JPRS ID: 10431 USSR REPORT POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: JPRS
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00850R000500050007-4
• Release Decision: RIF
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 77
• Document Creation Date: November 1, 2016
• Sequence Number: 7
• Content Type: REPORTS

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JPRS L/ 10431
2 April 1982
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U SS R Re ort
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POLITICAL ANn SOCIOLOCICAL AFFAIRS
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CFOUO 1 1 /82)~
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NOTE
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C ~JPRS L/10431
2 Apri1 1982
~
USSR REPORT ~
. PdLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS ~
cFOVO ia.~s2~ ~ . .
. PREVIOUSLY UNPUBLISHED CHERNENKO SPEECHES
Moscow K. U. CHE~2NENK0: IZBRI~NNYYE RECHI T STAT'I in Russian 1981 pp
l, 3-4, 133- 149, 372-39?, 423-432, 495-513, 676-679
; [Annotation, Table of Contents, and Speeches from the book "K. U.
Chernenko: Selected Speeches and Articles", Politizdat, 679 pages]
~ ~ ~
i ~OiV~I tivTS ~
; ~ .
' Annotation 1
Table of Contents 2
From the Publisher 6
Real.ize the Historic Decisions of the 25th CPSu Congress 8
Improve the Sty]:e and Methods of the Work of the Party Apparatus 25 .
A High Award ~-o Our Valorous Border Guards 45
Tl~e Award Summons to New Achievements 55
Ukase of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet 72 ~
j
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~
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~ - a - [III - USSR - 35 FOUO]
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- LText~ ANNOTATION
The book by a member of the Politburo and the Secreeary of the CC CPSU comrade
K. li. Chernenko co~ntains his selected articles and speeches during the period from
1971 through December 1980. The works which have gone into the collection throw
light upon the fundamental prablems of the work of the CpSU and of improving the
system for tlle management of socialist society, and on ;:he issues of ti~e foreign
policy activities of the CPSU. The author touches upon a wide range of theoreti-
cal and practical questions. ~
The book is designed fo~- ~i wide r~R OFFICIAL USE ONLY
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A HIGH AWARD TO OUR VALOROUS BORDER GUARDS
Speech at a Gala Meeting Devoted to the
Presentation of the Order of the Red
Banner to the Border Guard Detachment of
the Red Banner Eastern Border District on
16 August 1979
Dear comrades!
_ We have gathered here to mark a great and ~oyous event in the life of a border
guard detachment--it is being presented today with the Order of the Red Banner.
Accept, comrades, the most heart-felt congratulations of the Central Committee
of our party, the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet, and personally of
comrade Leonid I1'ich Brezhnev. ~
� For your great services in the defense of our socialist fatherland, and for
your duty successes in protecting the state border of the USSR, the homeland
~ has conferred a high combat award upon your border guard detachment.
I will tell you frankly, comrades, it is very pleasant �or me to be together
with you on this holiday, and to speak to border guards. For me, a former
border guard, today's event is doubly moving: it is precisely in your border
guard detachment that my military service began when I came here as a volunteer
in 1930. .
~ The years of that difficult, anx~ous, and exciting service have been imprinted
forever in my memory; I always think of them with sincere warmth and gratitude.
It is just here that one of the great events of my life took place--I was
accepted into membership in the Co~unist Party of the Soviet Union. It was
here that the communist border guards~ elected me secretary of their part~ organi-
zation. And since then the meaning and content of my entire life has been
party work. This is why this commission is so dear to me--to present the
homeland's award to you. ~
Of course, comrades, I do not intend to appear before you today with personal
reminiscences. Nevertheless, I would like to say a few words about that time.
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You~know that for the Soviet country the beginning of the 1930s was a difficult
period; but its pathos consisted in an offensive by socialism along all of
the directions of state, economic, and cultural construction. The entire country
was seized by labor enthusiasm. Industrial giants were built in record time--
Magnitka, Dneproges, the Stalingrad and Khar'kov Tractor Plants, the Gor'kiy
and the Moscow Motor Vehicle Plants, the city of youth Komsomol'sk-na-Amure, and
the Turkistan-Siberian Railroad Trunk Line. The complete collectivization of
agriculture was begun, and the construction of new sovkhozes and machinery and
t.ractor stations was in psogress. In all of the.spheres of the spiritual life
of our society a new, socialist ideology was being established.
The country's international situation was difficult. The~capitalist world not
only showered streams of slander and lies upon the Country of Soviets, placing
the reality of our plans in doubt, but did not stop before direct military pro-
vocations against us. There was no quiet on the Soviet borders. Attacks on
our Central Asian republics by Basmach bands were organized by imperialist
agents from the territory of Afghanistan, Iran, and Sintszyan. In 1929 a con-
flict arose on the Chinese-Eastern Railroad. In an order of the USSR Revo.lu-
tionary Military Council on this occasion it was stated: "The conflict on
the Chinese-Eastem Railroad has been resolved. But we shall be on our guard,
and we shall vigilantly keep a watch on every movement by the imperialists.
Let the struggle in the Far East harden our ranks even more, and let us pdu~t in
new strength for the further combat training of the Red Arnry." This appeal~was
absolutely ~ustified. At the end of the 1930s the Japanese militarists engaged
in large military provocations, first in the area of Lake Hasan, and then at
Khalkhin-Gol. .
The Leninist Komsomol was the party's fighting assistant in strengthening the
country's defense capacity and in educating fiery patriots of our homeland.
At that time the most popular professions far young people were the military
professions of seamen, flyer, tank operator, and, of course, border guards.
During these years the posters summoned: "Komsomol Member--To the Airplane,
the Tank, the Battleship!"
Service on the border was the limit of our dreams, the Komsomol members of that
time. And when this dream came true, the youth strove to ~ustify the high trust
and to perfo~ its duty honorably to the end.
Decades have passed since that time, and much has changed. Today the border is
guarded by the grandsons of those who selflessly defended it during the stern
prewar and war years. There has been an incomparable growth in the combat
readiness of the border forces; they are supplied with first-class equipment
- and with the most modern weapons. The people of the border themselves have
grown--an i.ndicator of this is the high educational, political, and professional
level of the border soldiers.
But I involuntarily search in the �aces of today's border guards for the features
of the border sentries of the 1930s. And I see the courageous inspired faces of
soldiers who are boundlessly devoted to the cause of the party, to their
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socialist fatherland, and to the cause of their fathers and grandfathers. In
this we have the continuity of the generations of border guards, and fidelity to
the heroic traditions of our glorious people and to the traditions of our bdrder
guard forces. Alarms, details, and training--this is wh~t our border guards'
every day was made of, a:ad that is what it remains today. As for us, the border
soldiers of the 1930s, so for you to whom the protection of the country.'s borders
� has been entrusted in the 1970s, the most important thing was and remains
enormous responsibility, the highest self-control and vigilance, and a constant
readiness to protect the quiet of the border against any encroachments.
Comrades! Somewhat more than three years have passed since the 25th CPSU
Congress. This was a period full of historic events. The celebration of the
60th anniversary of Great October, thc adoption of the new USSR Constitution,
and the elections to the USSR Supreme Soviet--all of this placed an inimitable
_ stamp upon the work of the party and upon the entire social and political life
of the country, and helped to give scope to the struggle for the fulfillment of
the decisions of the congress.
The party's chief domestic policy line and its general course is an improvement
of the well-being of the people. This course is consistently being turned into
practical deeds. In all of the directions of our social development during:the
three years of the five-year plan we have made substantial forward movement.,
During this time the country's economic potential underraent substantial growth.
The industry of the USSR now produces more output than was produced in the
entire world in 1950. On the basis of an increasP in the productivity of social
labor, during the years 1976-1978 four-fifths of the increase in national in-.
.:ome was obtained.
A large amount of work has been done by the party to carry out a long-term and
economically valid course which is aimed at the progress of agriculture. The
July (1978) Plenum of the CC CPSU is of fu~damental importance in this.
We remember wYrat the first five-year plan began with in the village: 27,000
tractors, 700 trucks, 2(!) grain harvest combines--that was almost our entire
machinery arsenal in 1928.
Now .there are working on the kolkhozes and sovkhozes more than 2,500,000 tractors,
700,000 grain harvesting combines, and more than 1.5 million freight trucks.
Agriculture's energy might in our time comes to 525 million horsepow~er. This is
25 times more than in 1928.
Your rayon is convincing testamony to thAse changes. The rayon's kulkhozes and
sovkhozes have turned into large highly m.echanized and energy-supplied farms
which are strengthened by qualified cadrES of specialists. In 1978 the rayon's
rural workers sold the state a record amount of grain--more than 10 million
poods. As a result of the large amount of work which is being performed by the
_ rayon party and government organizations and by all of the workers, the rayon
and an advanced kolkhoz haue been awarded for their successes for the fourth
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time with the Red Challenge Banners.of the CC CPSU, USSR Council of Mini~ters,
the All-Union Central Council of Trade U.nions, and .the~EC~.of the A1~-Union~
Le~3nist:;. Co,mmunist ~outh League.
