JPRS ID: 10714 USSR REPORT POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS

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• Collection: JPRS
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00850R000500090011-5
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• Document Page Count: 38
• Document Creation Date: November 1, 2016
• Sequence Number: 11
• Content Type: REPORTS

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JPRS L/ 10714
5 August 1982
U S~R Re ort
_ p
~ POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAI~S
(FOUO 29/82)~
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JPRS I~/10714
5 August 1982
USSR REPORT
POLITICAL AND $OCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS
cFOUO 29/s2)
COtiTENTS
INTERNATIONAL �
Western Powers Scored for Opposition to 'Non-Use of Force' Principle
(E. I. Skakunov; SOVETSKOYE GOSUDARSTVO I PRAVO,
Jun 82) 1
New Book on Legal Status of International Organization Employees
(0. V. Bogdanov; SOVETSKOYE GOSUDARSTVO I PRAVO,
Jun 82~ 4
NAT IONAL
Ethnic Problems, Patterns in Soviet Sunbelt
(Yu. V. Arutyunyan, et. al.; OPYT ETNOSOTSIOLOGICHESKOGO
ISSLEDOVANIYA OBRAZA ZKIZNI (PO MATERIALAM MOLDAVSKOY SSR),
11 Aug 80) 6
Sociological Studies Aid in Selection of Leading Workers in Georgian
SSR
(I. L. Vartanov; OBSHCHESTVENNYYE NAUKI V SSSR: SERIYA I, 24
PROBLEMY NAUCHNOGO KOMMiJNIZMA, May-Jun 82)
Interest in 'No b].e Ancestors Must Be Combatted
(I. L. Vartanov; OBSHCHESTVENNYYE NAUKI V SSSR: SERII'A I, 27
PROBLEMY NAUCHNOGO KOMMUNIZMA, May-Jun 82)
Televised Press Conferences By Soviet Leaders Useful for
Propaganda Effort
(I. L. Vertanov; OBSHCHESTVENNYYE NAUKI V SSSR: SERIYA I, 29
PROBLEMY NAUCHNOGO KOMMUNIZMA, May-Jun 82)
New Book on Career Values of Soviet Students
(P. I. Shlemin; OBSHCHESTVENNYYE NAUKI V SSSR: SERIYA I,
PROBLEMY NAUCHNOGO KOMMiJNIZMA, May-Jun 82) 30
_ a _ [III - USSR - 35 FOUO]
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New Book on Administration of Migration Patterns
(P. I. Shlemin; OBSHCHESTVENNYYE NAUKI V SSSR: SERIYA I,
PROBLEMY NAUCHNOGO KOMMUNIZMA, May-Jun 82) 32
~
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'l1VT~RNtiTIONAL
_ WESTERN POWERS SCORID FOR OPPOSITION TO 'NON-USE OF FORCE' PRINCIPLE
_ Moscow SOVETSKOYE GOSUDARSTt10 I PRAV~ in Russian No 6, Jun 82 pp 121-129
~Article by E. I. Skakunov~ seniorscientific staff inember of the Diplomatic Acade-
my of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs, candidate in juridicai sciences, do-
cent: ~~~haracteristics of Codifying the Basic Principles of Internationa.l Iaw'J
~E~ccerptJ A.s a rule, the Western states have always tried to torpedo any initia-
tives aimed at codifying the principles of international law~ taking herein the
most rigid positions with regard to utilizing the treaty method of codifica-
tion ~20J. In striving to ste~r clear of those strict and specific limitations
which are inevitable when an internati~nal treaty is utilized as a form of codifi-
cation, they prefer the common-law methods of interpreting the statutes of the UN
(~arter. Although international common law on a juridical level as regards its ob-
ligations is equal in value to a conventional norm, nevertheless~ it constitutes a
more elastic foxm of fixing an agreement between states and is not bound up with
tr~e necessity of their clear, precise, and simultaneous response regarding the re-
cognition of the obligation provided.for their conduct, which is an unchanging con-
dition of the acceptance of the conventional norms of international 1aw. 'Ihe prob-
lematical nature of disclosing the precise con~ents of a common norm of interna--
tional law, particularly with the now-increased make-up of the internationa~. com-
munity; the vagueness of the territorial sphere of operation of the common-~law
norms, flowing from the need ta establish their obligation as applied to each spe-
cific state,--all these traits of the common law, wr,ich~ in large measure, corres=
pond to the goals of the foreign policy of the imperialist states and immediately
impell all those who are ~ntere:.ted in the stability of international law and or~
der to strive for a treat;~-type formulation of the results of codification.
'Ilzese general tendencies are especially characteristic for the practice of the UN
General Assembly in regaxd to the assertion, development, and specification of the
principle of the non-use of force. It has become the object of the most intensi-
fied codification work of the Assembly on the level of explicating the contents
both of its own elements as well as the inter-relations with the other principles
and statutes of the UN CYiaxter. In addition to the 1970 Declaxation of the Prin-
ciples of Znternational Iaw, which developed the contents of tk~e principle of the
non-use of force within a complex of other principles of international law, it has
been given concrete form in such documents as the 1961 D~claration on Banning the
Use of Ni.~cleax and ~ermonuclear Weapons, the 1966 resolution on the strict ob-
se~vance on banning the the threat of violence or the use of force in inter- '
national relations and the right of peopies to self-determination, the 1972
1
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resolution an the non-use of force in international relations and baxining forever
the use of nuclear weapons~ and~ in particulax~ the 1974 Definition of Aggression.
Many of the positions contained in these documents have facilitated the formation
of common nonas of international law, also adding precision to the sense of Par. 4~
Art. 2, Art. 39, and Art. 51 of the UN (~arter.
Nevertheless~ the contents of the individual nozms, and they are, most likely~ not
identical to the contents of the points of the resolutions which have been adopted~
the territorial sphere of operation of each of the norms, and, finally~ the eluci-
dation of the aggregate of these noYms, which have received close to universal re-
cognition~--all these questions continue to remain problematical within the pre-
sent-c~ay understanding of the principle of the non-use of force, and they can be
explained only with the aid of a conventional completion of the process of codify-
ing the given principle by means of a world treaty on the non-use of force. "The
proposal to conclude a Treaty," the USSR representative stated in reference to this
matter at the fixst session of the Special Committee~ "on a juridical level is "
based on a reference to the existence of the common norms of international law, de-
veioping Pax. 4, Art. 2 of the UN Charter and and emerging from a recognitior, by
the international community as mandatory the individual points which have found
their reflection in the respective resolutions of the General Assembly...~ and
which have been adopted by way of an interpretation of the principle of the non-
use of force" ~211. The proposal to provide treaty-type formu?atio:~ of points
specifying the UN Charter, points which have already taken shape in international
practice in connection with the established understanding of individuai elements of
the principle of the non-use of force, is~ thus~ within the matnstream of ths UN's
traditiunal approach to solving analogous problems of codifying the basic prin-
ciples of international law.
In attempting to somehow provide grounds for their own negative position with re-
gard to a world treaty, the representatives of the Western states have asserted
that precedents from the area of codifying the principle of respect for basic human
rights and freedoms, for example, cannot be used to pn~vide grounds for a treaty-
type codification of the principle of the non-use of force (FRG), inasmuch as this
form is supposedly acceptable for the positive but not for the negative principles
- of international law (Britain); testimony of this~ as it were, is provided, on the
- one hand, by the Pacts on Human Rights and, on the other hand~ by the Definition
- of Aggression (Italyj.
It is hardly necessary to demonstrate that such "proofs" are in blatant contradic-
tion with the historical experience of forming the principle of the non-use of
force. The duel between the obligation not to use force and the "right to war,"
which began with the conclusion in i9o7 of the Second Ha,gi:e Convention on banning
recourse to war to recover debts in accordance with treaty obligations, was bene-
ficially ended with the victory of a negative obligation not to use f~rce thanks
to a formal agreement to develop this obligation in the Statute of the League of
Nations, the Kellog-Briand Pact~ and, finally, in the UN Charter. But as regards
the example of the Definition of A~gression, the ancillary materials used in its
preparation instantly bear witness to the fact that the conventional form of the
Definition was not utilized solely in view of the political and procedural consi-
derations ox the compiler-states. Par. 38 of the report of the Special Committee
on the question of defining aggression (1968) states the following about thi~
2
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matter: "Another possibility (in comparison with a.~~ amendment to the Charter--E.
S.) con:~ists in working out a multi-lateral conventior~ including such a Definition,
but in this case the procedural difficul-ties would be exceedingly significant~ and~
even if, from a political standpoint~ it would be possible to work out and adopt
such a convention, its implementation would require too much time" ~22J.
