SENATOR FULBRIGHT SPEAKS OUT

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000400060012-9
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 16
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 21, 2005
• Sequence Number: 12
• Publication Date: April 6, 1966
• Content Type: OPEN

April 6, .1966
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
the children of mothers who, for one reason
or another, can't provide care for them dur-
ing the day," she said.
"We like to pretend that Mom's still in the
kitchen, but the fact of the matter is, she
hasn't been in the kitchen for years."
As part of her continuing fight for a better
life for young children, Mrs. Guggenheimer
resigned as cochairman of the city antipov-
erty program's Headstart Committee yester-
day. She did so in protest over conflicts in
the running of the preschool enrichment
program.
A SIZE 10 GRANDMOTHER
At 53 (she will be 54 next Monday), Elinor
Guggenheimer is trim (size 10) and forth-
right, with a fine sense of the ridiculous.
She and her husband, Randolph, a partner
in the law firm of Guggenheimer & Unter-
myer, live in a cooperative apartment at 1095
Park Avenue. They are the parents of two
sons, Charles, 32, and Randolph, 30, and the
grandparents of two boys and a girl, all un-
der 6.
"Actually, you'd better say young Ran-
dolph is 6 because he can read now and he
always says he's almost 6," Mrs. Guggen-
heimer explained. "I wouldn't want to hurt
his feelings."
In addition to her children and grandchil-
dren, Mrs. Guggenheimer is proud of her
indomitable mother-in-law, Mrs. Charles S.
Guggenheimer, known to thousands of music
lovers as Minnie. Mrs. Charles S. Guggen-
heimer is credited with almost single-hand-
edly having founded the summer concerts
at Lewisohn Stadium.
The younger Mrs. Guggenheimer's duties
as a member of the New York City Plan-
ning Commission take up so much of her
time that she does not have enough left over
to pursue her hobbies as much as she pre-
tends that she might like to.
"As the result of my famous mother-in-
law, I am conversant with music," she said,
"and in my spare time, I do needlepoint."
To illustrate, she produced a piece of petti-
point from her handbag and ran off a few
stitches.
"I also play atrocious golf and cook di-
vinely," she said. "Honesty compels me to
tell you that when I get finished, however,
the kitchen is a mess."
She gives a course on park and recreation
planning at the New School for Social Re-
search each fall, paints, collect Chinese por-
celain, and writes skits.
BARNARD GRADUATE
Mrs. Guggenheimer is a native New Yorker,
the only child of the late Nathan Coleman,
a commercial banker, and Mrs. Lillian Cole-
man.
She was educated at Horace Mann, a pri-
vate school which at that time accepted
girls; Vassar and Barnard College, from
which she graduated. Later, she took
courses at Columbia University's Teacher's
College and Pratt Institute in early child-
hood education and city planning, respec-
tively.
A woman who takes her work seriously,
she has been rumored to be informally so-
liciting support for the Manhattan Borough
presidency to replace Mrs. Constance Baker
Motley.
Although Mrs. Guggenheimer becomes in-
censed at the lag in day-care facilities in
this country, she nevertheless sees some hope
ahead.
"If Operation Headstart can be developed
to relate to clay-care centers, this would be
a step forward," she said. "There is hope in
the small amount of Federal funds that
have served to stimulate licensing laws for
the protection of children in group pro-
grams."
Governor Rockefeller's program to appro-
priate funds for day care is also a positive
move, she feels.
"I don't want to stir things up to make
trouble," she said seriously. "I want to be
able to speak freely to end trouble and 1ri4g
peace. There's a difference."
SENATOR FULBRIGHT SPEAKS OUT
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, as
chairman of the Foreign Relations Com-
mittee, the views of the Senator fronl
Arkansas [Mr. FULBRIGHT] deserves spe-
cial attention. Senator FULBRIGHT has
not hesitated to make his opinions about
our involvement in Vietnam known, and
many of his statements are already in
the RECORD. A recent and very timely
article has been brought to my attention,
however, and I feel it merits the special
scrutiny of my colleagues. In the April
9 issue of the Saturday Evening Post he
has written a column entitled "We Must
Negotiate Peace in Vietnam." Besides
calling for American acceptance and
understanding of the realities of the situ-
ation in Vietnam, he feels that the United
States, as the most powerful Nation in
the world, can afford to be magnanimous.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that this article be printed in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
WE MUST NEGOTIATE PEACE IN VIETNAM
(By Senator J. W. FULBRIGHT
America is a Great Society and it is be-
coming greater. Our people enjoy greater
material abundance, with greater personal
opportunity and human dignity, than any
people have ever known in the history of
the human race. There is, to be sure, much
unfinished business in our society, but the
fact remains that we are a great and funda-
mentally decent Nation; we know it?or
ought to?and the world knows it.
At times, however, we act as though we
did not believe in our own greatness, as
though our prestige were constantly in jeop-
ardy, requiring unending exertions to prove
to the world that we are indeed a great and
powerful Nation. We are told, for example,
that we must beat the Russians to the moon,
that we must build the world'st fastest air-
plane, that we must maintain our pressures
against Castro, that we must faithfully dis-
charge dubious commitments, not primarily
because these actions are considered essen-
tial in themselves but more because it is
believed that if we did not do these things,
our prestige, which is to say, our rep-
utation for greatness, would be hopelessly
compromised.
In the case of Vietnam, our honor and
prestige are indeed involved, but they are
involved principally because we laid them
on the line and did so in a legally uncer-
tain and politically casual way. Legally, un-
der a reasonable interpretation of the
SEATO treaty, we have agreed to act against
external Communist attack in accordance
with our constitutional processes but are
obligated only to consult with our allies in
the event of subversion from outside. We
have neither the obligation nor the right to
intervene in a civil war. If, prior to Amer-
ican intervention, the war in South Vietnam
was essentially a civil war, as I believe to be
the case, then the legal basis of American
involvement is dubious. Practically and po-
litically, whatever the legalities, the all-out
commitment to South Vietnam was made
almost Casually, by a series of minor escala-
tions of the American involvement, many of
which were accompanied by statements that
the war was not our war and would have to
7513
be won or lost by the South Vietnamese
themselves. Only when they were about to
lose the war did the United States take it
over.
The Executive and the Congress must share
responsibility for the casual way in which
the United States committed its honor and
prestige to an unstable and intransigent
regime which refuses to negotiate with its
enemies and may yet drag the United States
into an all-out war with China. The Execu-
tive tended to explain each increase in the
American involvement in Vietnam as a tacti-
cal step rather than a change of policy, while
the Congress failed to meet its general re-
sponsibility of holding the Executive to ac-
count and the Senate failed to assert its
constitutional powers of "advice and con-
sent" in the field of foreign policy.
It is my hope that the hearings on Vietnam
recently held before the Senate Foreign Rela-
tions Committee and future proceedings now
under consideration will help to correct past
omissions on the part of the Congress. There
is some evidence, for example, that we are
now expanding our commitment to Thai-
land in the same disorderly way that we be-
came so deeply involved in Vietnam. There
is still time, however, for the Senate to insist
that any new commitment to Thailand be
contracted in full accord with our constitu-
tional procedures, including full and frank
debate.
We have committed our prestige to an un-
wise degree in Vietnam, and we have suffered
accordingly some loss of prestige, but I do
not think that America's greatness is ques-
tioned in the world, and I certainly do not
think that strident behavior is the best way
for ,a nation to prove its greatness or salve
its damaged pride. Indeed, in nations as in
individuals, bellicosity is a mark of weakness
and self-doubt rather than strength and self-
assurance. There is something appropriate
and admirable about a small or weak country
standing up defiantly to a big and powerful
country; such behavior confers upon the
small country an assurance which it needs
to nourish its dignity and self-respect. The
same behavior on the part of a big nation is
grotesque, marking it as a bully. The true
mark of greatness is not assertiveness but
magnanimity. "Magnanimity in politics,"
said Edmund Burke, "is not seldom the
truest wisdom; and a great empire and little
minds go ill together.'
It is precisely because of America's great
strength and prestige that we can afford to
be?that indeed it is in our interest to be?
magnanimous in Vietnam. If the Vietcong
or North Vietnam were to take the initiative
in offering substantive concessions, they
could plausibly be regarded as having been
intimidated by American power. If we were
to take the lead in suggesting peace terms
involving a compromise with the Vietcong,
many people would suppose that the Amer-
ican people had grown doubtful about the
war?which is probably true?but no one
could seriously believe that the United States
had been frightened or intimidated into sub-
mission by a small and poor country in
southeast Asia.
What then should we do, what can we offer,
to try to end the war in Vietnam? The first
step which I recommend is that we state ex-
plicitly and forthrightly that we recognize
the Vietcong as a belligerent, with whom we
are prepared to negotiate peace, and further,
that we will use our considerable powers of
peruasion in Saigon to induce the South
Vietnamese Government, which has said that
change its mind and indicate its willingness
it will not negotiate with the Vietcong, to
to do so.
It has been said that the Vietcong is enti-
tled to no special negotiating position be-
cause it is, after all, only one of many fac-
tions in South Vietnam. It is, however, a
rather special faction inasmuch as it is the
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751-1.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE Apii/ 6, 1966
one who which we are at war. The British
did not regard George Washington and his
Fellow revolutionaries as the only faction in
the Thirteen Colonies, much less a "legiti-
mate" or legal one; they made peace with
ihem because, assisted by the French, they
were the ones who were lighting them in the
Ii aid.
Moreover, and more important, however
much we may regret it, tho Vietcong is some-
thing snore than an organized group of ter-
rorists. it is, I think, a genuinely national-
ist
its well as a Communist movement, as
evidenced by its impressive military per--
Oa:mance over a long period against heavy
+aids.
Nationalism is the strongest single poli-
tical force in the world today. In most 01
the emerging countries the nationalist move-
ments have been non-Communists with the.
result, that Communist efforts at subversion
have tor the most part been unsuccessful.
it is a tragic fact, but nonetheless a fact,
teat in Vietnam the effective nationalist
movement is controlled by Communists.
For this reason above all others I recom-
mend that we state plainly and directly
what President Johnson and Ambassador
Harriman have hinted: that we acknowl-
edge the. Vietcong as a belligerent and invite
to participate, along with the governments
of south Vietnam and North Vietnam, in
formal peace negotiations.
My second recommendation is that we
state forthrightly and explicitly, in advance
of negotiations, that we are prepared to con-
clude a peace agreement providing for an
internationally supervised election to de-
termine the future of South Vietnam and,
fuether, that we are prepared to accept the
outcome of such an election, whatever that
outcome might be. The latter assurance is
important because, among the many viola-
tions or the Geneva agreements of 1954 com-
mitted by both sides, the most significant
was the refusal of President Ngo Dinh Diem
or South Vietnam to allow the election pro-
vioed for at Geneva to take place, and Amer-
ica's complicity in that refusal.
1 suggest further, in this connection, that
we use elf available channels to persuade the
North Vietnamese and the Vietcong that,
Whatever the future political complexion of
Vietnam, Communist or non-Communist,
isM,teri or divided, it can enjoy a secure and
independent existence and normal relations
with the United States as long as it respects
the independence of its neighbors and as
long as it upholds its own independence of
tench a settlement would not constitute
a victory in the traditional sense; but
neither would it represent a decision, as has
been suggested, to "scuttle and run." It
would, quite simply, represent a compro-
mise, including, as any compromise must,
eoncessions by the United States. A conces-
eion, however, is not a humiliation and. may
indeed. he turned to one's own advantage,
as General de Gaulle demonstrated by giv-
ing :freedom to Algeria and as Khrushchey
demonstrated by proclaiming himself a
peacemaker while yielding to the American
nitimatem in the Cuban missile crisis. The
emmessions we must make are necessary as
an net of commonsense in a tragic situation;
is Walter iiippmann has written, "a display
of commonsense by a proud and imperious
mutton would be a good moral investment
ror the ruture." And as George Kerman said
in, his testimony before the Senate Foreign
0,elatiosis Committee in February: "r would
submit there is more respect to be won in
the opinion of the world by a resolute and
courageous liquidation of unsound positions
than in the most; stubborn pursuit of ex-
travagant, or unpromising objectives."
it may be difficult indeed to persuade the
-North Vietnamese and the Vietcong to enter
.i negotiation along the lines indicated.
They have little reason to trust; the western
nations, having been betrayed by the French
in 1946, who recognized Vietnam as a "free
state" and promised a referendum on its
unity but then tried to reassert their co-
lonial authority, and by Diem and his Amer-
ican sponsors in 1955 when, we encouraged
him in his refusal to hold the elections pro-
vided for by the Geneva agreements. It will
he necessary to show our good faith as well
as to insist on the good faith of the other
side. It may be that at first we will be
rebuffed and, if so, we can do no better than
to restate our assurances, patiently and re-
peatedly, conducting ourselves in a manner
befit ting a great and mature nation.
There is an unacknowledged presence in
an that we think and say and do in con-
nection with Vietnam; it is the presence of
China. We wage war against the Vietcong
and North Vietnam, but we regard them as
instruments of China, and it is China that
we consider to be the real threat to the
security of southeast Asia. If it were not
for our concern with China and what she
might do, it would probably be an easier
rnatter to come to terms with our enemies in
Vietnam. Our prospects in Vietnam cannot
therefore be separated from our attitude to-
ward China and China's attitude toward us.
United Nations Secretary General U Thant
recently described China as a country "ob-
sessed with fear and suspicion," a country
undergoing a kind of "nervous breakdown."
U Thant's words suggest the need for Ameri-
cans to make a critical choice in their atti-
tude toward China. On the one hand, we
can treat her as persons with "nervous
breakdowns" were treated in centuries past;
we can throw her Into the figurative snake-
pit of world politics, treating her as an in-
sane and predatory creature, an outlaw with
whom there can be no accommodation. On
the other hand, we can treat China by the
more civilized standards deriving from our
modern understanding of human behavior;
while resisting any aggressive act she com-
mits, we can at the same time treat China as
a respected member of the world community
now going through a period of dangerous
chauvinism and warranting our best efforts
to rehabilitate her to the world community.
I hope that America will make the second
choice. I hope that in its attitude toward
China. America will act with the magnam-
inity that befits a great nation by follow-
ing the advice of Pope Paul, who said in his
speech to the United Nations General Assem-
bly:: "Your vocation is to make brothers not
only of some, but of all peoples, a difficult
undertaking, indeed; but this it is, your most
noble undertaking. * * * We will go further,
and say: strive to bring back among you
any who have separated themselves and study
the right method of uniting to your pact of
brotherhood, in honor and loyalty, those who
do not yet share in it "
The hatred of the Chinese Communists for
America is something more than the normal
political hostility of one nation toward an-
other whose policies thwart ilie realization
of its ambitions. America Is hated as the
leading Nation of the West, as the center
and purveyor of a civilization which has had
a devastating effect on China and subjected
it to such humiliations as few great nations
in history have undergone. I tin inclined to
the :view that China's irrational and hostile
behavior has a great deal to do with ancient
grievances and that the Chinese regard their
quarrel with America not only OS an ideologi-
cal struggle but also as an ultimate historical
reckoning for China's humiliations during
the past. century at the hands of Western
nations.
It is impossible in a few words to describe
the deep and bitter humiliation inflicted
upon the Chinese, a great and civilized peo-
ple, by imperialist nations, including Russia
and, to a degree, America. Something of its
Savor, however, can be gotten from a young
Chinese engineer's account of his return
from Europe to China in 1913 with his Bel-
gian wife and son. Referring to his arrival
in Shanghai, where Western Interests owned
the hotels, restaurants, and other public
facilities, he wrote:
"In Shanghai it was agony, for there it was
only too plain that in my owe country I was
nothing but an inferior, despised being.
There were parks and restaurants and hotels
I could not enter, although she could. I had
no rights on the soil of a Chlaese city which
did not belong to the Chinese: she ,bi:M rights
by reason of something called skin.
"We boarded the English steamer from
Shanghai to Hankow; the fir a class was for
Europeans only, and there was no other
steamer. Marguerite leaned her arms on the
railings and stared at the river. She was in
first class, with our son. I went second
class. I had insisted it should be so, 'It is
too hot for you here below.'"
Today China stands isolated, mistrustful
and hostile toward the outside %eerie. Her
illustrious history of 4,000 years has con-
tributed to the view of herself as a superior
civilization set upon by hostile barbarians.
In the wake of so tragic and unique a na-
tional experience, one can hardly be sanguine
about immediate prospects for drawing China
Into the community of nations as a trust-
worthy and responsible partner. A great deal
is at stake, however, and it. would be tragic
folly if we did not do what little we can to
rehabilitate China to the world community.
The West, to be sure, must defend itself
against irrational and aggressive Chinese
behavior, but in the long run we can only
hope to be safe in the world with a powerful
and dynamic China by draw: ng her out or
isolation. Treated with frierviliness and re-
spect, China may be brought in tiine to sec
that the "barbarians" of the West are in feet
less barbaric than they seem.
As Secretary General U Timid, pointed out.
China is going through a difficult period; it
befits ns as a great nation to act upon this
fact with understanding and magnanimity.
