Law 396-
in which he attempted to trace the im-
pact of the decision of Abington School
District against Schempp: Murray
against Curlett on the practice of Bible
reading in the States. Professor Katz
bemoaned the fact that so many writers
have been concerned with the reaction
of Congress to the decision and so few
have been concerned with the reaction
of local school districts in the States.
He said:
in the church-state area, should serve to dis-
pel the notion that society automatically
responds to the will of the Supreme Court.
Indeed, this study indicates that 60 per-
cent of the states report continuing viola-
tions of the Court's Bible reading decision.
(Katz, cited supra, p. 402, 407.)`
I have considered Mr. Katz' conclu-
sions in great detail to point out to you
that the Supreme Court decision is not
being recognized in many localities, and
to submit to you that an unenforced rul-
ing or law is bad, in that it results in a
further lack of respect for law in general.
The lack of respect for law in this coun-
try is already alarming. We can help
the problem in this area by passing Sen-
ate Joint Resolution 148 and by return-
ing the control of the prayer-in-school
problem to local authorities, who pre-
sumably will decide it in each local area
in accord with the will of the majority
of that area.
Finally, although we are told often
that children may pray on their own
time other than during the school day,
this argument overlooks one vital point
made by Mr. Justice Stewart in Abington
against Schempp. Justice Stewart said:
For a compulsory state educational system
so structures a child's life that if religious
exercises are held- to be an impermissible
activity in schools, religion is placed at an
artificial and state-created disadvantage.
Viewed in this light, permission of such
exercises for those who want them is neces-
sary if the schools are truly to be neutral in
the matter of religion. And a refusal to
permit religious exercises thus is seen, not
as the realization of state neutrality, but
rather as the establishment of a religion of
secularism, or at least, as government sup-
port of the beliefs of those who think that
religious exercises should be conducted only
in private. (Abington v. Schempp, cited
supra, p. 313.)
In 1947, Mr. Justice Jackson deplored
the extension of the Supreme Court's au-
thority to act as a "super board of edu-
cation for every school district in the
one the impression that there is a one-to- Nation." McCollum, cited supra, page
one relation between what the Supreme 237. Harvard's Dean Griswold and
Court says and what society does. This is many other leading constitutional law-
by no means always true; and it is especially yers were again critical when the Su-
false in cases where the Supreme Court preme Court extended its "super school
strikes down long established state practice. board" powers in Engel against Vitale in
(Katz, cited supra, p. 397.) 1962. However, much regret may be ex-
Mr. Katz' conclusions were based on pressed at the Supreme Court's school
responses to questionnaires sent to the board role, it cannot be undone by the
chief educational officers of the 50 Court itself, and only we in Congress can
States. now return the control of prayers in the
Forty-six questionnaires were re- public schools to local school boards.
turned and forty-one were used in the We can do it by passing Senate Joint
study. Resolution 148.
We should do-it because we do have the
.courage of our convictions, and we do
have the wisdom and the insight to say
"Yes," to what is right. The proposed
constitutional amendment passed by us -
will give the people of the country the
right to vote on this vital subject. The
Founding Fathers provided a way to
amend the Constitution, and they ex-
pected that the people would be given an
opportunity to amend it whenever an
amendment was needed. We should
pass the proposed amendment to stop the
trend toward the elimination of all signs
of religion from our national life and to
eliminate an area where law today is be-
ing disregarded.
In Kentucky, the attorney general ad-
vised the superintendent of public in-
struction that baccalaureate exercises
were approved where- attendance was vol-
untary, that grace before lunch by pupils
could continue, and that the Christmas
nativity scene can continue "so long as no
religious significance is attached there-
to." In Michigan, a Federal judge ruled
that public school pupils who wish to say
prayers or read the Bible may do so pro-
vided that they complete their exercises
at least 5 minutes before school begins or
begin them at least 5 minutes after
school ends, and if a prayer is to be said
at lunch time, it should be a silent prayer
during moments of silence set aside for
private meditation. (Reed v. Van Hoven,
237 F. Supp. 48-Mich. S.C. 1965.)
And in New York not only the "God is
good" prayer was banned, but it was held
that a school principal acted well within
his authority when he prohibited the
right to say:
Thank you for the World so Sweet,
Thank you for the food we eat,
Thank you for the birds that sing,
Thank you God for everything.
It would be ridiculous if it were not so
disturbing. It is time-more than
time-f or the Senate to pass this resolu-
tion-to propose a constitutional amend-
ment- to return the right of voluntary
participation in prayer in the public
schools.
In Justice Douglas' own words in the
case of Zorach against Clauson: . .
We are a religious people whose Institu-
tions presuppose a Supreme Being. We guar-
antee the freedom to worship as one chooses.
(343 U.S. 306, 313 (1952).)
. We, as Senators, have th courage of
our convictions and the wi om and in-
sight to know and t s " es" to Sen-
ate Joint Resolutiol ecause it is
right.
AMERICAN PRISONERS IN HANOI
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, I have
just finished reading in today's New York
Times an article entitled "The American
Prisoners in Hanoi," written by the dis-
tinguished American newspaperman, Mr.
James Reston. The article reflects clear-
ly, in my judgment, the views of the
American people.
Mr. Reston describes the fact that in
the last few days and weeks the govern-
ment of Hanoi has paraded captured
American flyers down the main streets
of the city, and that now the regime of
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE July 13, 1.966
Ho Chi Minh is talking of "trying and
executing" captured American prisoners.
As Mr. Reston points out:
The rules of war specifically forbid the
retribution now being discussed in the Com-
munist world. Article XIII of the Geneva
Convention of 1949, signed by the Hanoi
Government on June 5, 1957, provides that
prisoners of war should be protected against
intimidation and reprisal for acts of war
performed in the line of duty.
Mr. Reston also states:
We have had many tragic miscalculations
on both sides of this war, but none more
ominous or dangerous than this.
Indeed, that is true. Let the Hanoi
regime be fully warned in advance that
any attempt to humiliate and execute
captured American prisoners now in
their hands will meet with a worldwide
revulsion. It would unite the American
people as no other act could unite them
in the fight we are making for the respect
and dignity of the people of South Viet-
nam.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the entire text of this splendid
article written by Mr. James Reston
which appeared in the New York Times
of Wednesday, July 13, 1966, be printed
in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
WASHINGTON: THE AMERICAN PRISONERS IN
HANOI
(By James Reston)
WASHINGTON, July 12.-In the last few
days Hanoi and the Communist capitals of
Eastern Europe have been talking about try-
ing and executing the American fliers cap-
tured in North Vietnam. We have had many
tragic miscalculations on both sides in this
war, but none more ominous or dangerous
than this.
The Communist photographs of the Amer-
loan pilots being led helpless and handcuffed
at gun point through the menacing crowds
are bad enough. But if this is followed by
another of those spectacular Communist
"trials" and the execution of these men, the
reaction of this country is likely to be pre-
cisely the opposing of what Hanoi imagines.
THE U.S. REACTION
This is a very critical moment in the long
struggle to keep this war limited. The North
Vietnamese leaders are no doubt furious
about the bombings of the oil dumps in
Hanoi and Haiphong. They have ordered the
evacuation of the civilian population from
those cities and no doubt this has encouraged
a spirit of revenge. But nothing will add. to
the brutality and unpredictability of this
war more than making these few fliers pay
with their lives for carrying out the orders
of their Government.
There has been much stupidity but very
little jingoism in America's conduct of this
war. The American people have been trou-
bled but calm. With one or two exceptions,
the President and his aides have avoided
appeals to emotion and no effort has been
made to arouse a spirit of hatred toward
the political leaders or the soldiers of North
Vietnam.
In fact--rightly or wrongly-U.S. officials
here and in Saigon have pictured the enemy
as brave but misguided men fighting for
Peking or Moscow against their own na-
tional interests. But all this could easily
be changed by howling mobs, drum-fire
courts and firing squads in Hanoi.
The rules of war specifically forbid the
retribution now being discussed in the Com-
munist world. Article XIII of the Geneva
Convention of 1949, signed by the Hanoi Gov-
ernment on June 5, 1957, provides that pris-
oners of war should be protected against in-
timidation and reprisal for acts of war per-
formed in the line of duty.
This, however, is not primarily a legal
but a practical question involving the psy-
chology of the American people and the
President of the United States. Nobody who
knows anything about Lyndon Johnson can
have much doubt about the severity of his
reaction if the fliers he sent into North Viet-
nam are executed against the standards of
international law for carrying out his orders.
Argument in this country about whether
the orders to bomb Hanoi and Haiphong were
wise will be overwhelmed. The curiously im-
personal attitude of America to the war will
end, and public opinion will undoubtedly
support him in any countermeasures he
takes, no matter how severe.
THE DIPLOMATIC QUESTION
For the moment, then, the practical ques-
tion is not whether the Prime Ministers of
India and Great Britain can persuade the
Soviet Government to help end the war, but
whether they can persuade Kosygin and
Brezhnev to intervene in Hanoi to stop this
trend toward personal reprisals, which will
only tend to make the war unmanageable.
Moscow and the Communist governments
of Eastern Europe are obviously, in no mood
to propose a compromise settlement in Viet-
nam, but they may at least be willing to do
something about keeping it from getting out
of control.
HARRIMAN'S TASK
The President's special envoy, Averell Har-
riman, is now working almost full time on the
diplomacy of avoiding this tragedy, but the
indications from Hanoi are that officials
there intend to go through with the trials.
Far from intimidating other Navy and Air
Force fliers from attacking targets In North
Vietnam, which apparently is the intention;
far from restraining President Johnson,
which is what they are believed to have in
mind; far from encouraging opposition to
the President's bombing policy, the convic-
tion and execution of the American fliers will
almost certainly escalate the bombing and
unite this country behind a much more
punitive and aggressive policy.
The present situation is bad enough. The
American people and even the American
Government are divided about using power
to destroy the power centers of North Viet-
nam, but if these fliers are humiliated and
executed, it will be difficult if not impossible
to follow a policy of restraint, no matter
what the consequences.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, will the Senator yield?
Mr. KUCHEL. I am happy to yield to
the Senator from Louisiana.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. This young
mark Jones who was paraded down the
streets, in total violation of the rules of
war, and treated with the greatest in-
dignity by the Communists of Ho Chi
Minh was the son of one of my dearest
friends, the late Major Louie Jones of
Baton Rouge, La. I resent this bitterly.
I think it is time for the Hanoi regime
to know that so far as we are concerned
we have declared the war we are fight-
ing. _yVe declared a limited war. We
did that at the time of the Gulf of
Tonkin incident.
We are not war criminals. The Hanoi
regime has the war criminals.
I am providing for the RECORD the
brief of the American Bar Association
which conclusively shows that our posi-
tion Is entirely legal before the world;
and I ask unanimous consent that it be
made a part of the RECORD at the con-
clusion of this colloquy. It is lengthy
but it should be printed in the RECORD
for this purpose.
There being no objection, the brief' was
ordered to be printed in the RECORD.
[Due to the length of the brief and sup-
porting footnotes, the brief with footnotes
will appear in the July 14 issue of the
RECORD.]
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. If the Com-
munist regime in Hanoi does what they
are threatening to do, they are even
greater war criminals, and we should
take those steps which we think appro-
priate and to punish them severely. We
should also punish, by appropriate
means, people in this country who have
supported and given aid and comfort to
the Hanoi regime and who have sug-
gested in any respect that they are right.
If the Communist assassins should
make the mistake of murdering these. fine
young American boys, it would unite the
American people as nothing else could.
We know the kind of brutality and bestial
treatment of which the Communist re-
gime of North Vietnam has been guilty.
The press of this Nation has failed to
give adequate publicity to the beastial
acts of the North Vietnamese. Newspa-
pers publish a picture of some little child
who has been hurt when Americans tried
to hit an oil depot and missed the target;
but they fail to show how the Commu-
nists went into towns and deliberately,
purposely killed innocent men and
women guilty of nothing more than try-
ing to provide for their families and then
killed the children as well. Some eastern
newspapers ignore that and take the at-
titude that we are the ones to be criti-
cized, rather than the criminals in Hanoi.
But even the New York Times would
be forced to report the murder of Amer-
ican prisoners of war.
This criminal act if resorted to by
Hanoi will unite the American people as
nothing else has. While it is true that
those young men would be martyrs? the
outcome would serve the cause of free-
dom and honor even more than the lives
of our boys who are fighting for liberty
in South Vietnam at this moment.
Mr. KUCHEL. I thank the distin-
guished Senator. When the Senator uses
the words "murder," he is completely
correct. The phrase "trial and execu-
tion" is a very cruel euphemism. What
is suggested by the Communist regime in
North Vietnam would be murder.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Rus-
SELL of South Carolina in the chair.)
The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call
the roll.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, I ask unanimous consent that the
order for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
THE VETERANS OF FOREIGN WARS
VIETNAM VICTORY POLICY
Mr. MURPHY. Mr. President, as
Members of the Senate have long recog-
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he added, is never free or cheap. He pointed' only contempt for such restrictions on their and brutal police state, where all movements
out that the Iowa legislature at its last conduct. Savage reprisal is their way of get- were controlled, all individuality suppressed,
session appropriated $61 million for public ting back at their enemies whenever they all thoughts suspected. Stalin himself per-
assistance programs but only made $49 mil can, and they could not care less about what sonified Orwell's fictional dictator, Big
lion available for aid to schools. might happen to their own soldiers after Brother.