The successes in the country's economic construction have given rise to a .
further improvement of the material and cultural level of the people. On the
basis of the.results of three years of the five-year plan, the assignments to
increase the population's monetary income have been completely realized. In
1978 the average wages of workers and employees reaehed 160 rubles a month and,
in this way, was almost twice as high as the 1960 level. Thanks to the growth
of our social consimmption funds, the possibilities are increasing in our cuuntry
for satisfying various social needs of Soviet people, such as obtaining an ~
education, health protection and rest, financial security in old age, and others.
Since the beginning of the lOth Five-Year Plan around 6.5 mi~llion new well-
appointed apartments with a total area of 323 million square.~eters have been
built and commissioned in the USSR. This'figure by itself is sufficiently
eloquent. But its dimensions will become even more graphic if it is recalled
that on the ~sve of the Great Patriotic War the enti:~ city housing fund of our
country was slightly more than 420 million square meters. In three yea~s
around 32 million Soviet people celebrated house-warmings. And, nevertheless,
there is still not enough housing. As yet not all Soviet people have the kind
of housing conditions they would like. But the scope of construction is expanding,
and housing difficulties are diminishing.
Soviet people are workin~ strenuously over the fulfillment of the plans of the
fourth year of the five-year plan. It is quite clear, comrades, that the ful-
fillment of the five-year plan as a whole will to a large extent depend upon
_ the results of this year. While taking note of the indisputa,ble achievements
of our economy, the party is at the same time calling attention to the diffi-
culties and shortcomings in our work and to unsolved problems.
Last winter and spring the weather served us quite a few surprisPs. And during
the summer months extensi~*e areas of the European part of the Union suffered
from a drought. This is why it is so important now to mobilize ourselves and
to put all of our reserves tnto movement so as to provide normal food supplies
for the country's populati~n.
The essential thing, ~f course, is not only to know about problems. The chief
thing is to draw the necessa..ry conclusions for one's work, and to take the�correct
measures to eliminat~a shortcomings, without stopping half-way and without being
satisfied with individual successes. The party demands deeds, the con~istent
and steady improveme~nt of all of the elements of our state and economic mechanism,
and their qualitati�~e improv~ment.
Recently the Cenr�ral Committee of the party and the Soviet government adopted the
decree "On Imp::oving Planning and Strengthening the Actio:z of the Economic
_ Mechanism on 'Lncreasing Production Efficiency and Improving the Quality of Work."
This document is addres~aed not only to planning organizations and ministries and
departments; i~ is ad~:ressed to every Soviet person.
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In this document the party provides a resolute reminder of the inseparability of
planning and production, of managerial tasks and the moral climate in the
country. The economy of our country has grown immeasurably, and it has become
more complex~not only quantitatively, by volume, but also qualitatively. Economic
relations have become more complex. 3.'he scientific and technological revolution
is making increasingiy great demands upon us. Now the task, it is noted in
the decree of the CC t;PSU and USSR Council of Ministers, consists in raising the
level of planning and economic management, bringing them into correspon3ence with
the requirements of the present stage--the stage of developed socialism,--and
achieving a substanttal increase in the efficiency of social production, an
acceleration of s~.ientific and technological progress and a rise in labor produc-
tivity, and an improvement of output quality and, on this basis, ensuring a
constant improvement of the country's economy and of the well-being of the
Soviet people.
In thinking about and weighing all of the sides of the tasks which follow from
_ this document, you understand that we shall probably still have to overcome
psychological Barriers: inveterate habits, innertness, and indecisiveness in
taking the most operational me~asures in accordance with this decree.
This is why today in the party and couatry, where there is a wide discussion of
this decree, concrete measures are being worked out to realize it in every
collective. We believe that every Soviet person will make a worthy contribution
to this cause of all of our people, that the level of our well-being will rise
even higher, and that the economic.might of our homeland will grow even
greater. And the society of developed socialism will take one more step forward.
The tasks that face the country are enormous ones, and it is necessary for every
Soviet person to participate consciously and actively in their accomplishment.
Our common successes are formed from the successes and achievements of every
labor collective and evP~y individual worker. In a situation when the inter-
dependency of large collectives one upon the other has been growing immeasurably
from day to day, such qualities as reliability and obligatoriness become
- especially important. Frequently, comrades, besides our own conscience, we have
no controller over us. It is then that the life position of a person comes to
light--what he cherishes, in the name of what he works, and by what values he
orients himself.
But it is not only i~d our affairs and in work that we pass through a test for
reliability. In human relationships, in the perception of events, and in their
evaluation each of us also is examined for strength.
Obligatoriness is not simply fidelity to a word or a promise. Obligatioriness
demands from a person.fidelity to his own ideals and convictfons, and firmness
in the life position which has been chosen--in a word, that which we call a
sense of principle. And behind this there is always an ability for independent
thought, a heightened civic-mindedness, and the ability to struggle and to defend
one's point of view.
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Everybody has his own measure of responaibility, but the me~sure of his duty
to his homeland and to his people is a single one.
" Each of us has to be ready at any moment to fulfill this duty to our homeland.
Everyone bears personal responsib~lity for the accomplishment of common tasks--
this is the essence of the matter.
The new USSR Constitution is permeated with the idea of people's power and of
. ~ the direct participation by Soviet man in the administration of the affairs of
society and in the creation and distribution of social goods and.riehes. First
of all, the authority and powers of the Soviets of People's Deputies at all
levels is strengthened and expanded. In their composition and coverage they
represent practically all of the strata of the population, and with regard to
the number of deputies they are a very enormous democratic force. To have
the potential of the soviets go into fuller action in the interest of communist
construction, to resolve through the ~oviets questions which arise with more
initiative, without red-tape, and in a more organized manner, and to respond to
the needs of the population--the Basic Law binda us to do this, the CPSU
summons us to this, and in this is one of the preconditions for our rapid for-
ward movement.
Comrades! Our people riglitly connect all of our successes and achievements in
the socio-economic and social life of the country with the tireless work of the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union, its Central Committee, Politburo, and
personally of the General Secretary of the CC CPSU comrade Leonid I1'ich
Brezhnev.
The strength of our party, as was once again graphically demonstrated by the
recent elections to the USSR Supreme Soviet, is in its close connection with
the masses. It gets from its indestructable unity with the people mighty energy
and an unshakable will and strength! In this unity is the guarantee of all of
our future successes and achievements.
All of us experience a feeling of legitimate pride in our party when we speak
about the positive changes on the international arena. Carrying out the deci-
sions of the 25th Party Congress, the CPSU and the Soviet state have been
increasing their efforts in favor of detente and ensuring peace on earth.
Recently there was a meeting between comrade L. I. Brezhnev and the President
of the United States Jimmy Carter which governments and peoples followed with
the utmost attention. And this is understandable. On the agenda of the
negotiations were the key problems of the present day and, above all, the
problem of restraining the arms race.
In Vienna the second Soviet-American treaty was signed on limiting strategic
offensive weapons for a period until 1985. When it comes into force definite
barriers will be created for a further build-up of the most destructive and
most expensive types of weapons. Moreover, for the first time states will even
reduce somewhat the number of their strategic missil:es and other nuclear war-
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head carriers and will commit themselves to.show restraint in the development of
- new strategic weapons systems.
; The road to the treaty was a long one--it took almost seven years. Moreover, the
'treaty itself might have been mo~e perfect and more far-reaching. However, since
it accurately maintains the principles of equality and equal security, the Salt-II
Treaty in ita present form can play a positive role both in relations between
the USSR and the United States and in efforts to improve the entire international
situation.
We hope that the Vienna meeting will have a beneficial influence on the whole of
the international situation which during the last two years has been very
contradictory. Now in one, and then in another point of the planet peace is
. subjected to dangerous trials. The names of these "hotpoints" are well known.
They are the Near East, where under the umbrella of a separate deal between
Cairo and Tel Aviv the Israeli aggressors are continuing with their robbery, ,
and they are the south of Africa which has been enveloped by the flames of a
liberation struggle against racist and apartheid regimes.
Reaction finds it impossible to reconcile itself to the revolutionary aims of
the people of Afghanistan, and is organizing dangerous ar.m ed"diversions against
a neighboring and friendly country of ours.