Utilization of the treaty-type form for codifying the principle of the non-use vf
force would facilitate the removal of those contradictions in interpreting this key
nozm for the UN Charter which are inevitable at the present time in view of the di-
vergent attitude of states toward developing the given principle by the common .
norms of internat3_onal law, and this leads to an uneven and sometimes conflicting
understanding of the scope and procedure of the non-use of force in practice. The
representative of Italy in the Special Conmittee was correct when he declared the �
following: "If the edited version of ttze finally adopted text of the Treaty is not
identical with the existing statute of the Charter, then it may be said that, hav-
ing signed such a Treaty, the member-states will be in agreement with an interpre-
tation of Par. 4, ArV. 2 which once and for all will establish the meaning of the
principle of the non-use of force" ~23J. Indeed a world treaty, although it does
not completely exclude, it does considerably lessen the number of possible contra,-
dictory interpretations of the principle of ths non-use of force. It serves to
convey a uniform understanding and use of it by states and, therefore~ its more
effective influence on the relations between nation-states.
FOOTNOTES
20. A. P. Movchan, "Kodifikatsiya i progressivnoye razvitiya mezhdunarodn o
prava" ~Codification arid Progressive DevElopment of International Law~,
Moscow, pp 64-114.
21. UN Document A~AC.193~SR .13.
22. UN Document A~7185~Add .1.
- 23. UN Document A~AC.193~SR .8, p 4..
COPYRIGHT: Izdatel'stvo "Nauka", "Sovetskoye gosudarstvo i pravo", 1982
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i1VTERNATIONAL
NEW BOOK ON LDGAL STATUS OF INTERNATIONAI~ ORGANIZATION EMPLOYEES
pbscow SOVETSKOYE GOSUDARST~fO I PRAVO in Russian No 6, Jun 82 pp 14~9-150
~eview by 0. V. Bogdanov, doctor of juridical sciences~ of book "S~luzhashchiye me-
zhdunaxodnykh organizatsiy. Personal organizatsiy sistemy OON" ~Eh~ l~ypes of Inter-
national Organizations: Fersonnel in the UN Organizational System~by M. V. Mitro-
fanov, Moscow, "Mezhdunarodnyye otnosheniya", 1981, 120 pagesJ
~TextJ A characteristic trait of this work is the fact that it has made an attempt
at a comprehensive study of its topic. The author analyzes not only the principal
traits of the legal status of staff workers of international organizations but
a.lso the mechanism of its regulation ~n ~oth international and inter-governmental
law. One of the book's three chapters treats the question of the internal-orga-
nizational, _legal position of staff workers, a question which has been comparatively
poorly studied in the Soviet literature. It is a ma�ter of the rules which axe
published on this score by the international organizations and wh~ch regulate such
questions as the procedure of entering upon service~ labor relations within an
organization~ pension safeguarcis for staff inembers~ etc. Such a structure of this
book allows its author to elucidate quite fully the ba,sic factors of a leg~,l nature
which arise in connection with his examination of the chara,cteristics of the sta,tus
of international officials.
The core of this stuc~y is undoubtedly the material concerning the legal status of
personnel in international organizations. Concr:ntrated here axe the basic questions
connected with the characteristics of the legal status o~ iriternational organization
of~~icials. Of interest axe the theoretical aspects of ttie given topic. The author
argues against certain incorrect theoretical constructs which axe sometimes encoun-
tered in the literature pertaining to the disclosure of the le~a1 nature of the
immunity of staff workers in international organizations. It is a matter of
attempts to equa.te this immunity with diplomatic immunity, which departs from the
' ~pirit and the letter of existing international agreements. The author does not
support such view,, noting the differences between the two above-mentioned concepts
and providing grounds for the correctness o~ treating the immunity of employees of
international organizations "as a particulax institution~ distinct from the insti-
- tuticn of diplomatic privileges and immunities" (p 49).
Also convincing, in our opinion, are those parts of the work which analyze the
legal nature of the.status of internatioi:r:1 organization personnel. The autho~
characterizes such a status as combining "functional and civi. elements" (p 48),
, Knich correctly emph~,sizes the presence of the two elements in this concept. Here
�~he au#.hor. could have shown more specifically what ~he att~mpts~ typical for bour-
geois scholaxship, to exclude the second element from the above-mentioned concept
could lead to.
4
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The book examines the question of the activity and nature of the UN Administ~.tive
Tribunal. The author provides good gzounds for rejecting the constructs thought up
by bourgeois scholars regarding the characterization of this tribunal as an inter-
national court organ, and he shows that the tribunal's function is to render deci-
sions based on the UN's internal law. Thereby he debunks the attempts to present
this tribunal as some kind of "super-national organ."
The systematizatior. of the internal organizational acts is also successful. The
author subdivides them into two t es--acts of the organization's internal ldw
(for example, a Personnel Statuts~and acts applying this law (for example, con-
tracts on hiring people for service).
Unfortunately~ this work also contains ele~nents of unproven declarations~ excessive-
ly compressed and poorly axgued, expoaitiona. These qualities axe particularly
prevalent in the chapter on resolving disputes with the participa.tion of inter-
national organization personnel. Here it would have been appropriate to set forth
at least a few instances of disputes which were e.Yamined in the UN Administra.tive
Tribunal~ or in the respective organs of speciallzed institutions. This would ,
have impart~d to the contents of the chapter a more objective nature and would
- have helped the reader to better understand what the question was about in prac-
tical terms. These same shortcomings are also chaxa.cteristic of the material devo-
ted to the responsibility of the international organizations. Here too there is
a noticeable prevalence of abstract elements, excessively generalized. analysis,
which could create the impression that the responsibility of international orga-
nizations is a purely theoretical matter. And, in general, filling up the book
with practical~ illustrative material would ha.ve imparted a more specific nature
to many of the general positions fbrmulated by the author. It is well known that
in the practice of the instituiions within the UN system over the period of the
three and a half decades of their ex~stence quite ~ few precedents have accumulated
of the type which m~rit concrete analysis; without ~his the points of view con-
tained in the book appear to be somewhat ab~tract.
Finally, some words about the title of this work. The term "employees" is hardly
justified herein. The fa,ct of the matter is that it does not reflect the termino-
logy which has taken shape during the time .~ince the organizations of tile UN system '
came into existence. The UN Chaxter, for er.ample; uses two terms--"oft'icials" and
"personnel." The author uses practically only the latter, generally discarding the
fozmer. He does not provide any expl~.na~ion for the reason for taking such a posi~;
tion. Moreover~ there is scascely any grounds for ignoring the term "officials~"
which, in a practical ser.se, has become very widely accepted in contract practice
and~ in general, has become essentially the principal term used for designating
staff ~rorkQrs of international organizations. It would seem that this term has
obvious advantages over the term "employees," which, aside fr~m everything else~
is not free from a certain shade of chancellory speech.
This b~ok is interesting in that it studies one of the most important and cumplex
parts of the law of international organizations.
COPYRIGHT: Izdatel'stvo "Nauka", "Sovetskoye gosudaxstvo i pravo", 1982
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N~.TIONAL
ETHNIC PROBLII~IS, PATTERNS IN SOVIET SUNBELT
Moscow OPYT ETNOSOTSIOLOGICHESKOGO ISSLEDOVANIYA OBItAZA ZHIZNI (PO MATERIALAM
MOLDAVSKOY SSR) in Russian 1980 isigned to press: 11 Aug 80) pp 1, 4-7., 210-217,
224-226, 243-249, 270
[Table of Contents and selected excerpts from the book edited by Yu. V. Axutyunyan
(Editor-in-Chief), L. M. Drobizheva and V. S. Zelenchuk; the author of the program
and the leader of the research was Yu. V. Arutyunyan; the book was written under the
auspices of the Ethnography Institute imeni N. N. Miklukho-Maklay of the USSR Academy
of Sciences] ~
[Excerpts] Title Page:
Title: OPYT ETNOSOTSIOLOGICHESKOGO ISSLIDOVANIYA OBRAZA ZHIZNI (PO
MATERIALAM MOLDAVSKOY 3SR) (Ethnosociological Research on the
Way of Life (From Moldavian Materials))
Publisher: Izdatel'stvo Nauka ~
Place and year of publication: Mnscaw, 1980
Signed to Press Date: 11 August 1980
Number of Copies Published: 1,500
Number of Pages: 270
Brief Description:
The book examines co~non traits in the lahor life, family-marital relationships,
cu~tural and domestic conditions of the p~~pulation as characteristic for the Soviet
people as a whole, as weil as the national �eatures in the way of life c+f the Mol-
davians, Russians and Ukrainians in the republic. An examination of all the changes
in the way of life for the different generations and att~ntion to th~ social orien-
tation of the yo~ith has made it possible for the authors to i~recast certain develop-
ment trends.