REMEDY CONDITIONS their capture. The world knew, in Churchill's words,
How can people as realistic as Americans Hanoi undoubtedly intended the parade of "that it is only America's possession of the
tolerate How we such a condition, he asked. the American prisoners as propaganda: to atomic bomb that has kept bombs from
In the economic opportunity program, he give their people a chance to vent their anger falling on London again."
said, th are going to find out why people are at American bombing and the individual Today, 18 years later, no responsible gov-
said, axe going to
remedy the peopleiare prisoners; and to give weight to their threats ernment In the world believes that war be-
"Let's try unemployed and then
motivate re the people condition. to kill the captured pilots if the bombing tween East and West is either imminent or
continues. inevitable.
rolls to a better life", he said. "This pro- Propaganda can hit both ways, however. During the past 10 years alone more than
gram", he added, is a new concept, a new In this instance, the cowardly abuse of de- 60 new countries have been born-nations
approach to human need. It gives the un- fenseless prisoners of war, and the pictures which previously had not existed, except as
derprivileged an opportunity to be what their showing their mistreatment, can only pro- colonial enclaves, or as tribes or protec-
potential permits them to be. It is a pro- , duce world-wide shock and revulsion. torates.
gram of self-analysis, self-help and self- But none has turned to communism.
esteem, It gives the underprivileged the Nor have the voters of any nation
equal opportunity they should have." yet
freely elected a communist regime to power,
"This program, with your help," he told
Remarks of Vice President Hubert Hum-
p
rey to the U.S. Jaycees
h
MATURA acgojlnplish its goal. MATURA, he independence have demisted the post-war
said, is you. He added that he is pleased period. t ..
HON
LUCIEN N
NEDZI
.
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
EXTENSION OF R
of
HON. ROBERT N. C. NIX
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, July 13, 1966
Mr. NIX. Mr. Speaker, as the Phila-
delphia Inquirer sees it, the North Viet-
namese Government has displayed its
barbarity to the world by parading cap-
tured U.S. airmen through the streets of
Hanoi.
North Vietnam's handling of the
Americans is a clear violation of the Ge-
neva Convention for Humane Treatment
of War Prisoners, the Inquirer points out.
Propaganda was undoubtedly the in-
tent of this savage reprisal, the news-
paper says. But it can easily backfire.
This cowardly abuse of defenseless pris-
oners, as the newspaper puts it editori-
ally, and the pictures showing their mis-
treatment can only produce worldwide
revulsion.
I consider this further evidence of the
nature of freedom's enemy in southeast
Asia, and ask. that the editorial be en-
tered in the RECORD.
PARADED THROUGH THE STREETS OF HANOI
The North Vietnamese Government has
displayed its barbarity to the world by pa-
rading captured American airmen through
the streets of Hanoi and subjecting them to
the abuse and threats of the crowds.
The pilots were handcuffed and marched
under armed escort. In describing the scene,
Hanoi Radio spoke of the "menacing fists
and formidable screams" of the street crowds
and declared that the soldier escort had to
use "both words and muscles to contain the
anger -of the masses." It again voiced the
threat to execute the prisoners as war
criminals.
Hanoi's handling of the captured Ameri-
cans is clearly in violation of the Geneva
Convention for the humane treatment of
war prisoners. The Hanoi Communists have
.
Wednesday, July 13, 1966
Mr. NEDZI. Mr. Speaker, one of the
most significant and illuminating
speeches of the entire year was made
in Detroit on June 29 by the Vice Presi-
dent of thet United States, Speaking be-
fore 10,000 members of the Junior Cham-
ber of Commerce at their national con-
vention at Cobo Hall, Vice President
HUMPHREY emphasized, in striking man-
ner, the thirst for individual freedom
and opportunity which is surging
throughout the world, the American pas-
sion for creativity and individualism
which has helped write our Nation's
success story, add the positive impact of
American business activity overseas.
Because of the congressional recess,
my colleagues may have missed this mar-
velous restatement of what America is all
about, as well as the attendant report
on the situation in Asia. Therefore, un-
der leave to extend my remarks, I place
the Vice President's speech in the
RECORD:
REMARKS OF VICE PRESIDENT HUBERT HuM-
FIrREY BEFORE THE U.S. JAYCEES, DETROIT,
MICH., JUNE 29, 1966
Eighteen years ago, a brilliant English au-
thor named Eric Blair unleashed a nightmare
vision of life in the future.
Blair foresaw endless wars among three
great super-powers. Every aspect of life
would be totally controlled and man would
be reduced to a robot-like existence-direct-
ed in his behavior and thought-processes by
an all-seeing tyrannical government.
Blair's book was a warning to mankind:
Unless the course of history changed, man
would be doomed by what he had created.
And unless man himself changed, he was
destined to lose every trace of personal free-
dom and every trace of his individuality.
If this book sounds familiar, it should.
Eric Blair wrote under the pen name of
George Orwell. And his book was 1984.
We are now halfway to the year 1984-half-
way to Orwell's perpetual bad dream where
apathy, cruelty, and ignorance were not only
dominant characteristics of life, but the alms
of the state itself.
In 1948, when Orwell wrote his novel, the
reign of Josef Stalin had sealed off all of the
Soviet, Union and. Eastern Europe in a bleak
rife greati moving 'force in the world today
is humanity's restless craving for free-
dom . for opportunity . for a fuller
share of the blessing of life ... above all,
for a chance for individual expression and
fulfillment-in short, for the very things
which lie at the heart of our own American
Revolution.
It is, in fact, the precepts of the American
Revolution-not those of Marxism-to which
the bypassed people of the world are today
stirring.
The marching feet in the world today are
those of people seeking freedom.
Millions of people in the world-yes, In our
own country-are restlessly seeking the same
freedom and well-being that you and I en-
joy.
It has been said that foreign policy is
really domestic policy with its hat on. In
a sense, this is true.
We know that rich nations cannot be se-
cure amid the overwhelming misery of the
poor nations.
We have learned, too, that no prosperous
American neighborhood can really be secure
amid other neighborhoods filled with poverty
and pent-up anger.
We have learned that no business can
operate at maximum efficiency until those
who are unemployed find work * * * that no
city can provide the best in life until the
worst of its slums come open to the light
* * * and that our own children cannot
achieve the fullness of the future until the
children of others can share in it.
Some say we seek to create in America
a welfare state. I think this reflects a deep
misunderstanding on the part of those who
say it. What we seek to create is a state of
opportunity.
We seek to increase the opportunity of
the individual to achieve his full potential,
unhampered by ignorance, poverty and dis-
crimination. We seek to make it possible
for the individual to identify and satisfy
his own aspirations.
We seek not to paralyze initiative, but to
revive it; not to build up the opportunity
of those below at the expense of those
above-but to broaden the horizons of both;
not to dictate the terms of help, but to
allow each community to find its own an-
swers in Its own way.
That is what our national investments in
education, in health, in the war against pov-
erty are all about. They are investments in
self-help, in personal initiative, In oppor-
tunity,
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All the new laws which go under the Great I work each day with businessmen who seek Hess to enter the public service at local, state
Society label were written to encourage and to keep young Americans in school, and on and national level.
insure the full participation and partner- the path to responsible citizenship, through American businessmen are indeed where
ship of state and local governments, private summer jobs. Last year they helped pro- the action is. And, for the good of men
organizations and individual citizens. vide one million -jobs to young people who everywhere I hope they will remain there.
And I hope that many of you will read otherwise would have been without them. It is part of the good news of the day that
those laws, examine them, understand therm, American businessmen are leaders in our our free economic system-and the people
and use them to help your own communi- efforts today to make our cities livable ... who make it work-is not only providing
to preserve the natural beauty and resources profits, it is providing life and hope to the
ties
.
All of us know that the most effective ac- of our country ... to bring education of
tion is action at the grassroots level-arid quality to every American child . . . to make
that is where we all want it to come. the arts, culture and recreation an every
No, we are not avoiding Orwellian misery day part of American life.
by constructing a welfare utopia that would American businessmen are at work on be-
diminish human choice and incentive. In, half of clean and honest government. They
stead, we seek a course that provides growth, are at work on behalf of charity and phil-
purpose and direction to all who are willing anthropy.
to grasp the chance to use their talent and And the wages and benefits they extend
energy. voluntarily to those in their employe are
Our system does not guarantee individual better than those extended by many gov-
success. But it can-and does-provide the ernments known fortheir welfare programs.
climate and opportunity for the individual American business has been the advanced
to be himself and to go as far as his abilities guard, too, in many countries, of enlightened
allow. - social, economic and political policy.
Yet, I think it would be inaccurate to say The present change in Western policy to-
that there are no challenges-in the Orwel- ward Eastern Europe-a charge which is
Tian sense--to our freedom or to our . in- helping to hasten the movement toward in-
dividuality in America today, dependent policies there--has been aided in -
And, as young men who are also business- no small part by the economic bridge-build-
nien, your responsibility in meeting these ing of American and Western European
challenges is great. - businessmen. Businessmen, with confidence
For you are leaders. You are successful. in their economic system, have moved ahead
And your stake in our American success is on their own initiative to open Eastern Eu-
great. rope to ideas, to trade, to the winds of
The great challenge which faces us change. And all of us are the better for
is to assure that, in our society of bigness, it.
we do not strangle the voice of creativity ... It is a fact, too, that American private
that the rules of the game do not come to investment in the developing countries has,
overshadow its purpose . that the grand in. many cases, triggered changes which have
orchestration of society leaves ample room not only brought economic development, but
for the man who marches to the music of political stability and social development as
another drummer. well. In many places, American private
It is the businessman who, of all citizens, investment is making possible, for the
most clearly knows what many others but first time, large-scale development of hous-
dimly see: That much of our American prog- ing ... the building of rural schools, roads
ress has been the product of the individual and hospitals .. construction of fertilizer
who had an idea; pursued it; fashioned it; plants-the things which not only develop
tenaciously clung to it against all odds; and an economy, but also give immediate and
govern-
then produced it, sold it, and profited from concrete ment canem et the needsandcaspira.tgions of
It.
It is the businessman who knows that a simple, ordinary people.
society which turns away from the man who The so-called Adele group-a consortium
has the courage to speak the unpopular, the of American and European businessmen-is
unfashionable, the new and the untried- today taking equity shares in much-needed
that society is dissipating one of its greatest Latin American enterprise which could not
potential sources of strength. otherwise find the capital to get off the
It is an unpleasant fact that many of our ground.
most talented young people are not choosing In Latin America and in other parts of
business careers because they feel business the world, hundreds of private American in-
leaves no room for individual expression or vestors are today providing capital-to places
higher goals. starved for capital-for economic and so-
The word must reach our young people cial projects. And I might add that your
that business is a place both for individual government backs them up with guarantees.
accomplishment and for public service. And there is the personal commitment,
Our national growth . our ability to too, of American businessmen who know that
carry our responsibilities at home and in the labors of one man can make a dif-
the world-these things depend bn the crea- ference. -
tive and dynamic force of private initiative There are the efforts of American small
in our economic system. businessmen in Tunisia, teaching their
It is part of your responsibility, as busi- counterparts there how to sell a better prod-
nessmen, to get this story across. uct, provide a better service, make a profit.
Young Americans must know that indi- There are the efforts of the men and women
viduality and initiative are a part of the of the International Executive Service
daily environment of business ... that new Corps-retired American business execu-
ideas are greeted with enthusiasm ... and tives-who are giving several months out of
that business is not just profit and loss, their lives to help enterprises get started in
but also the business of the community and Latin America and in Southeast Asia.
of responsible citizenship. All these things not only strengthen na-
Our young people must know that busi- tions desperately in need of help .. . they
ness is a place "where the action is" and strengthen the fabric of freedom. They show
that it is action which benefits people and that there does not have to be a big brother
which has a place for idealism. to get things done. They show that free
The story of American business is the men, working together, can do far more than
greatest story ever told. any totalitarian system giving orders.
I work each day with Plans for Progress, Your own Project ACTT train and the
an organization of private businessmen Jaycees International Movement exemplify
which have helped tear down barriers of the spirit with which business has met the
domination in America, which is helping opportunities of international service.
provide new opportunity to hundreds of at l edsall of us are in debt the wen who of have,
thousands of our citizens.
Now, finally, it is my responsibility as your
Vice President to give you a report, as of
today, about where we stand in Asia and
in Vietnam.
I say Asia and Vietnam, because we cannot
see Vietnam as a vacuum, unconnected to its
neighbors or the rest of the world.
When I returned from Asia and the Pacific
earlier this year, I reported to the American '
people that I believed we had reason for
measured optimism. I believe that this is
more true today than it was then.
Last week, nine nations of Asia formed a
new organization to be known as the Asian.
and Pacific Council. This organization was
formed to strengthen these nations cooper-
ation and peaceful development, but also-
as the final communique put it-"To preserve
their integrity and sovereignty in the face
of external aggression."
This is but one of the things that can give
us reason for encouragement.
Faced with communist pressure, the inde-
pendent noncommunist states in Asia are
working together to strengthen themselves
and to inoculate themselves against ag-
gression. Old quarrels and - disagreements
are beiflg pushed aside and the nations of
Asia and the Pacific are banding together-
and among those banding together are na-
tions which have traditionally taken go-it-
alone positions.
Communist China still looms as a power-
ful force in Asia. But today Communist
China is being torn by power struggle-a
struggle with other communist nations, a
struggle, too, from within. At the same time,
her neighbors are achieving a unity of pur-
pose and action that was missing before.
For, as the President of Singapore made
clear a few days ago to the people of Europe-
all the independent nations of Asia feel the
pressure from the North-all of them feel
tkey have a stake in what is happening in
Vietnam.
On my Asian mission, I talked with no na-
tional leader who felt otherwise.
What of the immediate struggle in Viet-
nam.
That struggle is being waged on four
fronts-the economic front ... the political
front .. . the diplomatic front ... and the
military front.