If we can bring ourselves to do so, we will be
on the way to a solution of the great prob-
lems that beset us .in eastern Asia. The
prospects for an honorable and lasting peace
in Vietnam have everything to do with China
and its relations with the outride world, be-
cause China is the greatest nation of Asia.
It is not within our power to make it other-
wise, but it is within our power to repair
some of the damage done by the arrorance
and condescension of the past.
J. W FturisucHT.
THE BOXCAR SHORTAGE
Mr. PEARSON. Mr. President, this
country has been plagued with a serious
boxcar shortage for several years. This
problem is now reaching crisis propor-
tions.
The crisis is most severe in the great
grain producing areas of the Midwest and
the lumber producing regions of the
Northwest. However, the shortage has
become so pressing that all sections of
the country are beginning to suffer.
There is now a current daily shortage
of around 14,000 plain boxcars. And,
Mr. President, we have not yet entered
the heavy demand period which begins
with the commencement of the wheat
harvest in June and extends through the
corn harvest this fall.
I have had letters and teleexams from
flour millers and grain elevator operators
in Kansas telling of the hardships these
shortages are causing. Several flour
mills in Kansas are already being forced
to periodically close down operations be-
cause of the unavailability of boxcars.
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April 6, 1966
PROPHETIC LETTER FROM
VIETNAM
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. Preident, re-
cently, my administrative assistant, Lee
Williams, and I received a rather re-
markable letter from a constituent of
mine who was in Vietnam. The letter
is dated last January 13 and was mailed
from Bangkok. Since late developments
in Vietnam indicate further deteriora-
tion of the situation I think this letter
takes on a phophetic light.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that a copy of the letter to which
I have referred be inserted in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
BANGKOK, THAILAND,
January 13, 1966.
DEAR LEE AND SENATOR FULDRIGHT: This
is a strange sort of salutation, I know, but
although it is a bit cliche to mention it, I
have never ever written a letter expressing
my views to a newspaper, an editor, or a
public official, and I have no intention of
starting now; it always struck me as a bit
presumptuous. So please let it take the
form of what it is, a personal letter to you,
Lee, and if you care to show it to the Sena-
tor or feel that it deserves his attention, do
SO.
Please permit me to be egomanical enough
to comment on my observations in Vietnam.
The old Wilsonian gambit of 14 points seems
to be fashionable again, so here are an ar-
bitrary 14 impressions received in Saigon
where I talked intensively to over 200 peo-
ple from colonels to privates, journalists and
businessmen, Vietnamese, and English and
French colonials. Here is what I found:
1. The war is not only not going well,
the situation is worse than is reported in the
press and worse, I believe, that is indicated
in intelligence reports; I have had intelli-
gence officers admit as much to me pri-
vately.
2. The kill ratio is, to be sure, in our favor,
but the nature of the war is such that it
would be most difficult to ascertain objec-
tively what it Is. And the formula used
to arrive at casualty figures on either side
are so esoteric as to resemble Italian bridge
bidding conventions or Mr. Gallup's strange
techniques of adjusting his polling results
to be congruent with earlier assumed hypo-
theses. So "moderate" and "heavy" cas-
ualties are not only meaningless; so are the
weekly totals of k.i.a. I would rather ex-
plain privately why this is so.
3. The kill ratio is irrelevant anyway.
Were it 20 to 1, which it is not, the Ameri-
can military posture would not be, neces-
sarily, substantially enhanced.
4. In one aspect, the number of U.S. mili-
tary personnel is irrelevant. Since most are
literally confined in closely guarded com-
pounds, protected by moat-like defenses of
concertina-wire and incessant barrages of
HS. artillery and 85- and 105-millimeter
mortar "fire, there is no necessary relation-
ship; per se, between the bigness of these
bastions in personnel and their security.
5. Although there is, to be sure, much to
be said for the tactical advantages of a U.S.
buildup if necessary, one obvious disadvan-
tage is that we have beyond doubt greatly
Increased the number of possible targets for
the enemy to strike at. Not only by airstrike,
should events lead to that tragic eventu-
ality, but by ground attack as well. So it
is quite conceivable that we have created a
certain potential vulnerability to sudden
heavy losses via the sudden raid, the hidden
plastic bomb, etc.
6. There is a general, although not univer-
sal, "gung ho" spirit among enlisted per-
sonnel, NCO's, and lower and middle-ranking
officers, particularly in combat areas, morale
is unbelievably high and sincere. There is
something about combat that produces
this?a messianic attitude of anger. This is
not an unmixed blessing. It can lead to dan-
gerous complacency and overconfidence. In
addition to which it impairs the effectiveness
of the avowed policy of the "pacification" of
the South Vietnamese people, which is now
most difficult at best. It is strange to talk
to these men in the field who are against any
cease-fire, any even temporary cessation of
hostilities, and who talk blithely of remain-
ing for 10 years and wanting to die there if
necessary (sic)?and then to talk to colonels
in Saigon who know the fields as well and
who are infinitely more pessimistic, more
cynical, and more realistic. One colonel who
is most erudite (there is such a breed of offi-
cer, believe it or not) told nie, "If there is a
God, and he is very kind to us, and given
a million men and give years and a miracle in
making the South Vietnamese people like us,
we stand an outside chance of a stalemate."
These are harsh and bitter words, and I pre-
fer to regard his remark as hyperbole, but
there is considerable evidence that he may be
stating the situation realistically.
7. There has never been an adequate pic-
ture painted of the tragic fruits of genera-
tions of French misrule. Vietnam is dotted
with magnificent old French colonial man-
sions which serve as reminders of a dispen-
sation which did nothing but supress, which
provided no education beyond the primary
grades, which insulted a national dignity in
countless ways. These mansions are in-
habited by American officers now; I have
been in several, and it's a nice life, indeed.
But make no mistake about it: deservedly
or not, we are now the inheritors of the
French mantle. We are Westerners, the out-
sider, the alien. To the leftists, we are vil-
lains; to the rightists we are fools (even if,
out of temporary self-interest, we are al-
lies). Left or right, there are very few
South Vietnamese indeed who do not hate
the shadows that remain of the Navarres and
the Seisms and who do not inwardly cheer
at the memory of Dienbienphu.
8. So, as a consequence, any fancied
similarities between Vietnam today and the
problems of pacification of the Japanese peo-
ple during the occupation are absurd. Too,
any analogy between Vietnam and Korea is
equally absurd. There we have a relatively
conventional war; here we have none. There
we had a battle line most of the time; here
we have none. There we had a relatively
defensible terrain; here we have none, there
we had a people who had some faith, how-
ever misplaced, in the prospects for an even-
tual American victory; here we lack even
that.
9. There is little understanding in the
United States of the effectiveness and effi-
ciency of the Vietcong tax collection methods
throughoht South Vietnam. They need
money badly and they get it. They get it
from individuals and they get it from busi-
nesses. They get it from the Vietnamese,
from the French, and they get it on occasion
from the Americans. Take a prominent
hotel. It is French-owned, and common
knowledge that they pay "rent" or what in
the Capone era we called "protection money"
to the VC. They are not fools. They want
to avoid the fate of the Metropole Hotel.
Officers and journalists of all nations like
to drink on its comfortable terrace. As a
U.S. intelligence colonel put it to me over
a martini there, "You know, It's damned nice
to be able to drink with impunity." It is no
secret, and you have seen it in the press, that
on more than one occasion Standard Oil has
had to pay tolls to the VC to get U.S. gasoline
through to our own forces. The VC has felt
7541
that money would do them more good than
our gasoline would do them harm, and they
are probably right.
10. This whole problem of blackmail to
buy off terrorists leads us to the point of
terrorism itself as a modus vivendi of mod-
ern insurgency. It is effective; it is cheap
in cost; it is demoralizing. It has convinced
hundreds of thousands of South Vietnamese
who would otherwise (for selfish, not ideolog-
ical, reasons) be for us of the prudence of
"playing both sides." And an extremely high
proportion do "play both sides." The VC les
a new trick in Saigon: a hand grenade with
the detonating lever (spring loaded) taped
down with ordinary Scotch tape; the pin is
pulled; the grenade is gently dropped in the
gas tank of a truck; in a matter of time,
depending on how much tape is wrapped
around the lever, the gas dissolves the ad-
hesive on the tape; the bomb explodes with
far greater effectiveness because of the gaso -
line. The weapon is cheap, simple, imagina-
tive, and effective. Best of all, it can be in-
conspicuously deposited in a gasoline tank
at night by any teenager. (The bomb that
almost got us was tossed by a 15-year-old
boy.)
11. The sad fact is that the ARVN's (Army
of the Republic of Vietnam) are pretty gen-
erally ineffective. True, they die, sometimes
with heroism, and I do not mean to deni-
grate the quality of their sacrifice when it is
made. But wars have a way of being won by
the living, not by the dead. Corruption and
inefficiency have beeen complicating factors.
A greater problem is the fact that most lieu-
tenants and captains of experience have been
killed off. The Ky regime has a tendency to
look for new cadre and combat officers from
the ranks .of an educated class; they are
loathe to promote a country boy of demon-
strated leadership ability under combat con-
ditions. Having an elite class of educated
officers is all very well, but lieutenants have
a notoriously high attrition rate in combat,
as we discovered in Korea, and it is getting
increasingly difficult to find South Vietnam-
ese officers who have been schooled in
Switzerland.
12. Many old hands in Saigon, who know
far more about it than I, are convinced that
the VC could step up systematic terrorism
tenfold if they should so desire. A multi-
plicity of factors reluctantly impel me to
the same conclusion. There has been a sus-
picious restraint about not bombing some
targets which are more than inviting to
them, surely, One reason, of course, is pub-
lic opinion. But there is more -to it than
that. There is more than a little evidence
that some of this restraint has been out of
a conviction that some obvious targets will
be needed as soon as they are captured. At
any rate, we just literally could be sitting
on a bomb so far as increased terrorism is
concerned.
13, May I mention for a moment our con-
sistent failure to use psychological warfare
to an advantage. As you know, I believe
passionately in the power of words, and I
am more than aware of the human tendency
to overrate those things in which we are
most interested. But I believe that words
and ideas are very substantial and tangible
things indeed. The effectiveness of the VC
soldier, frequently clothed in a loincloth,
barefoot, hungry with but little stale rice,
demonstrates to what lengths a man will
fight with great dedication on a diet of words.
Ho Chi Minh has traveled very far on a
roasl _paved with words like "freedom" and
"liberty." Yet an American colonel I know,
a good leader whose men have had a fright-
ful caaualty rate (up to 40 percent in some
units), had to fight to get one old loud-
speaker to use to speak to the VC at night
when they surround his camp and come up
close. He also uses a hand-held transistor-
ized megaphone. This program has been
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7."42 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
institu led at his own initiative, with no co-
eiieration from officialdom. Yet it has
o.d:ted a couple of dozen defections recently.
T think this is an enterprising officer. More
tete been done recently, but still little. For-
girt me for overemphasizing this, but it is
one symptom of our singular obsession with
the use el i force. I question both our orig-
inal involvement and the deepening of our
commitment. But so long as we are there
it ,v,m 4 I ci seem vitally Incumbent that we
vi tie and speak with sincerity to these peo-
ple: and not in terms of defending them
against communism, either, which, rightly or
wrontuTtie strikes most of them as a bit silly.
To tiunse of us who believe that America
has a mesitage to proclaim or, if you will, a
"procinct" to "sell," the failure to do so
itterns hord to explain.
/stet tless millions America has /Mood
ite a slainng example of a nation that is
hasten ny revolutionary. This has been true
Our .eentiteutions, and, thankfully, is still true
lodes Ii our admirers, end we have many.
We neve been revoluationery not only be-
cause we were east from the cauldron of re-
volt, we have been revolutionary politically,
ii-lcdot'lu'ali ', technologically, Paine and
.ieffereon end Lincoln (the latter le a big
name it /keine by the way, even among peo-
ple who dislike ns) were hut the first in a
long line ot iconoclasts to which some would
odd the name ThansTuster. The mass-produc-
co Whitney and later Ford have had a
more peentund effect -upon the masses of
,nn-arian scieteties than have most, Marxists,
e'ronit vaccination to the vacuum tube, from
ninieuire iiewinginnchine to the self-starter,
role telegraphy to the transistor, front mov-
ies to mechanized farming, and from the
libueding Fathers to Fulhright scholarships,
America ens been the great destroyer of the
/tett-no/led old and the great builder of the
teentihe new. To ntost, of the uederde-
eloped 'nations of the world, Edison will still
outsell Tenni any day of the week if the
ei-otinet is properly peekagect Tf not, then
tenin may till the void. At any rate, Amer-
tea has a two ye stood, thank Clod, not for slow
m ii hi ti on, hue-, for sudden and violent change,
mat for enything hut the status quo. How
eineieely end it is that when many nations
tisied out, ter sudden emergence, we chose
to inane nulled policy statements from State
oil ste bility. It is fundamental in the affairs
ot men that when you see the imminent and
inevitable death of an ancient regime, that
you go to the funeral, hut you are amiable
to the heirs and do not sit forever holding
harale with the corpse in necrophilial de-
vu lion,
-lorry lo dwell on this point.
Ile Finally, this is something that is dis-
teiutenil and impolitic to write, but it needs
eityine. Iiefore I do let me reassure you that
:en for victory if possible end have always,
of 501: rev, wented to prevent the spread of
eemm in tarn to any area because of its mono-
lithic nature and denial of the right to the
liItrvtistic siallety that I hope will he the
universal destiny of all mankind, Having
:teed that, nere is the sad truth: Father Ho
is a great, leader who I happen to believe
with considerable evidenee is more admired
in he south than any other Vietnamese.
Were a plehiseite to be held today, he would
Mill win resoundingly over Bao Doi, or the
lam Nen ienh Diem----or? yes, even Premier
uny, the former cook at the Carlton in.
Imadon is so strong with the peasant that
'vet- were he to he killed, his posthumous
ielluenee a living legend would sharply
imperil can Mterests. Numerous very loyal
Amerteln ecenmanders have admitted as
enrich to me privately. Expressed as a simple
unillogism, it comes out like this: (1) It is
'Cit /1 rth nieiV.;,1 and T believe generally con-
/est/id that we cannot win the war without
tlit Vietnamese people; (2) in view of the
Verne and magnitude of rfo's appeal and of
the limited and diffuse nature of our own
appeal as liberators, it is highly question-
able whether we can ever get more than
token support, and that largely the result
of our money; (3) ergo, it is highly question-
able whether we can ever have victory.
Conclusions: As to solutions, I have none,
and do not pretend to. But having just
returned from there, I am very frightened.
I could talk about bright spots; there are
many, I do not think they override the stark,
terrifying, realities of a stalemate, at best,
purchased at inconceivable ceet and coupled
with humiliating setbacks and losses. Then
always, and I do not say this lightly, there
is the unlikely but ever-present possibility
of catastrophe. The road from Valley Forge
to Vietnem has bee o a long one, and the
analogy is more than alliterative: there are
imme similarities, only this tine we are the
British and they are barefoot. Too long
have we taken our invincibility for granted.
Eo Chi Minh is not only the translator
(into Vietnamese) of the tactics of Mao
Tse-tung; he has gore beyond Maoist tactics
end 1 tsual concepts of ins: urgency. His
classic metaphor should be taken seriously:
that the people are tee sea, and the Vietcong
are the fish that swim within the sea,
omnipresent, clandestine, invieihie.
I once again know 174 no easy solutions and
were 1 gifted with such apocalyptic in-
spirations I would not presume to advise
others. But if I had the responsibility to
make the decisimi---and I am thankful I Cuo
not---I believe I would take a couple of drinks
and then agree, coveetly probably, to direct
negotiations with the Vietcong (which we
have not yet agreed to) and possibly consider
major concessions with regard to Hanoi's
third point.
By the time you read this, the world will
probably know the answer as to the success
or failure of the President's peace offensive,
which has been theatrically impressive to
most of the world's press (including the
Asian). But in view of the deteriorating
American situation I nave just seen there, I
cannot view with optimisna the likelihood of
immediate peace without further compro-
mises.
In short, I would rather America err on
the side of being overly generous than on
the side of military miscalculation of in-
conceivable cost.
For what, the world might well ask should
we win the gamble, have we won?
Glad to be able to say hello and talk about
all the things that I cannot broedcast about
to someone who 'is openminded. enough to
understand the difficulty of our position and
that it is not necessarily un-American to ask
questions about what is wisdom or have
doubts about destiny or wonder about the
world,
ti,ofrn regards,
ST. LOUIS, MO., ADDS A MAJOR
LEAGUE HOCKEY TEAM TO ITS
BIG LEAGUE SPORTS GALAXY
Mr. LONG of Missouri. Mr. Presi-
dent, St. Louis, Mo., is proud of its
Cardinals 'baseball and football teams
and its Hawks basketball team.
To this big league sports galaxy has
now been added wha.t. I am sure will be
bright new star; namely, a major league
hockey team.
The new team is named for a song
synonymous with Missouri's largest city,
the St. Louis Blues. Its home will be
the Arena, scene of many ice extrava-
ganzas..
St. Louis and the National Hockey
League are both fortunate that the Mis-
souri city was the final selection in a six-
team expansion of the league which also
Apia 6, 1966
added Philadelphia, San Francisco, Los
Angeles, Minneapolis-St. Paul, and Pitts-
burgh to the league.