A tense situation continues in Southeast Asia. The Bei~ing aggreasors have
gotten out of the populated points of socialist Vietnam. However, as the first
two rounds of negotiations in Hanoi and Beijing have shown, the Chinese leader-
ship ~till has not drawn the correct conclusions from the failure of its '
military adventure. It is attempting to dictate its conditions for a settle-
ment to Vietnam, to impose Maoist tendencies upon the Vietnamese in foreign
policy questions, and is attempting to teach Vietnam how to conduct its domes-
tic affairs.
Recently the Bei~ing leaders decided to halt the action of the Treaty on
Friendship, Alliance, and Mutual Aid between the Soviet Union and the Chinese
People's Republic which was concluded in 1950. At the same time, the Chinese
leaderstiip agreed to sit down at the negotiation table and discuss with us the
- problems of Soviet-Chinese relations in order to improve them. The Soviet side
gave its opinion of the denunciation of the treaty. It was obvious to everybody
that this was not an act of good neighborline'ss, and an action which is not
constructive in its thrust. As for the negotiations, the USSR repeatedly
favored halting them. This is a sensible way of eliminating difficulties and
disagreements. The future will show what is understood in Beijing by negotia-
tions and by an improvement of relations with the Soviet Union.
For now we shall proceed from the facts which show ;,hat the chauvinistic and
expansionist intoxication which was engendered by Maoiem has not yet been dis-
pelled in Bei3ing. The Chinese leadership continues, in contact with imperialist
circles in the United States, Japan, and a number of other states, to weave in-
trigues against the socialist commonwealth, and against the progressive, revolu-
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tionary, liberation forces. More than that, China is counting on help from the
West in modernizing its armed ~orces.
For this reason, we have to think about the strength of our eastern borders,
about maintaining.the defense capacity of the Soviet state on the necessary
level, and about improving the material and technical base of our army and navy.
This is the concern of our entire country and entire people, a concern for our
peaceful today and calm tomorrow.
- There is no doubt that in the future also we shall not submit to provocations
and attempts to draw us into hasty steps. Behind.the at first gl~nce minor
- violations of the border conditions which are regularly done by the Chinese
side there may be a big political calculation, an endeavour tu artificially
inflame the situation, and to heat up anti-Soviet passions among a section of
the Chin~se population. We see this and take it into account.
Are there objective reasons for the tension on the Soviet-Chinese border? To
this we reply unambiguously~-no. A border between countries does not at all
have to remind one of the front line. It by no means has the task of disuniting
peoples. But for this to b,e the case a border has to be respected as a symbol
of a state's sovereignty, and as the frontier of national security.
� This, comrades, is the way the issue is p~t. The vital interests of our Soviet
state demand constant concern for the security of our borders.
After the 25th CPSU Congress a number of effective measures were taken in order
to further develop the border forces, and orientations and recommendations were
issued regarding the defense of the border.and organizational and political
work among the soldiers.
The 60th Anniversary of the covered in glory Border Guards was c.elebrated in
our country as a big holiday. In connection with the anniversary, a number of
border detachments and other units, and also a large group of border soldiers
were a�warded with high government,awards.
Our party strengthens its army not otily by means of increasing the amount of
equipment and perfecting it, but also, as you know, the party devotes~an enormous
amount of attention to the education of the personnel of the Soviet Army in
general and of the border forces in particular. All of these directions in the
work of the party to strengthen the army are interconnected. Constant attention
to its army by the Central Committee and the Soviet government is an entirely
natural phenomenon. Soviet soldiers have been entrusted~with a most important
sector of communist construction--the reliable defense of the socialist homeland
and of the peaceful labor o~f our peogle. ~The importance and complexity of the
tasks which are accomplished by the army and the navy increase with each passing
day.
Weapons and combat equipment are becoming increasingly complicated, and the
methods of their employment in combat are being perfected., And this means that
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the demands upon the personnel are constantly growing. And in order to be equal
to these demands, a soldier needs to have not only deep technical knowledge and
skills, and not only good ideological political, will, and physical conditioning,
but also a lofty morality and a conscious attitude toward his duty.
Comrades, how has the border guard been preserved in my memory? First of all,
ha is an ideologically convinced fighter for our 3ust Leninist cause, he is a
, brave and bold person who know5 how to orient himself in any situation and
under any circumstances, a person who has formally defined his life positions
and his ideals and who i~ ready to defend our fatherland with his blood.
These and other components of the im~ge of the border guaxd I have taken with
me throughout my whole life and I have become convinced that systematic studies
. are necessary for this. In order for a border guard to be faithful to his
military oath and to the rules and regulations which define the essence of
military service, in order for this to be it is necessary to study, to study,
and again to study, to make a profound and comprehensive study of military
science, to improve one's political knowledge, and always to keep in:-step with
the events taking place in our country.
V. I. Lenin said that a revolution is warth something~when it is able to defend
itself against its enemies. We, comrades, have what to defend, have what to
defend it with, and have the peopZe to defend it.
Ever~ page in the history of the border forces contains an enormous ideological
charge, and teaches fidelity, fearlessness, and selfless service to the homeland.
The history of the border forces is a history of struggle with numerous enemies,
secret and open, who have encroached on our sacred borders. The glorious
chronicle of the border forces is full of examples of the courage and valor of
our Chekist-soldiers and of their devotion to the communist party and to its
great cause. The herops of past year~ remain in our combat formation, march
the patrol paths with young soldiers, fill their hearts with courage, sharpen
their vigilance, help to win over difficulties, and.to keep the border on a
strong lock.
When we say that the "border is on a lock," we mean that our entire enormous
border is in reliable hands. The party has always believed in this and it
believes in it now.
You all know very wel],, comrades, what great responsibility and what complicated
duties are shouldered in our day by the command and political personnel, the
party and Komsomol organizations, and all of the soldiers of the border forces.
, Given the existence of the most highly perfected equipment~, success is ensured
by people, ideologically staunch and convinced of the rightness of the great
cause which they are defending. In order to be able to skillfully use modern
military equipment every border guard has to have broad knowledge and must
constantly add to it.
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_ The entire contemporary situation and the sharpness and difficultness of the
- struggle on the ideological front is making increased demands today upon
ideological educational and political work among the troops. Recently the
decree was adopted by the CC CPSU "On a Further Improvement of Ideological and
Political Educational Work" which sets a n~ber of additional and new tasks for
the political agencies and party and Komsomol organizations of the border forces.
The qualities which are cultivated today during the period of militarp service--
a lofty consciousness of duty, organization, and selflessness--are also needed
when a soldier returns after service to his labor collective. It is known to
everybody that those who have gone through the school of military service,
especially border service, can be relied upon also in peaceful constructive
labor. This is being proven by your recent comrades-in-arms--now the young
builders of BAM, KamAZ~ the Sayano-Shushensk Hydroelectric Power Station, and
other great construction projects of our time.
Comrades! Today the Order of the Red Banner is being presented to your border
detachment. Behind this award is not only the ~trenuous military lahor of border
soldiers to ensure trie inviolability of our borders, but also the great pat-
riotic assistance which is given to them by the people's druzhinniki, the
workers of enterprises, kolkhozes, and sovkhozes, the detachments of young
- friends of the border guards, and the entire border area population.
I should also mention the daily attention and concern for strengthening the
eastern borders of our country and for our border guards which is shown by the
Central Commit~ee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan, Kirghiziya, and
Ta~jikistan, the border obkoms and raykoms, the ispolkoms of the Soviets of People's
Deputies, and Komsomol organizations.
Permit me, dear comrades, to once again ardently congratulate you on your high
award from the homeland and to wish you large new successes in accomplishing the
difficult tasks of protecting the sacred frontiers of the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics. This award is not only the crown of your successes in the
past, but a hope for even greater successes in the future. Permit me in the name '
of the CC CPSU and in my own name to express my firm confidence that the sol-
diers, sargeants,.ensigns, and officers of the detachment will continue their
model performance of their military duties and their vigilant protection of the
sacred frontiers of the Soviet state�
(The speech by comrade K. U. Chernenko was listened to with great attention and
repeatedly interrupted by stormy, prolonged applause.)
COPYRIGHT: POLITIZDAT, 1981 `
2959 ~
CSO: 1800/272
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THE AWARD SiJrIl~IONS TO NEW ACHIEVEMENTS
Speech at a Gala Meeting Devoted to the
Presentation of the Order of Lenin to the
City of Chelqabinsk on
� 29 May 1980
[Text] Dear comradesl
I have been given the honorable and very pleasant mission of presenting today
. the city of Chelyabinsk with the Order of Lenin.
On this gala and festive day permit me, dear comrades, on the charge of the
Central Committee of our party, the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Sovipt, the
Soviet government, and personally Leonid I1'ich Brezhnev, to offer my heart-felt
_ congratulations to you, all of the workers of the city, with this high an~
deserved award. .