On each of these fronts we are gaining.
And our efforts on these fronts are increas-
ingly being coordinated, in proper balance.
On the economic front, the Vietnamese
government, with our help, is taking the
hard steps and decisions necessary not only
to carry forward a program'of economic de-
velopment, but to defeat inflation-which
can destroy economic progress.
The devaluation announced June 19 has
not resulted in any sharp increase in prices.
The price of retail items, including the criti-
cal price of rice, has steadied off. The prices
of fish, chicken, charcoal and firewood-all
critical to the economy-have fallen. Im-
port prices are steady.
In the meantime, the hard day-to-day
work of building a strong economy-the hard
work that never makes the daily headlines--
goes on in the Vietnamese cities and coun-
tryside.
Land is being redistributed. Wells are
being dug. Schools are being built. Agri-
cultural production steadily increases. Hos-
pitals and roads are being completed.
These things are not dramatic. But every
day the Vietnamese economy-arid the life
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J2,F13, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL I~(7I
In 1929, a camping trip brought forth the tively, but Glenn's presence went unnoticed gip i 19 6, a new should greatly iAm-
second and strongest root of his service. by either. They were plotting the robbery in atly Glenn was married to a wonderfully patient of a street car conductor. Both were Boy prove
new at shouldto Washington National.
Under the conditions
tan-
woman and It was only natural that she Scouts. Glenn's heart was saddened and he
encouraged him to heed the pleadings of knew he had to take a chance on telling ticipate that long-haul flights will be
their eldest son-a Boy Scout-to accompany them that he knew of their plan. Fortu-
him on an overnight hike. This was Glenn's nately, he succeeded in talking them out of drastically curtailed at Washington Na-
introduction to Scouting. A few months the crime and back on the straight and nar- tional, that the number of scheduled
ralle aviation with CO will
later he became a Scout Committeeman and row. He is grateful that he was able to see air equitably n general
from that time-1930-until his retirement both boys grow up to become fine, productive vo
on February 1, 1955, he served Scouting in the men. Each has made many opportunities mercial air carrier flights to secure
Duluth, Minnesota, area in every conceivable let Glenn know how much his act has come maximum safety and prompt scheduling
'volunteer" position: Committeeman, First to mean to them. at Washington National.
Aid Instructor and Merit Badge Counsellor In this time when it is so easy to depend
for Boy Scouts, Girl Scouts and Cub Scouts, on "government," Glenn is teaching our While the changes suggested may not
a Scoutmaster and an active member of the youth to be self reliant; to "be prepared" correct all of the problems, I believe this
Duluth area Scouting Extension Committee. to meet and solve life's challenges, each with is a step in the right direction, and I
So from 1923 to 1955, Glenn Young served his own initiative. Glenn Young is con- commend the FAA administration and
well the youth of Duluth. He used his skills cerned and doing something for the young its Administrator, Gen. William F. MC-
at emergency treatment many times in those people of his community. He is quietly Kee for this effort to improve service
32 years to save life or to give comfort to going about teaching youngsters to develop and fo end congestion at improve service to Washington
industrial accident victims. He passed his creative skills and, above all, encouraging National Airport.
knowledge of emergency treatment along to them to honor their God and their country organizations
all who would accept it, whether adult or before all else. I ganizat
critical that this various effort, but my
youth. For his faithful services to Scouting, Glenn has more than enough reasons to will anticipate
he was awarded the Silver Beaver, the highest say, "I've done my share, now I'm entitled judgment it will make flying safer and
honor bestowed by the Boy Scouts of to a little more time for fishing and sunning." certainly more comfortable and reliable
America. But he says without a trace of regret that for the traveling public.
But it was not in recognition of those years he hasn't had time for fishing since he got I h believe, however, that the FAA
in Duluth that he was chosen as the Dale his "Work" in Tampa organized.
Mabry Sertoma Club's Service to Mankind Mr. Young's family includes two sons and should continue its efforts toward the
Award winner. For when he "retired" and two daughters of his own whose molding solution of this and other problems con-
moved to Tampa he presented himself to he shared with his wife. All four are stead- fronting aviation in the Washington
Boy Scout officials there and, armed with fastly tracing their parent's steps in volun- area. Certainly Bolling Field and other
letters of recommendation, he immediately tary service to Red Cross and Scouting; there airports in this general area should be
began forming new contacts and locating are 17 grandchildren and two great grand- airax ports and, if possible, utilized be
areas where youngsters were in need of scout children who can be lavished with time and mined troops. - attention. make the city of Washington conven-
His legend is virtually unknown even to In presenting the award to Mr. Young,. iently accessible to general aviation traf-
those whom he has served, for that is the it was stated, Our Sertoma freedom program fic as well as scheduled commercial
kind of man this Glenn Young is. Each is one of the best tools we have to promote flights.
Scout unit sponsor-church, school, or in every way the freedom of Individuals and urging
neighborhood-is for the most part unaware the maintenance of the principles of free For the some utilization time of the many have have been been u u Ostia Bolling-
that his efforts on their behalf are repeated enterprise; to encourage good citizenship.
over and over again on behalf of other units But we can't succeed without the Glenn facility for nonscheduled air traffic. It
in other parts of the city. Youngs who never stop caring; whose exam- makes good sense to me, and I hope along
Glenn's method of operation is simple and ple keeps alive the spark of individuality; with the regulations recently announced,
consistent. He locates an area of need, and whose inspiration goads us to dedicate our- further study and early action will result
then chooses a likely sponsor-preferably a selves to the protection of our country rath- in even better service and safer air trans-
church because reverence toward God and er than government protection of us. portation for the citiztls of this country.
Scouting. Before anyone xnows --now, privilege of projecting our names ratio eier-
Glenn has rounded up the 25-35 boys; sold nity on the strength of his courage and the
the institution on sponsorship; recruited and quality of Glenn Young's service to his fel-
trained scoutmasters and committeemen; has lawman, He Serves Mankind.
a functioning, successful scout troop where
shortly before there was none; and lie has
quietly faded out of the picture.
Since "retiring" in 1955, Glenn has per-
formed this miracle 44 times, single-hand-
edly. His immediate goal is 50 scout troops
even though he already is personally respon-
sible for opening the wide world of Scouting
to more than 1,000 Tampa youngsters, not
to mention the more than 100 adult leaders
he has recruited and trained for service. Of-
ficials are helpless in the accounting of his
services in man-hours each year. They are
certain It exceeds 500 to 600 hours, but sim-
ply can't keep up with him.
In addition to organizational work, he
teaches first aid to Scouts; serves as a first
aid merit badge counselor and each year op-
erates the emergency field aid tent for the
Scouts' Camporee "treating all the things
that happen to boys at summer camp. "
In 1955 Glenn took a refresher first aid
course and since that time he is credited
with having taught 54 organized first aid
classes. Each class requires 10 to 16 hours
time. The more than 1,000 students of these
classes do not include 50 public school bus
drivers who must be properly certified to
render emergency aid. Red Cross officials-
like the Scouters-sithply don't know how
much time Glenn gives in teaching or "ap-
plying" first aid on behalf of the Red Cross.
Ask Glenn Young about the most unfor-
gettable incident in his life and his mind
leaps back to a dreary depression day in
Duluth. There were two boys talking fur-
Washington National Airport and the FAA
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WILLIAM T. CAHILL
OF NEW JERSEY
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, July 13, 1966
Mr. CAHILL. Mr. Speaker, on several
occasions in the past month, I have
brought to the attention of the House,
and to the Federal Aviation Agency, the
serious problems confronting the travel-
ing public at Washington National Air-
port.
I have pointedf5ut in my statements to
the House, the tremendous increase in
traffic at Washington National and the
physical impossibility to accommodate
the number of flights in and out of this
airport. I have also suggested that
stricter regulations by FAA be initiated
and that other airports, particularly
Dulles, be utilized for long-haul flights.
I was therefore pleased to note that the
FAA, on July 1, 1966, announced the
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. ROBERT B. DUNCAN
OF OREGON
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, July 13, 1966
Mr. DUNCAN of Oregon. Mr. Speak-
er, President Johnson has made our goal
in Vietnam crystal clear.
We seek an honorable peace that will
assure the independence of South Viet-
nam.
In his speeches at Omaha and Des
Moines and in his news conference last
Tuesday, the President distinctly re-
stated our objectives for any who had
failed previously to grasp them.
Many newspapers have commented on
the President's unambiguous statements
and have declared the vast majority of
Americans stands firmly behind him.
They express hope that Hanoi soon
reaches the only logical conclusion-
that we are not divided, that we do back
the President-and accepts our standing
offer to sit down at the peace table.
A great moral issue is involved in Viet-
nam.
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e
SSIONAL RECORD --APPENDIX July 1 V
Can free men merely look on as Com- launched intensive. attacks on all storage factors than those of a purely military na-
munist aggressors take over a nation by facilities on the outskirts of Hanoi and ture must be taken into account. For ex-
force and exterminate or enslave its I>eo- Haiphong. ample, there has been a clamor for mining
pie? Mr. Johnson correctly pointed out that the the port of Haiphong, and this may yet have
The President has left no doubt of our Communists hope we are losing heart. They to be done. But the risks involved in the
response. are banking on us to bog down in disagree- possible sinking of ships of other nations
meat, doubt and confusion. But they are such as the Soviet Union are obvious enough.
This is a matter widely discussed in wrong, the President said.
the press. I offer for the RECORD edi- The President met head-on the frequently diploMr.
matic) re ports spoke ich heindi t yesterday of
torials from the following newspapers on heard contention that the war in Viet Nam Communists no longer expect a tmilitary
this subject and other aspects of our is e
11 ssentially an internal conflict. victory in Viet Nam. Even if this is true,
positi this on in Vietnam: Let these be no doubt about it," he said. however, it does not necessarily follow that
The Philadelphia Inquirer, HOUStOri "Those who say this is merely a Vietnamese the end is" in sight.
Chronicle Philadelphia to11 firer, Stan 'civil war' are wrong." The Hanoi govern- Other reports say that North Viet Nam
Wag meat started the warfare in 1959 and has in- is evacuating from Hanoi all civilians whose
Arizona Republic, Portland Oregonian, creasingly supported the flow of men and. presence is not essential to their war effort.
Christian Science Monitor, and Houston arms into the south. The Comuiui:list cam- Some 500,000 people have been sent out since
Post. paign is directed and led by a skilled pro- the bombings I also offer an article by Richard Wil- fessional staff in North Viet Nam, he said, be moved, began, and more now are to
Son, the syndicated Columnist. and only a small minority of the population This suggests that Ho Chi Minh is digging
[From the Philadelphia Inquirer, Jul 2 of South Viet Nam supports it. in for a long war. If so, more decisions,
1966] y The sincerity and the earnestness of the perhaps drastic decisions, may have to be
President shows through the phrases of his made. But the President should not be
THE GOAL OF PEACE IN VIETNAM speech. He talked of South Viet Non's right pressured into any abondonmeart of the
If Hanoi's leaders "will only let me know to debide its own destiny, of the importance cautious resolution that has characterized
when and where they would like to ask us of the fight for the rest of free Asia, of the his handling of the problem thus far.
directly whatcan be done to bring peace to necessity for proving to the Communists that
South Vietnam, I will have my closest and they cannot win with the new type of aggres_ [From the Arizona Republic, July 3, 1966]
most trusted associates at that time and. at sion-internal subversion and guerrilla war-
that place in a matter of hours." fare. THE GOAL Is THE SAME
This Is the President of the United States The United States, Mr. Johnson said, seeks President Johnson did not lightly reach
speaking and, if there ever was a clear, direct nothing in Viet Nam but an honorable peace. the decision to bomb Communist oil installa-
appeal for peace negotiations from-one party We seek nothing in or from Red China, tions near Hanoi and Haiphong. Getting so
to another, it is here. But so long as Hanoi refuses to end its ag- close to the enemy's population centers was
How can anyone assert fairly that the U,S. gression, "we will carry on. No one knows bound to raise considerable opposition, both
is to blame for the continuance, and the how long it will take. But I can and do here and abroad. But the President realizes,
stepping up, of hostilities, and for failing to here and now tell you this: The aggression if others don't, that in war there is no sub-
take positive steps toward negotiation, in face will not succeed. The people of South Viet n the for victory. He obviously means to
of President Johnson's declarations in Des Nam will be given the chance to work out win the Vietnam War, and we think the de-
Moines? their, own destiny..." cision is wise.