Mr. William Jennings, prEsiden t of the
New York Rangers hockey team and
chairman of the league's expansion com-
mittee, announced that selection of
St. Louis was unanimously approved by
the league.
In welcoming St. Louis in-to major
league hockey, he also statee that he felt
the St. Louis group which iteuT.S awarded
the franchise is outstanding.
Knowing these men personally, I cer-
tainly agree with Mr. Jenmngs' a?ssess-
ment of them, and I am sure that my
colleague, the gentleman front Mis?mri
Mr. SYMINGTON1 Who could not be pres-
ent today because of official duties as a
representative of the Senate at the Dis-
armament Conference in Geneva, and
who is on a study visit to the NATO
countries, would also agree.
President of the St. Louis is Mr.
Vidney Salomon, Jr., president of SIO.ney
Salomon, Jr. & Associates, Board in;_m-
bers are Mr. Robert Wolfson, chairman
of the board of GEM Interm tionat; Mr.
Sidney Salomon III, of Sidney Salomon,
Jr. & Associates and a member of the
Missouri State Athletic Commission; Mr.
James R. James, Jr., chairman of the
board of the Clayton Bank; Mr. Preston
Estep, chairman of the board of the Bank
of St. Louis; Mr. Elliott Stein, president
of Church, Stein & Franc: Mr. John
Soult, president of Fruin-Celnon Con-
struction Co.; Mr. Stanley H. Rosen-
sweig, chairman of the boat ii of Elec-
tronic Wholesales, Inc., and Mr. Lcuis
Menk, president of the Burlington Rail-
road Co.
The addition of major leai ue hochey
should contribute substantially to the
sports boom in St. Louis which is keyed
to the huge new Busch Memorial Sta-
dium which opens this year on the river-
f ront.
It rounds out a major leaeue sports
program for a major league town which
IS observing its 200th anniversary.
AID FOR DROUGHT-STRICKEN'
INDIA
Mr, BREWSTER. Mr. President? I
was pleased and proud as an American
to hear President Johnson's response to
Mrs. Gandhi's worldwide appeal for help
for her drought-stricken nation.
The President has responded in the
humanitarian traditions of th.s Nation,
and I feel privileged to pledge him my
support of this far-reaching program to
assist our sister democracy.
It is tragic and ironic that a nation
which has done so much to help itself
must now be halted in its truly iinpressive
economic progress by a natural disastee.
We are told that the drought which
has struck India is the worst the world
has seen since our own watts-starved
years of the early thirties.
India's appeal to the world fir aid to
survive this disaster is a justified appeal,
and I was pleased to hear the President
couple his pledge of generous aid front
this country with an appeal to other na-
tions of the world to contribute the maxi-
mum they can in food, in ferti liters, in
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7566 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE April 6, 1966
DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH,
EDUCATION, AND WELFARE,
April 6, 1966.
Hon. RUSSELL LONG,
Chairman, Committee on Finance,
U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. CHAIRMAN: This is in response to
your request for a report on the amend-
ments to the Social Security Act reported
out by the House Committee on Ways and
Means, which are to be considered as amend-
ments to H.R. 6319. The Department sup-
ports the amendments recommended by the
House committee.
We trust that the Senate will be able to
act on this legislation as promptly as pos-
sible. We strongly urge the adoption of this
legislation as amended.
Sincerely,
WILBUR J. COHEN,
Acting Secretary.
Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. President, I
move that the Senate concur in the
amendment of the House and that the
bill as agreed to be immediately sent to
the White House, so that elderly persons
who were unable to file for medical cov-
erage by the March 31 deadline will have
a further opportunity to file.
Mr. CARLSON. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. SMATENRS. I am happy to yield
to the distinguished Senator from Kan-
sas, a member of the Committee on
Finance.
Mr. CARLSON. Mr. President, as the
distinguished Senator from Florida has
just mentioned, the 60-day extension was
recommended by the Committee on Fi-
nance. The House accepted that amend-
ment, as I understand, but with an
amendment that should a State desire to
make contributions to take care of per-
sons who are on social security, or who
are receiving public assistance and are
not able financially to pay for it, the
State, of its own volition, may make
those payments.
Mr. SMATHERS. The understanding
of the Senator from Kansas is correct.
Mr. CARLSON. Personally, I think
that is a good amendment. I heartily
approve it. I hope it will be unanimously
approved by the Senate.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
question is on agreeing to the motion of
the Senator from Florida that the Sen-
ate concur in the amendment of the
House to the amendment of the Senat
The motion was agreed to.
VIETNAM?ADDRESS BY SENATOR
DODD, OF CONNECTICUT, AT AIR
FORCE ACADEMY, COLORADO
SPRINGS, COLO., MARCH 30, 1966
Mr. DO1VIINICK. Mr. President, a
week ago today the distinguished senior
Senator from Connecticut [Mr. Dom)]
delivered ? what I believe is a very im-
portant speech before the Air Force
Academy, in Colorado Springs. His
speech is entitled, "The Meaning of Viet-
nam." With his usual flare for forth-
rightness, forcefulness, and accuracy, the
Senator from Connecticut analyzed what
the United States is doing in Vietnam
and what the problems are, including the
problems that arise from the dissension
we see in our own country.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that this well thought through
speech be printed at this point in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the speech
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THE MEANING OF VIETNAM
(Remarks of Senator THOMAS J. DODD at the
Air Force Academy, Colorado Springs, Colo.,
Wednesday, March 30, 1966)
Your invitation to address this assembly
of the Air Force Academy is an honor which
means very much to me.
We are today involved in a worldwide
battle with an enemy ever whit as evil and
every whit as ruthless as the Nazis. How
long this struggle will endure no prudent
man can today predict. But it is clear that
the very survival of freedom depends on the
outcome of the critical battles which are
today being fought and which are bound to
be fought on many fronts over the years to
come.
In these battles, you, as graduates of the
Air Force Academy will play a role of signal
importance.
Ever since the Battle of Britain, the men
who fly have made contributions and suf-
fered sacrifices that are out of all propor-
tion to their actual number.
The future years, I am afraid, are preg-
nant with heavy responsibilities for all of
you. I know that you will not shrink from
these responsibilities. I am certain that you
will accept them gladly, in the spirit of those
who have gone before you.
After all the nonsense that has been
spoken by the critics of our Vietnam policy,
it is a most refreshing experience to be here
with you today.
Here there are no faint hearts, no divided
counsels, no tortured self-doubting, no ap-
peasement masquerading as something noble
and humanitarian.
You understand that Vietnam is a test-
ing ground and that the outcome of the
battle now being fought there may deter-
mine for centuries to come the fate of our
country and of all mankind.
You understand?as the critics of our Viet-
nam policy fail to understand?that peace
can never be assured by timidity or ap-
peasement or retreat, and that freedom can-
not survive unless we who enjoy its bless-
ings are prepared to stand up to Communist
aggression, and to match the Communists
in dedication and ardor and sacrifice.
You understand that if we fail to hold the
line against Communist aggression in Viet-
nam, we will be faced on the marrow by a
dozen Vietnam crises in various parts of the
world.
You understand, in short, that, in the com-
plex world in which we live, freedom is in-
divisible and that our unrivaled strength as
a nation imposes on us the responsibility of
assisting every nation, great and small, that
seeks to maintain its independence in the
lace or Communist aggression.
Although I know I do not have to convince
you of all these things, I want to address
my remarks today to a few of the many
arguments that have been advanced against
our Vietnam policy.
1. THE PACIFISTS
First of all, there are the pacifists, who
oppose our intervention in Vietnam because
they hold that it is wrong to kill under any
circumstances. While the ideal of pacifism
may be an admirable thing when regarded
abstractly, I frankly fail to understand how
any intellegent man can seek to apply this
abstract ideal to the world of politics.
To be truly consistent, a pacifist would
have to abjure violence of all kinds, not
'merely in the relations between nations, but
in his personal relations with his fellow man.
And this kind of truly consistent pacifism,
in my opinion, is virtually nonexistent.
How many pacifists for example would con-
sider it their duty to stand idly by if some
maniac embarked on a berserk orgy of kill-
ing in the streets? And how many pacifists,
in their devotion to nonviolence, would limit
themselves to simple remonstration if they
saw some criminal assault their wives?
The harsh fact is that, as much as we may
abhor violence and love peace, there are situ-
ations in the relations between nations, just
as there are situations in our everyday lives,
when the employment of violence becomes a
moral imperative in the defense of life and
liberty.
It was so when the free world mobilized
its resources to meet the threat of Nazi ag-
gression. It was so in the Korean war. And
It is so in Vietnam again today.
2. THE FRAUDULENT PACIFISTS
But even more numerous and more con-
fused than the pacifists are those fraudulent
pacifists who supported the war against
Hitler, but who now lecture us on the wick-
edness of resorting to force in Vietnam. As
Prof. John Roche, former president of Amer-
icans for Democratic Action, has pointed out,
the true pacifist is precluded by his beliefs
from having any favorite wars.
3. THE FRIENDS OF THE VIETCONG
Then there are those critics of our Viet-
nam policy who are so bemused by the word
"revolution" that they tend to sympathize,
openly or covertly, with the Vietcong, re-
garding them as bearers of social and politi-
cal progress who truly reflect the aspirations
of the Vietnamese people.
I can understand a Communist sympathiz-
ing with the Vietcong, because this is the
attitude to which his perverted philosophy
inevitably leads him. But I find it exceed-
ingly difficult to understand the attitude of
those non-Communists who, on the one
hand, damn the Saigon government as re-
actionary and, on the other hand concede the
banner of progress to the Vietcong.
If progress means anything, it should
mean the betterment of the human lot, the
progressive expansion of freedom and justice,
and the rejection of force as an instrument
of national policy.
? Accepting these criteria of progress, the
Communist regimes in every country would
have to be put down as among the most re-
actionary in history.
Wherever they have come to power they
have obliterated every vestige of human free-
dom, regimented every aspect of the lives of
the people, and massacred hundreds of
thousands of opponents and imprisoned
many more.
On top of this, the incentive desert which
characterizes Communist rule has every-
where resulted in reduced food production
and in a lowered standard of living.
And, finally, communism is the total
antithesis of progress because of its commit-
ment to subversion and aggression.
But just as there were many people who
once assured us that the Chinese Commu-
nists were agrarian reformers, there are those
who today insist on regarding the Vietcong
as progressives, or as true revolutionaries.
4. THOSE WHO SAY WE CANNOT WIN
Then there are those who have no illusions
about the nature of the Vietcong, but who
hold that we cannot possibly police the
world. They tell us that we are already
overextended and overcommitted; that
southeast Asia is too remote to be of im-
mediate concern to us; that the security
of the United States does not stand OT fall
with Vietnam or southeast Asia; and that
the Vietnam war, in any case, is one we can-
not possibly win.
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April 6, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE 7565
as soon as the votes are in and counted.
motion about the outcome of an election
I have no objection to the reporting
of partial returns as the ballots are
counted or after the polls are closed.
I do not object in any way to the man-
ner in which the various newspapers,
wire services, and radio and television
networks cover the news about the out-
come of elections, because I think they
do a good job of informing people of the
results,
do not feel the communications
media should withhold information.
I do feel that we can make our presi-
dential election process more fair for
both political parties and all candidates
by establishing a uniform closing time
ror all polling places.
If the advance reporting of results con-
vinces great, numbers of people that the
outcome is a foregone conclusion, it in-
Ilitences citizens who have not voted.
There are some who would not vote
because they are faced with considerable
difficulty getting to the polls, and they
think their vote would not make any
difference.
They miaht be factory workers who
are tired after a long day on the job,
housewives who would have to go to the
expense of hiring a babysitter so they
could go vote or farmers who would have
to drive some distance to the polls.
People who plan to work for a condi-
date as long as the polls are open tend,
Lo let up when they are told their condi-
date already has lost, or does not have a
chance.
Then there are great numbers of
people -who respect the opinion of the
majority. They conclude that if the
majority decides a certain way, the ma-
jority probably is right and therefore
they will cast their vote with the major-
ity.
Thus, when people are told the election
Is decided before the polls are closed.,
and become convinced of it, there is in-
terference with the right of people to,
vote freely and independently. In short,.
it amounts to unfair campaigning.
MY proposed legislation would re-
quire all polls in the United States to
close at the same time for the election of
electors for President and Vice President
and for the election of U.S. Senators and
Rep resenta ii v es,
it would take effect with the election
of 1968 and would apply to every presi-
dential election after that.
The closing time would be 9 p.m. in the
eastern standard zone, 8 pin, in the cen-
tral standard zone, 7 p.m. in the moun-
tain standard zone, 6 p.m. in the Pacific
standard zone, 5 p.m. in the Yukon
.etandard zone, 4 p.m. in the Alaska-
liawaii standard zone and 3 p.m. in the
Bering standard zone.
am not unaware that this calls for
a rather early closing in Alaska and Ha-
waii. i believe, however, that we are
faced with a serious national problem
and that the national interest must pre-
vail. The fact that the bill would not
become effective until 1968 would not
only give the State legislatures an oppor-
tunity to act next year, but it would give
a long time to advertise this change.
It must also be borne in mind that a
good portion of the important business
of the country is transacted during lim-
ited hours, such as banking and business
at a post office window and paying taxes.
And, of course, there is no Federal law
Proposed as to how early the polls could
be opened.
The voters who reside where Pacific
standard time prevails or in the Yukon
time zone, or in Alaska or Hawaii or in
the Bering time zone, have a right to
cast their vote without the problem that
arises when voters feel that the election
is over and their vote will be of no avail.
AMENDMENT OF INTERNAL REV-
ENUE CODE OF 1954
Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. President, I
ask that the Chair lay before the Senate
a message from the House on HR. 6319.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr.
MURPHY in the chair) laid before the
Senate the amendment of the House to
the amendment of the Senate to the bill
(H.R. 63191 to amend the Internal Rev-
enue Code of 1954 to provide for treat-
ment of the recovery of losses arising
from expropriation, intervention, or con-
fiscation of properties by governments of
foreign countries, which was read, as
follows:
In lieu of the matter inserted by the Sen-
ate amendment to the text of the bill, insert
the following:
"Sac. 3. Two -MONTH EXT EN SION 05 INITIAL
ENROLLMENT PERIOD FOR SUPPLE-
MENTARY MEDICAL INSURANCE
BENEFITS FOR THE AGED
"(a) The first sentence of section 1837(c)
of the Social Security Act is amended (1) by
striking out 'January 1, 1966' and inserting
in lieu thereof 'March 1, 1966', and (2) by
striking out 'March 31, 1966' and inserting in
lieu thereof 'May 31, 1966'.
'(b) Section 1837(d) of the Social Secu-
rity Act is amended by striking out 'Janu-
ary 1, 1966' and inserting in lieu thereof
'March 1, 1966'.
(c) Section /02(b) of the Social Security
Amendments of 1965 is amended by striking
out 'April 1, 1966' each time it appears and
inserting in lieu thereof 'June 1, 1066'.
"(d) In the case of an individual who first
satisfies paragraphs (1) end (2) of section
1836 of the Social Security Act in March 1966,
and who enrolls pursuant to subsection (d)
of section 1837 of such Act in May 1966, his
coverage period shall. notwithstanding
section 11138(a) (2) (D) of such Act, begin on
July 1, 1966.
"SEC. 4. COVERAGE, UNDER STATE AGREEMENTS,
OP PUBLIC ASS:STANCE RECIPIENTS
,NNT [MED TO SOCIAL SEC LTRITY OR
RAILROAD RETIREMENT BENEFITS.
''(a) Sub3ection (b) of section 1843 of the
Social Security Act is amended by striking
out the semicolon at the end of paragraph (2)
and inserting in lieu thereof a period, and by
striking out all that follows and inserting in
lieu thereof (after and. below paragraph (2) )
the following new sentence:
" 'Except as provided in subsection ;g), there
shall be excluded from any coverage group
any individual who is entitled to monthly
insurance benefits under title II cr who is
entitled to receive an annuity or pension
under the Railroad Retirment Act of 1937.'
"(b) Section 1843 of such Act is amended
by adding at the end thereof the following
new subsection:
" (g) (11 The Secretary shall, at the re-
quest of a State made before January 1, 1968,
enter into a modification of an agreement
entered into which such State pursuant to
subsection (a) under which the second sea-
tence of subsection (b) shall not apply with
respect to such agreement.
" ?(2) In the case of any individual who
would (but for this subsection) be excluded
from the applicable coverage group dericri'bed
In subsection (b) by the second sentence of
such subsection---
"'(A) subsections (c) and (d) (2) shall be
applied as if such subsections referred to the
modification under this subsection (in lieu
of the agreement under subsection (a) ),
" (13) subsection (d) (3) (B) shall not ap-
ply so long as there is in effect a modifica-
tion entered into by the State urder this
subsection, and
" `(C) notwithstanding subsection (e),
the case of any termination described in such
subsection, such individual may terminate
his enrollment under this part by the filing
of a notice, before the close of the third
month which begins after the date of such
termination, that he no longer wishes to
participate in the insurance program estab-
lished by this part (and in such a iase, Llw
termination of his coverage period under this
part shall take effect as of the close of such
third month) .'