The very fact of the awarding of a state award is always a big and exciting
� event, whether we are talking about the life of one person, of a labor
collective, or a city. For every time it testifies to the entire people's
recognition of the services of those who with their deede are increasing the
might, honor, and glory of our socialist fatherland.
But the awarding of an honor which bears the name of the great Lenin is an event
of truly enormous importance. This is the highest award of the USSR. And to be
granted it is only possible for especiaily outstanding services to the Soviet
. state and society. This is how the statute on the Urder of Lenin reads.
The names of the best sons and daughters of the Soviet people are written in the
remarkable chronicle of those awarded with our homeland's most precious and
honored award. It has recorded in it advanced enterprises, military units,
cities and oblasts, and krays and republics. Henceforth the Order of Lenin will
also be on the standard which is envPloped with the revolutionary, combat, and
labor glory.of your city, the city-toiler of~Chelyabinsk. .
Your city has been awarded in the year of the 50th anniversary of the instituting
of the Order of Lenin. Between these events there exists a profound symbolic
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, connection: the path which has been covered in 50 years--from the first fi~~e-
year plan to the lOth--is as it were sumnned up.
As we k~ow, quite a few severe trials befell the city of Chelyabinsk on this path.And
it is a11 the more ,joyful to know that the selfless labor of many generations
of Chelyabinsk workers has received a proper evaluation from the part)t. and
the people.
Today's event is given especial meaning and significance by the fact that the
Order of Lenin is being presented to the city in a year when Soviet people and
all progressive mankind have com~emorated the 110th anniversary of the birth of
Vladimir I1'ich Lenin.
Time passes. And with each year that we live we become the more deeply aware of
the greatness of Lenin's ideas, feel with increasing vividness their influence on
the fate of the world, our country, and every Soviet person, and see more and
more clearly the embodiment in life of Lenin's designs.
V. I. Lenin today remains a participant in all of our deeds and accomplishments.
"His teachings," L. I. Brezhnev said, "will always be a call and a guide to
action, and the heroic feat of his life--an inspiring example for communists,
and for millions of people."1
There is no corner of our limitless homeland which was not touched by the ~
sagacious thought of Lenin and by his concern and attention.. The rise and
rapid f.lourishing of the economy of the Urals, including Chelyabinsk, are
connected with the name of V. I. Lenin. It was determined b.y Lenin's plan of
the State Commission for the Electrification of Russia, and Lenin's idea of
creating the Uralo-Kuzbass. Taking note of the gigantic stocks of ore in the
Urals, V. I. Lenin wrote: "The exploitation of these natural resources with
modern equipment2wi11 provide the basis for unprecedented progress by the pro-
ductive forces."
Our party has and continues to do everything so that Lenin's plans are embodied
' in lif e. In different times the Central Committee has assigned many outstanding
party and government leaders to help the Chelyabinsk communists. Ya. N. Sverdlov
~ and N. I. Kalinin, and K. Ye. Voroshilov and G. K. Ordzhonikidze invested part
of their strength, talent, and Bolshevik passion in the cause of socialist
construction in the South Urals. Their names are earefully preserved in the
grateful memory of Chelyabinsk workers.
Let us look in our mind's eye into the not-too-distant past. This kind of
action always creates the possibility of a deepened knowledge of history and ,
makes it possible to more fully understand the present day.
Here are a few lines from the portrait of Chelyaba at the beginning of the 20th
century: "In its external appearance the city resembles a big village.
Ten factories and plants and 14 churches. The number of workers--233
people. The largest enterprises--a steam mill, a hulling mill, and a dis-
tillery. . .
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The whole look of the once provincial city has changed.beqond recognition during
the years of Soviet power. Here are a few figures for comparison. In 1913 the
enterprises of Chelyabinsk produced 5.5 million rubles worth of output, and i~t
1979--5.2 billion rubles. In a year the city consumes.six times more electric
energy than all of Tsarist Russia did in 1913.
The city's housing fund in 1917 came to only 120,000 square meters. This is
almost 15 times less than what was built in Chelyabinsk in four years of the
lOth Five-Year Plan. Before the revolution 87 percent of the population of
Chelyabinsk was illiterate. At the present time 87 percent of the city's workers
, have a higher or secondary (complete or incomplete) education.
~
Today's Chelyabingk with its more than pne mill~on people is one�of the largest
industrial and cultural centers of the country. It is among the first 10 cities
o~ the Soviet Union for the amount~of output it produces. It is a city of
science and vuzes, palaces, museums and theaters, and a city of sports. Your
heart is gladdened when you become acquainted with i~1f.s modern plants and
factories, culturai institutions, and well-built residential quarters.
Cities are created by people. Looking at your city you are involuntarily
amazed by the titanic force which was able in only a few decades to accomplish
truly fabulous transformations here. And all of this is the result of the
creative thought and selfless labor of workers, engineers, scientists, and of
all of the toilers led by the party of communists!
There are these lines in the proletarian poet V. V. Mayakovsky: "Let our
common monument be socialism built in battles." Today's Chelyabinsk is a
living embodiment of the developed socialist society which has been constructed
in our country. It is a man-made monument to its builders and, above all,.to
the heroic working class.
Comrades! The history of Chelyabinsk is in many.respec:ts similar to the history
- of dozens of others of our cities. Nevertheless, it has its own special and ~
inimitable fate. Its rapid ~ump into the 20th century began with a labor indus-
trial march.
Last year we took wide note of the 50th anniversary of the First Five-Year Plan.
It has become a symbol of the revolutionary transformation of reality, of hi.gh
rates of economic growth, and of the heroic labor feat of our people. Its
successful fulfillment ensured the creation of a s~lid material foundation for
the construction of a socialist society.
Today we speak with pride about the fact that among the first who laid this
unshakable foundation were the Chelyabinsk workers. It was precisely Chelyabinsk
that was granted the honorable and responsible role of being one of the basic .
foreposts of the industrialization of the country.
During these years a number of enterprises of the new socialist industry went
into operation. We remembez the birth of the Chelyabinsk Tractor Plant witti"
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especial emotion and pride. A giant of socialist industry, it was a very im-
portant technical base for the collectivization of agriculture. Its name
stands in a single rank with the ott~er great construction projects of those
unforgettable years: the Dneproges and Magnitka, the Uralmash and Turksib, the
Kuznetsk Metallurgical Combine and the Gor'kiy Motor Vehicle Plant. And the .
brand name ChTZ which is known to the entire country became as it were the
symbol of the might of the tractor ~rahich was called among the people "the Ural
bogatyr."
On 2 June 1933 N. I. Kalinin, who had ~ome for the c~elebration in connection with
the start-up of the plant, emphasized, addressing the tractor builders: "~rour
plant is in the public eye. People in the whole world will be watching your
work, both your successes and your failures. It is necessary for
every person who works at tt~e tractor plant, not only the engineer or the team
leader, but even the one who sweeps the floor, to feel the responsibility."3
The Chelyabinsk tractor builders replied with deeds to the call to master the
plant as rapidly as possible. On 7 November 1933 the first Sovtet caterpiller
tractors passed across Red Square in Moscow, and in March 1940 the plant
collective won a remarkable victory: the 100,000th tractor came off the main
conveyor. V. I. Lenin had dreamed about this number of tractors. The Chelyabinsk ~
workers realized Lenin's dream, showing the entire world how the Ural Bolsheviks
know how to create powerful equipment!
The cadres of the builders of sociali~m were formed in the crucible of the First
Five-Year Ptan, and the character of a new Soviet man was f~rged. Yesterday's
peasants, day laborers, and skillless= workers Y~ecame qualified specialists and
demonstrated model� of high labor productii~ity. Today, on this festive day,
while taking note of the great contribution of the workers of the city to the .
industrialization of the country, I would like to say sincere words of thanks ~
to those who with their labor created the foundations of the economic might of .
our homeland. ,
Here, in this hall, are the grey-haired representatives of the glorious galaxy
of heroes and shock workers of the f irst five-year plans. It was your,
dear comrades, calloused hands which laid the first stones in the economic
foundation of socialism. And the Order of Lenin which is being presented today
to the city--it is also your award!
Comrades! The labor feat of the Chelyabinsk workers which was perf.ormed by them
during the Great Patriotic War will never be effaced from the people's memory.
During a grave hour of trial, when a mortal danger hung over our homeland, the
Urals was turned into the backbone of the country's defen"se, into a mighty
, � arsenal of the Red Army.
"Rear--To the Front!" These brief words made up the essence and meaning of
the life of the city during the war years. The restructuring of the entire
economy onto a war footing was accomplished in the briefest time. Under the
most difficult circumstances 70 industrial enterprises which had been evacuated
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from the western areas of the country acquired a second life. New energy,
- metallurgy, and machine building capacities were put into operation and existing
ones were expanded. The production of armaments, ammunition, and military
equipment grew continuously. For the workers of the rear the front line passed
by the blast furnaces, the rolling mills, and the conveyors.