Table of Contents Pg~e
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
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Chapter I. The Environment and People . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
�1. The Environment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
�2. The Population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
Chapter iI. Ethnosociological AspECts of Working Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
�1. Employment and the Socioprofessional Composition of the
NationaliT.ies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
42. The Growth of the Social Needs of the Population and Trends in
Social Mobility . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
Chapter III. The Fac~ily and Domestic Sphere of Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
- �1. The Socioethnic Diversity of Family Structure . . . . . . . . . . . 69
�2. Relationships in the Family . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
Chapter IV. Cultural Life: Conditions, Intensity, Traits . . . . . . . . . . . 106
�1. The Formation of New Conditiona f ~r Cultural Life 107
�2, The Intensity of Cultural Life for the Peoples . . . . . . . . . . . 126
�3. The Sociopsychological_ Co~onness and Certain Ethnic Features in
Cultural Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149
Chapter V. Bilingsalism in the Sovie~ Way of Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 170
�1. Ways and Means for the Spread flf Bilingualism . . . . . . . . . . . 171
_ �2. Bilingualism and the Activation of Produc~ion and Cultural Life 181
Chapter VI. Internationality Relations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200
�1. The Nature of Internationality Contacts in the Moldavian Towns and
Villages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200
_ 52. Basic Factors Determining Internation3J.ity Relations . . . . . . . . 205
�3. The Further Improvement of Internationality Relations 217
Chapter VII. On Certain Result.o and Prospects of Internationalizing the Way
of Life (In the Place of a Conclusion) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 230
Appendix . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251
(pages 4-7J
Concrete research on the relationship of international and ~iational traits in the
various spheres of life ~s essential for a thorough understanding and conscious
directing of social processes in our multinational nation. These questions are at
the c2nter of attention of ethnosdciology which has developed in recent years. For
, several years the Ethuography Institute of the USSR Academq of Sciences has conducted
research under the pro~ect "Optimizing of Sociocultural Conditions for the Dev~lop-
ment and Merging of Nations in the USSR." This has gone through two stages. Ir. the
first, from the example of the Tatar ASSR, there has been a study on the characteris-
tic indicators for the nation as a whole for the economic, social and cultural de-
velopment of two peoples, the Russian and Tatar. This work has provided an
7
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opportunit~~ not only to concretely analyze the real sociocultural processes but also
- to work out a Proc.edure for their more thorough investigation.
In 1971-1975, a new stage in the research was carried out. In Moldavia and in a
number of the other Union republics, co-workers from the Ethnography Institute col-
lected statistical and arch ival materials and also carried out surveys represer.ta-
tive for the urban and rural population considering their national composition. In
contrast to the first stage of t'ie research, when basical.ly the indigenous national-
ity of the republic and the Russians (iatars and Russians in the Tatar ASSR) were iir
vpstigated, in the second stage materials were also collected for ~ther naLionali-
ties in direct contact within the republic. In the program attention was given, as
before, to studying the socioethnic structure of the population and the typical
national traits and nationality features in the culture, everyday life, family re-
lationships, social psychology and interpersonal relations. All these questions
were examined in their reciprocal relationships and this opened up an opportunity to
describe the socioethnic diversity of the Soviet way of 1tfA. ~'or ethnosociology the
way of life, in essence, is a collective integrating indicator of the sociocultural
processes involved in forming the new historical community of the Soviet people.
At the same time when we speak about the co~unity of "the Soviet people," this in
no way means their absolute socioethnic unification. People have differed and con-
tinue to differ from one another. The difference between persons of different ages,
between "fathers" and "children" will always be felt, with all emancipation even on
the sociopsychological level men and women will not become the same ar:d people will
also differ in terms of their socioprofessional roles. Ethnic features will also to
some degree survive and be felt in cultural life and this is manifested ~n language
and the other indicators of culture. A sociai commonness means social integration
related to the unity of the political system and production relationships, a common-
ness of ideals, interests, basic standards and principles of conduct, interaction
and mutual understanding and considering the polyethnicity of our nation, also the
fundamental similarity in the way of life of people from different nationalities.
Exc~ssive unification of the way of life means its impoverishment. The ethnic and
professional divers~ty in the way of life, with the unity of its social essence, is
a reciprocal enrici:ment which is expressed in the development of society as a whole
and each individual nation. The preservation of progressive national features in the
way of life and in its cultural and domestic aspec.ts broadens the range of social
processes and makes them more diverse and effective. In studying the way of lif e it
is also essential to consider o~her amplitudes in the variations of its manifestation.
starting from ideal i::~ages and ending with pathological ones. In our work, we will
naturally devote attention not to the ideal and not even to the normative (formal or
informal) features in the way of life and particularly not to the pathological devi-
ations (which are the subject of concern for psychopathology and criminalistics),
but rather the real vital manifestations expressed by mass conduct and ref lected in
the concrete material of the ethnosociologica2 research.
What are the cocmnon features in the way of life and to what degree are they concrete-
ly expressed in the various peoples? How and with what intensity are national spe-
cific features manifested in them? In what relationship are the social and national
parameters of the way of life2
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Precisely, concrete ethnosociological research can help in answering these q4es-
tions.
A certain division of labor can be noted between ti~e ~ocial sciences in investigat-
ing the Soviet way of life. Philosophy and scientific communism focus attention on
investigating the principles of the socialist way of life, in distinguishing the
concept of the socialist way of life and the way of life under socialism. As for
concrete sociology, the ac:tual way of life with all its soc~_al diversity should be
at the center of attention for this science. Ethnosociology in addition considers
the national f eatures, having the task of determining the interaction and interde-
pendence of th e internationality an3 nationality traits in the way of life.
We have selected Moldavia as an object for ethnosociological study of the way of
- life and our ethnosoci~logical research in the Union repuh lic has started here.
The developmen t of the Moldavian people as an organic part of the new historical com-
munity, the Soviet people, convincingly shows the effectiveness of the nationality
policy as well as the c'epth and result of the principles of internationalism in
Soviet society.
In an ethnosoc iological study of the way of life, as the final indicator of the de-
velopment and merging of nations, we have given particular attention to a study of
the most important fears of human activity and such component parts of the way of
life as labor, domestic and cultural life. The task consists in examini~ig their in-
~ teraction and the changes in the place and importance of ethnic features i:~ them. It
is quite apparent in all the listed spheres of the way of life, not ethnic but rather
- general social factors play the dominating and determining role. Education, profes-
sion and activ ities to a significant degree determine the similarity and particular
features of people from different nationalities. Hypothetically it has been assumed
that ethnic uniqueness survives and is manifested with growing intensity from the
labor sphere of the way of life to cultural activities and is most fully expressed
in the sphere of everyday life, particularly family life. The overcoming of patri-
archical rudiments in this sphere is a symptom of rapid social change and the com-
plete internationalization of the way of life. At the same time the processes of in-
ternationali2a tion in culture and in the family-domestic sphere can be facilitated
and accelerated by the historical co~nonness of cultural traditions.
An important task af the research is to being out the interaction of the various
spheres of the way of life and interpersonal national relations. It is assumEd that
from generation to generation, the way of life of persons from different nationali-
ties acquires evermore common traits. At the same time, these processes do not mean
the leveling of national self-awareness. The growing cultural similarity is combined
- with an intens ity of national feelings. Depending upon the stage in historica2 de-
velopment, various mechanisms are at work which help to preserve and strengthen
national self-awareness. The scientific and tech:~ical revolution has a dual role
for the cultural development of peoples. On the one hand, it contributes to their
evening out and mutual understanding, and on the other, in particular due to the de-
velopment of the means of communications and other channels of culture, it encourages
the developmen t cf a national culture and the national self-awareness of the broad
masses of the population.
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The subject of the given research is not the individual, concrete phenomena but
rather their system and the aggregate of interrelated processes. In essence, this
is a complex of different research carried out in one key and subor~inate to a com-
mon goal, ultimatel~, to optimizing the sociocultural processes and providing an ef-
fective reconciJ.iation of the general and particular, the national and international
in all spheres of life.
~PP 210-217]
The part;~'s nationality policy was also propagandized by the mass information media.
In the radio and TV broadcasts, in the newspapers and ma.gazines the ideas of the
equality of people and the significance of friendly relations between them were prop-
agandized in various forms. An analysis of the content of the republic newspaper
SOVETSKAYA MOLDAVIYA in 1970, u~ing quantitative methods (content analysis) has shown
Ehat virtually every day the newspaper provided materials on the life of the other
republics, it told about their successes in the economy and culture, it propagandized
the ideas of cooperation and mutual aid and published theoretical articles explain-
ing the principles of internationalism. Such broad scope in the propagandizing of
internationalism has been determine~ by the decisions of the party congresses and the
decrees of the MCP [Moldavian Communist Party] Central Committee. Significant liter-
ature has been devoted to the problems of international indoctrination. In a number
of works attention has been paid to the importance of correctly combining the propa-
gsndizing of the international and the national in the life of the Soviet peoples.