"(c) Section 1840 of such Act is amended
by adding at the end thereof the following
new subsection:
" '(i) In the case of an individual who is
enrolled under the program establ,shed hy
this part as a member of a coverage group 7.()
which an agreement with a State en:;ered in-
to pursuant to section 1813 is applicable, sub-
sections (a), (b), (c), (d), and (e: of this
section shall not apply to his monthly pre-
mium for any month in his coveraFe period
which is determined under section 1843(d).'
That the House agree to the arremdment
of the Senate to the title of aforesn'd bill.
Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. President, both
the House and the Senate have agreed
to the principal features of the bill. They
relate to the tax treatment of expropria-
tion loss recoveries. The chairman of
the Committee on Finance, the gentle-
man from Louisiana [Mr. LoNcl, ex-
plained these provisions in considerable
detail when the bill was before tie Sen -
ate on April 1. There is no reason to
repeat the explanation of the tlx fea-
tures at this time.
In addition, no change has been made
in the basic part of the bill as it passed
the Senate at that time or in the !Lill as it
passed the House.
An amendment added to the bill by the
Senate extends the period for e
under part B of medicare for 2 months- ?
from March 31 until May 31.
The House has agreed to the Senate
amendment with technical modificatiora;
designed to facilitate medical in mrance
coverage of elderly persons who are rt-
ceiving both social security benefits and
public assistance. We have examined the
House amendment and believe it is in
keeping with the Senate provisioa. The
Department of Health, Education, and
Welfare has indicated that it, too, ale-
proves the House amendment.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have printed at this point in the
RECORD a letter from the Acting Secre-
tary of Health, Education, and Welfare.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the 13Ecoao,
as follows:
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April 6, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
I have always replied to these critics, by
first of all getting them to agree?as they
invariably will do?that it is necessary to
draw a line somehow, somewhere, against the
further advance of Communist imperialism.
I then remind them that, as remote as
southeast Asia may appear to be, Iwo Jima
and Guadalcanal and the Solomon Islands
were equally remote.
And finally, I ask them where they propose
to draw the line if Vietnam should fall.
For let there be no mistake about it: If
we fail in Vietnam, through our own weak-
ness or through the weakness of our Viet-
namese allies, it will be exceedingly difficult
to draw an effective line against the advance
of communism anywhere in the Far East.
As for the argument that this is a war we
cannot fight and cannot win, I say that we
are fighting this war exceedingly well, that
we have succeeded in seizing the initiative
and holding it, and that we have already be-
gun to win.
The American soldiers have shown an
amazing ability to adapt themselves to
guerrilla warfare.
The concept of air cavalry, which had never
before been tried in battle, has given us a
mobility that constantly confounds the
enemy. It has enabled us to confine the in-
surgency with a manpower advantage of less
than 3 to 1, compared with the figure of .10
and 15 to 1 which had heretofore been con-
sidered essential in dealing with guerrilla up-
risings.
Our air arm has devised new tactics to deal
with every type of contingency, and these
tactics are constantly being refined.
Our commanding officers have succeeded
in coordinating land, sea, and air power in a
manner never before achieved in this kind
of warfare?and the indications are that the
Vietcong are still groping for a way to deal
with this awesome orchestration of military
power.
The morale of our forces is high. Indeed,
from all accounts I have heard, I do not
think it has ever been higher in any war.
They know why they are in Vietnam. They
are genuinely fond of the Vietnamese people.
And their proficiency in antiguerrilla opera-
tions improves with each passing month.
On the other side, the difficulties of the
Vietcong have grown by leaps and bounds.
Because they are scraping the bottom of
the manpower barrel in the areas under their
control, they have been obliged to accept
massive support from regular North Viet-
namese army units, which have been cross-
ing into South Vietnam at the rate of 4,000
to 5,000 a month.
This accretion of northern manpower has
serious disadvantages as well as advantages
for the Vietcong.
The South Vietnamese have always dis-
liked and resented the North Vietnamese.
The large-scale entrance of regular units of
the North Vietnamese army into the battle
for South Vietnam, has alienated many of
the peasants and has produced serious fric-
tion between the North Vietnamese regulars
and the South Vietnamese guerrillas. It
has also greatly increased the logistical prob-
lems of the enemy, so that our airmen more
frequently discover enemy convoys and our
armed forces more frequently uncover Viet-
cong stores of food and ammunition.
There are many evidences of deteriorating
Vietcong morale.
The rate of defection from the Vietcong
has now risen to almost 2,000 per month.
And whereas intelligence was previously diffi-
cult to come by, there is now a massive and
increasing flow of intelligence from areas
under Vietcong control.
So, while the road ahead may still be
long and difficult, there is every reason to
believe that the situation in Vietnam will
continue to improve, until ultimately the
Communists will be obliged to abandon their
aggression?as the Greek Communists were
No. 60-25
once compelled to abandon their insurgency
and as the Iluk guerrillas at a later date
were obliged to do in the Philippines.
So much for the argument that we are
overextended and that we cannot possibly
win the war in Vietnam.
5. THE APPEASERS
Then there are the appeasers, who urge
us to be reasonable with the Communists
and to be prepared to compromise with
them, just as the appeasers of pre-Munich
days insisted that peace could only be pre-
served if we were prepared to compromise
with the Nazis.
I know that they resent being called ap-
peasers?but then, if my memory serves me,
Neville Chamberlain and the Clivdon set in
Britain regarded themselves as exceedingly
virtuous human beings and repudiated with
equal vehemence the charge that they were
appeasers.
The essence of modern appeasement is the
attempt to purchase peace with aggressive
dictatorial regimes by making concessions
to them at the expense of other peoples. And
in this sense, I see absolutely no moral or
political difference between those who in
1939 urged that we placate Hitler by giving
him part of Czechoslovakia, and those who
today urge that we seek to placate the Viet-
cong by making significant concessions to
them.
As Gen. Maxwell Taylor said in his testi-
mony before the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee: "How does one compromise the
freedom of 15 million people?
6. THE QUESTION OF A COALITION GOVERNMENT
The most common form of appeasement
at this juncture in our national Vietnam de-
bate is the proposal that we enter into
negotiations with the Vietcong for the pur-
pose of establishing a coalition government
with their participation.
I find it difficult to believe that those who
have made this proposal have studied the
record of coalition governments between
Communists and no-Communists, or have
given adequate thought to the implications
of their proposal or to its potential conse-
quences.
First of all, I would like to answer the
argument that our refusal to envisage this
kind of solution places us in the position of
demanding unconditional surrender from the
Communists.
All we have ever asked of the Communists
is that they call off their aggression against
the people of South Vietnam.
We demand no reparations, nor does the
Government of South Vietnam.
We seek no territory.
We ask no political conditions.
We have not even asked that North Viet-
nam permit the holding of free elections in
its territory, in return for the holding of
free elections in South Vietnam.
And while we demand nothing, we offer
much.
I am certain, for example, that the South
Vietnamese Government would be prepared
to consent to a general amnesty covering
all those who have participated in the Viet-
cong insurrection.
I say that I am certain of this because such
an amnesty would simply represent an ex-
tension of the Chieu Hoi program, under
which all Vietcong who come over to the
government side are automatically granted
amnesty.
The combination of a general amnesty and
the promise of a free election at an early date
would enable members of the Vietcong move-
ment to test their true degree of popular
support by competing for elected office.
Beyond this, we have on our own side pub-
licly committed ourselves to bring North
Vietnam into the Mekong River development
plan so that she may benefit from the tre-
mendous potentialities that will be un-
7567
leashed through the harnessing of the Me-
kong River.
If words have any meaning at all, I do
not see how these terms could, by any
stretch of the imagination, be described as
"unconditional surrender." On the con-
trary, I can recall no war in which terms as
generous as this have been-offered to those
guilty of aggression?and this in advance
of any negotiations.
Those who say that anything less than an
offer of a coalition government constitutes a
demand for unconditional surrender are,
whether they realize this or not, demanding
a settlement that is tantamount to sur-
render by our side.
Even if we could talk our South Vietnamese
allies into accepting a coalition government
with the Communists, there is little reason
for believing that such a solution would put
an end to the fighting in South Vietnam?
and there is much reason for fearing that it
would turn South Vietnam over to complete
communist control in very short order.
I recall that we used our influence in the
postwar period to persuade our friends in
the central European countries to enter into
coalitions with the Communists. In every in-
stance, the outcome was disastrous.
Let there be no mistake about it: If we
endeavor to overrule the instincts and wishes
of our South Vietnamese allies by forcing a
"coalition government" solution down their
throats, we will not receive the cooperation of
a single self-respecting Vietnamese leader.
If despite this, we were to persist in this
folly, we would wind up with a so-called
coalition government which, apart from the
Vietcong, would include only a handful of
second- and third-rate opportunists, of whom
the Communists would make short shrift.
Such a coalition government would turn
out to be a Vietcong government virtually
from the word "go."
I implore those sincere Americans who are
advocating a coalition government in Viet-
nam to rethink the implications of their
proposal.
I implore them also to give some thought
to the fact that all this talk of recognizing
the Vietcong and of forcing a coalition gov-
ernment on Vietnam encourages the Viet-
cong to persist, while it strikes dismay into
the hearts of our Vietnamese allies.
I implore them to consider what the ver-
dict of history will be if their recommenda-
tions should prevail and if the Communists
should then take over, as they have done in
so many other countries where we have play-
ed the perilous game of coalition govern-
ment.
There are certain issues on which we can
compromise and certain Issues on which
we cannot compromise.
We cannot compromise on the principle
that aggression must never be rewarded.
Because I take this stand, I repudiate with
all my strength the suggestion that we
should seek peace in South Vietnam by
offering the Communists half the country
or half control over its government.
On a moral level I consider this proposal
tantamount to suggesting that we pur-
chase peace with the American underworld
by permitting them to legally retain a por-
tion of the loot they have obtained by
criminal means, or by giving them repre-
sentation in our Government.
As there can be no compromise with crime,
there can be no compromise with aggression.
As much as I may disagree with them, I
believe that the critics of our Vietnam policy
have performed a public service by raising
the question of a coalition government at
this time. They have helped to clear the air
of rumors that such a solution was being
given sympathetic consideration by the
administration.
The ringing declarations of Vice President
HUMPHREY, of Under Secretary Ball, of Mr.
McGeorge Bundy, and of other key members
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7568 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE April 6, 1966
of the administration team, have established
beyond the possibility of doubt that the
Johnson administration has understood the
hi tier lesson to be drawn from the experience
wan coalition governments in the postwar
period.
The administration has made it clear to
trie ad and toe alike that it will not abandon
its commitment to the people of South Viet-
cam, that it will not buy peace through any
diebonest or equivocal formula which com-
promises the position of our allies, and that
it will not yield to the clamor of the tiny
uniguided minority who demand that we
pull out of Vietnam.
i teat Communists think otherwise, then
thi?y have gravely misread both the history
and the present temper of the American
Jr, pie
wish to close with a quotation from
Winston churchill which 1 never tire of
During the dark days of the Battle of
Britain, Churchill look time off from his
defies to address the boys ol his old school,
rrew. t. his was his message to them:
"Never give in. Never, never, never, never.
Never yield to force and the apparently
overwhelming might of the enemy. Never
yield in any way, great or small, large or
petty, except to convictions of honor and
w?od sense.'
'Fire American people,, and especially our
Vietnam critics, would do well to take this
liI vice to heart tod:
1.-1JNERAL SERVICES FOR HON.
I,;?;SLIE BIEFLE, FORMER SECRE-
T.).RY OF THE SENATE
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ninire to announce that the funeral serv-
ices for Hon. Leslie Billie, former Secre-
tary of the Senate, will be at 11 o'clock
on Saturday, April 9, 1966, in the
'etialehem Chapel of the National Ca-
Lhedral of St. Peter and St. Paul. Burial
will be private at Fort Lincoln Cemetery.
.,,.PPORTIONMENT OF STATE
1.EGISLATE RES
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
move fiat the Senate proceed to the con-
ideration of Calendar No. 1022, Senate
Joint R.esolution 103.
'1'he PRESIDING OFFICER. The joint
resolution will be stated by title.
'The LEcisi,ArivE CLERK. A joint resolu-
tion 154. Res. 103) proposing an amend-
ment to the Consitution of the United
.;'tates to preserve to the people of each
Ante power to determine the composi-
tion of its legislature and the apportion-
ment of the membership thereof in ac-
cordance with law and the provisions of
the Constitution of the United States.
'Phe PRESIDING OFFICER. The
litinstion is on agreeing to the motion of
the Senator from Montana.
The motion was agreed to; and the
Senate proceeded to consider the joint
old tic) ti.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, de-
bate on the proposed constitutional
amendment will not start until the
Senate returns from its Easter recess,
WhiCh will be 1 week from today.
ADJOURNMENT UNTIL 9 A.M.
TOMORROW
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
move that the Senate adjourn until 9
o'clock tomorrow morning.
The motion was agreed to; and (at 2
o'clock and 47 minutes p.m.) the Senate
adjourned until tomorrow, Thursday,
April 7, 1966, at 9 o'clock a.m.
WITHDRAWAL
Executive nomination withdrawn from
the Senate April, 6 ?ilegislative day of
April 5) , 1966:
The nomination se/16 to the Senate on
February 16, 1966, of Wayne A. Wray to be
pestma.ster at Barnes, in the State of Kansas.
CONFIRMATIONS
Executive nominations confirmed by
the Senate April 6 (legislative day of
April 5'. 1966:
POSTM I ATEPB
AL ABA MA
Otis H. Moore, Jr., Sterrett.
Bessie J. Bragg, Ward .
ALASKA
Mitudrey J. Sommer, Tanana.
C A LIFOR NIA
Williem R. Lackey, Br-es Lake.
Paul J. Lay, Bea-Limo-et.
Shirley E. Ames, Bodega Bay.
Earl O. Good, Jr., Fullerton,
Irma L. Wyly, Jacumba.
Dorothy E. Birithead, Morro It
Carl L. Backlund, Torrance.
Betty J. Raper, Westend.
COLO :IAD?
N. Gibson, Col Doran.
Harry N. Pearson, Igna.cio.
CONNECTICUT
Julia A. Wharton, Colebrook.
Edward W. Gray, Riverton.
NittiEJ lel W. Vetti, stamiord.
FLORIDA
James E. Myers, Ca sselberry.
James Fe Bridges, Jr., Fort Pierce.
Francis A. Wynn, Homestead.
Franklin C. Smith, Interlachen.
John A. Norden, Ietke Mary.
Maxwell E. Scott, 'Marco.
John 0. Hampton, Melbourne.
Shea rod W. Williams, Niceville.
GEORGIA
Mary B. Goolsby, Carlton.
Wilma G. Lawrence, McCaysville,
William B. Price, McIntyre.
ILLINOIS
James C. Stanley, 'Fairfield.
Norman A. Rutter, Bt. L ibory
Charles H. Gooier, Sheridan.
INDIANA
Earl F. Ley, Clay City.
Charles L. Powell, Denver.
Larry D. Garrison, Kingsford Heights.
Richard P. Gerhard, Kokomo.
N. Artelle Lassiter, Windfall,
IOWA
William H. Merkle, Fayette.
Clarita F. Witham, Trues& Ie.
KANSAS
Durward E. Smith, Admire.
Florence W. Kelley, Chanute.
Orval M. Siefers, Dorrance,
Louise L. Atwell, Kismet.
Effie M. Dunn, Meriden.
Evelyn M. Caldwell, Preston.
Earl K. Pennington, Rantoul.
KENTUCKY
Victor D. Headrick, Tompkinsville.
LOUISIAN
John W. Vining, Amite.
Doland Vincent, Kaplan.
Jesse P. LeBlanc, Lockport.
Gerald J. Marquette, Napoleonvil:e.
Nita S. Dabadie, Ventress.
MAINE
Frank L. Reynolds, Brooks.
MASSACHUSETTS
Nelson T. Cotter, Hanover.
Patrick J. Windward, Jr., Sterling Junc-
tion.
James F. Alley, West Tisbury.
AAICHIGAN
Wallace J. Reed, Flushing.
Vern W. Bemus, Hazel Park.
Elmer A. Behrend, Powers.
MINNESOTA
James M. Pederson, Echo.
Thelma A. Reynolds, Holloway.
R. Vron Muir, Jackson.
MISSOURI
Walter J. Stuesse, Beaufort.
Archie L. Williams, Carl June eion.
Edward L. Rogers, Jr., Roberttville.
Winifred M. Puchta, Rockaway Beach.
Victor F. Mudd, Silex,
J. Walter Jones, Sweet Springs.
MONTANA
Fred W. Schepens, Glendive.
NEBRASKA
Howard D. Clements, Hay Sprint
Theodore R. Gaedke, Wellfleet.
NEW IIAMPSH IRE
John T. Richardson, East Barrington,
Walter P. Kretowicz, Keene.
NEW JERSEY
Louis J. Rossi, Avenel.
Joseph M. Gondola, Clifton.
Thomas F. Flynn, Emerson.