One can say with complete justice that the front line passed through the heart
of the people.
In the terrible year of '41 a new and extraordinary alloy, metaphorically
speaking, was obtained in Chelyabinsk. Its "components" were three of the
country's large plants--the Chelyabinsk, Leningrad, and Khar'kov. In essence,
a city had arisen within a city, and the people gave it the severe and proud
name of Tankograd. This city was never named on a.single geographical map.
But the newspapers of the war years wrote about it, Sovinfo2vnbyuro mentioned
it in its summaries, and it is discussed in the "History of the Great Patriotic
War of the Soviet Union."
Almost one-fifth of the tanks produced for the war were gi~en to the front by
Tankograd.
Chelyabinsk tanks covered themselves with unfading glory in the battles around
Moscow and on the Volga, at the Kursk Arc, and during the Berlin operation. And
it is not only that brilliant technical thought had been put into their creation.
This glory was created by the best traditions of the Petersburg p roletariat,
the high standard of p�recision machine building of the Khar'kov workers, and
the great practical experience of the Chelyabinsk tr~ctor builders. And if you
were to multiply these quslities of the Tankograd workers by their great love
for their homeland and their sacred hatred of the enemy, only then is it
_ possible to fully understand what the Chelyabinsk T-34 was.
Among the many awards of the tank builders there is one special one. It is the
Order of Kutuzov First Degree. "The Order of Rutuzov on the s�tandard of a ~
plant," PRAVDA wrote in 1945, "means that our state equates the outstanding work
of the military plants in the rear to a battle won on the front." '
During the war years the Chelyabinsk working class passed through a stern test
for strength. The words "thousander" and "front shock team" became the banner
of the heroic labor days of the city.
But Chelyabinsk did not only forge weapons. Like the entire country, it sent
its best sons to the front. Tens of thousands o� Chelyabinsk men fought in tank
brigades, in " snow battalions," and in paratroop detachments. Written for-
ever into the chronicle of glory are the combat deeds of the 63rd Chelyabinsk
Volunteer Tank Brigade, the~96th Tank Brigade imeni the Chelyabinsk Komsomol,
and many other units which were formed in the city. On 9 May 1943, in accor-
dance with an old Russian custom, the people of Chelyabinsk saw off to~their
military heroic feats the fighters of the Urals Volunteer T~nk Corps. The
words of the instructions with which the South Uralites addressed their volun-
teers at parting were stern and penetrating:
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"Our dear sons and daughters, fathers and husbands!
Since ancient times it has been with us.in the Urals that in seeing our sons off
to war deeds, the Uralites gave them their people's instructions. And the sons
of the Urals have never disobeyed the people's instructions. The Urals has
never blushed and never f.elt ashamed for the deeds of its sons. Theq have never
brought shame to its age-old Russian glory.
Seeing you off and blessing you for battle with the fierce enemy of our Soviet
homeland, we also wish to address you in parting with ouf instructions.
Do not forget: you and your machines are a part of us, you are our blood, our
ancient Ural good glory, and our fiery hatred for the enemy."
The tankers replied to the instructions which had been given to them with an
oath that was as firm as Ural granite. They rolled from~:tihe walls of Orel to
, the capitol of Czechoslovakia, increasing.the glory of the white-haired Urals.
Their legendary T-34 was the first to break into Prague and froze forever on a
granite pedestal as a symbol of heroic labor, military valor, internationalism,
and the friendship of peoples.
The further the years of the Great Patriotic War move from us, the more vivid~is
the consciousness of the greatness of the military and labor feat achieved by.
the Soviet people. This feat has gone into history and will not grow dimmer in
the centuries to come.
Our entire country, and the workers of the fi�aternal socialist countries cele-
brated the 35th anniversary of the Great Victory. During this bright holiday
we bend our heads and honor the memory of those who in the mortal skirmish with
fascism gave their lives in the name of the honor, freedom, and independence of
their tiomeland, in the name of peace and socialism, and in the name of life on
earth.
Special mention has to be made of our glorious women workers. A difficult bur-
den came down on their shoulders--to work for themselves and for those who had
left for the front. They endured! And what a cup of sorrow and grief they had
to drink during the stern war period?!
. A low bow to you, our dear women, for your labor feat, for your staunchness and
caurage, and for your enormous contribution to the victory over the enemy.
Here in.this hall are present the representatives of the heroic war years
generation of Chelyabinsk people. It was with their sweat and blood that
victory was forged at the front and in the rear.
In taking note of the great contribution of the workers of the city to the defeat
of the German fascist invaders during the Great Patriotic War, we address you,
dear comrades, with words of the deepest thanks and sincere gratitude. And the
Order of Lenin which is being presented to the city today--it is your award!
Honor and glory to youl
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Comrades! I would like to note with especial satisfaction that today also the
workers of Chelyabinsk are at the front lines of communist construction. They
are making a weighty contribution tc strengthening the count.ry's economy and to
realizing the plans of the lOth Five-Year Plan, and they are gersistently
realizing the decisions of the 25th CPSU Congress.
During four years of ~he five-year plan 128 million rubles worth of above-
plan output was sold. This, as you understand, is considerable. And it
is especially gratifying that the entire increase in production was obtained
through a rise in labor productivity.
Fixed productive capital has increased in the city by almost one-third. A
large amount of work has been carried out to reequip enterprises, renew the
products list of the products which are produced, and improve output qu~lity.
There has been a marked increase in the production of consumer goods. ,
The social program which is stipulated by the long-term plans for the develop-
ment of the city for the years 1975-1980 is being consistently carried out. A
- great deal is being done to turn Chelyabinsk into a city with a high stan~ard
of production and a high level of culture in everyday life.
As you know, Chelyabinsk was ackriowledged as victor in the All-Russian socialist
competition for an increase in production efficiency and an improvement of the
. quality of work and for the successful fulfillment of the State Plan for the
economic and social development of the RSFSR for 1979 and was awarded the Red
Challenge Banner of the RSFSR Council of Ministers and the All-Union Council of
Trade Unions. This is a deserved and a worthy evaluationl
Today`s Chelyabinsk is a whole constellation of enterprises which make up the
pride of Soviet industry. Many of them have been awarded for their 1979 results
with the Red Challenge Banners of the CC CPSU, USSR Council of Ministers,~ All-
Union Central Council of Trade Unions, and the CC of the All-Union Leninist
- Communist Youth League, and have been entered on the Board of Honor of the
Exhibition of the Achier~ements of the Economy of the U3SR. It is pleasant to
� note that veteran-plants and young onea are here in a single formation.
The,output which is made by the hands of the descendants of the Ural craftsmen
is well-known not only in our country. It is sent to 66 countries of the world.
And this is not only a convincing certification of the Chelyabinsk brand name,
but a graphic characterization of the breadth of our ecor.omYc relations. It is
a graphic confirmation of the correctness of Lenin's words: "The bourgeois
countries have to trade with Russia: they know that without~certain forms of
economic relationsh~ps the collapse in their countries will go further than it
has to date. . . .
You know, comrades, that today certain people on the other side of the ~cean are
attempting to create the opposite, and are playing new variations on the old
theme of the use of "economic sanctions" against the Soviet Union. I think that
here it would be proper to~recall some other words of Lenin's: "We have seen
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enough threats, and, moreover, more serious ones than the threats of a tradesman
who is getting ready to slam the door. And if it pleases you, gentlemen
representatives of the bourgeois state, to amuse yourselves and notify the
entire world: 'We shall put Russia in the position of the sub~ect of an experi-
ment,' then we will see who does what to whom. We have already.been put to the
test, and put to the test not with words, not with trade, and not with the ruble,
but with the billy club."5
Of course, we cannot force the foreign "strategists" to study the works of
V. I. Lenin. But it probably is worthwhile to remind some people another time
of the lessons of history. Incidentallq, the workers of Chelyabinsk gave such
lessons.
Once, for example, some Western companies attempted to put us in a difficult
situation by suddenly refusing to sell us large diameter steel pipes. And then
the Chelyabinsk pipe rollers had their weighty say. They mastered the produc-
tion of our own domestic pipes in record time, proving to the capitalists what
Soviet Urals workers are capable of.
This lesson was given by Chelyabinsk workers more than 15 years�ago. Since then
a great deal has changed. Our economic and scientific and teb.hnological poten-
tial is not what is was, and our working class has grown up. Today it is
capable of accomplishing.even greater tasks.
It is the working class which comprises, in~Marx's figurative expression, th~
backbone of the people, and it plays a leading and ever growing role in communist
construction. It is the main transforming force in all of the fields of social
development, be it the production of material values, ideology, or the socialist
way of life. . .