In particular, the b ook by I. P. Kalin states that "...if in propagandizing the eco-
nomic and cultural achievements an emphasis is placed on the successes of just one
("one's own") republic, without any analysis of the profound internal links charac-
terizing the unity of all spheres in the way of life of both the individual regions
and the entire socialist society, if little effort is made to overcome nationalistic
prejudices in the awareness and conduct of a part of the people (a disdainful atti-
tude toward the economy, culture and language of other peoples, the maintaining and
~ instilling of old rites and traditions which do not correspond to the spirit of the
times, the idealiza~ion of reactionary historical personages and so �orth), this can
revive and engender national egoism, conceit, national exclusiveness and an over-
estimation of the contribution of one's people ro *.he developmemt of the common
Soviet economy and culture."
One out of every three or four articles pub lished in SOVETSKAYA MOLDAVIYA both in
1970 (during the year.prior to the start of our research) and in 1979, could contrib-
ute to the indcctrination of internationalism. On the basis of the content analysis
data, one could clearly trace the structure, frequency and form of providing these
articles. Among all the material which appeared on the pages of SOVETS[CAYA MOLDAVIYA
in 1970 and 1979 relating to national aspects of life, around 30 percent was made up
of materials or~ the life of the nation's fraternal republics. Sometimes these were
selections from articles under the headings "My Nation from End to End," "TASS An-
nounces" and "We Are the Soviet People," and sometime~ individual releases reprinted
from the central newspapers and forwarded through TASS and APN [Novosti News Agency].
In the publications on events in other republics there was a predominance of articles
on the cultural life of the peoples (more than 30 percent of the m~terials), there
was somewhat less on economic life (22 percent), and the remaining articles were de-
voted to other subjects.
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In reflecting the real processes of life, the newspaper showed the realization of
one of the basic principles of internationalism, that is, the mutual aid and cooper-
- ation of the Soviet peoples. In actual terms, one out of every five newspaper
articles on r~odern life over the last decade was devoted to the economic or cultural
contacts between the Soviet republics as well as to their cooperation with the
socialist nations. Naturally, the ties of the Soviet peoples were treated more
widely. By the end cf the 1970's, materials on cooperation with foreign cou*.?tries
be~an to appear noticeably more often (the share of them amcng articles ~n coopera-
tion doubled).
Naturally, much attention has been given to cooperation amon~ the republics as here
Moldavia has taken a direct part. The table given below shows how the participation
" of the republics in cooperation was reflected in the newspaper (see Table 4).
Tab le 4
~tie Reflection in the Ns~wspaper SOVETSKAYA MOLDAVIYA of Various Areas
of Cooperation Among the Soviet Peoples (in % of the Total Number
of Articles Dealing with Cooperation Between the Soviet Peoples)
Involvement of Involvem~nt of Interactior Partictpation
Area of Cooperation Moldavia in De- Other Republics between Other of Moldavia in
velopment of in Moldavian Republics Joint Measures
Other Republics Development with Other
Republics
1970 1979 1970 1979 1970 1979 1970 1979
~ Economic I 38.4 29.5 28.8 43.1 15.1 4.5 I 17.8 22.7
Cultural ~ 8.9 11.1 I 19.7 57.5 I 7.5 5.0 ~ b3.9 26.2
As we see, ~in the newspaper there were no discrepancies between the share of materi-
als contributing to the formation of national self-awareness and aimed at the de-
velopment of international feelings. The geography of Moldavia's interrepublic ties
has grown wider year by year. In comparison with 1970, in 1979, reciprocal ties had
intensified not only with Russia, the Ukraine and Belorussia (as in 1970, these were
tha most intense) but contacts became significantly more frequent with the Balcic
and Transcaucasian r~publics.
Finally, the newspaper pub lished direct, focused information designed to propagandize
the frienuship of peoples in theoretical articles and materials devoted to jubilee
dates.
We would point out that there were few materials directly involving national self-
awareness and national feelings. For example, such expressions as "we are the
first," "we are among the best," and "Moldavia for the first time in the nation"
were encountered in 3 percent of the materials relating to the national aspects of
life i:1 1970 and the figure in 1979 was 1 percent; not more than 3 percent of the
materivls mentioned national specific features in culture such as music, customs,
clothing, domestic interiors and language.
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The newspaper SOVETSKAYA MOLDAVIYA is published in Russian and is basically aimed at
urban residents. But it is read not only by Russians. This can be judged even from
the subscription to the newspaper. Tn the first place, the number of subscri.bers to
SOVETSKAYA MOLDAVIYA exceeds the number of Russian families in the republic and,
secondly, the newspaper is subscribed to by rural leaders as well, although therQ
are few Russians in the rura~ areas (according to r.hn_ data of the i4oldavian Republic
Administration of Soyuzpechat' [Main Administration for the Distribution of Publica-
tions], in 1970 around 62 percent of the subscribers of SO`JETSKAYA MOLDAVIYA were
rural residents). Obviously, the newspaper is read by persons of different nation-
alities who have mastered Russian.
Molaavian television also has given a large place to the propagandizing of inter-
nationalism. It has shown feature and TV films on the life of the Soviet peoples and
has provided information on national events and events in the fraternal republics in
the sociopolitical broadcasts. Periodically, twice a month, Kishinev Television has
transmitted from Moscow the broadcast "The Atlas of the Soviet Peoples" which is
fully 3evoted to the life of one or another Union or autonomous republic. On the
first progr?an of Moldavian Television more than 5 percent of the broadcasts provided
information on the life of the fraternal Soviet peoples.
Republic radio broadcasting also devoted a portion of its materials to a familiariza-
tion with the economy and culture of the Soviet peoples. The exchange department of
Moldavian Radio receives and broadcasr_s over the air programs from different repub-
lics of the nation and they are concerned with virtually all the peoples of the
Soviet Union.
Not only the mass information media but also artistic literature, the theater, films
and painting transmit through the masses the standards and views of Marxist ideology,
that is, the ideas of equality and solidarity of peoples.
- When the earthquake occurred in Tashkenr, on the pages of x^MSOMOLSKAYA PRAVDA ap-
peared the stirring lines of the "Tashkent Report" by A. Voznesenskiy:
Help Tashkent!
They need blood--relp,
They need shelter--help,
Where there is pain--help,
Yourself--help!
Ye. Yevtushenko visited Yakutia and what we call in politics and science a change in
the nature of internationality relatiens is found in his poetic understanding in the
verses "Diamonds and Tears" which condemn the ideas of opposition between peoples and
self-conceit:
People--this is a diamond placer.
The foreigner is only that person,
Who dared utter: "Foreigner!"
Or mockingly tossed: "Dumb native!"
In the course of our interviews among the prominent cultural leaders, the persons
questioned mentioned the names of Drutse, Aytmatov, Gamzatov and often ~ustified
their preferences by the fact that the writers, poets and playwrights could "express
the soul of the people" and "show what we all feel."
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The emotional impact of artistic literature on the views of people is indisputable.
From the ethnosociological viewpoint it is important to us how the diverse ideologi-
cal information is disseminated in the masses.
One of the important channels which ensures the assimilation of the standards and
ideology dominant in a society is education. Education is not only a store of lcnow-
ledge which substantially broadens the understanding of the world but also direct in-
' doctrination. Tt provides a notion about other peoples and at the same time creates
the necessary basis for a similarity of perception and responses to events dnci phe-
nomena and, finally, for commonness in the way of life and hence for mutual under-
standing in international contacts.
From the results of the ethnosociol.ogical research in the Tatar ASSR, the conclusion
- had already been drawn on the importance of education for overcoming national narrow-
ness and prejudices particularly among the less educated strata of the population
(within the limits up to seventh grade, in any event). At present, when we possess
materials on comparative research, it can be asserted that the positive effect of in-
creased education in the sphere of internationality contact is particularly notice-
able among those peoples whose culture in recent decades has been the most dynamic.
The Moldavians are among these.
Wiiile among the Moldavians having an education up to fourth grade (in the citiy)
around 70 percent feel that the national composition of a collective is unimportant,
among those who have an incomplete secondary and secondary education the figure is 88
percent. A positive attitude toward nationally mixed marriages among people with an
education up to the fourth grade is about 57 percent (in the cities and countryside)
and among those who have an incomplete secondary and secondary education the figures,
respectively, are 73-75 percent in the city and 67-82 in the countryside.
Of course, the less educated people are basically older persons who grew up under
other sociopolitical conditions and who are f luent basically only in their maternal,
Moldavian language.
Education as a whole tells more noticeably on the attitude toward internationality
marriages than on the attitude toward internationality contact on the ~ob and is
probably stronger in the countryside than in the city. Obviously, here one feels the
greater national exclusiveness of the rural inhabitants in the past and for this
reason increased education under today's conditions which has been combined with the
overall sociocultural growth and well being of the countryside has prodcced an obvi-
ous effect.