Yet we find his critics, in and out of the It was a message which stems, we suspect, As for escalation, the American bombing
U.S. Senate, and in and out of this country, from. the agony of presidential decision-mak- decision was made in response to the Com-
harping still on their favorite theme that, Ing. But Mr. Johnson's determination is monist decision to send regular Vietcong
If it were not for the Johnson Administra_ clear. The United States will do what it has army detachments Into South Vietnam.
tion's stubborn policy of aggression, the war to do. We can only hope that the rulers in These are not guerrillas, carrying their sup-
in Vietnam would be ended. North Viet Nam understand this message and plies on their backs down jungle trails. They
Has It ever occurred for even a fleeting act on it before further escalation of this are well-trained troops, equipped with so-
second to these people that it is Hanoi, and unfortunate war is necessary. phisticated weapons, and moving on trucks
not the U.S., that has prevented peace talks? that are powered with gasoline. Bombing
Why are some Americans so quick to find [From the Washington (D.C.) Evening Star, the highways and bridges has not
proved
their own countrymen the villains in the July 6, 1966] capable of stopping the trucks. But they
conflict, and to exculpate their country's ESCALATION PRESSURES can't move without gasoline, and Wednes-
enemies? A few days o Pennsylvania's Governor North day's raids Vt Vietnamese aimed at 60 per cent of the en searchin means
e U.S. to b i has bee Commnnngtf for tways he con- Scranton said he approved the President's It used to e aid petroleum
es
ence table for many months. It has been action in authorizing the bombing of fuel could not possibly cope with the guerrillas in
rebuffed table its ever often s, n ht u dumps in the Hanoi-Haiphong area, but that South Vietnam. It is now apparent that we
y pt, g up to it would have been more efficient militarily have done so. In fact, we have been so eifec-
now? and less contentious diplomatically if it had
Our persistence in seeking negotiations has been done earlier. ar thau t North Vietnam has sent q p ent,
been seized upon as evidence by the Corn- army s aps approaching with full o equipment.
any may
monists that we are weakening in our resol u- The governor
earlier demand br although him occurred. Here, too, he division level have
tion to continue the war. Their miscalcu- don't recall any from him occurred. Here, tothe prevail forces have
Iations in this direction have been reinforced for these bombing attacks. Still, the point shown their ability to prevail on the field
b the is arguable and this it more than can be of battle. But enemy supply lines can now
y peace de on r the s in Americaand said for some of the other comments; which best be cut by denying the enemy oil, and
by the loud c President's Policy have attended this escalation of the war.
in Congress. One of these is a statement by an unidenti- Inthat's e Seccretlr what am U.S. s words, idoing.
It has been necessary to prove to Hanoi fled senior naval officer that he would like has retary escalated from military guerrilla action , oe war
and the Vietcong that we are not folding up; to bomb Ho Chi Minh's headquarters at u-c o v eationa) in." to he
that we are as determined as ever to uphold Hanoi. qatiw initiated the North Vietnamese.
.The
our commitments and to resist Red aggres- There doubtless are other military sort rt shift was d States has North But our
lion. The bombings in North Vietnam are a commanders who would like to do this sort The United States has responded. But our
part of that necessar strafe of thing, and it i5 the best argument we aims in this war remain the same, to force
y gy, although one can think of for leaving the decisions on North Vietnam to stop its aggression against
might think, from the outraged comments further escalation where they belong-with South Vietnam.
in some quarters, that the U.S. has performed the President.
an act of brutal treachery against a peace- Since the first bombs fell in the north As s addens Thursda put it his Des
able and defenseless people. Moines address Thugrey, As long as they
The U.S. as shown that it wants peace. some 17 months ago, Mr. Johnson has moved persist in their aggression against South
The The U.S. Communists ho that peace wants ea they slowly, cautiously and reluctantly to step up Vietnam, we will resist aggression. As long
't until the raids. His objective has been to curb as they carry on, we will persevere. They
can be shown that they can't win militarily infiltration of South Viet Nam by blowing cannot wear us down and they cannot escape
on their own terms.
up bridges, railroads, highways and the like- paying a very high price for their aggression."
[From the Houston Chronicle, July 2, 19661 all the while trying to induce the enemy to Despite some opposition to his Vietnam
come to the conference table. When these policy, President Johnson has the mass of
LET THERE BE No DouBT hopes were disappointed he moved on to the
President Johnson's Omaha address was an bombing of oil depots, a necessary but still Americans realize he American people behind ue h For more
earnest, eloquent effort to explain the moral limited measure in support thdt the issue here is more
the troops than keeping a to South Vietnam,
justification for the U.S. presence in Viet fighting the battle in the south. important as that t may may be. The real ques-
Nam. He obviously was appealing for un- The President has clearly indicated that tion is whether communism can take over an
derstanding and support from critics, both at other military targets will be destroyed if independent country by force, while the free
home and abroad, who oppose U.S. policy. necessary, and this is right. But these deci- world stands by impotent to stop it.
The timing of his speech was significant, sions, as with the earlier ones, should be Those who want the U.S. to get out of
also, since it came just after U.S. planes made carefully and with deliberation. Other Vietnam should remember that communism
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX ti A3661
think the price will be too high to stop Com-
munist conquest. We do think that libera-
tion of South Viet Nam is the most important
objective of the free world since the Commu-
nist invasion of South Korea was hurled
back, primarily by U.S. military power, in the
1550s.
We wish Gov. Hatfield and other critics
would face the reality of Communist aggres-
sion rather than wring their hands over the
bloodshed it is causing. What they are ad-
vocating, in that final phase they' do not wish
to discuss, is U.S. withdrawal. If they have
gone all the way back to the isolationist
doctrine of a "Fortress America," they ought
to say so.
J From the Christian Science Monitor,
July 5, 1966 ]
THE PRESIDENT'S STRONG WORDS
President Johnson has strongly reempha-
sized that neither Communist resistance on
the battlefield nor divided counsels at home
will deter Washington pressing the Viet-
namese war with increasing vigor and
strength. It is thus clear that limited but
nonetheless clear escalation of the war can
be looked for by the Communists, the Ameri-
can people[ and the rest of the world. It
is the President's strongly reiterated thesis
that-
Only thus can enough pressure eventually
be brought upon the Communists to con-
vince them both that the war cannot be
won and that the continuing struggle is not
worth the increasingly heavy price they will
have to pay.
America's pledges and the necessity of
halting aggression, terrorism, and the threat
to regional independence make it obliga-
tory for the United States to push its efforts
to the point where peace negotiations are
begun.
No one can know at this stage just how
far such escalation will go. Clearly, Wash-
ington hopes that the apparently effective
air strikes against North Vietnamese oil
dumps will have both a mental and mili-
tary effect upon Hanoi. If they do not, the
President's words indicate that further steps
will follow,
We hope with the President that this
latest evidence of America's determination
and its, military potential will convince the
North Vietnamese and the Viet Cong that
they can no longer expect a military victory.
Although we have long hoped that raids so
close to Hanoi and Haiphong could be avoid-
ed, it is obvious that the oil dumps near
these cities are military targets of consid-
erable importance.
We, too, wish that it were possible to con-
vince the Communists of both the fruitless-
ness and the evil of seeking to thrust their
rule upon the South Vietnamese through
war, assassination and terror. In fact, we
wish that the vigor of the President's speech
would signal to Hanoi that divisions and
discussions at home indicate no weakening
in America's determination and that the
Communists will never be able to get better
peace terms than they could get today.
At the same time there is no legitimate rea-
son for the President to imply, as he seemed
to do, that his critics lack patriotism, cour-
age, or wisdom.
This newspaper reiterates its oft-given
conviction that each step in escalation be
carefully and prayerfully weighed before
being taken. We do not believe that this
will inhibit such military moves as will
help toward peace. Rather, we believe that
it will ensure that such moves are tailored
to the over-all military, diplomatic, and
humanitarian requirements of the situation,
has been set back on its heels more than
once in Asia. It was stopped cold when the
Hukbalahap movement was beaten in the
Philippines; it was defeated in Malaya; it has
been routed in Indonesia. A defeat of com-
munism in South Vietnam now would per-
mit the peaceful development of Southeast
Asia. And that's exactly what President
Johnson is aiming at.
[From the Portland Oregonian, July 2, 1966]
UNTENABLE WAR VIEWS
The difference of opinion on the Viet
Nam war between Rep. ROBERT B. DUNCAN,
Democrat, and Gov. Mark O. Hatfield, Repub-
lican, Oregon's nominees for the U.S. Senate,
is clearly defined in their responses to the
bombing of heretofore immune oil depots
in Hanoi and Haiphong.
Rep. DUNCAN held the bombings to be
"essential to the continued success of our
defense of South Viet Nam." He said he
would have "long ago selected these instal-
lations for pin-point bombing."
After a one-day delay for consideration,
Gov. Hatfield deplored the bombing escala-
tion as taking us "closer to confrontation
with Red China and the Soviet Union" He
saw this action as sinking "deeper and
deeper into the quicksand of an Asian land
war against which we have been warned by
military experts for decades."
This and other statements on the Viet
Nam war by Gov. Hatfield are wholly unac-
ceptable to the editors of this newspaper,
who recognize the sincerity of the governor's
views.
He and other critics of U.S. policy, in
Southeast Asia who now cry out against
bombing certain previously exempt military
objectives in North Viet Nam have also con-
demned bombing of enemy concentrations
in South Viet Nam, the nation under attack
from Communist forces. There position is
that the United States should "deescalate"
rather than escalate its military actions.
Essentially, their views are in harmony with
those of the earlier advocates of the "en-
clave" theory. Their idea is that by with-
drawing from the battlefield the United
States would somehow influence the Viet
Cong and the North Vietnamese to sue for
peace.
When President Johnson listened to this
kind of advice and suspended the then very
limited bombing of military movements and
supply bases in North Viet Nam for 37 days,
the reaction of the enemy was anything but
conciliatory. The cost in American lives
may not be measured exactly. But ' North
Viet Nam used the suspension to send more
thousands of regular troops into South Viet
Nam, to step up the infiltration of heavy
weapons, and to gather strength for bloodier
assaults on U.S.-South Vietnamese positions.
We do not know on what logic Gov. Hat-
field bases his idea that depriving the North
Vietnamese of their "privileged sanctuarie6"
of military power brings us nearer to war
with Red China and the Soviet Union, or
"deeper into the quicksand of an Asian land
war." From a military standpoint, the
greater use of air power against the aggres-
sor would seem to relieve the enemy's pres-
sure on U.S. and allied toops' in South Viet
Nam. There is no intimation from Moscow
or Peking that they consider the Hanoi and
Haiphong bombings in_ a different category
than the more limited bombings which pre-
ceded them. There is no reason to think that
the United States has committed itself at any
time to fight a massive land war in Asia, be-
yond the commitment of defending South
Viet Nam from Communist- aggression.
The idea that the war can-be stopped by re-
fusing to fight it has been refuted at every
stage of the long, careful escalation of U.S.
effort. We see no justification for the critics'
insistence that South Viet Nam cannot be
freed from communist aggression, nor for
their protests against every military action
designed to accomplish that. We do not
[From the Houston Post, July 3, 1966]
TRUE MORAL ISSUE IN VIETNAM-
Opponents of any American action to help
the people of South Viet Nam keep their
freedom reacted predictably to the bomb-
ing of a few oil storage tanks on the out-
skirts of Hanoi and Haiphong.
Their tender concern for petroleum stor-
age facilities is ludicrous, of course, but at
least they are consistent in opposing and
denouncing anything that makes it harder
for Communists to kill American and South
Vietnamese fighting men.
One can respect them perhaps for their
consistency but hardly for pretending that
their opposition is based on morality, by
which they fool nobody unless it is them-
selves.
Under the twisted reasoning that they
use in trying to justify their positions, it is
moral for Communists to try to take what
they want by force, but it is immoral for
anyone to oppose them.
It is moral for Communists to commit
aggression and try to impose their brand
of tyranny upon others, but it is immoral
to defend freedom.
It is moral for Communists to practice
murder, terrorism, assassination and bar-
baric cruelty against civilians on a mass
scale, but it is immoral if some noncom-
batants unavoidably are killed or wounded
in the course of non-Communist defensive
military operations.
It is moral for Communists to use every
weapon, tactic or device available to them,
but it is immoral for non-Communists to use
the weapons they have against Commu-
nists.
It is moral for Communists to kill large
numbers of unarmed civilians by exploding
bombs in the streets of Saigon or elsewhere,
but it is immoral to use napalm or B-52
bombers against Communist combatants.
It is moral for Communists to increase
their military effort, but it is immoral for
non-Communists to try to match or offset
that escalation.
It is moral for Communists to kill count-
less numbers of North Vietnamese in trying
to impose their system upon the people of
the North and to change the whole Vietna-
mese pattern of life, but it is immoral for
at least half of the Vietnamese people to re-
fuse to submit to this enslavement.
And now, it is moral for Communists to
import and use petroleum products for pur-
poses of killing Americans and South Viet-
namese, but it is immoral to try to keep
them from doing so.
Much is made of the fact that the oil stor-
age facilities bombed were near heavily popu-
lated areas. Their location is, of course, un-
der the control of the North Vietnamese
government. The choice is not that of the
South Vietnamese or American governments.
The Communists never have been deterred
by the fact that a target was in a populated
area, whether a city or a village.
Actually, the bombing of the oil to~Iks was
a precision operation, with great effort being
made to prevent civilian casualties. The tar-
gets were, in fact, somewhat isolated from
thickly populated areas. And, if some civil-
ians were in the areas where the bombs fell,
it was not from lack of warning. Some
Washington newsmen collaborated in see-
ing to that.
There is a moral issue in Viet Nam, a very
important one, although one to which op-
ponents of American- action appear blind.
It is whether or not other free-people should
stand aside and permit more than 15 million
people who want no part of Communism to
be either exterminated or enslaved. That is
the moral issue that has been involved in -
Viet Nam from the beginning of the Com-
munist- effort to take over South Viet Nam.
Who then are the truly morally guilty?
It can be argued that the use of physical
force in human relations always is immoral,
under any circumstances, but it can be even
more immoral not to defend the things to
which one attaches great value against those
who do use force.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- APPENDIX July 13; 495-6
[Prom the Washington (D.C.) Sunday Star,
July 3, 1966]
RAIDS REFLECT HARDER ATTITUDE ON
VIET GOALS
(By Richard Wilson)
Possibly of more significance than the ex-
panded scope of the bombing is the harden-
ing of attitudes at the highest levels here on
the nature of a settlement of the war In Viet
Nam.
If there was ever any concern that Presi-
dent Johnson would settle for something
considerably less than the sacrifices justify,
It is now dispelled. That is the inner mean-
ing of the Increased bombing and the re-
newed alertness for any sign that He Chi
Minh is ready to negotiate.