NEW MEXICO
Jenkins A. McRae, Jr., Alameg( rdo.
Alberto Romero, Mora.
NORTE; CAROLINA
Boyce W. Cloninger, Catawba,
William P. Hudgins, Sunbury.
NORTH DAKOTA
Vernon L. Hansen, Kenmore.
OHIO
David F. Tootle, Frankfort.
Howard R. Van Schoik, 11111tini.
Joseph D. Buchanan, Norwich
Matthew J. Dowling, Perrysltin g.
Robert L. Booth, Tiflin.
Charles H. McGovney, West it ',ion.
OKLAHOMA
James A. Maddux, Cheyenne.
PENNSYLVANIA
Steve A. Gavorchik, Fairchame.
Michael A. Hrehocik, Glassport.
Mary K. Hertzog, Lyon Statiot
Harry W. Stark, Manchester,
Richard Hartman, Roaring Spring.
Louella J. Hanna, Spring Church.
RalphJ. Brooking, Starrucea,
SOL TH CAROLINA
John H. Atkinson. Jr., Myrtle Beach.
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April 6, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ?APPENDIX
racy competition sponsored by the Veter-
ans of Foreign Wars.
Mr. Russ' speech, which appeared in
the RECORD on February 24, 1966, was a
moving and forceful declaration.
I would also like to commend the Vet-
erans of Foreign Wars who make this an-
nual competition possible. It is pro-
grams such as this which give millions
of young Americans the opportunity to
think fully upon the meaning of our
democracy, its beginnings, its history, its
future and the obligation of each gen-
eration to keep it alive by participation
in its institutions.
One who has been most active in this
program has been Mr. 011ie T. Frith, of
Nashville. Mr. Frith is currently State
commander of Tennessee for the Ameri-
can Legion and for the past 8 years has
been chairman of the Veterans of For-
eign Wars Voice of Democracy program.
He served his country during both the
Korean war and World War II and has
been continually active in business and
civic affairs in our community of Nash-
ville and across Tennessee.
Time does not permit the listing of all
Mr. Frith's civic activities but suffice it
to say that they are broad and demand-
ing. Nonetheless, he takes time from his
demanding schedule to work with young
people in the voice-of-democracy pro-
gram. He does this because he firmly
believes, as do the millions of other
Americans who have served their coun-
try in uniform, that democracy cannot
survive unless it is given active partici-
pation by those who live under it,. The
voice-of-democracy competition pro-
motes this participation. Thus, not only
are the young Americans who participate
in this competition to be commended but
also the members of the VFW for pro-
viding this means of encouragement for
contemplation and articulation of the
meaning of democracy.
Humphrey Clarifies Issues
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. GEORGE W. GRIDER
OF TENNESSEE
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 6, 1966
Mr. GRIDER. Mr. Speaker, last Fri-
day the Vice President came to Mem-
phis and spelled out for community
leaders some of the problems we are fac-
ing in Vietnam and throughout the world.
He proved himself an eloquent spokes-
man as he clarified many issues that
worry us all.
One of the questions thrown at him
was what to do about the movement of
supplies through the port of Haiphong.
I include his reply at this point in the
RECORD, as well as an editorial that ap-
peared Sunday in the Commercial Ap-
peal:
FROM A QUESTION PERIOD CONDUCTED BY VICE
PRESIDENT HUMPHREY AT A LUNCHEON OF
FUTURE MEMPHIS, INC., HOLIDAY-INN-RIVER-
MONT, APRIL 1, 1966
Question. Why have we continued to have
our allies, for example the British, to ship
supplies to Haiphong, and why haven't we
put up' a blockade there?
Mr. RUNIPHREY. This is a much overex-
aggerated case. The British are now shipping
very little, if any, into the harbor of Hai-
phong. There are free-world ships that are
under so-called charter?Panamanian,
Greek, the maritime nations. We are using
our best efforts to get these ships stopped
and we have stopped a large amount of them
by sheer persuasion.
But the commercial instinct of maritime
nations is a strong one. It is a question that
bothers us a great deal. It is a question
of more conversation in the National Secu-
rity Council than at most any other. If
we mine the harbor or if we bomb the harbor
or blockade the harbor we have to face up to
what happens when the Soviet Union sends
a ship down there. We are trying to keep
this conflict within limits. We are trying to
stop the struggle. We are trying to permit
South Vietnam to have its own Government,
its own elections. We are not even trying
to conquer North Vietnam.
But we are trying to stop its participation
in this conflict and defeat their participation,
Because most people say, if you really
mean to, why don't you just go over after
them. And the reason you just don't go
after them, you might have several million
Chinese, who don't have a lot of ammunition
but a lot of bodies. And I am not sure what
the Soviet Union would do with its treaty of
alliances which goes until 1980 with China.
It is my feeling they would respect it despite
the cleavage that is going on between China
and Russia. And this we hope to avoid.
That is why we can make a pretty good case
against the stopping of shipping into the
port of Haiphong. This is not an industrial
nation. Only 5 percent of the people live
in the cities.
In North Vietnam there is only one major
Industry, a plant of any size. The maximuth
amount of tonnage that goes to their troopg
a day is 150. We are not fighting massed
armies. If we could get a division or two to
come across the line we could really take care
of them. Our problem is ambush, guerrilla
warfare. * * * But to go back to your ques-
tion, we have used our good offices and,
frankly, our pressure upon our allies to stop
their shipments. Secondly, we do not feel
that the amount of goods that is coming
in seriously affects the military strength or
seriously affects our power in the south. We
unload more in 1 hour in the ports of
South Vietnam than they unload in Hai-
phong in a week. So if it is a matter of sup-
plies, my dear friend, there is no com-
parison. We have new port facilities there
that will permit as much as 1 million tons a
month. That is a lot of shipping.
[From the Commercial Appeal, Apr. 3, 1966]
HUMPHREY CLARIFIES ISSUES
As one reporter observed, Vice President
HUBERT H. HUMPHREY spoke enough words
while in Memphis Friday to fill a small
book.
A good editor, of course, would have been
able to trim the words down to the length
of a magazine article by eliminating repe-
tition and rhetoric.
Nevertheless, Mr. HUMPHREY did uphold
his reputation as an articulate spokesman
for current Johnson administration policy,
foreign as well as domestic. The repetition
served to emphasize the fact that his state-
ments were in harmony with thinking in
the White House, the State Department and
the Defense Department?not just off-the-
cuff ramblings.
Anyone who heard Vice President Hum-
PHREY'S comments on the southeast Asian
situation came away with a clearer under-
standing of the problems and the American
responses.
On the controversial question of whether
Haiphong Harbor in North Vietnam should be
A1975
blockaded or mined, the Vice President's an-
swer was precise and helpful. Such a de-
cision might have to be made in the fu-
ture, he said, but the chances are that it
would escalate the war. Shipments reach-
ing Ho Chi Minh's military establishment
through Haiphong do aid the Red buildup,
but the amount is insignificant compared
to supplies arriving by land. The risk, there-
fore, is not worth the cost?for the present,
at least. Finally. Mr. HUMPHREY noted that
the United States was a strOng advocate
of freedom of the seas, that America re-
taliated after the Tonkin Gulf Incident in
1964 for the very reason that freedom of
the seas had been violated by the Commu-
nists, and that to halt or damage ships of
the Soviet Union and other countries des-
tined for Haiphong would be to renege on our
policy.
In reply to a question of deep concern
to Americans?the doubt that the present
military directory governing South Vietnam
can survive rising civilian opposition?Mr.
Homritany was equally frank. The govern-
ment of Premier Ky, which has been quite
vocally supported by President Johnson, is
indeed unstable, said the Vice President.
But some of the military leaders now head-
ing the directory are attempting to make
themselves identified with the potential
civilian government which would come into
being after framing of a new South Viet-
namese constitution and the holding of
elections. As Mr. HUMPHREY said, any new
government in Saigon would require the sup-
port of the military. So while he expressed
a shade of pessimism he held out hope.
As a reflection of top-level thinking in
Washington, the Vice President's words in
Memphis carried weight. He underscored the
fact that any decisive outcome in Vietnam Is
distant, and that in both the war and the ex-
plosive political situation the United States
is going to have to play things by ear.
Should the time come when there is a
break, when negotiations appear feasible, Mr.
HUMPHREY reminded his listeners that 129
separate meetings between American and Pe-
king diplomats have been held in Warsaw,
Poland, in recent years, and that door re-
mains open.
Memphis did as well as a host to the Vice
President as he did as a guest. This city
can be proud that there were no protest
marches, no jeers, no incidents to blemish
the visit.
As for Mr. HUMPHREY, he proved a charm-
ing visitor?and no doubt charmed a few
conservatives with his disarming way.
The Quicker the Better
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. FRANK M. CLARK
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN TEE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 6, 1966
Mr. CLARK. Mr. Speaker, the Beav-
er Falls, Pa., News Tribune, in my dis-
trict, recently endorsed President John-
son's proposal for a new Department of
Transportation.
The paper said:
Quick approval by Congress would get the
department off the ground soon. The
quicker it is in operation, the sooner the
safety and the needed coordinate services
will come.
Under unanimous consent I insert the
editorial in the RECORD:
THE TWELFTH DEPARTMENT
The United States is the only major na-
tion in the world that relies primarily upon
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A 1976 CONGRESSION AL RECORD ? APPENDIX April 6, 1966
privately owned and operated transporta-
tion. While that policy has served us well
and must be continued, private ownership
has been made feasible only by the use of
publicly granted authority and the invest-
ment of public resources.
As long ago as 1949, a Hoover Commission
task force recommended the formation of a
department to coordinate all nonregulatory
transportation agencies of the Government.
Again, in 1959, President Eisenhower recom-
mended that such a department be formed.
Now, President :Johnson has submitted his
blueprint for a Transportation Department
with an urgency that should not be denied.
While the proposed Department would in-
clude all Government supervisory agencies
'for land, sea, and air transportation other
than military, the argument the President.
used, that will arouse public support and
no doubt congressional, is the need for auto-
mobile safety. Since the introduction of
automobiles, 1.5 million Americans have
been killed in car accidents. That is 3 times
the 503,021 battle deaths suffered in all the
wars beginning with the Revolution; and 1
times of all deaths in war, including 496,002
in ) no, am bat
The President indicts the shortcomings of
the whole transportation system?the long
time it takes to get to airfields, the com-
muter traffic jams, the idling of a high speed
Automated ship by labor delays, the sporadic
way the system has grown and the need now
to coordinate it so that persons and goods
will be carried to the whole world rapidly
and efficiently.
The Department would be the fifth largest
in the Cabinet, consolidating sections and
agencies with 100.000 employees and an an-
nual expenditure of $6 billion. Primarily,
its functions would be transportation, pro-
motion, and safety. It would not set rates,
which would continue in the quasi-judicial
regulatory agencies.
Quick approval by Congress would get the
Department off the ground soon. The
quicker it is in operation, the sooner the
,aifety and the needed coordinate services
will come.
411=Merne ft.*
Home Rule
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN L. McMILLAN
OF SOUTH CAROLINA.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 6, 1966
Mr. MeMILLAN, Mr. Speaker, under
'unanimous consent I insert in the Ap-
pendix of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD a
Awech made by Mr. F. Elwood Davis,
President, Washington.111.1oard of Trade,
end also a statement by Mr. Frank
illackwelder. the rector of All Souls
church.
[believe the Members of Congress will
be interested in reading these two state-
ments:
N.LACKJACK ADam TO BLACKMAIL
(By F. Elwood Davis)
The Metropolitan Washington Board of
Trade deeply and sincerely regrets the con-
tinuing immoral methods being employed
by SNCC and the Coalition of Conscience to
'secure acceptance for their so-celled home
elle proposal rather than the Board of
Trade's constructive and responsible self-
sivernment proposal.
Their original blackmail efforts have been
eupplemented by the blackjack approach.
They are singling out individuals and firms
and threatening them with boycott action.
is inconceivable that the coalition can
emasculate the English language by using
the word conscience in its name. We con-
sider their tactics un-American, unjust, and
completely without conscience.
The Board of Trade continues its effort
to secure meaningful self-government. Just
as it led the way for adoption of the 23d
amendment, it is now seeking voting Mem-
bers of Congress to represent Districe. resi-
dents in the body which governs them_ This
can only be done by a two-thirds vote of
both Houses of Congress and three-fourths of
the States. The blackmail and blaekjack
Coalition of Conscience activities ruin the
chances of getting these needed votes.
HOME RULE
(By Frank Blackwelder, rector of All Souls
Church)
The vehemence with which the organiza-
tion Coalition of Conscience has agitated for
home rule in the District might be lees dis-
tressing to Episcopalians if the suffragan
bishop of Washington was not involved. If
a parish clergyman occupied the position of
cochairman of Coalition of Conscience any
might assume he represented only himself
and perhaps the majority of his members.
But when a suffragan bishop acts as co-
chairman, the impression is. conveyed that
he represents the diocese. The suffragan
bishop lends the prestige of his office, the
reputation for integrity of the Episcopal de-
nomination, and provides a semblance of
bona fide when he participates as cochairman
of the Coalition of Conscience.
I can only say the suffragan bishop does
not represent my point of view, not the point
of view of most of the members of All s;ouis.
Home rule is purely a political issue, which
one may favor or oppose.
Since the suffragan bishop of Washington
appears determined to battle for home rule
using every weapon in the arsenal, what is
going to happen in the diocese? His actions
will please some but outrage others. The
question is: How wide a division will there
be?
The chairman of the Democratic Commit-
tee of the District, addressing the Episcopal
clergy, said that he favored "home rule' for
"IL is right."
An act is right only when no other alterna-
tive is worthy or preferable.
T.he Democratic Committee chairman said
also that he believed one could conseien-
tiously and unprejudicially oppose "home
rule."
Therefore, the choice between the present;
system of District of Columbia governinent
and "home rule" is a matter of preference.
The organization "Coalition of Conscience"
of which the suffragan bishop of Washington.
is cochairman has joined the ''Free D.C.
Movement" in a coercion boycott to pressure
merchants to support "home rule." This
amounts to the suffragan bishop leading an
organization to suppress freedom of choice.
Has involvement in this political boycott de-
stroyed the suffragan bishop's position as a
spiritual leader in the community?
A great many may back the suffragan
bishop: that is the privilege of any for each
is free to choose. Many others have became
deeply antagonized.
It must puzzle the Washington Boarl of
Trade to find itself the object of an attack
by Coalition of Conscience of which the :Alfa
inagan bishop of Washington is cochairman.
The Washington Board of Trade is comp s sed
of the business leaders of the District of
Columbia who are mainly responsible for the
business and financial progress of -Washing-
ton. The members of the board of trade are
also leaders in United Givers campaign.s,
boys' club organization and the service clubs.
These fi.ne people are civic and religious
minded; they belong to the churches of
Washington; many are Episcopalians. They
are entitled to their opinions about home
rule without molestation and pressure from
anyone. That an Episcopal bishop should
be leading this ruthless attack on the board
of trade to compel the board to act in a
manner it judges not best for Washington is
perplexing and out of place.
The proponents for home rule such as
Coalition of Conscience propound the un-
proved promise that home rule will provide
bountiful welfare, model schools, and im-
proved housing. This may amount to be-
guiling the citizenry of Washington, for what
city in America, having home rule, is as well
off as Washington?
The religious leaders of our city, who are
devoting enormous energies toward creating
the attitude of unrest among the poor, sug-
gesting rioting conditions are ripe, indicating
the poor shall be blameless if they explode,
are not going to be guiltless. If bloodshed
results the Coalition of Conscience will have
something on its conscience, if indeed it has
a conscience.
An Overlooked Need
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. LEO W. O'BRIEN
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 6, 1966
Mr. O'BRIEN. Mr. Speaker, a regent
editorial in the Troy, N.Y., Times Record
says:
The need for a single Federal agency to
supervise the Nation's transportation system
has long been overlooked.
It commends President Johnson for
asking this Congress to create a new De-
partment of Transportation to elimina4,e
"the fragmentation of organization, di-
rection, and planning resulting from the
present division of responsibility among
the welter of agencies" now handling the
work. Under unanimous consent I in-
sert the editorial in the RECORD:
LONG NEEDED
The need for a single Federal agency to
supervise the Nation's transportation system
has long been overlooked. Fortunately
President Johnson attended to this necessity
by recommending organization of such an
agency and providing it with Cabinet status.
It was long overdue. It will serve the no-
tioesal interest well when accomplished.
The fragmentation of organization, dice-
tion, and planning resulting from the pees-
mit division of responsibility among the wel-
ter of agencies has invited the inefficiency
and wastefulness which has resulted.
At present some 35 agencies with 100,000
employees and spending some $6 billion an-
nually supervise the Nation's transportation
system. No longer ca-n responsibility for the
system be so diffused and diluted by clistriau-
tion of control because of lack of overall di-
rection.
The President wisely refrains from tamper-
ing with regulatory agencies, charged with
overseeing the operation of the transporta-
tion system. Essentially the functions tett
the President recommended be consolidated
in the new department were those of trans-
portation, promotion, investment, and safety.