In the Russians and Ukrainians, the interethnic sets in the sphere of production con-
tact Cor practical terms depend little upon education (these are somewhat less favor-
able only in the group of uneducated which does not exceed 4-5 percent) but the pre-
disposition for internationality contact in everyday life for these nationalities in
the more educated groups increases (70 percent of the Ukrainians with a secondary and
higher education feel that nationality is unimportant in marriage and 55 percent in
the groups with an education up to seventh grade; among Russians such an opinion is
- held by around 80 percent of the persons with a higher and secondary education and
around 70 p~ercent for those with an education up to seventh grade).
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In the city where the possibilities for internationality contacts are greater, inter-
nationality friendly intercourse is wider among the more educated groups of the pop-
ulation (particularly in the young and mid:~le-aged) (see �1).
Education is one of the indicators of the cultural level of people and, of courae~ it
not only broadens the range of cultural views and contributes to the forming of in-
ternationalism in their views and conduct. As a rule, the more educated people more
often read sociopolitical and artistic literature and are acquainted with the art of
other pecples. This provides a basis for a broader historical view of the experience
of neighboring peoples, that is, it broadens the approach to understanding events and
phenomena. The mastery of Russian as a language of internatinnality contact and the
spread of bilinguialism operate in the sarne direction. This not only facilitates the ~
direct contacts between peoples from different nationalities but also broadens the
general culture of people and makes it possible for them to know more about other
peoples and respect them.
The results of questioning have shawn that with a broadening of the cultural and
sociopolitical knowledge of people, as a rule, they relate more favorably to inter-
~ nationality contacts. Thus, among Moldavians and Russians who regularly attend
theaters and read artistic literature, there ~re more people who do not give signif-
icance to nationality in professional and family contacts (by approximately 8-10
percent). Even more noticeab ly a cultural viewpoint is *_ied to the attitude toward
internationality family contacts.
For rural inhabitants the amount of cultural information is a more significant fac-
tor from the viewpoint of their interethnic orientations than for the urban inhabi-
tants. But in the countryside culture first of all has a beneficial influence on
the informal attitudes of persons from th~ different nationalities (if the link be-
tween the viewing of TV broadcasts, the reading of artistic literature and the atti-
tude toward internationality production contact as calculated in coefficients for the
relationship of `lule features is statistically insignificant, in terms of family
contacts it equals 0.5; 0.48).
As for the particular features of the impact of cultural information on interethnic
attitudes in the concrete socioprofessional groups, for the Moldavians (in the
cities) there is a more noticeable predisposition for internationality contact among
those workers in pliysical labor, including with low skills, who not only regularly
follow the TV and radio news but also actively read artistic literature, regularly
atter.~ the theater, that is, are accustomed to a cultiire which is more complex in
content. This conf'ir?tts the conclusion drawn already from the materials of the ethno-
sociological re~earch in the Tatar ASSR that the range of cultural measures elimin-
ates narrowness in the approach to internationality contact among the less skilled
strata of the population (and the less educated).
Nere we can add that for the national groups in whicn a rather high cultural level
has already become stable, just an increase in the amount of general cultural know-
ledge, as statistical calculations indicate, now do not play a marked role. Only a
substantial increase in more complex cultural informatton tells on their interethnic
sets. Thus, in the absence of national pre~udices in virtually an absolute majorit:y~
of the Russians, still among those who constantly read artistic literature and show
a las~ing interest in the theater, the range of unprejudiced persons is even wider.
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' While previously ordinary cultural and educational activities were important for sur-
mounting national prejudices, now these can produce results even among the less edu-
cated strata of the population and in r?gards to a majority of the workers it is pos-
~ sible to count only on the effect of thc: directed propagandizing of internationalism
an.d the indoctrination of humaneness and profound inner intelligence which da not
make it possib le to relate to other peoples except as to one's own.
The question arises: are inter.nationality attitudes related to national orientations
in culture?
National-cultural orientations as a whole are 3 broad concept. They include the
attitude toward the professional national culture, toward folk culture surviving in
the traditions of the past, including in the standards of conduct, customs and
rites. If one were to speak about a system of traditional standards of conduct and
orientations, then the sets for interethnic contact, primarily in the domestic sphere
to a certain degree are interrelated with them.
Among those Russians, Moldavians and Ukrainians who do not feel it necessary to seek
the approval of their parents for marriage, who feel it possible to hold a wedding
without the traditional rite and among those who do not celebrate religious holidays,
there are 10-15 percent more persons who favorably view mixed nationality marriages.
In a system of traditional culture, as is known, "living" and "ret~eating" forms
survive. For example, parental advice for marriage for Moldavians an.d Russians (this
is done by over 40 percent of both nationalities) or the observing oL national wed-
ding customs for Moldavians (over 70 percent observe them), these are living tradi-
tions. At the same time, the religiousness of the population which previously was
cZosely interlinked with national pre~udices is retreating, as has already been said,
into the past.
The link between the preferences for intranational contact and the forms of tradi-
tional culture, although relatively noticeable, in the future will most pr~bably
disappear. I.n any event, the decline in the link between these features in the
younger and more educated groups indicates this.
Naturally, the institution of traditional culture is more resillient in the everyday
life of the rural population. For this reason, the further overcoming of national
exclusiveness in the Moldavian countryside to a greater degree than in the city in-
volves the eradicating of traditions and religiousness which have survived here.
Thus, the various elements of culture, depending upon religious circumstances, to a
varying degree can influence internationality contacta.
The similarity of traditional culture is capable of significantly facilitating the
daily internationality contact. In Moldavia for some peoples such as the Ukrainians,
Russian~ and Bulgarians, traditional culture has co~nnon Slavic roots and in others,
primarily the Moldavians, it has maintained rather protracted historical links with
Slavic culture. For this reason, with a favorable socioeconomic basis for contacts,
- the relative stability of traditional Moldavian culture does not tell noticeably on
the contacts and this also favors completely good, friendly internationality rela-
tions.
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Professional culture is more international and it can gener~lly impede internationai-
ity contact only if it "wounds" national feelings or carries nationalistic ideas.
But under Soviet conditions, its entire ideological content is aimed at strengthen-
ing contact between peoples. For this reason an orientation toward a professional
culture of one's ethnos which in real life, as a rule, is combined in the Moldavian
peoples with an interest in the cultures af the other Soviet nations, does not sep-
arate peoples but rather contributes to the indoctrination of internationalist views.
As a whole, ~he prz~cess of ttre-draw~iztg together of the cultures of peoples, as is
presently ~ccurring in our nation, contributes to their mutual understanding and to
the strengthening of unity. Here, as has been reaffirmed by our research, the in-
ternationality relations are decisively determined by sociopolit~cal conditions, by
the ideological atmosphere of our society and ty the satisfying of the socioeconomic
interests of the workers.
~PP 224-226J
There is a notion that the overcoming of prejudices is aided by the joint work of
persons from different nationalities. In actuality, in the Iong-existing multi-
national c~~llectives where *oles are assigned customarily, according to professional
qualities and people are linked by co~on production aims, ordinarily no importance
is given to nationality (one has merely to recall the experience of the Donets Basin
and other similar production associations). But in and of itself the national compo-
sition of a collective does not automatically influence internationality relations.
In any event, in the Moldavian cities there is an equally good attitude toward inter-
ethnic contact among both the Moldavians and Russians working both predominantly in
Moldavian collectives and in collectives where a ma~ority of the employees is non-
Moldavians.
The frequency of interethnic contact does not inf luence the internationality sets in
all the ~ocioprofessional groups.
~ Somewhat distinct are the interethnic sets of the Moldavians working in collectives
where there are "very few" representatives of their nationality. Possibly this is
due to a psychological sen_e of isolation from their own ethnic milieu which is un-
~ustomary for the Moldavians. (It migh~ be assumed that this was tied to a certain
socioprofessional situation but approximately equal shares of both Moldavian workers
and members of the intelligentsia work in such collectives.) This is not observed
amc~nt :ussians. Their attitude toward interethnic contact in collectives where
there are "very few" Russians is just as favorable as in the multinational collec-
tives.
The materials of surveys in Moldavia do not provide grounds to assume that inter-
nationality contacts on the job are closely tied to the attitude t~ward mixed mar-
riages. The attitude toward such marriages rather depends upon the breadth of inter-
ethnic contacts off the job, that is, the presence of friends, ~pouses and contem-
poraries of a different nationality. The attitude toward internationality contact
in the family is more interrelated to the friends and comrades around and less so to
the presence of relatives who have entered internationality marriages.
The relationship of the above-given indicators of the ethnic milieu and the sets of
internationality contacts in the family sphere differs in the socioprofessional
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groups. In the city (Kishinev) the influence of kinship contacts is of practical
importance only in the group of unskilled workers, but for them the circle of
friends is of less importance. In all the other socioprofessional groups, on the
contrary, the attitude taward internationality contacts in the family is related to
the circle of friends and does not correlate with the internationality kinship con-
tacts.