It was a hard decision requiring a finding
that the only way to bring Ho Chi Minh to
the bargaining table was to hurt him much
more, on the order of two or three times the
punishment inflicted on North Viet Nam in
the past.
Along with that finding went the determi-
nation that any settlement that resulted
could not be permitted to be another Laotian
fiasco In which the United. States pulled out
but the Communists remained. It was con-
eluded that the only way to get a meaningful
settlement was to drive the government of
.North Viet Nam to it, and make Ho Chi Minh
want it.
These cruel decisions were not easily taken,
and it Is not known if they will produce the
desired result, but if they do not it can be
foreseen that the screw will be tightened
again.
The basic strategic measurement made at
the highest level here is that China will not
enter the war directly, even though both
Chinese and Russian aid may be increased as
the United States steps up the military pres-
sure.
No illusions are entertained of quick re-
sults from the stepped up war. It is ob-
vious that at this stage, the United States
is not planning to invade and subdue North
Viet Nam, or destroy its government. Our
military effort is still limited, but the limits
are expanding and thus this is the factor
relied on to convince He Chi Minh that he
must 'negotiate without the preconditions
he had so far outlined,
Johnson appears far more settled in his
mind on the rightness of his course than
earlier this year, when he was somewhat un-
settled by the increasing public concern over
the war and the internal disturbances.
The chief problem at present is continuing
public support for the war. The President
made it clear in his recent visit to the Mid-
west that he will not weaken in his deter-
mination. More than this, he will make the
determining issue in the congressional cam-
paign support or non-support of the United
States in a dangerous war. When this is
the issue there is usually little doubt of the
outcome.
Some highly unrealistic illusions were in-
dulged by Republican candidates for Con-
gress who came here to attend a "candidates
school" conducted by the Republican Na-
tional Committee for the ostensible purpose
of showing these candidates how to win.
Some of them seemed quite out of touch
with the trend of events here. They thought
that the President would engineer a peace-
at-any cost negotiation just prior to election
day to influence the outcome. They rea-
soned that the President would take action
a few days before the election so that voters
would not really have a chance to determine
if he was right or wrong but would be caught
up In enthusiasm for peace' at any price.
This is about as remote from the actual
conditions existing as it is possible to get.
While it might be conceivable that between
now and November He Chi Minh would de-
cide he would have had all he could take, it
is not conceivable that Johnson would back
down and seek a truce on North Viet Nam's
conditions.
The conditions to which he already agrees
are as far as he is likely to go. These condi-
tions permit Ho Chi Minh to stop fighting
without risking the loss of his capital, his
country or his head. This is about as gen-
erous a bargain as was ever offered an ag-
gressor, and He Chi Minh is counted on to
recognize it as such as the bombing and
other coming attacks continue and increase.
Home Buying Bogged by Rising Interest
Rates
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. W. E. (BILL) BROCK
OF TENNESSEE
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, July 13, 1966
Mr. BROCK. Mr. Speaker, home buy-
ers are finding it increasingly difficult to
find mortgage money they can afford.
While the supply of money is bigger than
ever, the demand for it is too, largely be-
cause of the economic boom, and also due
to competition for funds in our burgeon-
ing Federal establishment. The result-
ing tight money makes interest rates
higher and downpayments larger.
Mr. Sam Dawson of the Associated
Press recently wrote an article outlin-
ing the plight of the family attempting
to purchase a home. Under unanimous
consent, I include his column in the Ap-
pendix of the RECOnD:
[From the Chattanooga (Tenn.) News-Free
Press, July 8, 1966]
WITH MONEY TIGHT-HOME BUYING BOGGED
BY RISING INTEREST RATE
(By Sam Dawson)
NEW YORK.--John and his wife had made
up their minds. They would take the $30,000
house in the neighborhood where they
thought their children would have a better
chance. The down payment of $3,000 had
finally been scraped together. Monthly pay-
ments on the mortgage would be pretty high
for them; but they thought they could swing
it, just barely.
"So:rry," said the real estate agent. "You
should have come back a month ago.. Now,
the only possible source for the money to fi-
nance the purchase is asking a down pay-
ment of $6,000. And the interest on the
mortgage has gone from 5.5 per cent; to 6.5
per cent. Money's tight, you know."
John and his wife and the children are
staying in the old neighborhood.
On the other side of the country, an ag-
gressive junior executive was being moved to
a new post. Joe was happy at the ;promo-
tion. His family was reconciled to leaving
their friends and the home his wife liked so
much. A buyer had been lined up for it.
GOES BEYOND REACH
But. just before the deed was to he signed,
the would-be buyer backed out. He still
liked the house. But to swing the deal for
him, the lender of the mortgage money was
now asking much more in down payment and
carrying charges that would put the monthly
payments beyond the stretching point of the
prospect's income-even if the asking price
for the house was shaved. The lender had
explained it was hard to find any money,
even cos,
tiler money, for the - deal--and the
going interest rates for everything were up,
way up.
Much the same thing is reported here and
there by professional builders. The finan-
cial institutions that carry them while they
build and hunt for home buyers are hard
to deal with just now. Banks and savings
and loan associations say they're short of
funds to lend. They also are fearful that
home buyers able to handle the costlier mort-
gages may prove few and far between.
Tight money is coming as a shock to many
folk because the money supply actually is
bigger than ever before. But there's a boom-
ing demand for credit to run a boom-
ing economy. Businessmen are competing
for loans. Government agencies and pri-
vate corporations are selling securities-and
competing for any available money.
Homes are still being sold, and still being
built. But financial institutions that tradi-
tionally lend the money for the purchase of
homes are finding it harder to get more de-
posits, because people with idle money can
get higher returns by depositing elsewhere,
or buying securities.
EXCEEDS 6 PERCENT MARK
The Federal Home Loan Bank Board re-
ports that in May the average interest rate
on conventional home mortgage loans in this
country rose to 6.02 per cent, compared with
5.77 per cent a year ago. But in many areas
the rate was well above the average. In the
San Francisco-Oakland area the average was
6.49 per cent, in Atlanta 6.41 per cent, in
Denver 6.40 per cent. The lowest in the
country was the Boston area at 5.55 per cent.
The average term of maturity for mort-
gages was above 24 years, with it range of
around 23 years in Boston and Philadelphia,
to 29 years in New York. The average pur-
chase price for new homes rose to $26,500
from $24,700 a year ago, with the highest
being the Boston area at $34,500 and the low-
est in Baltimore at $21,600.
The higher interest, bigger down payments,
difficulty of finding money available to fi-
nance the mortgage have cut off some would-
be home buyers here and. there. Others may
be finding it harder to buy a house because
all their bills seem to be going higher, and
their taxes, and demands on their incomes.
Getting a mortgage seems a lot tougher
in some places where it once seemed easy.
Meeting the monthly payments is tougher,
too, for a lot of folk. They could still get a
mortgage.-if they could meet the price.
Malawi: Independence Anniversary
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ADAM C. POWELL
- OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, July 13, 1966
Mr. POWELL. Mr. Speaker, on July
6, while this body was in recess, the na-
tion of Malawi observed the second anni-
versary of its independence and pro-
claimed itself a republic within the Brit-
ish Commonwealth. It is with extreme
pleasure that I take this opportunity to
extend warmest greetings to His Excel-
lency Kamuzu Banda, first President of
the Republic of Malawi; to His Excel-
lency Vincent H. B. Gondwe, Malawi's
Ambassador to the United States; and
to all the people of Malawi.
Malawi, formerly known as Nyasaland,
was years ago an important base of oper-
ations for the slave trade. The territory'
was relatively unknown until men such
as the explorer-missionary David Living-
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bill 'includes an increase in the appro-
priation, which I requested, for this agri-
cultural service that will accelerate and
improve the identification process.
The Santee River Basin is a most im-
portant economic area' in the State of
South Carolina, and, although we are
blessed with water as an abundant nat-
ural resource, a planning survey has been
needed for some time in this river basin
to plan for the conservation and efficient
use of this water resource in years to
come. Under the appropriation increase
authorized by this bill, it will now be pos-
sible to start this needed survey.
I have long supported soil conservation
and.watershed programs as a needed pro-
tection of our natural resources. It is
pleasing to me that a regional soil con-
servation district, formed in the lower
part of my State, will be able to proceed
with its forward-looking_plans in soil and
water conservation because of this bill.
This cooperative district has applied for
matching funds for important soil con-
servation measures, which should now be
available due to the increase in the re-
source conservation and development
item contained in the bill. This type
service will benefit future generations.
Mr. HOLLAND. Mr. President, I
thank my distinguished friend, the Sena-
tor from South Carolina, not only for his
courtesy, but also for his more than gra-
cious reference to the Se ator from
Florida and to his associates n the sub-
committee and on the full /committee.
We are graiteful for iris oin ents.
Mr. President, I yjelcj~ti7e oor.
STATEMENT ON `APPROPRIATIONS
FOR PROCUREMENT OF CERTAIN
EQUIPMENT OF THE ARMED
FORCES DURING THE FISCAL
YEAR 1967
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, my vote
was cast yesterday against the confer-
ence report on the military procurement
bill because the bill represents another
installment on foreign policy by military
power. We have yeached the stage where
we vote billions for military force with-
out attention to the uses to which it will
be put.
And as our military power is increased,
it becomes easier and more tempting to
use it anywhere and everywhere a prob-
lem for tl}e United States arises.
Through these vast military expendi-
tures, we are substituting force for for-
eign policy.: I think it is time we took
a long pause and developed a foreign pol-
icy to which our military establishment
would be oriented. We are proceeding
the other way around. We profess to be
aghast when the Chinese say that all
power comes from the barrel of a gun,
but we are the nation acting on that
premise. It was of deep regret to me
that this huge hardware procurement
was pied in with compensation for mem-
bers of the Armed Forces. The two
should have been considered separately.
I favored the military pay raise. I
.have favored, and supported extensive
benefits not only for servicemen, but for
veterans. With the exception of the
Senator from, Texas [Mr. YARBOR0uGHI,
I do not know of any member of this
body who labored longer and harder than
I to restore the benefits of the GI bill tQ
men who served after 1955. On June 30,
I cosponsored with Senator MONTOYA, Of
New Mexico, S. 3580, providing for addi-
tional readjustment assistance for Viet-
nam veterans.
This is not a question of providing the
best in compensation and benefits for
our military people.
Mr. President, I shall shortly intro-
duce a bill that not only would expand
the provisions of the GI bill, but also
would provide better compensation by
way of benefits to the survivors of Amer-
ican men who are being killed in an un-
constitutional and unjustifiable war in
Vietnam. For the men that survive and
are wounded, my bill would provide addi-
tional benefits to those that now accrue
to them, because in my judgment we owe
a great debt to the men who are being
sacrificed, either by loss of life or limb,
to carry on the U.S. outlawry in south-
east Asia in an undeclared war.
However, the issue in the bill that was
passed by the Senate yesterday, and to
which I was the sole dissenter, is in the
nature and direction of our military
power, in how it will be used.
In my opinion, we are leaning more
and more upon the gun barrel and the
bayonet in world affairs.
The Presidential semantics last night
was fine. But they bear no relationship
.to his foreign policy toward Asia. By our
actions, the United States has proved we
do not believe in partnership with Asia.
In practice, we believe that Asia must
conform to the American view of how
Asia's affairs should be arranged. We
intend to do business with Asia on our
terms, and our terms will be enforced
with military power.
I am satisfied that history will record
that all the talk of the President, the
Secretary of State, and the Secretary of
Defense about seeking and negotiating
peace in Asia really rests upon the major
premise that our enemies in Asia must
surrender first. We are in favor of ne-
gotiations if we can get a surrender, but
this administration has not demon-
strated that it is not insisting on a sur-
render before it reaches a negotiation.
Mr. President, let us face it: We can-
not negotiate on a bilateral basis with
any country in Asia with which we are
now engaged in an undeclared war. That
is why the senior Senator from Oregon
has been pleading for more than 3 years
that we face up to the fact that any set-
tlement in Asia must be on a multilateral
basis, with the United States and South
Vietnam on one side of the negotiating
table, North Vietnam and the Vietcong
and probably Red China on the other
side, and noncombatant nations sitting
at the head of the table to direct the
course of a peace settlement.
What a pity that the same President
who talks of a lasting peace that can only
come about through "full participation
by all nations in an international com-
munity under law" continues to ignore
the United Nations Charter with respect
to American obligations under it.
Oh, yes, it can be said that the ad-
ministration has submitted a resolution
to the. Security Council. But the ugly
reality is, Mr. President, that this ad-
ministration has conducted itself on a
pro forma basis in the United Nations in
respect to that resolution, for our Presi-
dent has not attempted to use the influ-
ence of his office to try to lead the United
Nations to a consideration of that reso-
lution.
That is why the senior Senator from
Oregon on several occasions, from this
desk, has urged that the President go to
New York City and make a speech to
the world, to the Security Council, or to
the General Assembly, calling upon the
United Nations to lead the world to peace
in Asia, by taking complete jurisdiction
over the threat to the peace in Asia,
which means taking jurisdiction over
American participation in warmaking
in Asia, as well as the participation of
our enemy.
What a pity that the semantics of the
White House are used to cover up the
failure of the United States to abide by
the Geneva agreement of 1954 for Indo-
china, for we did as much as any other
nation in the world to destroy the solu-
tion for Indochina that was worked out
at that Conference.
What the President said in his speech
last night has no relationship to his ac-
tual policy in Asia. The possibility of
"reconciliation between nations that now
call themselves enemies," which he
termed vital to peace, is being pushed
further and further into the dim future
by the President's war policy in Asia.
One can only conclude that this admin-
istration thinks the way to reconcile is
to destroy first.