Functions of ratesetting and economic regu-
lation performed by the other agencies would
remain where they are. The independence of
control is respected by this arrangement,
along with the need for coordinated plc e-
ning and projection which best can func-
tion independently of regulatory agencies
At last, too, the Federal Government will
respond to the national conscience and be-
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.1i00 CONGRESSIONA.1,
expected to permit production of present
isotopes in greater volume and at lower costs.
Three steps, so we are told, are necessary
to enlarging the scope of this work now
underway at Savannah River.
The first, approval by the AEC?given in
its 1967 budget request of Congress?has been
taken.
The second must be the authorization by
the Joint Congressional Committee on
Atomic Energy.
The third step, once authorized by the
Joint Committee, is appropriation of the
funds for the construction.
In that Georgia's Senator RICHARD B.
RUSSELL is a member of both the Joint Com-
mittee and the Appropriations Committee, it
is to be hoped that he will look with favor on
the proposal of the AEC for this addition.
We like to think he will.
Residents of this area should be grateful
to members of the American Nuclear Society
for enabling them to better understand the
purposes of radioisotopes and their limitless
potential in the area of peacetime progress.
Freedom Today
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. KENNETH J. GRAY
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, April 5, 1966
Mr. GRAY. Mr. Speaker, we are very
much concerned about the war in Viet-
nam. Beatniks and draft card burners
seem to be getting the spotlight by our
press.
As a veteran who served overseas dur-
ing World War II for 2 years, I am sure
I speak for millions of Americans when
I say these people are a disgrace to our
country. They are doing nothing but
aiding and abetting the enemy.
Thank God we have citizens in this
country who are willing to give consid-
eration and support to the need of de-
fending America against communism
wherever it is found, whether in Vietnam
or any place else.
One of my good friends and constitu-
ents, Mr. Otto C. Biggs, who runs a
small grocery story in Benton, Ill., is such
an American. Mr. Biggs is a veteran of
World War II and his oldest son fought
in the Korean war, and he has a younger
son who will soon be finished dental
school, then enter the service.
With regard to our Vietnam policy, Mr.
Biggs has written the following poem en-
titled, "Freedom Today."
Mr. Speaker, under the privilege
Previously granted me, I hereby insert
Mr. Biggs' poem into the RECORD. I be-
lieve this layman's views truly represent
the majority opinion of Americans in
this country:
FREEDOM TODAY
(Written to support our President's Vietnam
policy and in rebuttal of peace groups ac-
tion, by Otto C. Biggs, Benton, Ill.)
What are you doing for your freedom today?
Much as the youngster so innocent and smalll
Who, while trying to escape a Communist life
Was willing for liberty; to give up all.
Living without freedom, he would no longer
stay
Under a dictator's rule that came his way.
He knew not of pleasures nor of fun,
Only most dreadful acts the Communists had
done.
His desire to escape was far too great
To let threats of death make him wait.
To leave the horrors of his life behind
Was forced to escape without kindred or
kind.
One day he ran 'til out of breath
Then by Communist guns was shot to death.
What are you doing for your freedom today?
When it is little or nothing at all,
Would you be willing to replace this lad
Who was trying to cross the Berlin Wall,
Diligently learn well from this lesson at
hand
And you'll willingly make sacrifices that
freedoms demand.
What are you doing for your freedom today?.
Much as a curly haired young Cuban lad!
Who lost all the liberties he once knew;
Also was robbed of a mother and dad.
To escape despotic rule of a bearded gloat;
Left his country in a leaky old boat,
He no longer enjoyed freedom in Cuba today,
From a communistic system tried to slip
away.
He drifted and prayed on an ocean blue;
Trying to reach freedom and start life anew.
With freedom gone, rather than sit idly by
He would find it again or valiantly die.
While drowning he had one thought in mind
To give up all or freedom to find.
What are you doing for your freedom today?
When, "I am not doing anything," you say,
Remember this Cuban lad's plight; which
could be
Yours too soon; was not too far away.
You could live someday; with tyranny at
home(
If you support others' freedom, as your own.
What are you doing for your freedom today?
Much as our brave boys in South Vietnam,
Who are fighting the Cong's forays; and
trying,
To stop a Communist tide, while they can.
A sergeant crawled through the muck and
And pulled wounded buddies from a sniper's
fire.
After a medic was wounded in the head:
Tended the wounded; tried to revive the
dead.
Another lad threw himself on a deadly
grenade.
By men like these, our freedom is saved.
Many other examples of valor can be told,
Of others sacrificing for the freedom you
hold.
We hate all wars, but this is one,
That's being fought for sake of human
freedom.
What are you doing for your freedom today?
If deeds show it's little as you can
Don't degrade the morale of brave lads who,
Hold up their country's stature in South
Vietnam.
If of our Vietnam policy your criticism
remains,
You could be trading freedom, for prisoner's
chains.
What are you giving for your freedom today?
Give all to save our country so dear
From the throes of a dreaded Communist
tide,
That will try, every way, to grow nearer.
Instead of stupid shouting in a silly parade
Reverence the lad who died on a grenade.
In place of draft card burners you admire,
Honor the sergeant who braved machinegun
fire.
Don't disagree with our policy in Vietnam;
instead,
Praise a medic, who's wounded in the head.
Remember, when your desire for freedom is
small,
A lad lost his behind a Berlin wall.
When you think our capitalistic government
is bad,
Recall the plight of a small Cuban lad.
Today, do for freedom what must be done
Even if it's fighting under a Vietnamese sun.
If for freedom you don't give a damn,
Beginning of its end could be in Vietnam.
Now, with bowed head and changed heart
Pray for our policy, then do your part.
Vietnam
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. GEORGE P. MILLER
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, March 24, 1966
Mr. MILLER, Mr. Speaker, we are
living in a unique period in American
history when our military personnel are
engaged in a very serious struggle against
the forces of Communist aggression but,
at the same time, we at home are sub-
jected to the confusion of divisive ele-
ments who seek to criticize the policies
which motivate the actions of our Armed
Forces on the foreign battlefield. I have
said unique period in history, not because
other wars did not have the same criti-
cism offered by dissenting groups but, be-
cause, in the current era, we have the
widest possible exposure for this criti-
cism, through a communications system
second to none, through public informa-
tion sources such as TV, radio, and news-
papers unexcelled any place in the world.
Of course, the basic reason for main-
taining this struggle in Vietnam is to
preserve the right of all Americans to
speak their minds freely. In this par-
ticular struggle, in which we are engaged,
it seems as though a vast amount of
publicity has been given to those who
dissent. However, I am proud to take
the opportunity to insert in the CONGES-
SIONAL RECORD, an editorial written by
Mr. W. J. Baird, editor of Signal mag-
azine, the Journal of the Armed Forces
Communications and Electronics Asso-
ciation, which was published in the
March 1966 issue. Mr. Baird is also the
general manager of the association. I
believe he has captured the essence of
why we are in Vietnam and why we must
win the struggle against the forces of
aggression there.
The editorial follows:
VIETNAM
(By W. J. Baird)
Our country, which has been involved in
a struggle for the ideals of freedom and jus-
tice since its inception, at times finds itself
pushed against the wall and into a conflict
that makes the headlines and forces us to re-
assess ourselves and our national goals.
The current situation in Vietnam is just
such a confrontation. And, moreover, it iE
only one of a continuing series of encounter:
in which any country with a positive ideol-
ogy, such as democracy, will and itself. Un?
fortunately, this sort of encounter is mosi
serious because, unlike the constant struggl!
against injustice and oppression within mu
own country, we cannot come to grips witi
the enemy on our own terms or in our owr
way.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- AP PE NDI X
coordinator for its efforts at utilizing Federal
programs.
Consider the fact that the Federal Cov-
et ament, offers over 2011 programs relating
1,0 DE411CatiOrt alone, over a dozen relating to
nein 141,1 retardation. A formalized coordi-
na ter for use of these programs is really a
11S t for your raeionat development as a
r?iiintOUTUtY.
ir iinding a coordinator or a coordinating
man nittee, you have a special asset which
you must 'utilize. Besides New York lint-
vereity?which has cosponsored, this con-
('ens'' c--you have four other universities in
rim 23.rd District, and one more adjoining.
?.'eri are fortunate in having these re-
caries. These institutions can be the focal
pnin?; ot your effort at identifying and mak-
ing lull use of all Federal programs. With
their help the first aspect of your relation-
ship an a community with the Federal Cov-
erer:rent?the question of money and wheth-
er inil how it will be used?can be
arierr m tely developed.
rut your relationship with the Federal
thivremment is not just a question of money.
You have a broader responsibility to com-
plement the Government's commitment of
money with a ccmmitment of personal effort.
,ahication, for example, it is a responsi-
bility to know what our schools are doing,
to devote individual rind political efforts to
prrxtrip; them to developing new practices
('or Die education of our children when the
,id ones do not work,
Ii housing, it is a responsibility to realize
that eirograms for low-income housing will
mit aecomplish all they can unless you take
hhe leadership in site dispersal?unless you
said the community to accept the idea that
eaw-ir come farrklies should be able to live
outside the ghetto, the old slum if they
want to do so.
In the fight against narcotics addiction, it
iJ a responsibility to realize that all the
treatment facilities that money can buy do
ho good unless the addict can be convinced
triat there Is reason for him to try and re-
habilitate himself?reason for him to want
i3O rejoin a society that he thinks has no
use toe him.
To large part, these responsibilities of per-
eimai effort are responsibilities to the poor.
We know out' rights. We know when those
rights are abridged. And we know how to
fertress our grievances. Bin; the poor often
do not liare the tools to protect their inter-
eets in a complex world.
T1,e poor are often cheated in the eduna-
tion they receive in the housing they live
in ire job opportunities rivailable to them.
just look at the disparities within, the
irons tself.. Here in tlui 23d Congressional
iistrict, in 1960, the median income was
0,400. The average adult had completed
ii.4 years of school, the unemployment rate
was 4.2 percent and 9 out of 10 housing units
wire srimil. In the 22d 'District just next
burr in the South Bronx, the median income
,ix; :14,800, the average adolt had completed
tiff yi,oa of school, 7.2 percent of the labor
oe-ce wis unemployed, and 1 out of 4 hous-
-units was unsouncl.
ho if we are to succeed in the process of
,iaihliorhood devolopmerd. tor the future,
ism most help to develop neighborhoods not
Cot ourselves, brit also for those who
athrit speak for themselves, who do not
1-OW wha t claims lo present.
We ass set insist riot only on high standards
er education for our own children, but also
i'or those who no not know how to assure
i,heir children the education they need.
Wir most build better housing not only
? oils own families, but also for those who
in Jew ghetto. Aril if those who live in
ghetto are ever to achieve full participa-
min in our society. we most be prepared to
mem steps to give them a free choice of where
tw want to live. We most pass and en-
erre fair housing laws for those who can
afford to live outside the ghetto. And, since
the vast majority of those who live in the
ghetto cannot aord to live elsewhere, we must
be ready to engage in true :metropolitan
planning of low-rent housing, in building
new towns with sections devoted to low-rent
housing, in short, in a commitment -to true
desegregation throughout our metropolitan
area.
This is the broadest aspect of your rela-
tionship with the Federal Government. For
all of the programs to improve the lives of
.Americans will never achieve their gcal with-
out the day-to-day commitment and par-
ticipation of people like yourselves.
But the very fact of your conference to-
day?and your willingness to discuss. frankly
the problems and programs on which the
future of the Bronx depends?shows that you
do understand Pasteur's. observation, that
you are prepared for the workings of chance,
for the challenge of the future. Chance does
favor those who are prepared. I think you
will be prepared.
Horton Supports Benefits for Postal and
Retired Federal Employees?Cites Ad-
herence to Guideposts
SPEECH
HON. FRANK HORTON
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, April 4, 1966
Mr. HORTON. Mr. Speaker, I :lase in
favor of HR. 14122, the Federal Salary
and Fringe Benefits Act of 19(36. While
I have gone on record in support of a
pay increase for Federal employees be-
yond the 2.9 percent level provided for
in this bill, I nevertheless concur in the
judgment of the Committee on Post Of-
fice and Civil Service as to the desirable
level of a pay increase at this juncture
in our economy. The decision of the
committee to-stay within the wage guide-
posts established by the administration
Is a wise one, considering the rapid ex-
pansion and careful measurement that
is presently going on in the U.S.
economy.
While an increase of 2.9 percent in
postal and other Federal salaries is not
optimum in respect of the goal of com-
parability between service in Govern-
ment and in private industry, the bill
before us holds many benefits for Fed-
eral employees. In addition to regular
salary rate increases, there is provision
for more liberal uniform allowances, in-
creased Government health benefit con-
tributions, wider coverage of oveztime
pay provisions for postal supervisors, in-
creased allowances for reimbursement
of special delivery messengers, salary
protection for postal employees with
seniority, and other important fringe
benefits..
Also included in this bill are impel:-
tant benefits for retired Federal em-
ployees and their beneficiaries. Most
important among these is a provision for
recomputation of retirement benefits for
persons who retired between April 1948
and October 1962 and who elected to
provide surviving spouse benefits by tak-
ing reduced annuity payments. Al-
though no retroactive ncreases will re-
A
suit from this section, many retired
persons in this category will start re-
ceiving higher annuity payments as re-
computed under the 1962 formula.
Mr. Speaker, I support this measure
not only because of the benefits it, con-
tains for present and retired Federal
employees, but also as an example to
the Nation of the workability and the
desirability of controlling the rate of in-
crease in pay scales, and additionally,
price scales in an effort to hold down
inflationary pressures in the economy.
Isotopes and Their Future
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. W. J. BRYAN DORN
OF SOUTH CAROLINA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, April 4, 1966
Mr. DORN. Mr. Speaker, the Atomic
Energy Commission approved an addi-
tion to the Isotope Development Labora-
tory at the Savannah River plant in
Aiken County. This will be a great step
forward in expanding and utilizing the
aeacetime aspects of atomic energy,
This is a development of major signifi-
cance.
The following editorial recently ap-
peared in the Augusta, Ga., Chronicle,
that outstanding newspaper serving this
area:
ISOTOPES AND THEIR FUTURE
Strong and authoritative support for ex-
panding current research into means by
which the atom can be utilized to greater
advantage in peacetime pursuits is being
provided by members of the American Nu-
clear Society, who honor Augusta by their
presence here.
While few laymen will understand the
technical aspects of the Society's local meet-
ing, to which some of most distinguished
scientists in the world are discussing de-,
wlopments in the field of radioisotopes, none
should fail to appreciate the significance of
what these men have to say as it may apply
is the future of the Savannah River plant.
Iii light of recent Atomic Energy Commis-
sion approval of a proposed $2 million addi-
tion to the Isotope Development Laboratory
at the Savannah River plant, we think they
will find highly encouraging statements made
by Joseph Masurek of the ABC's Division of
Isotope Development, and by W. P. Overbeck,
director of the Savannah River Laboratory.
The former said as the climax to a speech
Monday, that the SRP Laboratory was a
"major national resource that we can pot to
wick to contribute to the development of tire
isotope and radiation industry."
Ur. Overbeck pointed out that only the big
reactors at Hanford, Wash., and Savannah
River can provide radioisotopes in the quan-
th ies needed. What he did not have to tell
his colleagues, but which the general public
iney not know, is even though SRP now has
the reactors necessary to turn our radioiso-
topes, the irradiated products they produce
must go through further chemical separation
processes before being utilized by industry,
agriculture, medicine, and in the myriad
other ways foreseen for them in tire future
by atomic scientists.
Construction of the laboratory additions
at SRP, in the judgment of the AEC facilitate
this work and will enable 'U.S. scientists to
probe deeper into the mysteries of the atom
anis expand its peacetime uses. It. also is
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When faced with the aggression that has
been demonstrated by Communist forces in
southeast Asia, a nation has no choice but
to make decisions now, to commit itself to a
course of action?undesirable as it may be.
Unfortunately, too, such a situation forces
upon our Nation the necessity of taking the
limelight, of being scrutinized, of being open
to criticism and calumny from both well-in-
tentioned?and in some cases, not-so-well-
intentioned?onlookers.
But Americans must bear in mind that
while the war in Vietnam is a messy and
most unpleasant affair it is not the first time
nor the last time that we will find ourselves
committed to an expenditure of national re-
sources and manpower which seems so ut-
terly unrewarding. War is an unrewarding
task. At best the outcome is the oppor-
tunity for men and women to rebuild their
lives, to live in peace and work for a con-
tinuation of that highly elusive state.
Far too many Americans are experiencing
this conflict as a rude awakening. They
seem not to have realized that their free-
doms and privileges have always been in a
tenuous state and always will be. Right
must be constantly reasserted, freedoms ex-
ercised and privileges earned?often at pain-
ful expense. Sometimes, our freedoms and
privileges are inextricably linked with those
of others; although this may be difficult to
realize when those people are halfway around
the world from us.
Our Nation and our leaders are neither
omniscient nor infallible. Their thinking
and reasons are often unclear to us. As Pres-
ident Johnson has pointed out, "Political
uncertainties often obscure our underlying
purpose. Our own failures as men?politi-
cians and generals, diplomats, and re-
porters?cause us to question the wisdom of
our course."
Yet wisdom does not lie in refusing to
choose, even when all the alternatives are
unpleasant.