From the standpoint of the relationship of internationality sets with the various
spheres of interethnic contacts, the conr.emporary cocntryside as a whole does not
dfffer from the city. Here the group of friends and not kinship relations is of
greater im~ortance.
The present Moldavian villages although more uninational in comparison with the city
(over 70 percent of the persons question~d work in virtually uninational collec-
tives), but almost one-half of the rural inhabitants questioned have persons of
other nationalities among their circle of friends and a third of them have rela-
tives who have entered nationally mixed marriages. Naturally, internationality con-
tacts are wider in the large villages as they are more often multinational and their
link with the cities is closer.
The Mo~davian villag~s over the last decades, as has been pointed out in the first
sections of the b ook, have rapidly altered the;r social make-up and cu.ltural milieu
and this has been the basis for increasing social situations of internationality
contact that are similar to the city. The better the situation existing in the
labor sphere of the way of life, the more friendly the attitude toward internation-
ality contacts on the job.
The demands on the conditions of production a~tivities have i.ncreased noticeably for
the rural inhabitants (see Chapter II). For this reason, it would scarcely be right
to assume that the measures of socioeconomic control for intt~rethnic relationships
are less significant in the countryside than for the city (in comparison with the
cultural and educational measures).
As the research materials indicate, under present-day conditions the greater adher-
ence of the rural inhabitants to traditional ~ulture has virtually no tie with the
attitude toward internationality contact on the job but to a certain degree does
influence the attitude toward family contacts.
Thus, many specif ic circumstances in different social milieu and situations are of
importance for the climate of interaationality relations with the determining sig-
nificance of the socioeconomic and political conditions inherent to the social sys-
tem. In order that the measures aimed at further strengthening internationalism in
the views and conduct of people be effective, they should be differentiated in terms
of the specific social situation. This is why it is advisable to constantly study
internationality relations in the different national areas and in all social and
demographic groups.
[pp 243-249]
The intensity in the integration processes for the spiritual content of the way of
life does not impoverish the national forms of culture. While the culture is trans-
formed and modernized, this is primarily not at the expense of the national forms.
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'1'l~~ langua~~s anu the professional types of art such as music, dance and literature
are developed in expressing (maintaining) the national specific features. With the
preservation and modernization of their awn natural cultural resources, the Molda~-
ians, Russians, Ukrainians, Gagauzy and others at the same time mare and more widely
fisstmilate the "assets" of other nations. The mastery of Russian by the indigenous
nationality of the republic has accelerated particularly noticeably. In the younger
generation virtually 90 percent of the urban Moldavians and 70 percent of the rural
inhabitants speak Russian without ar.y great effort. Having mastered Russian, the
M~ldavians continue to actively u~e their own mother longuage. `Pt~us, the coeffi-
cients for the link of the "nationality" feature and the "culture" block feature"
arz not merely the most significant but also stable.
The relationships between the "nationality" feature and the tatal indicator (b lock ~
feature) of the "family and family relations" are changing in a different: direction.
As was shown by the ~~�::1 coefficient for the correlation of information, national
specific features are still relatively expreased in the sphere of family and domes-
tic relations. As w~s shvwn in the research, this is expressed both in the employ-
ment of women, in the assigning of roles in the family and in family-domestic rela-
tionships. It can be assumed that the family and domestic sphere is relatively mor~
sovereign and has its own opportunities for maintaining the "m:~leus" of traditiona~
culture. The overcoming of elements which do :zot correspond to modern standards in
this area is an important indicator of the internationalization and the establishing
of common traits in the way of life.
In Moldavia this process, of course, is facilitated by the co~onness of the cultural
and domestic traditions of the peoples inhabiting it. Among all the ethnic groups
~ of Moldavia, the nuclear family predominated :aith largely similar standards of rela-
tionships. Nevertheless, here certain differences are apparent between the peoples~
of Moldavia although they have a"retreating" nature. Judging from the ethnosocio-
logical materials, among the Mol.davians and even more so among the Gagauzy, as yet
there is a relative].y stronger traditional view of the family the absolute value c.~
which is higher for them than among the Russians, Ukrainians and Jews in the repub-
lic. The Moldavians are more active in utilizing their free time in the interests of
the family, they are less permissive and less willing to justify the possibility of
divorce and maintain rather close kinship contacts. The role functions in the Mol-
davian and Gagauzy families between husband and wife are more traditional than among
the Russians, Ukrainians and Jews, It is no accident that the family and the number
of children for Moldavians are larger than for the Russians, Ukrainians and Jews.
Among the urban Russians only 13 percent have three and more children, while among
the Moldavians in the city 25 percent have such relatively large families and 38 per-
cent in the countryside. Of all the peoples of Moldavia, the Gagauzy have the larg-
est families and traditional family relations are stronger also among them.
Of course, the relative persistence of traditional relations in the domestic sphere
has a more and more residual nature and over the long run will gradually be evened
out. It is no accid~nt that the differences in the number of children between the
peoples are apparent because of the older generation while among the younger these
gradually are nullified. Among the young urban Moldavians 18-29 years of age the
- number of children is the same as among the Russians. Ttao-thirds of both nationali-
ties in this age group do not have children while among a predominant ma~ority of the
Moldavians and Russians who do have children, there is ~ust one child and only
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7 percent (the share coincides!) of the Moldavians and Russians have two or more
children. A rather rigid dependence is observed between the number of children and
education and occupations. The more active the socioproduction functions of a per-
_ son the more quickly the historically ca~?sed domestic traditior.s are eliminated and
this is also ref lected i_i the number of childrPn. In the group of creativ~~ intelli-
gentsia among the Moldavians, Russians, Jews and Ukrainians, regardless of age there
are equally few chilclren. As a whole th~ number of children declines more rapidly
than the sets related to the assigning of family roles and to an understanding of a
~ woman's function change.
It is quite apparent that the increase in socioproduction and cultural activity,
- particularly among women, narruws the place of the family in the orientations of life
and this is ref lected in the number of children and the way of life as a whole.
Of course, it can be stated that cile "labor expenditures" in the waj~ of life, includ-
ing in "farnily" life as a whole are reduced by the shortening of the working day and
the improvement in domestic services as well as by *_he intensification ~f social in-
doctrination functions. But this is also accompanied by a rise in the social and
leisure activity of man (the parents) and at the same time by increased demand~ on
the raising of children. Although a child physiologically matures more quickly than
in the past, on the social level--since the social demands are growing and becoming
more complex--it later is capab le of joining in social life and performing active
roles as now additional and diverse training is needeu for this. While previously
"children were raised" only i.n their childhood, now this also occurs in adolescence
a*~d often even later. The increased qualitative demands on childraising are reflec-
ted in the number of children. Due to the fact that the labor intensiveness of
childraising and the demands on it in fact grow, a person to a certain degree is ob-
jectively confronted with a dile~ana: social activity or children, and solves this
dilemma by compromise and to a certain degree at the expense of the number of chil-
dren.
In actuality, the potential of opportunities and the interests of an individual is
not infinite. In encountering the problem of the "repro~uction of man" not only
physically but also socially (and this, per se, is the basic function of man), a _
person is confronted with the dile~na: for some it is more admissible and attrac-
tive to have and raise a child while for others the creation of conditions for its
social indoctrination and growth is more important. Those who decide not to haa~ and
raise children should make a greater effort for society for its progress and f or im-
proving living conditions and the reproduction of mankind. Of course, in either in-
- stance false criteria for the i.ndoctrination and forming of the individual are not to
be excluded, but these deviations are possible equally in both an individual and
social decision.
In one way or another, the inverse dependence between the number of children and
social activity can be traced in all stages of the path of life. The sociological
materials presented for the republic's urban population aptly illustrate this. In
actuality a person who has a iower education and a more passive socioproduction
life has more children. More than one-half of the persons who do not have children
(57 percent) are improving their education, while the figure is 44 percent among
those who have one child, 33 percent with two children, 20 percent with three and
10 percent with four. A~aong those not having children almost one-half is engaged
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in social work while the figure for those having one child is 46 percent, 39 per-
cetit with two children, 23 percent with three and 11 percent with foux. Quite under-
standably soci.al roles (for example, the inf luence on solving tmportant questions in
the collective) and leisure activities change corr~spondingly. Persons with many
children, as is reflected by the materials of the research, much less are engaged in
sports and amateur artistic activities in their leisure time, they read less artis-
tic literature, are more rarely at the theaters and so forth. Of course, all of
this is due to the fact that there are more older persons among those with many
children but approximately the same ratio in the allocation of social roles and cuI-
tural activity is observed in the same age and professional groups, and not only for
women but even for men. For example, in the middle generati~n (30-49 years), among
the males involved in physical labor and having one child, 40 percent cantinue to
improve their education, while with two children the figure is 32 pe:cent and with
three and more 21 percent; among those engaged in mental labor the number of persons
furthering their education is of course greater, but the dynamics of t:le dependence
~ upon the number of children is approximately the same (respectively, 72, 64 and 33
percent). This dependence is observed even more. of course, among women and among
the Moldavians and Gagauzy it is more expressed than among the Russians, Ukrainians
and J e~ s .