Of course, this concerns first of all the industrial nucleus of the working
class which personifies the best features and qualities of the builders of the
new world. It is, as it were, the so~ial and moral standard by which all of
- the other detachments of the working class of our country orient themselves.
In seeking to comprehE:id the historic path which has been covered by the Soviet
working class, even if you take the last 15-20 years, you can clearly see the
colossal changes which have occurred in its quantitative and qualitative compo-
sition, and in its entire spiritual make-up. In essence, a new type of worker
- has developed in whose work physical labor is being increasingly combined with
intellectual, engineering labor.
When we say "contemporary worker," we mean, of course, good professional training,
diverse knowledge, and a broad cultural ~utlook. But, above all, it ie a high
level of class consciousness, collectivism, discipline and organization, and a
proprietary responsibility, and not only for one's own sector, but for the entire
country. For such a worker the ideals of co~munism, socialist patriotism, and
- proletarian internationalism are the eESence of his entire worldview and deter-
mine his active life position. �
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Today an army of more than 400,000 workers is laboring at the enterprises of
Chelyabinsk. They are distinguished by skillful hands, an ardent mind, and in-
exhaustible creative energy. This is one of the largest and most tested detach-
ments of the Soviet working class on which one can rely in any mattgr!
"Every new generation of people," L. I. Brezhnev emphasized, "is atrong in that
it bases itself on the experience of tihe preceding generations and on the results
achieved by them."6 On such a day as tod~y, you feel especially keenly that the
present generation of Chelyabinsr workers is worthily continuing the revolution-
ary, combat, and labor traditions of its predecessors.
Here, in this hall, are present those who with their deeds are increasing the
labor glory of the city. It is gratifying to see among them a considerable
number of representatives of the youth which is carrying forward the baton
which has been passed on to it with honor.
In taking note of the successes which have been achieved by the workers of
Chelyabinsk in economic and cultural construction, there is every ground for
stating: The Order of Lenin which is being presented today to the city--this
is also your order, dear comrades!
Special mention should be made of the fact that the inspirer and organizer of ~
the profound changes which have occurred in Chelyabinsk during the years of
Soviet power is the city party organization--a tested detachment of our Leninist
party.
- Throughout their entire history the communists of the city have acted as coura-
geous and unbending fighters for~the people's happiness. Their leading role
manifested itself especially clearly during the most difficult, turning point:
periods of our life. With their fiery Bolshevik words and personal example they
raised the workers to a struggle for Soviet power and for the industrialization
of the country, and led them to labor and military feats during the Great
Patriotic War. And today the Chelyabinsk communists, like always, are in front,
, _at the most difficult and decisive sectors of communist construction.
- The party organization of Chelyabinsk has always been, is, and will be a strong
support for the Central Committee of our party.
On this festive day Y would like to wish the city committee of the party, and
all of the communists of the order-bearing city to continue to hold our revolu-
tionary Leninist banner high!
Comrades! All of you understand very well that we have not met here today only
to pay tribute to the glorious history of the city and to the successes and
achievements of its worke~s. On days of cele~ration, and on days of our victo-
rious moods, V. I. Lenin taught, we have to become permeated by that labor en-
thusiasm, that will to work, and stubbornness upan which our rapid forward
movement now depends.
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I think that we will be acting correctly if we concentrate our attention today
precisely on these questions. This year, as you know, is in many respects a
special year in the life of our party and people. It sums up the strenuous
labor to carry out the decisions of the 25th CPSU Congress and the plans of
the lOth Five Year Plan, and it is laying the foundation for the following five-
year plan. This is the year of the initiation of active preparations for the
26th Congress of our party.
In speaking about special characteristics, I would like above all to emphasize
the enormous measure of responsibility which the period now being lived through
by us is placing on every co~unist and on every Soviet person.
We have eritered 1980 with clear work goals and prospects. The key tasks, and
the ways and methods of accomplishing them, have been formulated with exceeding
clarity in the decisions of the November (1979) Plenum of the CC CPSU and in
the speech at the Plenum by comrade L. I. Brezhnev. The party has put forward
a fighting slogan: Not only fulfill, but exceed the plan assignments and
turn the concluding year of the five-year plan into a year of shock work, of
work in the Leninist manner.
The party's s~ons found an ardent response in the hearts of millions upon
millions of Soviet people. The struggle for an absolute fulfillment of the
decisions of the November (1979) Plenum of the CC and of the plans and socialist
commitments has become the chief content of the work of labor col].ectives.
As is known, the word o~ communists and the word of a Soviet man do~s not diverge
from d~eds. Our people are laboring inspiredly and strenuously, and that is
~ producing results. The four-months plan for output sales, production growth,
and a rise of labor productiv ity has been overful~filled in i~dustry.
During the days of Lenin's anniversary 7,000 enterprit~e and association collec-
tives, 235,000 teams, shops, and livestock sections, and more than 5 million
workers reported the advance conclusion of the five-year plan and assignments.
They all received the high praise of their homeland--they were awarded honorary
Lenin Certificates.
Most of the enterprises of Chelyabinsk lnave also begun 1980 we11. Many of them
are working at the level of the control assignments of the five-year plan. The
city's workers have fulfilled the plans for the four months for all of the
basic economic indicators.
The first work results cannot but be gratifying. As they say among the people--
a good beginning is half the ~ob. If the rates which have been taken are
maintained in the future, it can be said with certainty that the mapped out .
_ frontiers will be taken.
At the same time, the optimism with which we look to the future by no means
provides grounds for complacency. In a number of positions we have still not
Succee.ded in eliminating the shortcomings which were discussed at the November
(1979) Plenum of the CC.
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I think, comrades, that I will not spoil your holiday mood if I say that in
your work also there still are, unfortunately, shortcomings and unutilized
reserves. For today it is especially important to concentrate our efforts on
unsolved problems, to make a detailed analysis of a situation, $nd to put all
existing economic and political potentialities into operation for the successful
conclusion of the five-year plan.
Individual enterprises of the ci~ty did not meet the assignments of the four
months for production volume and output sales. Chelyabinsk metallurgical
workers failed to give the country thousands of tons of iron, steel, and rolled
goods. A number of enterprises failed to fulfill delivery contracts. In some
places losses from defective goods continue to be great, and the number of
complaints is not being cut down.
I could have cited examples of the slow reorganization of enterprises for the
production of modern equipment instead of machinery and mechanisms of obsolete
design which are inferior to the best domestic and foreign models in their
productivity and metal intensiveness.
At the November (1979) Plentmm of the CC CPSU L. I. Brezhnev made serious criti-
cisms of the technical level of the T-330 tractor which is produced by the
Cheboksary Tractor Plant. As you well know, this is also a reproach to the,
Chelyabinsk designers who participated in the creation of the tractor. I would
say that it does not become Chelyabinsk workers to lower the prestige of their
brand name.
Some of the city's enterprises are working below their possibilities to produce
consumer goods.. Many articles in mass demand which could be produced locally
have to be imported into Chelyabinsk from other oblasts and republics.
Not all of the enterprises of the city are as yet giving the necessary attention
to improving labor organization, the mechanization of labor intensive processes,
and a reduct3on of losses of working time. At the present time more than
90,000 workers are employed in manual labor in industry: Last year losses of
working time from truancies made up an enormous figure--more than 100,000 man-
days.
The situation in construction is slowly improving in the city. At individual
construction sites there has been a substantial lagging. The problem of housing
construction remains a sharp one for Chelyabinsk.
I am not setting myself the task, comrades, of revealing here the entire spec-
trum of your internal problems. Although, of course, it would be possible to
name shortcomings also in the work of transportation, trade, domestic services
for the public, and certain others.
The essence, as you understand, is not in the size of this list. The main thing
is that we really do not have any right to lull ourselves with our achieved '
successes.
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It should be noted that it is precisely from these positions that the city party
organization approaches t~e evaluation of work results. As I was told, this
bccasioned a sharp and principled conversation at the plenums and meetings of
the party aktiv to discuss their tasks in the light of the statements of
L. I. Brezhnev made by him at a meeting with the voters of the Bauman Election
District of the~city of Moscow. ~
It seems to us that the chief reason for the existing shortcomings is the fact
that the party gorkom and xaykoms, the primary party organizations, an~ govern-
ment.and economic agencies did not succeed in fully carrying out the planned
- measures to increase production efficiency and improve the quality of work.
Unfortunately; the struggle for high fir.al results and for the fullest utili-
zation of the effective factors of growth and of internal reserves has not yet
become the heart of the work of every labor collective. And it is precisely
here, in the labor collecti~;e, that the fate of the national economic plans is
in the last analysis decided. It is well known that the labor collective is
the basic and primary cell of our society. As the ocean is reflected in a drop
of water, so does the entire totality of socialist social relations find a
: reflection in every labor collective.