Surely, the possibility of any recon-
ciliation with China will require the re-
moval of American military power from
her doorstep. Or do we believe that
everyone but the United States will bar-
gain and become reconciled with others
under threat of destruction?
About one thing the President was
right-the importance to the United
States of a part of the world where live
3 out of every 5 of its human beings.
The question is not its importance; the
question is what kind of an Asia will
prove most satisfactory to American
interests?
The one that will be the most unsatis-
factory, the most threatening, and the
most unstable will be an Asia trying to
free itself from American domination.
That is where the President has gone
wrong in his Asian policy. His adminis-
tration is determined to dominate Asia
by one means or another, to prevent any
country there from ever becoming a
threat to the United States. Some areas
and countries can be dominated by
financial means; others by military
means.
But domination, and not partnership
or cooperation, is the administration pol-
icy in Asia, despite the pious words of
the President last night.
The President talks about not seeking
any bases in Asia, but the sad fact is that
we are building them, and the sad fact is
that we are building substantial bases in
Asia; and the fact is that we are building
them in Thailand, we are building them
in South Vietnam, we are expanding
bases bases in the Philippines and Oki-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE July 13, 1966
nawa, and we have passed a bill in this
session of Congress that authorizes the
building of bases to the tune of a good
many hundreds of millions of dollars at
the discretion of the President and the
Secretary of Defense.
Anyone who thinks that those bases
will be built by the United States and
then the United States will walk away
from those bases, could not be more
wrong.
I am satisfied that the United States
Is building permanent military bases in
Asia, and that this will cause the occu-
pation of large parts of Asia by tens upon
tens of thousands of American troops for
decades and decades to come.
I believe that this is a sorry foreign
policy for this Republic, and it is a for-
eign policy that in my judgment must
be changed, or we will start writing the
first chapter of the decline of American
civilization.
What a pity that the President, who
told nations in Asia last night that "vic-
tory for your armies is impossible," con-
tinues to act in the belief that victory for
American armies in Asia is possible.
The war in Indochina ended in 1954.
The United States' revived it when we
tried to undo that peace and began to
arm South Vietnam. All the things the
President told Asians last night about
'the futility of resort to arms apply
equally to his own Asian policy. Sooner
or later, the United States, too, will have.
to turn away from the use of force as a
means of establishing a pro-Western
base in South Vietnam.
The President's contention that Asia
and Europe are the some insofar as
American policy and interests are con-
cerned, simply does not stand the test of
current history. It does not stand the
test of fact, for it relies on perpetuation
of Western bases in Asia that are relics
of the colonial past. An uphill and
costly struggle will be necessary to main-
tain them. We can expect the price to
get higher the longer we try to hang on.
It does not stand the test of reasona,
for contrary to the President's fine
words, it is not the partnership of equals
we are seeking in Asia, but the securing
of American military interests in the
Pacific.
The problem of this administration is
that it cannot conceive of a peace or
a condition of Asia that is not of its
own making. Its overwhelming desire
to have an American hand in every gov-
ernment of Asia and an American hand
in every relationship between countries
in Asia is the most basic ingredient of
administration Asian policy. Overman-
agement of Asian affairs is the greatest
vulnerability of that policy, for it will
cost the American people billions of dol-
lars and thousands of lives and it still
will never produce an American peace
in Asia. The administration sees a
threat to our military position in the
Pacific wherever it does not control
events. And the cost of controlling of
three-fifths of the world's people is going
to stagger even so rich a country as our
own.
I have said nothing In this speech
about my view of the lack of morality
of our foreign policy in Asia. I have
spoken on that subject many times In
the last 3 years. In my judgment, our
policy in Asia cannot be reconciled[ with
morality.
Yesterday I voted against'the military
procurement bill of some $17 billion-plus
because, in my judgment, I have a trust
and a responsibility to carry out what
I think is a very important check that
the Constitutional Fathers wrote into
the Constitution: check of the purse
strings.
In my judgment, we cannot change the
foreign policy of this administration,
which is dominated by the military at the
present time, until we start checking the
expenditure of funds, which means the
appropriation of funds. If we will use
the check of the purse strings, this ad-
ministration will be forced to change its
foreign policy.
I voted against the military procure-
ment bill yesterday.
I intend to continue to vote against
appropriations for the military until
there is a change. in American foreign
policy, for in my judgment American
foreign policy is dominated,by the Pen-
tagon Building. In my judgment, the
Secretary of Defense is the real Secre-
tary of State in this country.
I voted against it because I greatly'
fear that this great country is on its way
to control of our foreign policy by the
military if we do not watch out. There-
fore, it is important to bring the military
under control, and I think it is impor-
tant that the Johnson administration
learn from the American people that
they have cause for concern of moving
in the direction of military control under
a democratic label.
HOME RULE FOR THE DISTRICT OF
COLUMBIA
Mr. HART. Mr. President, I wish to
take this opportunity to commend Sena-
tor WAYNE MORS$ for his persistent and
dedicated efforts to secure home rule for
citizens of the District of Columbia.
In expressing his intention to offer the
home rule bill as an amendment to the
higher education bill, the Senator has
indeed demonstrated his determination
to leave no stone unturned to provide full
citizenship for people in the Nation's
Capital.
I suspect no one would deny that the
District of Columbia represents an anom-
aly in our democracy. Its citizens are
required to pay taxes and assume other
responsibilities of citizenship, yet they
are deprived of one of the basic privileges
available to all other citizens, the right
to participate in their own government.
The seat of our National Government
should be the epitome of the principles
upon which our system of government
was founded, and, thereby serve as a con-
stant reminder of the merits of a truly
democratic society.
In my opinion, Senator MORSE's
amendment would substantially accom-
plish this desirable goal.
I wish to cite two features that would
make the District of Columbia structure
consistent with proclaimed national
principles.
First, the nonpartisan election provi-
sion. This will make the principle of
democratic representation a reality by
encouraging and enabling the citizens of
the District of Columbia to elect those
who govern them. This provision would
recognize one of our most cherished
credos-that there should be no taxation
without representation.
.Second, the formula for a Federal pay-
ment to the District of Columbia. Espe-
cially commendable here that is it per-
mits greater flexibility in such payments
by varying them on the basis of modifica-
tions in the size of Federal establish-
ments and local taxes. This approach to
Federal payments will make it possible
for the Federal Government to contrib-
ute its fair and equitable share to the
District of Columbia.
Finally, I hope all Senators will join
me in supporting Senator MORSE's
praiseworthy efforts to achieve home rule
for citizens of the Nation's Capital and
thereby make it an example of demo-
cratic government.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. HART. I yield.
Mr. MORSE. I am both honored and
moved by the statement which the Sen-
ator from Michigan [Mr. HART I has just
made with regard to the need of the
adoption of a home rule amendment this
year.
As the Senator knows, I have decided
to offer the home rule amendment to the
higher education bill when it reaches
the floor of the Senate.
I believe that is a particularly ap-
propriate bill on which to add it. If
there is anything that we need to be edu-
cated about in this country it is the im-
portance of giving to over 800,000 fellow
Americans in the District of Columbia
the right of self-government.
I wish to say to the Senator from
Michigan [Mr. HART], that as a member
of the Committee on Foreign Relations
who goes to many parts of the world and
finds himself from time to time in the
capital cities of many of the so-called
underdeveloped nations of the world, I
have found a greater knowledge and a
better understanding of the import of a
home rule bill for the people of the
District of Columbia than I find in the
capital cities of most of the States of the
Union.
The fact is that most people in our
country are not aware of the significance
and the symbolism of the denial of first-
class citizenship to over 800,000 fellow
Americans in the District of Columbia.
Therefore, as a member of the Com-
mittee on Foreign Relations, I wish to
say that if there were no other reason
for home rule in the District of Columbia
than to change the tarnished image that
this country has in many underdevel-
oped areas of the world, that would. be
reason enough for the adoption of the
amendment. Millions of the people in
the world do not understand our boasts
about democracy and freedom and our
denial of it in the Capital City of the
Republic to the people who reside here.
I am offering the amendment to the
higher education bill after consultation
with many advocates of home rule, in
and out of Congress, and in both Houses
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take the lead in this war, for the hungry
of the world will look for leadership to
that nation which has fed them. Let
us not enter this battle handicapped by
failure to bring all our resources to the
task. That is one reason why a viable
fishing industry is in the national
interest.
But it will do us no good to harvest
and to mine the potential of the sea if
We cannot carry the products of our
labors to the people of the world. It
will do us little good to feed.the hungry
if we are not prepared to help them de-
velop strong economies through trade.
Those are only two reasons why a viable
maritime industry is in the national
interest.
Too often, too many persons believe
seapower is something to be cranked up i
in time of emergency. But seapower,
the end result of a sensible sea policy,
is more than carriers and deck guns,
more than supplying troops in war. Sea-
power also is the good sense to explore
and cultivate the great natural resources
of the sea; and it is the ability to carry
cargo and extend influence in peace.
The time has come for the United
States to-reclaim its place among the
world fishing and maritime leaders. The
time has come for this great country to
turn its attention to exploring and culti-
vating the sea, the earth's last frontier.
To those who contend the challenge of
the ocean is passed, I ask, "Who can say
of a particular sea that it is old?"
DENIAL OF EQUAL RIGHTS TO
AMERICAN JEWS TRAVELING IN
ARAB COUNTRIES DEPLORED
Mr, TYDINGS. Mr. President, many
of us have been appalled over the indig-
nities suffered by our Jewish fellow citi-
zens in their travels or planned travels
to the Middle East. Though bound to
us by trade and treaty, some of these
Arab nations violate the canons of inter-
national custom and usage by barring
American travelers from visiting their
countries solely on the grounds of
religion.
It does not mitigate the offense to
recognize that such arbitrary acts hurt
none more than the countries which
practice the discrimination. Business
contacts are aborted, trade possibilities
are reduced, and ill will abounds.
Most grievous of all, our citizens are
being deprived of their rights of citizen-
ship and we are unwilling or unable to
redress this wrong. It is ironic that as
we move closer to the achievement of
equal rights for all our citizens at home,
we silently suffer outrages against our
citizens abroad.
Jerold C. Hofberger, a leading citizen
of Maryland and a close friend of mine,
has written a very thoughtful letter to
me on this matter, and I ask unanimous
consent for the inclusion of Mr. Hof-
berger's letter at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
JvLY 1, 1966.
Hon. JOSEPH D, TYDINGS,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR JOE: Once again I'm writing to you
about a most distasteful subject. The Jew-
Ish Telegraphic Agency, on June 29th, re-
ported that Syria and Jordan had barred
three American Jews scheduled to visit there
next month as members of a Trade Union
group. The Retail, Wholesale, and Depart-
ment Store Union (AFL-CIO) discloses that
the Arab Governments had refused visas to
the Jewish members of a Union-sponsored
tour of Europe and the Middle East sched-
uled to leave New York on July 12th. The
Union reported that the action of the Arab
Governments had been in violation of earlier
assurances that there would be no discrim-
ination against the Jewish members of the
group. Egypt and Lebanon, which are also
on the itinerary, had not barred the three
Jewish Union members.
We have raised our voices in concern when
official representatives and military repre-
sentatives of the United States are barred
from these countries because of their reli-
gion. Now private citizens are being given
the same treatment. I wonder what would
happen throughout the world if the United
States barred a citizen of Jordan or Syria
for any reason whatsoever except that that
person be a carrier of disease or a criminal.
I recognize that there is not much we can
do about this sort of thing but I do believe
we should raise our voices in outrage.
Whatever you can do to put this matter on
the record will be appreciated,
PRAYERS AND BIBLE READING IN
THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS
Mr. TOWER. Mr. President, the text
of a statement endorsed by the Protes-
tant Ministers for School Prayers and
Bible Reading has recently come to my
attention. Certainly their views on this
important matter should be considered,
and I ask unanimous consent that this
statement be printed at this point in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the state-
ment was ordered to be printed in -the
RECORD, as follows:
TEXT OF STATEMENT ENDORSED BY PROTESTANT
MINISTERS FOR SCHOOL PRAYERS AND BIBLE
READING
As a Protestant minister, I wish to state
my firm conviction that, due to recent Su-
preme Court decisions, provision now needs
to be made in the United States of America
for individuals, on a voluntary basis, to be
free to pray and to read the Holy Bible in our
public schools and, in general, to recognize
Almighty God in the public life of our Nation.
RECORDS OF PARTICIPATION IN
THE U.S. SAVINGS BOND PAYROLL
PLAN BY EMPLOYEES OF THE
PEARL HARBOR NAVAL SHIPYARD
AND THE PEARL HARBOR NAVAL
SUPPLY CENTER, HAWAII
Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, em-
ployees of the Pearl Harbor Naval Ship-
yard and the Pearl Harbor Naval Sup-
ply Center recently established remark-
able records for participation in the cur-
rent U.S. savings bond pat'rol' plan.
Rear Adm. E. Alvey Wright, com-
mander of the Pearl Harbor Naval Ship-
yard, was recently presented with a new
minuteman flag bearing three gold stars
and three white stars symbolizing 19
consecutive years during which more
than 90 percent of the employees have
been buying savings bonds regularly
through the payroll savings plan.
As a matter of record, the actual par-
ticipation in the program was 98.5 per-
cent or 5,595 of the 5,676 employees.
Another minuteman flag was pre-
sented by Gov. John A. Burns to Capt.
Elliott Bloxon, commanding officer of
the Pearl Harbor Naval Supply Center.
Naval Supply Center employees estab-
lished a record of 93 percent participa-
tion-the 15th consecutive year with
more than 90 percent participation. A
total of 918 of the center's 987 employees
are enrolled in the payroll savings plan.