Thus, the existing socioprofessional structure, educatinn and cultural activities
li~nit the standdrds of traditional family functions related to the numb er of chil-
dren. In this sense, as can be judged from the younger generation, the differences
1-etween persons from different nationalities are rapidly disappearing. Over time
the sociodemographic features, when f ully freed from the "national influence," will
eperate completely in a"pure form." These prospects which to some degree have been
disclosed by our research are shown in Fig. 13.
labor
~ Fig. 13. The relationship and prospects
1 ' of transforming the feature of "national-
~
~ ity" and the '"labor," "culture" and
~ "fami'.;~" block features.
i_
~ Direction of relationship: increasing
+ i relation; diminishing relation;
natiortality mixed relation (diminishing for some
+ features, increasing for others).
Intensity of relationships: 1--Most sig-
nif icant, 2--Significant, 3--Insignificant
culture + family
The relative dominance of common socioden:ographic features (including "sex") over
tVie "national ones" reflects the process of the internationalizing of the way of lif e.
The all-round development of man is a sort of total expression of such international-
ization. The taslc set in the program af improving the social conditions is needed, ~
of course, not for itself but rather for man and for his all-round development. The
research has reflected certain results of such changes. In a comparison of the gen-
erations or, more accurately, the age groups, we can see that the share of diversely
developed people in each nationality is growing. Culture and education are growing,
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social roles are becoming more complex and interests are becoming m~re ~iverse.
Conditionally we have endeavored to isolate a collective image of the most diversely
developed man. As the indicators for the development of a person and his act:ivity,
we have i~olated the following: (1) the growth of education and skills, (2) social
work, (3) participation in sports or amateur artistic activities, more precisely,
activities not~related to professional life, (4) the constant reading of literature,
(5) the raising of children. The full set of these five features has been condi-
~ tionally viewed as a collective indicator of diverse development. An exception for
one af the features was permitted. Correspondingly the populatio~ has been classi-
fied into groups of absolutely (with a fL~ll range of features) and relatively (with
an exception for one feature) completely developed. We have endeavored to asce~tain
how representative are the people with complete and incomplete sets of these traits
in the various demogra~ilic, sacloprefessional and nationality groups. It has been
discovered that all the isola~~d indicators, if one excludes the "number of chil-
dren," are characteristic for a~;roximately one-third of the men and one-quarter of
the women in the city and for 12 percent of the men and 9 percent of the women in the
countryside. National differences virtually were not felt (see Table 4).
Table 4*
Proportional Amount of Diversely Developed Urban Population
(by nationalities)
Including:
I I
II III
Moldavians 34.4 14.6 3.2
Russians 39.0 25.5 6.9
Ukrainians 42.9 26.8 8.1
Jews ~ 36.4 23.7 2.5
*Explanation: I--Share of persons possessing all established traits of diverse
development and a lso not having one of the traits; II--Share of persons possess-
ing all the isolated traits as well as those not having one of the traits but
with children; III--Share of the population with complete (within the materials
of the research) set of traits for diversified development and at least two
children.
Tne main thing is age. The younger the population the more harwoniously it is de-
~ veloped. Among the youth 20-24 years of age in the city more than one-half combine
the listed interests and occupations (excluding, of course, the having of children)
and in the countryside, approximately one-f ifth. This ratio changes for the age
~ groups consistently: in the older age groups their share declines sharply both in
the city and even more in the countryside. Naturally, this activity is closely tied
~o the tyge of labor: among persons engaged in mental labor it is relatively sig-
nificant (see Table 5).
At the same time it is perfectly obvious that, as was pointed out, a combination of
po;aitive, to some degree ideal traits in the behavior of a person in all the basic
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Table 5*
Uiversely Developed Population in Different Social and Demographic Groups
(in % of Total Number in Each Group)
City Countrqside
Including ~ Including
I I
II III II III
Total population:
Men 40.4 24.6 6.5 8.2 5.2 1.7
Woman 33.6 16.3 3.7 9.3 3.6 1.3
18-29 years of age 56.5 12.1 0.6 17.0 4.3 0.4
30-49 years of age 35.1 30.8 8.6 7.6 6.1 2.9
SO years and older 14.9 12.3 4.4 0.9 0.7 0.3
Engaged in physical labor 18.3 10.2 2.2 4.5 1.5 0.4
Engaged in mental labor 6~.1 I 34.1 I 9.2 50.9 31.8 13.2 .
*Key to Roman Numerals same as in Table 4.
sph~r~as of the way of life is an indicator of harmonious development. Labor activ-
ity should be intensified not by extending the working day but rather by the quality
of labor; the number ~of children is declining but the demands are growing upon the
upbringing and all-round development of the child; the tim~ for leisure activities
should be not so much increased as qualitatively transformed.
This is all true enough but here the rational proportions cannot be violated, that
is, the "quality" should not be allowed to prevail at the expense of a rational
"quantity."
At the same time, the necessary standards a�:e violated precisely"in such an impor-
tant sphere as familq life. At present, we are observing, as was already pointed
out, a disruption in the standards of natural reproduction. Here the more skilled
the person is the more marked these disruptions, that is, the deviations from the
naturally necessary standards. It is obvious that the reproduction of man, the
birth and upbringing of children cannot help but be included in the harmonious de-
velopment of societ~. It is scarcely possible to exclude this function or not to
consider it, as is sometimes done in theor.etical work devoted to the forming of the
individual. The growth of cu]_ture and of material prosperity create the conditions
for the reproduction and education of people, hut the functiens of creating these
conditions and the reproduction of man itself cannot be separated on a mass scale.
Such a"division of labor" in the forming of man, on the one hand, and the creation
of conditions for such formation, on the other, is of course inacceptable. For
this reason the optimizing of sociocultural development for the Soviet nations re-
' quires attention to the questions of the birth of children and education. On this
level there must be not so much a moral (the longer the more active) but also ef- ,
fective material encouragement for the raising of children. This is also the aim of
state policy which is oriented at encouraging the birth of children. In essence,
this is the dominant and permanent policy of the Soviet state.
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'''he harmonious development of man has many social mediations. Such development of
, people from dif�erent nationalities is, in particular, hoth a condition and expres--
sion of improving internationality relations,
As a whole, r~. experience characteristic for Moldavia of establishing and develop-
ing international common-Soviet traits in the way of life of people from different
nationalities is typical for the entire nation. But typical does not mean the same.
The uniqueness in the domestic and spiritual culture of the nation's different
peoples influences their way of life and social conduct in the broad sense of this
word.
In the southern republics, from Moldavia to the Transcaucasus and particularly toward
Central Asia, the traditional standards of conduct are more apparent, particularly in
rural localities where the vestiges of the past are stronger and internationality
contacts more limited. This is ref lected in all aspects of social conduct. Even
such acti.ve f orms of social conduct as migration and social mobility are directly
correlated with the components of everyday culture. The more active the migration,
the smaller the family and vice-versa. The size of the f amily and migration from
the countryside are in an inverse dependence. The Zargest share of migrants is
among the Russians, Lithuanians, Belorussians, Latvians and Ukrainians; an average
share is found among the Kazakhs and Moldavians while the smallest is among the
peoples of the Transcaucasus and Central Asia. The indicators of social mobility,
- particularly for women, show the same correlation. The share of women performing
active production roles, like the number of migrants, is particularly high in the
~Baltic followed by the RSFSR and then Moldavia; in last place are the Central Asian
republics. For example, while in Estonia more than one-half of the production roles
requiring mental labor (in the countryside) are performec~ by women, in Moldavia the
figure is one-fifth while in ths Central Asian republics not more than 10 percent.
The average size of the family changes ir.. an inverse proportion. In Estonia where
there is the largest percentage of women employed in skilled labor, the average
family size is the smallest with 3.1, in the RSFSR it is 3.8, in Moldavia 3.9,
Uzbekistan and Turlanenia it is 5.8-6 persons, that is, the more the women employed
in skilled labor the fewer the children and the smaller the family (a correlation
of 0.96). The unique features of domestic culture in the various peoples of course
influence all aspects and all spheres of the way of life.
The resear~h has reconfirmed the unity and at the same time the national variation
of the way oi life among the Soviet peoples, the relationship and interdependence of
. its various components. With the rapid transformation of the social bases of culture
and wirh the active and ef�~ctive policy of international integration among the
peoples, national uniqueness has been preserved and this is relatively more expressed
in the cultural and domestic sphere of the way of life. The fact that, in borrowing
many values from international lif e and in acquiring international traits, people dc
not lose their national specific f eatures in the way of life contributes to their
mutual enrichment and to the broadening of the general cultural fund of the Soviet
international community. The historic transformation and internationalization of the
various aspects of the way of life do not violate the ethnic specific features which
in one or another manifestation (or one or another degree) are preserved and express-
ed in the various elements of culture.