The communist party and its Central Committee attribute enormous importance to
increasing the organizational and educational role of labor collectives. The
new Soviet Constitution has fixed for them in law a wide complex of rights and
- duties which ensure their effective participation in the discussion and deciding
of state, economic, and public matters and in the education of the workers.
I would like to especially emphasize the role of labor collectives in strengthening
_ uiscipline. It is not accidental that I am putting this question in first
place. An analysis of the reasons for shortcomings shows that their common
denominator is above aIl discipline: performance, labor, production, and
planning discipline.
The.Central Committee of our party regards work on strengthening labor discipline
~ as one of the chief directions for increasing production efficiency. This is
clearly stated in the decree of the CC CPSU "On a Further Strengthening of
Labor Discipline and a Reduction of Labor Turnover in the Economy." The prar.:-
~ tical r~alization of the tasks posed in this has to become the daily concern
of every labor collective and of all workers.
Putting the issue this way is not the result of some kind of extraordinary
circumstances, but is an ob~ective demand of our progressi~ve movement forward.
- "The communist organizatioit of social labor," V. I. Lenin stated, " is based
- on, and the further it goes the more it will be based on the free and conscious
disciplirE_ of the workers themselves.
I suppose that anybody sitting in the hall could cite more than one instructive
additional example of wliat today results from the damage from any violation of
labor, planning, or production discipline. The trouble is that words on :.his
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topic are still not always followed by painstaking daily organizational work,
clear performance verification, and a flexible well-conceived cadre policy.
Cases of lack of discipline still do not meet everywhere with a quick and shgrp
reaction from labor collectives.
Discipline is needed in this matter. I would emphasize--conscious discipline.
In showing concern for strengthening it, we thereby create a solid foundation for
the development of initiative and creativity--our mighty accelerators of ~
economic growth.
And here, comrades, mention has to be made of the role which labor collectives
are called upon to play in the development of socialist competition and in the
dissemination of advanced forms and methods of work. ~
As is known, good initiatives are in nee~l not o~ly of prai.se, but also of
practical support. The Central Committee of our party is constantly turning
to the experience of the workers, and it careful.ly studies and disseminates
_ the new and the valuable that is bo~n in life and that helps to move things
forward more rapidly. The well-known decree of the CC CPSU on the work of the
_ Chelyabinsk obkom on economizing fQrrous metals at the enterprises and con-
struction sites of the oblast may serve as an example of this. , .
It can be noted with satisfaction that at many of the enterprises and con-
- struction sites of the city a large amount of work has been done around this
decree and also the greetings of L. I. Brezhnev to the participants of the
seminar which was carried out on the basis of Chelyabinsk oblast. The socialist
commitments to economize metal which~.~.were adopted for t~e lOth Five-Year Plan
were fulfilled in four years, and 445,000 tons of ferrous metals were economized.
These tangible results graphically demonstrate how the party, expressing the
aspirations of the people itself, is directing its efforts to accomplish
practical tasks in the most effective way.
However, unfortunately, matters do not stand like this everywhere, not in every
labor collective. In some places people are not averse to only "making a little
noise" about advan.:ed e:~perience and "voting" for it, but if you look, it is
not disseminated.
The reasons for this situation are well known. First of all, insufficient
organizational work and poorly organized control.
Discipline and initiative--they are, as it were, the two sides of a single
medal. That which we call the conscientiousness and respons~bility of a person
can in the final analysis be reduced to them.
There is the profoundest meaning in the simvle words--readiness to answer for
one's work with a clear conscience. Behind them are the nobility of intentions,
the daily and full use of one's spiritual and physical energies, and an ir~flexi-
- ble will to achieve a goal. It is precisely these qualities which in our ~
country distinguish those who are ahead. It is not simple�to cultivate them in
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oneself, since the task~of leading others after oneself, speaking with Lenin's
words, "cannot be accomplished with a single heroic.burst, but requires the
most prolong~d, the most stubborn, and the most difficult heroism of mass and
daily work."
The education of an honest attitude toward labor is the duty of every labor
collective. This duty doubles and triples when we are speaking about the edu- .
cation of the youth. It is in the labor collectives that professional experi-
ence, expertise, and the habit of working conscientiously is passed on from
generation to generation. "It is precisely here," L. I. Brezhnev emphasized,
"from heart to heart--that the youth is given communist ideology, loyalty to
the cause of the party, and a readiness to a9ways be in front, at the most
difficult and at the most decisive sectors."
The tutorship movement is a vivid example of the continuity of the generations
of the working class in our country. The wor d"tutor" has always been used
w~th us to name those who gave their knowledge and experience to the youth,
"put them on the true path." There is enormous spiritual wealth and generosity
that wafts from this ancient Russian word.
Today this remarkable and noble movemenx has become the mighty lever which makes
it possible to raise to a new height the professional training and communist
education of the youth and its active access to the constructive work of the
working class arld of our entire people. There are already more'than 2.5
million worker-teachers who, ordered by their souls and hearts, are teaching
young men and women industriousness and expertise and are educating them in
the heroic traditions of the working class, passing on to them, the labor baton
as if from the present to the future. ~
It is pleasant to note t}~3t among the initiators of the tutorship movement who
were the first to be awarded the title of Hero of Socialist Labor is the Urals
metallurgist Aleksey Leont`yevich Shatilin. And it is even more gratifying
that today we see among his followers more than 12,000 of the best represen-
tatives of the working class of Chelyabinsk.
The labor collective, and its opii:ion and influence play, as a rule, a decisive
role in strengthening discipline an4 in the formation of an active life position.
Its role is no less important in production management and in the accomplishment
of the most important state affairs.
I would like here to emphasize that the consistent development and perfection of
democratic forms and methods of leadership and management is one of the chief
tendencies of mature socia:Lism. The realization of the broad rights granted by
the USSR Constitution to labor collectives makes it possible for millions of
Soviet people to join even more actively in the management of the economy and
in the work to supervise the activities of economic agencies. Large possibili-
ties in this regard are being opened up by the decrees of the CC CPSU and USSR
- Council of Ministers on improving the planning and management of the economic
mechanism.
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The party organization has always been, is, and will be the political nucleus
of the labor collective. We often compare the primary party organizations with
pdwerful roots with which the party goes into the very thick of the masses. And
this is understandable. Nourishing the party from the depths of the people's
life, they give it energy, experience, and a knowledge of the needs of social
development. On the other hand, the party carries out its policy directly
through the primary organizations and unites it with the living creative work
of the masses.
Under present conditions the center of the party's work is increasingly shifting
to the production section, teams, shifts, to those elements which comprise the
basis of the entire production organism. In this connection, the role of the ,
shop organizations and party groups has been constantly growing. For they are
closest of all to peopie and they operate in places where the large concepts
of politics and economics are translated into the language of practical work,
where their ideological positions, attitude toward labor, and moral qualities
- are cultivated in the first place in people.
A communist is a political soldier of the party. His highest duty is to be an
example in labor and in the struggle for our gxeat goa];~, and to demonstrate by
word and deed how, under concrete conditions, to build communism today. ~
"Communists," L. I. Brezhnev stated, " have no privileges except one--to give
more than others ta our common cause, and to struggle and work better than
others for the sake of its triumph. Communists do not have~any special rights
except one--to always be in the front, to be wt?ere it is more difficult."lo
Of course, a special demand is made upon the communist leader. The moral at-
mosphere in a collective depends to a large extent upon his ~ersonal qualities
and personal actions.
The concept of the "qualification of an economic manager" includes, as is known,
not only the s~ of his economic and technical knowledge; it is much broader.
A special feature of our day is that the organizational and technical side of
~ management is connected in the closest way with the socio-psychological,
pedagogical, and educational sides.
The fate of any matter is decided by people. And today the forefront is being
more and more occupied by the, so to speak, human factor, the ability to work
with people, to lead them after oneself. Without this i~ is impossible to be
a good and real leader.
I think that every worker,. regardless of what position he occupies, should ex-
perience a constant aspiration to be closer to people, to know their feelings
and needs better, and to persistently learn the delicate art of communication
with the masses. The Central Committee of the party demands from party,
government, and economic agencies that they constantly study public opinion,
and be attentive to the criticisms and proposals, and the letters and oral �
addresses of workers. This most valuable information from the point of view
of practical work serves at the same time as a concrete form of the direct and
mass participation by Soviet people in the management of society and the state.
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I would like to emphasize in this connection that only through the wide enlist-
ment of the workers in management is it possible to accomplish the task of
the full and final eradication of elements of bureaucratism which, unfortunately,
are still characteristic of some of our government and economic agencies.