I know that President Johnson and
Members of this body will be exceedingly
pleased to learn of the widespread sup-
port given to the U.S. savings bond pay-
roll plan by the employees of these two
commands.
CENTENNIAL OF NEW ATHENS, ILL.
Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, this
July 15, 16, and 17 the town of New Ath-
ens, Ill., is celebrating its centennial.
Situated in the southwest part of Illinois,
this proud community has grown and
prospered over the last 100 years. The
area is noted for having some of the fin-
est farmland in the State. And a trav-
eler is immediately struck by the well-
kept, flourishing farms of the district.
The history of New Athens is rich and
varied and is marked by many exciting
episodes. In 1813 ,a fierce Indian tribe
massacred many of the early settlers.
Floods often swept through the center of
the town. And reports that New Athens
was to become the center of steamboat
traffic once boosted the population to
1,500 only to have it dwindle to 5 when
the reports proved false.
But despite calamities and hardships
the citizens of New Athens persevered.
Today New Athens is an outstanding
community boasting many fine churches
and a progressiv school system. I con-
gratulate the pe pie of New Athens on
their achieveme s of the past, and I
share with t.lie i 4he hope for their con-
tinued pto e d prosperity.
REPORTED EXECUTION OF AMER-
ICAN PRISONERS BY NORTH
VIETNAMESE GOVERNMENT
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President,
there have been very ominous reports
in the newspapers about the North Viet-
namese Government trying and execut-
ing certain of our prisoners who were
taken as prisoners of war.
It is my profound hope that the Gov-
ernment of North Vietnam will not ex-
ecute the prisoners they designate as war
criminals. Clearly they were captured
while carrying out the orders of their
Government, orders which they had no
part in formulating and orders to which
the laws of this - country require obedi-
ence. Such an execution would be a bar-
barous violation of the Geneva Conven-
tion of 1949, but I do not rest my appeal
upon that basis alone.
The real, the substantial basis for my
appeal to the government of Ho Chi
Minh is that it would have the opposite
effect to that which, I assume, they de-
sire. Rather than deterring further at-
tacks upon their oil installations or their
cities, it would certainly inspire more in-
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July 13, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
in 1966. Statewide the massacre had
reached a total of only-only!-501 Monday,
as against 526 at that hour last year, but in
Bergen County the killing appeared some-
how to have slipped out of control. It was
running 13 deaths and 97 days ahead of the
record established in 1965, and, with two big
summer holidays and the death-dealing
dusks of autumn yet to be negotiated, the
extrapolations indicate 120 killings for the
year.
So what? One killing is dull routine.
Four killings at a clip make eyewitnesses,
ever toughened doctors and policemen, faint
or sicken. Killings in batches of five or
more can even make Page 1 of the New York
Times if the circumstances, e.g. roasting to
death, are colorful. But so what? What's
The Record getting excited about? What's
the big deal, asking people to nominate their
own favorite danger spots?
Well, manslaughter at this rate-at a rate
hurrying up to 50,000 a year nationwide-
is something to get excited about, period.
Something has to be done, and the fact
that dangerous driving has its roots in the
blackest subsoil of the human mind and
spirit had better not be allowed to deter our
trying to do it.
We can start, as was done by the Senate
this week, to require that cars be made safer
at the point of design and manufacture. We
can impose on a national Administration
safety standards sterner than it wanted. We
can persuade a President to say for us, as
this one did. "We can no longer tolerate
such anarchy on wheels."
We can harden the laws against drunken
driving, as the State of New Jersey has just
done, and we can make it less difficult for
the policeman to bring into court evidence
incontrovertible by bland lawyers and ob-
liging expert witnesses.
We can demand-as we shall do one of
these days, as certainly as a computer can
count off the people who have the accidents-
that all drivers submit to periodic physical
and psychological re-examination. We can
rule off the road the senile incompetent and
the juvenile irresponsible.
And, through the use of a device as rela-
tively unsophisticated as a pool of plain peo-
ple to identify the dangers that haunt them,
we might find the time has come for a radi-
cal re-evaluation of the way we use the
money governments appropriate for roads.
Is it time to change priorites so that more
money can be applied to wiping out such
horror chambers as the Little Ferry traffic
circle and such ridiculous antiques as the
Anderson Street Bridge in Hackensack? Is it
time to limit access to the downtown streets
which have become commuter raceways? Is
it time for the elimination of all major street
crossings at grade? We're killing 16 people
on the old roads for every one that dies
on the limited-access highways. Is it time
the automobile owner and driver be taxed
heavily enough to eliminate death-trap roads
and high-friction intersections?
Big Deal? Maybe.
It had better be.
A SENSIBLE SEA POLICY
Mr. BARTLETT. Mr. President,
Thomas Hardy, the English novelist,
asked:
Who can say of a particular sea that it is
old? Distilled by the sun, kneaded by the
moon, it is renewed in a year, in a day, or
in an hour.
It is that ability to renew itself which
gives the sea so vast a potential to serve
a world faced with an ever-growing need
for food and natural resources. A coal
mine may run out, an oil well may dry
up, but with proper use, the sea will con-
tinue to serve man indefinitely.
As is the case with any natural re-
source, proper use entails development
as well as safeguards against harmful
exploitation.
The Senate recently approved S. 2218,
a bill to extend U.S. fishery jurisdiction
from the present 3-mile limit of its terri-
torial waters to 12 miles off its coasts.
A few days later the Senate passed my
bill to expand the fish protein concen-
trate research and development pro-
gram. These measures represent both
aspects of proper use of a natural're-
source.
Because some persons may consider
such measures important only to a par-
ticular industry or to particular areas,
I would like to discuss today the broader
implications involved. These measures
are of national and international import
because they are involved in the devel-
opment of a sensible sea policy-a policy
that will put to work for man and for
world peace the vast resources of the
ever-renewing sea. This policy entails
use of the oceans as a supply of food,
water and minerals, as a medium of
transportation and communication, as a
factor in the complex pursuit of a stable
peace.
Mr. President, there are a number of
persuasive reasons why the United States
should extend its territorial fishing zone,
to 12 miles. This Nation is one of the
very few countries with coasts which
still limits itself to a 3-mile fishing
jurisdiction. The vast majority_of fish-
ing nations have set boundaries of 12
miles or more. This fact is supported
by the Department of State and the :De-
partment of Navy, both of which in re-
versing longstanding opposition to S.
2218, noted that the trend in interna-
tional law was establishment of 12-mile
fishing zones. It must be pointed out
that the measure in no way endorses ex-
tension of territorial seas, a step which
could adversely affect freedom of the
seas.
Certainly a wider territorial fishing
zone will be of some assistance to our
fishermen who are facing increasingly
stiff competition from larger and more
modern foreign fleets. Foreign vessels
can be seen regularly off our coasts
taking a resource which could be ours if
we were equipped to compete. We are
not equipped to compete because this
Nation has been slow to recognize the
great need for, the great stakes involved
In developing a sensible sea policy.
There are some persons who would
argue that the Government has no busi-
ness aiding an industry that cannot meet
foreign competition. Aside from an
ample number of precedents showing
that thinking incorrect, I firmly believe
that we let our fishing and maritime in-
dustries dwindle to extinction at grave
risk to the Nation.
I will return to the importance of these
industries in a moment, but first I want
to discuss what I consider the most per-
suasive reason for supporting the 12-
mile-limit bill. Mr. President, I do not
know of any supporter of S. 2218 who be-
lieves it. is a panacea for our fishing
problems. Enactment of this bill, how-
ever, will provide the United States with
a most useful tool in working to bring
about a world fishery convention, a con-
14843
vention desperately needed if the oceans
are not to be stripped clean, if we are
to have the international agreements
necessary to ensure that the seas will.
continue to renew and to serve man. In
short, enactment of this bill must be
coupled with strenuous efforts to bring
about a world convention. The recent
creation of a high-level fisheries post in
the Department of State indicates the
administration is beginning to appreci-
ate the importance of the problem.
There is good reason why there ap-
pears to be insufficient worldwide pres-
sure for this needed convention at this
time, and that is human nature. As 1:
noted earlier, the United States is one of
the few fishing nations which permit
foreign vessels within 12 miles of its
coasts. Certainly nations which can
fish close to our coasts while keeping
foreign vessels well away from theirs are
not anxious to give up their advantage.
By extending our fishing zone to 12
miles, Congress will encourage other
governments to see the wisdom of call-
ing a world fishing convention.
Mr. President, the United States has a
great interest in the establishment of
world fishing regulations, not only be-
cause they will assist what once was and
can be again one of our most important
industries, but principally because they
will help insure proper use of ocean re-
sources.
Development of a desalination process
would be one proper use. Development
of fish protein concentrate as a source of
cheap, high-quality protein for the
world's hungry would be another. I
have talked at length on numerous oc-
casions about the value of fish protein
concentrate as a food supplement, and
will only say today that those persons
opposing development of the product
should put aside regional interests and
personal prejudices and think of vast
need for a protein concentrate.
I am confident that this Nation has the
scientific ability to develop the resources
of the ocean. I am not sure it has the
will, not because it is tired, but because
it does not appreciate what is at stake.
At stake is whether or not this Nation,
in the years ahead, will be able to com-
pete on equal terms in the struggle to
lead the world toward freedom. It was
the late President Kennedy who said:
If a free society cannot help the many
who are poor, it cannot save the few who are
rich.
The competition will be waged in the
poor, developing countries, but not, as
we have heard so often, in the hearts and
minds of people, at least not at first. The
battle will be waged and, in large part,
won, in the stomachs of the hungry of
the world. There are countless studies
indicating that the gap between the
haves and have-nots is growing, that the
gap between the amount of food the
world can produce and what it needs is
widening.
The ocean represents vast untilled
acres of farmland which, properly
cultivated, can help reverse that ominous
drift. I believe that as the world's rich-
est nation, we have a heavy responsi-
bility to bear in the war against world
hunger. I believe that as the target of
nations who oppose freedom, we must
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE 14845
tense attacks and a greater spread of
devastation.
I recognize the natural desire of the
Government of North Vietnam for re-
venge against the Americans for what
they regard as a savage escalation of a
war, which, in their view, results from
aggression by the United States. Never-
theless, in view of the simple facts of
life, further to incite the American Gov-
ernment to increased bombing will only
make any kind of settlement short of
complete and utter devastation and de-
struction all but impossible.
Mr. President, I"have, as the record
will show, opposed the escalation and
broadening of the war in Vietnam. I
still believe it is a serious mistake and
that, instead of military victory, we
should be seeking a compromise settle-
ment of the war by negotiation. Sooner
or later the war must end.' As a purely
practical matter, the ending of the war
will be delayed and the suffering of all
the people concerned will be increased
if the prisoners of war are executed.
I believe that the prestige and in-
fluence of the government of Ho Chi
Mini will be enhanced and the criticism
of the American escalation will be
stronger if the prisoners are treated in
accordance with the Geneva Convention.
In short, to show restraint and self-dis-
cipline under the stress of this severe
provocation will enhance the reputation
for maturity and wisdom of the North
Vietnamese throughout the civilized
world.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have printed at this point in the
RECORD an article entitled, "Washing-
ton: the American Prisoners in Hanoi,"
written by James Reston, and published
In the New York Times on July 13, 1966.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in, the RECORD,
as follows:
WASHINGTON: THE AMERICAN PRISONERS IN
HANOI
(By James Reston)
WASHINGTON, JULY 12.-In the last few
days Hanoi and the Communist capitals of
Eastern Europe have been talking about try-
ing and executing the American fliers cap-
tured in North Vietnam. We have had many
tragic miscalculations on both sides in this
var, but none more ominous or dangerous
khan this.
The Communist photographs of the Amer-
can pilots being led helpless and hand-
;uffed at gur point through the menacing
Irowds are bad enough. But if this is fol-
lowed by another of those spectacular Com-
munist "trials" and the execution of these
men, the reaction of this country is likely
to be precisly the opposing of what Hanoi
Imagines.
THE U.S. REACTION
This is a very critical moment in the long
Itruggle to keep this war limited. The North
Vietnamese leaders are no doubt furious
bout the bombings of the oil dumps in
ianoi and Haiphong. They have ordered the
vacuation of the civilian population from
hose cities and no doubt thishas encouraged
spirit of revenge. But nothing will add to
le brutality and unpredictability of this
ar raore than making these few fliers pay
rfth their lives for carrying out the orders
,f their Government.
There has been much stupidity but very
ittle jingoism in America's conduct of this
var. The American people have been trou-
bled but calm. With one or two exceptions,
the President and his aides have avoided ap-
peals to emotion and no effort has been made
to arouse a spirit of hatred toward the po-
litical leaders or the soldiers of North Viet-
nam.
In fact-rightly or wrongly-U.S. officials
here and in Saigon have pictured the enemy
as brave but misguided men fighting for
Peiking or Moscow against their own na-
tional interests. But all this could easily
be changed by howling mobs, drum-fire
courts a:_d firing squads in Hanoi.
The rules of war specifically forbid the
retribution now being discussed in the Com-
munist world. Article XIII of the Geneva
Convention of 1949, signed by the Hanoi
Government on June 5, 1957, provides that
prisoners of war should be protected against
intimidation and reprisal for acts of war
performed in the line of duty.
This however, is not primarily a legal but
a practical question, involving the psychol-
ogy of the American people and the President
of the United States, Nobody who knows
anything about Lyndon Johnson can have
much doubt about the severity of his reac-
tion if the fliers he sent into North Vietnam
are executed against the standards of inter-
national law for carrying out his orders.