Our leaders have made a choice to dedicate
our Nation to making a stand at a particular
time and place when they feel it is impera-
tive. At some plant in a relationship be-
tween a people and its leaders, faith must
come in. To question the wisdom of a
course of action and to suggest alternatives
is one thing. To work completely at cross-
purposes cannot be excused by naivete alone.
How much easier it is to argue with your
countryman than with someone who shares
little concern for your way of life. And that
confrontation can come soon enough, so
Our Nation has committed itself to cer-
tain ideals which at times lead us into situa-
tions we would not have chosen. Nonethe-
less, commitments honorably made must be
carried out. Awareness of the risks of de-
laying to make a stand in order to preserve
a precarious peace, forces us to act.
At such a time in our Nation's history,
Americans must have faith not only in their
leaders but in themselves?as a people vitally
concerned with freedom and justice for
themselves and for others.
Faith, however, does not imply a blind
loyalty. It does require loyalty based on the
confidence of the honorable intentions of
a Nation long dedicated to freedom. It does
not rule out a constant reexamination and
reevaluation. A path that is not clear today
will be more so tomorrow only if an effort
is made to clarify and to seek solutions.
This is the task in which every American is
involved.
Those of us who are a part of the military-
industry team concerned with providing the
communications-electronics support to our
civilian and military leaders are perhaps more
aware of our duties and responsibilities at
" such a time than is the average American.
Aside from our occupational concern, how-
ever, we are citizens who must demonstrate
to our fellow Americans the vitality of our
dedication. I have faith that the members
of this team are fully displaying the brand
of loyalty that constantly inquires and ex-
amines but remains strong in support of
Ideals and of the leaders we have chosen
to serve.
The Driver Education Myth
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CLEMENT J. ZABLOCKI
OF WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 6, 1966
Mr. ZABLOCKL Mr. Speaker, the
current hearings on automotive safety
underway in the other body have happily
awakened the American public to the
great tragedy of death and injury car-
ried out on our highways every year.
Those hearings have gone far in point-
ing out the irresponsible attitude of our
automobile manufacturers in stressing
styling and speed over safety in auto de-
sign.
In the upcoming April 20 issue of the
Nation magazine Mr. Edward Tenney re-
veals another of the unfortunate hoaxes
perpetrated on the citizens of this coun-
try. Under the title "The Driver Edu-
cation Myth" Mr. Tenney notes that
driver education courses in our high
schools have not accomplished the ob-
jective which the sponsors claim. Be-
yond that he contends that the automo-
bile industry's callous desire for adver-
tising and promotion are the true moti-
vating factors in its support of these
education courses.
To all those truly interested in reduc-
ing the senseless slaughter of thousands
of Americans each year through auto-
mobile accidents I recommend this arti-
cle:
DETROIT'S MICKEY MOUSE: THE DRIVER
EDUCATION MYTH
(By Edward A. Tenney)
For the past 25 years, the auto industry
has declared its love for mankind by urging
the school system of every State to put a
stop to "the senseless slaughter on our high-
ways." The means to this end is driver edu-
cation, and millions of dollars are spent an-
nually on its promotion. Despite the lack
of any real statistics, the industry, which in-
cludes organized tourism and auto insurance,
sturdily proclaims that among graduates of
driver ed, accidents, injuries, and death on
the roads are reduced by 50 percent and
more.
Our children will become good, safe motor-
ists, the theory goes, by taking this course
at 13 in States which issue the adult license
at 11. In other States, the course is given
the year before the children become eligible
for licenses. And it instills in its students
such excellent vehicular manners that par-
ents, relatives, and friends learn safety by
example. The child driver soon converts
father and mother from their driving sins,
and thus traffic prudence will spread until
our whole society becomes immune to pre-
ventable accidents.
For the gist of the driver ed doctrine is
that accidents do not happen; they are
caused. Good people are rewarded by being
safe; bad people are punished by suffering
accidents which crush, kill, Mutilate, para-
lyze and, on occasion, leave the evildoer
idiotic for the remainder of his days. Those
who die are memorialized in a pamphlet en-
titled: "The Dishonor Roll," published by an
insurance company.
Teachers and students alike recognize that
this pseudo-religious talk and teaching is
silly. There are various nicknames for driver
education. It is called the "Mickey Mouse
Course" because the safety movies show
Mickey Mouse sprites tempting drivers to do
good or evil things. It is sometimes called a
"gut" course because it makes few demands
upon intelligence, and a "frill" because it is
said to be an ornament dangling from the
regular curriculum.
But whether Mickey Mouse, gut, or frill,
driver ed commands the respect neither of
the faculty which teaches it nor the children
who are taught. No responsible scientist
in our out of high school or college, no im-
portant figure in any part of the country, no
leader of integrity or eminence, asserts that
the course as presently taught from one end
of the country to the other has any ascer-
tainable effect upon the death rate, or upon
the accident rate, or upon the violations rate
or upon the character for good or evil of the
children who take the course. According to
Dr. Leon J. Goldstein of the Division of Ac-
cident Prevention in the U.S. Public Health
Service: "No conclusions can be drawn as to
whether driver education is or is not effec-
tive."
The endlessly repeated statement that it
reduces accidents and injuries by 50 percent
is patently false, as the statistics clearly
show. Although many millions of our chil-
dren have now been "immunized" against
preventable accidents, and although these
millions now saturate the driving population
in the 15-to-24 age group, the record of this
group shows no substantial improvement.
In the decade 1952-62, according to figures
of the National Safety Council, the 15-to-24
group increased the number of us which it
kills per 100,000 from 38.5 to 39.7. In the
25-to-41 age group the rate declined from
24.8 in 1952 to 22.5 in 1962. In other words,
the group which had less exposure to driver
ed improved more. The teenagers became
deadlier by the year. In 1958, they (7.2 per-
cent of U.S. drivers) had 12.5 percent of WI
auto accidents; in 1962 they (7.1 percent of
the whole) had 14.7 percent of these acci-
dents. Nationally, 6 percent more of us were
killed in 1962 than in 1961, and again 6 per-
cent more in 1963 than in 1962. We boosted
the number of dead by motor accidents from
38,091 in 1961 to 43,400 in 1963. In a period
when driver ed should have been pushing the
number of deaths steadily down, they were
going up steadily.
The most startling illustration of this
tendency is to be seen in Michigan. The
State has long boasted of its semicompulsory
driver ed law which issues adult licenses at
16 to children who have taken the course.
Children not so taught cannot obtain licenses
until they are 18. Each year the State re-
ceives a medal and citation because it enrolls
100 percent of its potential child enrollment.
Michigan once boasted of its intention to
have the best traffic record in the Nation:
"The State which is first in autos should also
be first in safety." In the years 1962-63
motorized deaths in Michigan rose from
1,529 to 1,857. The national rate rose 14
percent in that time; Michigan's rose 20
percent.
Among a good many close observers of
safety the impression grows that the Mickey
Mouse course may actually be one Cause of
the increase in traffic deaths. The American
Legion Magazine has published a substantial
study of teenage death and accident rates
which compared States with much driver ed
against States which had little or none. The
latter had lower rates. A report by the Texas
Board of Insurance shows that, of the insured
group studied, those who had been exposed to
driver ed had 12 percent more accidents
than those who had not.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD APPENDIXV April 6, 1966
Why, in the face of such evidence, do the
propaganda drums continue to boom for
triver ed? Why does the old myth that traffic
deaths and injuries are reduced by 50 per-
sot continue to appear in the press? Why is
it that when it school board calls a special
meeting to consider dropping Mickey Mouse,
the room is jammed with his ardent ad-
mirers, armed with charts and pamphlets
t o show how large are the cash savings to
everyone, how wonderful is the decline in
juvenile delinquency?
Actually there to no mystery. Those in
On safety business know that driver ed is a
leiter:1k if consumer ed; and that though the
value of driver ed nay be unproved, that of
renal:timer ed is beyond question. The motor
car needs to be made into a status symbol
at the earliest possihie age. Every leader in
atito insurance, in auto making, in auto sell-
ing, in trucking, in tires, and in dozens of
lasociated bounce' us, including the National
Council, Se American Automobile
Association, the National Education Associ-
ation 110W knows, or ought to know, that the
propaganda for driver ed goes on, not be-
t:al/Be it has any detectable power to save
li ties, but because it is the cheapest kind of
advertising. It pays off by getting adult
licenses into the hands of children.
Twenty-live years ago the leadership of
hIs massive industry may have believed that
a genuine scientiiic discovery had been made
and that it really might give as much as 50
percent immunity against traffic accidents.
iierhaps these industrialists really felt that
money spent on this alleged discovery was
genuine philanthropy. Time would tell?
meanwhile they were certain that they would
bit tapping a great new market.
Driver education really put the children
oti the road by giving them licenses, by
dispelling the fears of their parents, by
making the auto a teenage status symbol.
Thus as driver ed expanded so did the sale
of cars, gas, oil, tires, insurance, motel rooms,
and accessories.
Iiint now that time has shown that chil-
dren are not immunized to any discernible
degree, one might suppose that the leader-
snip in this industry would acknowledge the
fact and act accordingly. Quite aside from
injury and death, it is common, knowledge
that access to cars harms children intellec-
tually by diverting their attention from their
morally by exposing them to the
imehaperoned tennitetions or liquor and love,
socially by developing superiority complexes,
eaonomically by keeping them in debt, physi-
cally by depriving them of exercise. If Gen-
eral Motors, Ford, Chrysler would now stop
seeding fleets of new cars into the schools
each fail by way or their dealers, school
hoards might send the old cars to the junk-
yards and stop exploiting the children.
llet only an old-fashioned American ideal--
tit would really expect any such responsible
leadership from Die automobile industry.
perhans, unwittingly, sold a bill of
jpods in the name of safety and having per-
isided in selling it For the profit, having thus
a reputation as a lover of safety
:rad a protector of youth, the industry is in
tijiati soot. If the facts became known,
iiitrolt might be accused of callous disre-
gard for the welfare of American boys and
that, to put it mildly, would be
ead public relations.
Motors anaears to recognize the
:earl, on which it r o gingerly sits. It has 11/1-
,liri,iken an immense advertising campaign
ori. the theme, (hi ii. Motors Is People.
hilt almost idiotic slogan appears inspired
hy the deffire to make people believe that a,
warm heart beat: deep in the corporate
that Om is really concerned with
itair genenil welfare.
;;;7. iiety-miralcil people remember how
smug Unneral Mohair ei was when in 1956 it
it la-,old Ford. Tha t, was the year when Ford
eionsenzed sailety end eial. dazzled the public
with chrome and charm. As GM boasted
later, "Ford sold safety, but we sold cars.,"
borne observers hold GM primarily responsi-
ble for the failure of American auto makers
to produce a safe car, one designed to "pack-
age the occupant." Such a car, we are told,
can be built and really might reduce den this
and injuries by 50 percent in 10 years' time
if its principles were universally adopi ed.
But such a car exists only on the draw ing
boards of the safety engineers.
Instead of joining with Ford in 1956 in an
intense competition to see which. corporal ion
could produce the stronger, safer car, DM
sold charm, speed, and danger, and shottly
thereafter put on an advertising camps ign
for Driver Ed with the slogan: "The Cars Are
Safer. The Roads Are Safer, The Rest Is
Ue to You."
We are told that the removal of drivel ed
from the schools would drastically reduce the
number ot drivers and produce a recesffion
so intense as to trizzle your hair. Children,
it is true, are great consumer; of second-
hand cars, and assist greatly in the process of
dynamic obsolescence--he., they drive them
into the ground or smash theta into scrap.
But the removal of driver ed from, the schtiols
would produce no recession provided the
auto industry awakened to its own responsi-
bility. This responsibility is, :first, to put
on the market a lull range of models desigited
primarily for the safety of the occupant.
And, second, the responsibility is to educate
the people to use them. If the leaden help
accepted this obligation, the National Sin ety
Council, the National Education Association,
the American Automobile Association weald
fall in line and a real safety mat ement we old
get underway.
Kangaroo and Horsertneat lliriorted
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
NON. W. J. BRYAN BORN
OF SOUTH CAROLINA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVE1
Monday, April 1, 1966
Mr. DORN. Mr. Speaker, some years
ago I inserted in the Co NGRESSIO
R,EcoRD an article entitled "Are you
Jumpy These Days?"
That article indicated that kangamo
meat had been imported and sold in
considerable quantities as g 7ound
Also, Mr.. Speaker, I pointed out some
Lime ago that horsemeat had been im-
ported and sold as hamburger. Mz:ny
skeptics at the time found it difficult to
believe that such could happen in ..he
United States.
Mr. Speaker, we must protect the Fr
pie of this country frcm un fair impir-
tation of food and fiber. The jobs and
health of our people are, bcrig jeoptr-
diZerl and undermined by imports ft yin
low-wage countries.
The fo7.Imving article c.prc:ared in ;he
Washington Post, March 25.
UEVEN MEN EV:tE iNLICTED IN FIOR:".EMEAT li,ES
PITTSIVURGE.--ii. Federal grad jury lit-
dieted seven men on the grout ds they
ni-
ported, relabeled, and sold 10 million pouials
of horsemeat as boneless beef sn Bailin:are
and other cities. Agriculture Departrr ent
officials estimated that the operatien netted
a million dollar profit.
A U.S. attorney's office spokesman said the
meat was imported from Mexi so, relahticd
at a processing plant at Large, and teen
sold -to processors. ? He said substani ill
amounts of the1 eat were recovered in Cin-
cinnati and Pidelphia as well as in Bali-
more,
The Ky Legend
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WILLIAM F. RYAN
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 6, 1966
Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, while others
have written many foolish columns also it
the crisis in Vietnam, a few columnitqs
like James Wechsler of the New Yolt
Post, have consistently made good ser.i.(.
One of Wechsler's most sensible col-
umns appeared in yesterday's New
York Post. Wechsler points out that
superpatriotism and face saving have
produced deluded press reports and
foolish policies.
James Wechsler's column of April 5
follows:
THE KY LEGEND
(By James A. Wechsler)
In the aftermath of February's Honolulu
conference, columnist Joseph Alsop wrote
that "all sorts of signs indicate that this a. a
war that can be won?perhaps a lot snorer
than most people imagine" if "the President
is willing to wage war in earnest." Roscoe
Drummond cheerfully reported that the Viet-
cong were being badly beaten in the
Premier Ky appeared on Time's cover of
February 18; he had "showed himself el D-
quent and honest, astute and independent,
and above all a man who cared passionati ly
about the defense and welfare of his nation."
The magazine observed that "in the ycir
since President Johnson promised to defend
South Vietnam with the full weight of U.S.
arms, morale has improved measurably." U
der Ky, "largely silenced were the quart'
between Catholics and Buddhists, thee demon-
strations of students, the simmering d a-
content in sections of the armed forces." So
said Time, repeating an ofttold tale.
Now it is less than 2 months later, aid
the euphoria of the Honolulu renedeovous is
replaced by the bleak descriptions of Smith
Vietnamese internal strife and Ky's desperr to
countermeasures. For the moment the v.
with the Vietcong is virtually forgotten; Icy
Is at war with his own forces and there is in
atmosphere of paralysis and confusion in
Washington.
One 'Washington correspondent who is a
faithful exponent of the doctrine of Job II-
sonian infallibility wrote yesterday: "Tit
need for knowledge about Asia, not 01.1y
Vietnam, is tremendous." This may be the
understatement of the year.
The haunting question is how the adiniiii-
istration could have been persuaded to
identify its fortunes so totally and uniia
ically with the Ky regime in the face of
many warning signals.
At Honolulu, Ky stubbornly refused ho
accept the administration's stated pesii Li in
of "unconditional negotiations." There,
on other occasions, he proclaimed his e-
fusal to sit at a conference table with I.
Vietcong. Whe one asked a high administi ii-
tion official about Ky's apparent conflict vhh hi
the U.S. stand, he answer was that las
rhetoric should not be taken seriously; it;
was merely proof of his exuberant ape it
Those who voiced fear that he suffered Ire in
fantasies of "total victory" were brandetl
perfectionists or defeatists.
So extravagant was the buildup of :Kis
that many Americans could hardly be blare:al
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if they assumed that the superman savior of
southeast Asia had at last appeared. John-
son himself was reported to have likened
the young aviator to Rexford Guy Tugwell
In the early years of the New Deal upsurge,
and Vice President HUMPHREY seemed to see
him as a reincarnation of a young mayor of
Minneapolis.
Now suddenly the mask is off; the liberator
speaks the ancient language of an Asian
strong-arm man?but his repressive trucu-
lence merely underlines his weakness.
For many months a certain species of
American superpatriot has been decrying the
peace demonstrations in our streets as a
form of aid and comfort to the enemy, Not
all of those protests have been relevant; but
the young vigilants who have attacked such
processions must now be peculiarly frustrated
figures. For there is nothing they can do
about the dissidents in vietnam whose street
marchers may herald General Ky's doom.
Young Americans are dying at this mo-
ment on that distant front, and all our voices
are muted to a certain degree by the agony
of the national predicament. Even Senators
who have been most skeptical of our preoc-
cupation with military measures are reluc-
tant to say anything that might sound like
exploitation of a dark hour.