" . There is one means against this," V. I. Lenin stated. "The developmenE
of the consciousness and the activity of the working mass itself."11
Comrades! All of our life serves as a vivid testimony to the fact that the ~
policy of our party is truly the people's policy. It accumulates within itself
the collective mind and experience of all of our workers, communists, and non-
party people and fully and accurately expresses their thoughts and hopes and
aspirations. The supreme principles of the genuine humanism of communists who
have no.other interests than the interests of the people and no other goals
than its good and happiness find an embodiment in it.
~
It is precisely this most high goal which unites the party and ~11 Soviet people
in strong and inseparable ties. This is precisely why there are no limits to
the trust, love, and respect of the people for its party irt which it sees the
mind, honor, and conscience of the age.
The monolithic unity and solidarity of the party and the people and of our
entire socialist society is our great po~session and the living and inexhaus-
tible source of our strength and of all of our achievements. "And let our
enemies remember the lessons of history," L. I. Brezhnev.said. "Let them know
that the unity of Soviet people becomes especially strong precisely when people
attempt to speak with us in the language of threats.i12
It has to be said there are apparently some people today who not only do not
wish to reckon with the lessons of history, but are attempting to turn it back.
The situation in the world at the threshold of the present decade has become
much more complex.
It is frequently asserted in th~ West that the exacerbation of the international
situation has allegedly been caused by the Afghan or Iranian events. This is
not true. It was not today and not yesterday that the imperialist forces and
above all the United States adopted a course hostile to peace. ~
At a conference of the Political Consultative Committee of the participant
states in the Warsaw Pact which took place in May of this year in Warsaw a
consistent analysis was made of the current international situation and the
direct responsibility of the aggressive circles of the imperialist powers for
the increased threat to the peace and independence of peoples was demonstrated.
The current complication of the situation is a direct consequence of the im-
perialist policy of force, confrontation, and hegemonism. Imperialism is
attempting to regain its military superiority over the socialist countries and
to subordinate vast areas of the world to itself.
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Is this not witnessed by the adoption in NATO two years ago of a program for
an extensive increase in military preparations designed until the year 2000;
and was this not the purpose of the leaders of the NATO bloc when, in reply to
our proposal to lessen the military danger in Europe, they adopted a decision
to place there a new American medium-range nuclear missile weapon aimed against
- the Soviet Union? And the sabotage of the ratification of the Salt-II? The
opponents of detente, as we see, are not being idle. '
The more limited the possibilities become for imperialism to subordinate to its
hegemony other countries and peoples and to pump out their natural resources
without hinderance, the more ferocious the reaction to this of the impe"rialist
forces and, above all, of the United States of emerica.
Finding themselves face to face with very acute crisis phenomena, the most
aggressive United States forces are attempting, brandishing their swords and
threatening to institute economic sanctionS,to dictate their will to other
countries.
The decision of the Carter Administration to break diplomatic relations with
Iran, to institute an economic blockade against it, and to station a very large
formation of American naval forces in the Persian Gulf is an open escalation of
blackmail and pressure and of tensions in the Near and Middle East. �
About Afghanistan. If our military contingent had not come there at the re-
quest of the Afghan government, the forces hostile to peace would have turned
this .:ountry into a staging ground from which they would threaten the southern
borders of the USSR, and they would drown the Afghan revolution in blood. Well,
would this have strengthened detente? Of course, not. The Afghan government
has recently come out with an initiative which envisages a political settlem~nt
of the question. We support tihese proposals. But to date neither the United
States nor Pakistan support them. But it is precisely these countries which
together with China make up the power which is carrying out an invasion from
without of the territory of the independent, sovereign, and non-allied state
of Afghanistan. A political settlement in this area depends to a considerable
extent upon them.
Iran, Afghanistan, the Near East, and the Indian Ocean--all of these are links
in a single chain--a chain which is pulling toward increased military danger
for all states and people. The Chinese leaders who have taken the path of
a direct conspiracy with imperialism are harnessing themselves more and more
actively in a common harness with~those who are attempting to drag the world
toward a dangerous development of events.
Remaining true to its wolf nature and wolf habits, trying, as in the well-known
_ fable by I. A. Krylov, "to make the thing look right," imperialism seeks every
pretext in order to justify its expansionist plans, adventurous "doctrines,"
and the inciting of a military psychosis. Having equipped themselves with open
Goebbels methods of propaganda, the new-found proponents of the policy "from
a position of strength" are spreading the myth of a"Soviet military threat"
for all they are worth.
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The anti-Soviet hysteria which was recently raised by Carter and his entourage
is unprecedented in its malice. LJhat is there not piled up around this.
"The 'Doctrine' of military hy~ateria and of a feverish arms race," L. I. Brezhnev
said, "is opposed by us with the doctrine of a consistent struggle for peace ~
and security on earth. We are faithful to the Peace Program which has been put
forward by the 24th and 25th Congresses of our party.i13 The Soviet Union, as
in the past, consistently stands for a strengthening of detente, for a reduction
of armaments, and for closer relutions and mutual understanding between peoples.
' Our Leninist fo~eign policy is close and understandable to all who need and
cherish peace and who are struggling for the freedom and it:dependence of
peoples and for social progress.
Together with the Soviet Union, all of the participant countries of the Warsaw
Pact are reliably standing guard over peace and socialism. During the quarter
century of it~ existence this organization has taken shape and it acts as a
reliable shield for our socialist gains, as a mighty factor in onr ~oint
struggle for peace and international security, and as a source of the most
serious peace initiatives. '
In Warsaw, at the conference of the Political Consultative Committee, the
unan~mously adopted Declaration and Statement put forward a clear program of
~ action for maintaining peace and contained new constructive proposals aimed
at a further development of detente on the European continent, the harnessing
of the_arms race, and an improvement of the world political climate as a whole.
In reply to the intrigues of the imperialist forces, Soviet people are uniting
their ranks even more closely around the communist party and its Central
~ Committee and are increasing their efforts in the name of strengthening the
economic and defense might of their b eloved homeland.
Dear comrades! Allow me to make public the Ukaze of the Presidium of the USSR
Supreme Soviet on the awarding to the city of Chelyabinsk of the Order of Lenin
and to present this high award to the representatives of the city. .
iJKASE
OF THE PRESIDIUM OF THE USSR SUPREME SOVIET
On the Award to the City cf Chelyabinsk
of the Order of Lenin
For successes achieved by the workers of the city in economic and cultural con-
struction, and in recognition of their great contribution to the industrializa-
tion of the country and the defeat of the German fascist invaders during the
~ Great Patriotic Wa~, the city of Chelyabinsk is awarded the Order of Lenin.
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Chairman of the Presidium of the USSR
Supreme Soviet
L. I. Brezhnev
Secretary of the Presidium of the USSR
Supreme Soviet .
' M. Georgadze
Moscow, The Kremlin. 4 Janua.ry 1980 '
Dear comrades! Permit me in conclusion to once again sincerely congratulate
you with your homeland's highest award!
I am convinced that today's happiness and holiday mood is rightfully being
shared with the Chelyabinsk workers by all of the workers of the oblast. For
this award has in it the labor of the metallurgists of Magnitogorsk and
Zlatoust, the labor of the miners of Kopeyask, and the labor of the farmers of
your area.
The Central Committee of our party expresses its firm confidence that the
Order of Lenin on the city's standard will always inspire the workers of
Chelyabinsk and Chelyabinskaya Oblast to new accomplishments for the glory of
our socialist fatherland. �
Permit me, dea~ comrades, to wish you crea~ive successes in your work, good
health, happiness and prosperity,. and a worthy reception ~or the 26th Congress
of our dear Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
(Comrade K. U. Chernenko's speech was listened to with great attention and
repeatedly interrupted by prolonged applause.)
FOOTNOTES
1. L. I. Brezhnev, "Following.Lenin's Course," Vol 2, p 564.
2. V. I. Lenin, "Complete Works," Vol 36, p 135.
3. M. I. Kalinin, "Selected Works," Vol 3, p 30.
4. V. I. Lenin, op. cit.; Vol 45, p 3.
5. Ibid., pp 5-6. ~ ~
6. L. I. Brezhnev, op.cit., Vol l, p 154.
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7. V. I. Lenin, op. cit., Vol 39, p 14. '
8~ Ibid., Vol 39, pp 17-18. �
. 9. L. I. Brezhnev, op. cit., Vol 6, p 331.
10. Ibid., Vol 2, p 137.
11. V. I. Lenin, op. cit., Vol 42, p 11. �
12. PRAVDA, 23 February 1980.
13. Ibid.
COPYRIGHT: POLITIZDAT, 1981
� 2959 .
CSO: 1800/272 . .
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74�
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APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000500050007-4