Argument in this country about whether
the orders to bomb Hanoi and Haiphong
were wise will' be overwhelmed. The curi-
ously impersonal attitude of America to Vie
war will end, and public opinion will un-
dotibtedly support him in any counter-
measures he takes, no matter how severe.
THE DIPLOMATIC QUESTION
For the moment, then, the practical ques-
tion is not whether the Prime Ministers of
India and Great Britain can persuade the
Soviet Government to help end the war,
but whether they can persuade Kosygin and
Brezhnev to intervene in Hanoi to stop this
trend toward personal reprisals, which will
only tend to make the war unmanageable.
Moscow and the Communist governments
of Eastern Europe are obviously in no mood
to propose a compromise settlement in Viet-
nam, but they may at least be willing to do
something about keeping it from getting out
of control.
HARRIMAN'S TASK
The President's special envoy Averell
Harriman, is now working almost full time
on the diplomacy of avoiding this tragedy,
but the indications from Hanoi are that of-
ficials there intend to go through with the
trials.
Far from intimidating other Navy and Air
Force fliers from attacking targets in North
Vietnam which apparently is the intention;
far from restraining President Johnson,
which is what they are believed to have
in mind; far from encouraging opposition
to the President's bombing policy, the con-
viction and execution of the American fliers
will almost certainly escalate the bombing
and unite this country behind a much more
punitive and aggressive policy.
The present situation is bad enough. The
American people and even the American
Government are divided about using power
to destroy the power centers of North Viet-
nam, but if these fliers are humiliated and
executed, it will be difficult if not impossible
to follow a policy of restraint, no matter
what the consequences.
THE POLITICS OF EXTREMISM
Mr. MOSS. Mr. President, extremism
has contributed no bright pages to our
country's history. Down the decades we
have had our share of the ultra this and
the ultra that, of lunatic fringes, but in
the testing perspective of time their
stories do not make inspiring reading.
It has taken men of conscientious rea-
soning and considered judgment to bring
the Nation to the eminence it now oc-
cupies.
It is a very salutary thing to have our
young people reminded of these facts,
.to be reminded that catchy slogans and
so-called "worthy causes" are often
cloaks for premeditated deceit.
Not so long ago one of our citizens,
who already has served this land well,
made good use of an opportunity to talk
to a group of college students on the
"politics of extremism." His remarks
were carefully documented and any
doubting Thomases in his audience
could turn to the stern facts in source
material and learn for themselves that
he spoke the truth without color or dis-
tortion.
That man is Robert H. Hinckley, of
Eden, Utah, who began service in my
State's government four decades ago and
then placed his abilities at the country's
disposal in the 1930's to combat the rav-
ages of the great depression. That task
ably discharged, he became a member
and Chairman of the Civil Aeronautics
Authority and later an Assistant Sec-
retary of Commerce for Air. After
Pearl Harbor he accepted a key post in
a war industry where his talents and
experience would yield the maximum re-
turn in the national interest. Once vic-
tory was in sight, however, he willingly
returned to Washington to assume the
exacting work of Director of the Office
of Contract Settlement.
When the thorny problem of contract
settlements had lost its urgency in 1946,
he became vice president and director
of the American Broadcasting Co., which
he still serves.
Several years ago Mr. Hinckley estab
lished a fund of $250,000 at Utah's Brig-
ham Young University in memory of his
father and mother, Edwin S. and Adeline
Henry Hinckley, to provide scholarships
for worthy students interested in the im-
portant problem of communications.
This has now resulted in the develop-
ment of a department of Brigham Young
University for radio, television, and the
general field of communications.
More recently, in May of 1965, Mr.
Hinckley and the Edward John Noble
Foundation, of which he is a trustee,
provided $250,000 for the establishment
at the University of Utah of the Hinckley
Institute of Politics. Its mission: To
create respect for politicians and politics,
to inspire university students to partici-
pate actively in politics, to encourage
them to stand for public office, and to
convince them that politics is an hon-
orable calling.
As the first of a series designed to fur-
ther those goals by sharing with a large
audience significant discussions and
analysis of political issues, Mr. Hinckley
delivered a lecture at the 18th, annual
Pi Sigma Alpha conference at the Uni-
versity of Utah on May 24 and I ask
unanimous consent that it be printed
in the RECORD at this point.
There being no objection, the lecture
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
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14846 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July i 1966
THE POLITICS of EXTREMISM
(By Robert H. Hinckley)
Pi Sigma Alpha probably should have bor-
rowed a sign for this speech from one of our
downtown churches and placed it outside.
it reads: "Come in and have your faith
lifted."
For I undertake this analysis of naodern-
day fringe politics standing on an old Ameri-
can platform-that faith, not fear, has been
the secret of this country's success and great-
ness. The politics of fear in contemporary
America, which we are about to examine, is
a departure from that mood and spirit, an
aberration on the American scene which is
as fascinating as it is repelling.
We begin with an appraisal of left-wing
extremism in the form of communism, and
shall then turn to the Far Right.
COMMUNISM
Starting with a theoretical framework rest-
ing heavily on economic and historical deter-
minism and class conflict, Marxists laid down
a program of action whereby Communists
could speed up the overthrow of capitalism?
Stirring up class and racial conflict would be
the starting point. Catching capitalism at a
weak point, Communists would then foment
a revolutionary outbreak, bringing the old
order down by force and violence. The post-
revolutionary government would be dictator-
ship--in theory, dictatorship of the proleta-
riat, but in fact, dictatorship by the van-
guard of the proletariat, which means the
Communist Party elite .2 The next step calls
for the nationalization of property as social-
ism replaces capitalism. Then as all vestiges
of selfishness and class spirit disappear, the
socialist state evolves into the final stage of
communism where the state will wither away
and men will live by the rule, "From each
according to his ability, to each according
to his need."8
It Is Important that we understand Marx's
objectives that we might thereby evaluate
his means. He clearly intended to produce
a society of self-governing individuals in
which there would be an equalitarian divi-
sion of the products of labor. Without any
sense of ridicule, I do describe this as the
search for a workers' utopia-that "green
Valley" of enough for all and the repression
of none'
But it is my firm conviction that Marx
and his disciples left, us a system filled with
flaws and a blueprint not for freedom but
for tyranny.
The first shortcoming in Marxism goes to
the very foundation of the whole system, to
the notion of economic determinism. I say
to you that man is more-much more than
what he eats, and much more than merely
a captive adjunct of the economic system
that provides his wants.
Marxists, therefore, have based their cure
for the ills of man gn the false diagnosis:
That they can perfect economic man by put-
ting him through dictatorship and socialism.
Even if we were to grant that the socialistic
experience might purge man of economic sin,
he would still be subject to psychological dis-
orders, the possibility of racial -ejudice,
and a wide assortment of other human frail-
ties that would keep man from joining the
angels that Marx contemplated in the final
stage of communism.
The second error in Marxism is his analysis
of capitalist development. Instead of there
being any predestined course for capitalism
1 For a convenient collection, see Arthur
P. Mendel, ed., Essential Works of Marxism
(N.Y., Bantam Books, 1961), 592 pp.
2 Lenin, State and Revolution, in ibid., p.
120.
1 Communist Manifesto, in Mendel, op. cit.,
p. 33; Engels, Socialism: Utopian and Scien-
tific, in Mendel, p. 78; and Lenin, State and
Revolution, in Mendel, pp. 177-78.
4 Communist Manifesto, in Mende:!, p. $3.
which spelled increasing doom for the pro-
letariat, capitalism, like socialism, has shown
that it can go in almost any direction. In
America, the depredations of monopolists
and the exploiters of child labor of the 19th
century have been brought under control
in the mixed economy and capitalism has
provided rapidly rising standards of living
for essentially all of the American people.
The third objection that must be made to
the Marxist scheme is its reliance on govern-
ment by an elite. When the Mensheviks
lost to the Bolsheviks at Brussels in 1903 on
the issue of a workers' party open to all,
Marxism-Leninism became dedicated to the
proposition that some workers are created
more equal than others. Subsequently, in
Marxist states from Russia to Yugoslavia
and Cuba, a new class of favored bureaucrats
simply replaced the capitalists of the old
regime. The proletariat is no more in power
after the revolution than befoge!
Fourth, when Marxists talk about dicta-
torship of the proletariat they mean dictator-
ship by the party against everyone else.
Press censorsip, the imprisonment of writers,
the campaign against religion in the USSR,
the cancellation of elections in Castro Cuba,
and the Berlin war are the mailed fist of
dictators, not the kid gloves of a democratic
system. I repeat, Marxist dictatorship means
dictatorship.
Fifth, Marx's proposition that the state
will wither away overlooks the lust men
have for power and their unwillingness ever
to relinquish it. As Lord Acton. was to warn
long ago: "Power corrupts and absolute
power tends to corrupt absolutely." It would
be interesting to hear Mr. Khrushchev on the
subject today of "How do we dissolve the
dictatorship?" for Marxists really have no
formula to achieve the peaceful transition
of power from dictatorship to democratic
socialism and from socialism to the wither-
ing away of the state. Dictators do not
wither away-they manage to get "elected"
for life!
To me, the sixth criticism of Marxism. is
the most telling of all: It cannot possibly
achieve its goal of producing self-governing
individuals by first putting them through
dictatorship. The authoritarian state is the
breeding ground of serfs, not free men; and
as Lord Macauley warned a century ago: "If
men are to wait for freedom until they be-
come wise and good in slavery, they may in-
deed wait forever."
What is the meaning of all this for the
United States? I think the evidence is clear
that Communists do intend to destroy the
United States of America.5 And they are
committed to any means which will achieve
that end. As you listen, therefore, to avowed
Communists like Danny Rubin who appeared
on this campus urging reform through the
ballot box, don't overlook their underground
training schools where Communists are
taught the fine art of how to kill a man by
jabbing a pencil into his neck ,6 how to sabo-
tage a defense facility, and to gather data
for their espionage network. Those may be
reform tactics, but they are alien to Ameri-
can politics.
Moreover, Communists function as fifth
columnists to weaken the country internally
by intensifying conflicts and domestic dis-
turbances of any sort. Thus Communists
take advantage of civil rights controversies
and make their presence felt in Harlem and in
Watts. They have been known to stage pro-
tracted strikes for political rather'than eco-
nomic reasons, the classic case being the
strike against Allis-Chalmers in 1940 to pre-
vent the fulfillment of that company's de-
fense contracts at a time when Hitler and
See the record summarized in Commu-
nist Party of the USA v. Subversive Activi-
ties Control Board, 367 U.S. 1 (1961).
9 See Scales v. U.S., 387 U.S. 203, at 250-
251 (1961).
Stalin were jointly dividing up eastern Eu-
rope.
In the face of such dangers, how should
a free society based on faith, not fear, re-
spond to a terrorist party in its midst that
is committed to the country's downfall:
Stifle their speech? Prohibit their meet-
ings? Register them? Outlaw them?
The suggestions I would make are, first,
to remove the conditions that the maggots of
Marxism feed upon. I mean by that to work
untiringly for an end to the deprivation of
minority rights, unemployment, substandard
working conditions, and slum housing.
.These things we can do by the progressive
reforms we have tried in the economic field
since the 1930's and in the race relations field
since about 1954. In short, let us make
democracy and capitalism in America ex-
amples at their very best of how this kind
of political and economic system may min-
ister to the needs of man.
The second part of our response to the
Communist threat relies on an old American
answer on how to cope with bad ideas-sim-
ply rebut them with better ideas. As
Thomas Jefferson said so long ago: "We have
nothing to fear from the demoralizing
reasonings of some if others are left free to
demonstrate their errors, and especially
when the law stands ready to punish the first
criminal act produced by the false reason-
ings: These are safer correctives than the
conscience of the judge." 7
But since the full Communist threat is
not restricted to the area of ideas, we must
be prepared to "punish the first criminal act"
that they may undertake. Here I would
urge a reliance on laws aimed at such acts
as espionage and sabotage, and conspiracy to
commit those acts, rather than placing re-
liance on statutes aimed at speech and advo-
cacy. Moreover, there is a need for an effec-
tive FBI to keep tabs on the undercover
world of communism and for the use of
grand juries for indictments and our regular
trial juries, not congressional committees,
for determining the guilt or innocence of
Communists accused of violating the laws of
the land. These are the time-honored in-
struments which have always stood us in
good stead against other enemies of the pub-
lic good, and I refuse to submit to the propo-
sition that the Cold War requires us to repeal
the first, fourth, fifth, or sixth amendments
of the Bill of Rights.
Internationally, where we also meet the
threat of communism at many points around
the world-Berlin, Korea, Viet Nam, Cuba,
Africa, and South America-I offer much the
same formula: That we do what we can to
eliminate those conditions on which com-
munism feeds and be prepared to resist overt
acts of aggression. Such a policy calls fo:
the intelligent use of foreign aid, militar:
firmness where it is needed, and continue(
vigorous support of the United Nations.
But I hardly need tell you that these pro.
posals for dealing with Communists at hom(
and abroad are regarded by soma of ous
countrymen as woefully inadequate. These
are our countrymen who see Communist:
everywhere and who, in a fantastic double-
take on logic, would have us copy Communist
tactics to fight Communism. They are, of
course, the followers of the Far Right on
our political spectrum. To them we now
turn,
RIGHT-WING EXTREMISTS
Across the stage of America's political his
tory have marched a fascinating array o
minor political parties: The Anti-Masonl
Party, the Know-Nothings, Barn Burner
Soft Hunkers, Populists, Grangers, the Bu
Moosers, Progressives (of either the LaFc
lette or the Henry Wallace varieties), Sc.
cialists, Communists, Vegetarians, Prohibi
tionists, the Silver Shirts, the Minute Men
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