Yet there cannot be total, submissive
silence.
Military voices continue to boast of suc-
cesses in the field. They reminded someone
the other day of Mendes France's remark
that the French "never lost a battle in Al-
geria." I am informed our bombings of
North Vietnam are now twice as intense as
they were before the pause; what do they
avail us in the political crisis of the South?
Reliable Asian diplomats say a primary re-
sult of the Honolulu meeting was to reduce
internal conflicts among the Vietcong, Hanoi,
and Peking; it nourished the cry that Viet-
nam had become "an American war"?and
we are hearing the echoes now.
We have clung to the delusion that only
North Vietnamese infiltration sustained the
Vietcong. Yet those who have heard De-
fense Secretary McNamara's testimony say
no analysis of his arithmetic of Vietcong
strength justifies this bland conclusion.
The answer to our troubles will not be
found in the back of any book. The best,
slim hope may be the emergence of a "neu-
tralist"?(oh, horrid, word)?Saigon govern-
ment that can negotiate with the Vietcong.
In the judgment of knowledgeable men, such
elements do exist. But whether our military
and diplomatic establishments are prepared
to pursue this alternative remains in deep
doubt.
Much may hinge now on the willingness
of a proud President to concede that he has
been the victim of faulty, simple minded
counsel and self-delusion and to acknowl-
edge that not all of those who questioned his
decisions were wrong.
The Koreans: Our True Friends
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. L. MENDEL RIVERS
OF SOUTH CAROLINA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 6, 1966
Mr. RIVERS of South Carolina. Mr.
Speaker, last year I had the good fortune
to be named as a representative of the
United States to go to Korea to attend
the celebration of the Korean Armed
Forces Day. At that time the Korean
Government was in the process of send-
ing over 20,000 troops to assist the Viet-
namese in their fight against Communist
aggression in South Vietnam. Last week
I had the pleasure of meeting with Gen.
Kim Yong Bae, Korean Army chief of
staff, who was visiting here in Washing-
ton. He told me that Korea will soon
double her commitment to further em-
phasize their determination that South
Vietnam has the right to remain a free
nation. This is the type of friendship
that Americans understand and appre-.
date.
Countless instances of valor in action
by Korean soldiers attest to their pride,
professionalism, and devotion to duty.
A close comradeship, beginning in the
Korean war, still exists between Ameri-
can and Korean servicemen in Vietnam.
This factor alone has enabled the com-
bined arms of the Americans and
Koreans to aggressively seek out and
destroy their common enemy. The
famous Korean Tiger Division and the
Blue Dragon Marine Brigade have suc-
cessfully conducted many separate oper-
ations which clearly illustrate the ability
of the ROK Army to decisively defeat the
enemy on independent missions.
American veterans of Operations
Masher, Jefferson, and Van Buren, in
which American, South Vietnamese, and
Korean troops combined their forces and
dealt overwhelming defeats to their
Communist enemies, continue to praise
their allies as completely dependable,
loyal and extremely versatile.
Except for the United States, the Re-
public of Korea is providing the largest
free world force in assistance of the
South Vietnamese. I want to make
available to all Members of Congress
what our true friends from Korea are
accomplishing in Vietnam. Mr. Chesly
Manly of the Chicago Tribune Press
Service, in a story written from Qui
Nhon, Vietnam, on March 12, 1966, has
given us an eloquent picture of the Ko-
reans in action. I insert his story in
the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, as follows:
KOREAN TIGERS ROAR DEFIANCE OF VIETCONG
(By Chesly Manly)
Qui Nnox, VIETNAM, March 12.?The
United States has a right to be proud of the
Korean Tiger Division, which unquestionably
is the best fighting unit in Vietnam for this
kind of warfare.
The Korean division is a product of Amer-
ican inspiration, training, and support. Its
troops wear American uniforms, use Amer-
ican arms and equipment, and eat American
rations, supplemented by Vietnamese rice.
Almost all of its officers above company
grade have had advance courses at Fort
Leavenworth, Fort Banning, or other Amer-
ican military schools. Its tactical doctrine
Is basically American.
But it has added unique Korean tactical
concepts and skills, including tae kwon do,
a combination of Japanese karate and judo,
which make the Communist Vietcong fear
the Koreans more than they fear the Au-
stralians or the toughest American troops.
DISCLOSED IN DOCUMENTS
This fear has been disclosed in documents
captured from the enemy. The kill ratio?
more than 15 Vietcong for every dead Ko-
rean?tells the reason why.
The Tiger division justifies not only pride
in America's achievement in Korea but con-
fidence in its ability to equal that achieve-
ment in Vietnam. Veterans of the Korean
war remember what Americans said about
the Koreans. They were incompetent; they
would not fight; corruption was rampant;
their government was rotten, their cause
hopeless. Many Americans now say all of this
about the Vietnamese.
There were valid grounds for contempt
and derision of the Koreans in the early
1950's, but not for lack of faith in their po-
tential, and the same is now true of the
Vietnamese today.
The Koreans had been exploited by Jap-
anese imperialism_ and the Vietnamese had
been exploited by French imperialism too
long to withstand Communist aggression
without American help.
EXPECT 40,000 BY JULY
Now the Koreans are proudly helping the
Americans help the Vietnamese. They have
20,000 troops here and another division soon
will be on its way. By July the total Korean
strength in Vietnam is expected to be 40,000.
Americans hope the second division will
be as good as the first. It should be. The
Korean force here now includes one Dragon
division, based at Cam Ranh Bay, and they
are just as good as the two regiments of
Tigers.
The hackneyed term "elite" would not be
adequate for the Korean units; they can only
be described as unique. This judgment in no
way detracts from the excellence of the U.S.
Marines, the let Infantry Division, and other
American units in Vietnam.
The 1st Air Cavalry Division has been over-
glamorized by romantic press service corre-
spondents, whose early accounts said its
troops wbre all jungle-trained pros. Actually
its troops were too green to be sent into
battle and they have made mistakes, but
they are learning fast, as Americans al-
ways do.
One American infantry officer here re-
marked that there is nothing wrong with any
of our units that could not soon be corrected
by a few Korean advisers. A 1st Division
sergeant, driving this reporter from Saigon
to An Khe, identified troops in a long line of
passing trucks as ROK (Republic of Korea)
engineers, and said, "The ROK's are the only
people we trust." A U.S. marine officer, when
asked about Koreans, said simply, "They're
as good as we are." No marine ever said that
about any American Army unit.
The Tiger division arrived here a little more
than 4 months ago and set up Its headquar-
ters northwest of Qui Nhon in an area long
controlled by the Vietcong. Since then it has
expanded its tactical area of responsibility to
1,200 square kilometers (480 square miles),
extending westward to the area of the 1st
Cavalry Division, based at An Khe. High-
way 19 is secure from Qui Nhon to An Khe
and on west to Pleiku, headquarters of the
Vietnamese IV Corps area.
In 4 months the Koreans have killed 1,155
Vietcong by body count (the estimated total
is 1,273), captured 466, and detained 2,085
suspects, of whom 20 percent turn out after
investigation to be Vietcong. Korean casual-
ties in the same period were 74 killed, 234
wounded, and 1 missing.
Since the Koreans arrived 14,000 Vietnam-
ese villagers who had fled from the Vietcong
terror to Government refugee camps have
returned to their villages in the area. The
estimated population of the area is 400,000
of whom 300,000 live in secure and 100,000
in contested areas.
ROAD IS SERENE
This reporter rode in a jeep from Qui Nhon
to the headquarters of the 3d Battalion, 1st
Regiment, 30 miles north of Qui Nhon on
Highway 1. The road had just been opened
and secured by the single ROK battalion as
part of a combined operation called White
Wing, so that supplies could be moved by
trucks from Qui Nhon to troops of the let
Cavalry Division in the Bong Son area.
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A2004 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX Apia (;,
to countryside aiting this rot, ii, which
:tad been controlled by the Vietcong only 3
a. she before, was serene.
:Mien, women, anti children were strolling or
riding bicycles along the road. Near the
titation headquarters a new hamlet had
.m1-flag up, with dozens of shops offering ice,
laundry, and barber service to the
reans.
Tim battalion killed 210 Vietcong, captured
, and detained 131 inspects in the road se-
, ority operation, 'Ls part of WhilA1 Wing.
'Dm whole 1st, Cavalry Division was credited
'aelitt only 1.235 killed, 286 captured, and
ii80 suspects retained, and this included
t those killed by artillery fire and 1,064 air
the highest number thus lar flown
iii ii V'ieliaim opera thin.
AGICEGa ON NEGll
titet. Myeing iiiiin Chile, 39, the Ko-
rean division's conanander, agreed with the
in station of Gen. William C. Westmore-
lend, the American citamander in chief,
whom he admires, that many more troops,
!attn. Americaa and Korean, are needed.
Their presence is required to deetroy tne
''ii' City'smain force and pacify the country
niciently for the Vietnamese Regular Army
:al regional and popular forces to assume
borCie:1 01: ma nit daing security. Yet he
,v:is not cordemplinins of the 'Vietnamese.
They are getting better every day, be said.
General Chile said that his estimate of
iire need for more troops is based on the
ii; tin flow of ely-trny reinforcements and.
;1a1ealea from North Vietnam. When asked
whether a force should be put in Laos across
LI iii No Chi Minh trail, over which supplies
a int reintorcemmits are pouring in from.
North Vietnam, he its:sit:Acid about making
recumarientations. But he said
; ilere are many wen: to .5 toll them, in
destruction of the enemy's warm king fa-
et titles in the ilalan-fiaipliong privileged
:at:al:nary by nonthing.
Gyres sou in ADVANTAGE
ff we let them come in, it will be very
difficult to conclude this war,' General (Mae
encl. "Our failure to stop them prolongs
the war. The Communists are ming big
pOT1B----75 millimitter recoilless rides and
iII millimeter mortirs. These weapons use
5] fit alum: it iini We have captured
itmeh ammunition, (tothing, food and med-
ical service, and ithowing that the enemy's
?.iiiiprity is not bad at all. a his will be a long
\gar it we don't stop those supplies.''
den rat Chae :end that tire Koreans, being
,trotritals with malty 01 the customs and tra-
intions of thir VutImmese, have special ad-
catitages in this w tr. It is easier for the
? deans than for kis Americans to become
'ii nds of the Vietiiiimese and get informa-
tion on the enemy irOld t fienu, de Said.
'Cho general and other officers with whom
i,Ms. reporter Whorl told how the Koreans
ditto the Vietnamese build schools and
lan!GeS, ewe then: mott and medical service,
end Mimi clew K won Do in the high schools.
All of this delights the Vietnamese and re-
ail is: in ace um to information about the
am-gay.
;accurate intelligence is one reason for the
l_ntorctirlary SlIelas of the Ipareans. An-
Oi.4-11.r reason is tha t, the Koreans, like the
Vietcong. rut ii Vie daytime and do their
iiisiding at night. Most Vietnamese units
hark for the Vrementr in the daytime, before
alter the iniiid?ty siesta. Korean recon-
-00 addadS ,,re out getting inforina-
eion troth Vietnionese peasants during the
da', at night the troops go out to set up
ambushes for the Vietcong.
it.1 IEH1 TACTICS
Majer dfiforenee in Korean and Arne/d-
ean tactics is that the Koreans, when they
Mist receive enemy lire, inunediately attack
from two or attire directions, before the
enemy has it chance to escape. Vcenen Ameri-
cans receive edealy lire they ran back and
call for artillery support or air strikes.
Visually, when they finally attack, the enemy
has gone.
Twice, during their recent road security
operation, troops of the 3d 'battalion set up
night ambushes for Vietcong elements that
had been shooting at American helicop.I ars
supplying the Koreans. Each time the charg-
ing Koreans made all the noise they could
with drums, bugles, and their shouted battle
cry, Mang Ho (brave tiger), to frighten 'lie
Vietcong.
In the darkness, itame Koreans disarmed
enemy soldiers and killed them with Tim
Kwian Do assaults. One Communist, killed
in a fight withett weapoirs, had a broiten
ithull and a fractured pelvic boile. The
;mans can break a man's beck or neck with
Me Kwon Do assaults, using their hands,
linees, and feet. They killed 37 Vietconn in
one of these platoon-sized ambushes ane 41
in the others.
The Tiger division is deployed on a widely
dispersed company base plan, and each ciat-
pally base is a self-contained unit, desigued
to -withstand an attack by a whole regiment
for at least 48 hours. Not one company base
has been attacked, and captured enemy doc-
uments explain why. The Vietcong act tot
that their losses would be too great.
The morale of the Koreans is incredibly
high. There is strict discipline but mutual
respect and comradeship between officers and
enlisted men. Compared with the ordiirly
and well-policed military aspeiit of Korean
headquarters areas, Vietnamese army eaalpS
resemble slum neighborhoods with a few
soldiers in uniform who are home on leave.
It is a thrilling experience to be awakened
by the Kcirean bugler sounding reveille, near
the troops at morning formatirin lustily sing-
ing their natlonal anthem, and watch tnem
work out at Tae Kwon Do drill for 30 min-
utes before breakfast. All officiers and men
are in superb physical condition. The :sight
of them Must frighten the serf wny Viet nag
out cif their wits.
'Phe division's original missitan was to de-
fend Seoul, tire capital, and officially it is the
capital division.. To the Koreans, howayer,
it is the 'Tiger Division. Their emblem is a
tiger and they make a ritual or shouting
Mang Ho. When an officer passes, a Korean
guard salutes by presenting arms and roar-
ing like a tiger.
In 4 months the division has aSSeThbted
the most impressive booty room in Viol i tam.
There are truck loads of cicdhing, digging
and cooking utensils, American condeilsed
milk. American antibiotic druirs, booby traps,
mines, and eight-pointed steel spikes, two
points of which are always up when they are
dropped on the ground.
There are hundreds of Hiles of FrenCli,
Geri-dad, Czech, Russian, Chinese, Japanese,
and American manufacture. The Ft
rites Were captured from the French by the
Vietnamese. The American thugs and con-
densed riailk were captured Ilnrn the South
Vietnamese. The gun collection incluttes a
brand new American M-16, taken lot. the
Vietcong from an American soldier and later
captured by the Koreans.
All Proud of Carden
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
oil
hON. FRANK T. BOW
010 OILIO
IN TUE HOUSE OF 1tE0RE).31:INEATIkiES
Monday , April 4, -1966
Mr. BOW. Mr. Speaker, all of us are
concerned, I am certain, about the effect
that anti-war demonstrations must have
upon the morale of our lighting men
South Vietnam, and I think that the :fol-
lowing letter from a Canton, Ohio, ma-
rine may be of interest to those who ret d
the RECORD:
ALL PROUD OF CANTON
I am just one of many Americans here it
Vietnam. I am stationed with the 1st H0
pital Company at Chu Ltd.
When the Marines first landed at Chu Teti
-they made quite a fight for this land. Many
of America's young men gave their lives in
the fight for what we believe is right mid
just. I believe it's right, and I am prond
to be here.
I am sure no American fighting man was Ls
to be here fighting. :None of us want to die,
especially at so young an age and so Lir
away from home. But, like myself, I ens
sure till of us would be willing to give oar
lives to protect our loved ones. Who knoute
if Americans pulled out of Vietnam, the nr xl
time Communist aggression strikes it cm Id
be on our own soil.
This would result in one thing the loss
of many innocent lives. War is bad enotath,
but on our own American ground it woild
be even worse.
The thing that gets most of the men
down over here is the lack of support from
back home. We don't ask much, just a lit-
tle support to know the people back hi' mu"
are behind us. It gets rough sometimes eat-
ing C-rations, not getting a shower, smok-
ing stale cigarettes. But that's not half its
bad as hearing about a group of coffige
jerks walking around with signs protest :oat'
U.S. movements in Vietnam.
I am proud to say I am a rosident of C; .n-
ton. My friends over here from Cation
must feel the same way. In Canton viten
a serviceman is home on leave he is at 1 e.Lst
treated decently. There aren't all types of
demonstrations going on to make us I ,T-1
we're fighting a lost cause.
I can't write to every citizen of our wo.1-
derful city, but I can say this: I and err]
other man from Canton over here tin tim
you from the bottoms of our hearts.
PRANK C. HAUGH, 696-79-53,
1st Hospital Co., FPO San Frani. i.,c-o
96602.
No Inflation in Durable Goods
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ROMAN C. PUCINSKI
OF ILLINOIS
IN il'HE HOUSE OF REPRESENTA.TIV
Wednesday, March 23,1966
Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Speaker, then" is
a great deal of discussion in Washinm
and around the country on the whole
subject of inflation. I believe inflatri
IS a serious matter and deserves the
widest discussion. But I also believe t hat
we Americans have a knack for tairing-
ourselves into problems.
The President has quite properly 1(A
attention to the dangers of inflation 1J1,1.
I fully support his orders to his subo
nates that Federal expenditures be re-
duced by $1 billion in the next 90
Reducing the cost of Government, is
one of the more effective ways to deal
with inflation and I congratulate the
President for this action.
However, I am concerned that in this
broad discussion on the dangers of in-
flation, we Americans do not talk our-
selves into a recession.
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