COPYRIGHT: Izdatel'stvo "Nauka", 1980
10272
CSO: 1800/706
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NATIONAL
SOCIOLOGICAL STUDIES AID IN SELECTION OF LEADING WORKERS IN GEORGIAN SSR
Moscow OBSHCHESTVE.`.'NYYE NAUKI V SS5R: SERIYA I, PROBLEMY NAUCHNOGO KOI~iUNIZMA in
Russian No 3, May-Jun 82 pp 140-144
[Review by I. L. Vartanov of the book "Deyatel'nost' partiynykh organizatsiy po
podboru i vospitaniyu rukovodyashchikh kadrov v trudovykh kollektivakh" (Activities
of Party Organizations in Recruiting and Indoctrinating Leadership in Labor Collec-
tives) by R. D. Bugianishvili, Tbilisi, Sabchota Sakartvelo, 1981, 180 pages.]
[Text] In the party's policy of recruiting and promoting leadership personnel [exec-
utive], one of the main principles is its class nature and reliance on the working
class. Over recent decades the party has done a good deal to broaden the sphere of
use of intellectual labor in "direct production." The introduction and operation of
modern technology requires a necessary secondary and often higher education. Thus,
in Georgia around 1,400 workers with a higher education are industrial workers who
are specialists at industrial enterprises. Highly educated and politically informed
workers comprise an importan~ reserve for promoting the workers to le~dership posi-
tions. However, sociological research at three entzrprises in Tbilisi has diaclosed
that only SO percent of the persons questioned feel the constant concern of the
party organization for their professional and cultural-technical growth.
The monograph examines the most important forms and methods employed by party organ-
izatians, in particular in Georgia, for widely involving the workers in the manage-
ment of production, the state and society. These are primarily the Georgian trade
unions which are "one of the leading detachments of the Soviet trade unions" which
bring together 2,306,500 persons, including 1,250,000, or 54.2 percent of all the
trade union members, who are workers (p 32). Then come the permanent production
meetings (PDPS) concerned with the questions of improving economic activities at the
enterprises. While in Georgia in 1976 there were 2,237 PDPS including a membership
of 91,300 persons, in 1979 the analogoua indicators were 2,549 and 185,40Q persons.
Some 72.7 percent of the PDPS membership is representatives of the working class.
The scientific-technical societies (NTO) are still another effective means for in-
creasing the level of scientific-technical knowledge and production skills of the
workers. The collectives of several ma3or enterprises in the republic, including the
Rustavi Metallurgical Plant, have come forward with the initiative: "Each NTO
Council is to be a Staff for Seeking Out Production Reserves." This initiative sup-
ported by the Georgian Communist Party [GCP] Central Committee has brought good re-
sults. For example, in the republic in 1978, more than 30,000 workers participated
in rationalization and invention work and the total economic effect from the intro-
duction of the inventions and rationalization proposals was around 65 million rubles.
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I,~ i~i~�re:.?sInK the creative activene~s of the workers an important role is also played
I~y "~n:~kin~; e~1ch worker aware of the que~stions of the state of production and the
pr~5p~cts of its development" (p 39). In the author's opinion, where these ques-
tions have been raised to the proper level, labor and social activeness among the
workers is much higher. In desiring to demonstrate the interdependence of these
parameters, the researcher has given the results of questions asked by him at the
following enterprises: Elektrovozostroitel' [E~ectric Locomotive Builder], Stanko-
stroitel' [Machine Toll Builder) and the aviation plant. To the question: "Does
the leader sufficiently inform you about production and the prospects of its de-
velopment?" Affirmative answers were given, respectively, by 82.6, 76.8 and 85.3
percent. To the second question of whether the immediate leader provided help to
the ~~orkers in elaborating technical and economic feasibility studies and carrying
out socialist obligations, personal plans for increasing labor productivity and im-
proving product quality, an affirmative reply was given by 67.8 percent of the per-
sons questioned at Elektrovozostroitel', 65.7 percent at Stankostroitel' a:~ ?8.5
percent at the aviation plant. Finally, to the third question of "Does your imme-
diate leader listen to your proposals and critical comments and does he respon~i cor-
rectly to them?" For the corresponding three enterprises, 84.3, 85.4 and 85 percent
of the persons questioned replied affirmatively.
The monogrnph emphasizes that the admission of leading workers to the party is "an
unique but very important step for involving the best trained of them in managerial
activities and is a necessary prerequisite for forming leading workers from them"
(pp 45-46).
The training and promoting of workers to the leadership of party and production
bodies remains a leading trend in party cadre policy. The Plenum of the GCP Central
Committee in July 1976 pointed out that over the 3 years preceding the plenum alone,
in the republic 546 workers had been promoted to leadership positions in the party
raykoms and gorkoms. Sociolotical surveys among the low- and middle-leaders at the
Tbilisi Elektrovozostroitel' and Stankostroitel' enterprises and at the aviation
plant indicated that, res~e~tively, 16.7, 27.4 and 30.1 percent of the persons ques-
tioned had begun work as ordinary workers. Here is visual confirmation, the author
says, that the leaders of the party, soviet and economic bodies are not only a tech-
nocratic "elite," as certain bourgeois ideologists assert, but are "the best, most
talented and competent representatives of the working class and the people as a
whole" (p 53).
In the monograph much attention is given to tile question of training and indoctrinat-
ing a leadership reserve. The work describes the experience of the Tbilisi GCP
Gorkom. "The search for candidates to hol.d as a reserve for the position of the
gorkom nomenclature upon the assi.gnment of the gorkom secretary was carried out by
the gorkom section which scouted the given sector (p 86). Then the organization
sector was involved in a preliminary examination of the selected candidates, inves-
tigating among other questions, such ones as the composition of closest relatives,
their occupation, attitude toward labor and to state discipline and so forth. In
the next stage, when the candidates were included in the reserve, there was a"test-
ing for the actual suitability of the candidate for working f.n the positions of the
gorkom nomenclature. Along with an assessment of the professional and political
qualities there was a"study of the way of life of the candidate, his relations
~ with the leadership and comrades of equal rank.... con duct in t he fam i ly and in
cveryday life and the determining of his moral quallties" (p 87). After this, there
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Cullowed a series of trial training periods in responsible work (over a certain
period of time), with the next stage of establishing the public opinion about the
candidate (the questioning of superior leaders, subordinates, leaders of public or-
ganizations and so forth) and, finally, the examination and approval of the candi-
date ~s a reserve of the party gorkom at a session of the party committee or buresu
or at a meeting of the al~tiv or collective where the given candidate was directly em~
ployed.
According to the author, "the creation of a viable reserve for promotion is not only
a personnel problem but also a social one organically linked to the creation of a
good n~oral-psychological climate" in the labor collective (p 95). Practice confirms
that if a worker is confident in the prospects of his growth and in obtaining "more
respor.sible work" in time, he will not leave the enterprise. Thus, the problems of
stability and the grawth of leading personnel are solved more successfully.
The periodic certification of leading, engineer and technical workers and other spe-
cialists is also an effective means. At the same time certification activates the
involver.rent of the labor collectives (in the person of its representar_ives) in per-
sonnel work. In Georgia, definite~experi_ence in studying and forming a personnel
reserve has been acquired in this manner. From the results of the conducted certifi-
cation in the republic, of the 108,000 specialists more than 91 percent were 3udged
as suitable for the positions held, around 3 percent were recommended by the commis-
sions for a promotion while an insignif icant portion was considered unfit for the
position held. At the ministries and associations of the Georgian Ministry of Light
Industry they have introduced "a new scientifically based procedure for evaluating
the professional qualities of the employees" (p 109). Thus, a leader who has under-
gone certification is graded for 22 criteria using tests which define his i,deological-
political level (5 criteria), professional competence (6 criteria), attitude toward
work (4 criteria) and organizational abilities (7 criteria). Characteristically, the
author notes, even in the course of certification carried out in this manner every-
where they noted a strengthening of production discipline and increased activity and
responsibility of the persons being certified for the assigned job.
The GCP Central Committee gives unflagging attention to the Marxist-Leninist and eco-
nomic education of the personnel. However, in the republic only 14 percent of the
higher level leaders and 25 percent of the middle level are engaged in improving
their skills, while more than 3,000 leaders (from the deputy ministers to the direc-
tors of large republic enterprises) virtually are not improving their skills. In
the aim of eliminating these shortcomings in the republic, an Institute for National
Economic Management under the Georgian State Cummittee for Science and Technology
has been set up. In working in close contact with the Academy for the USSR National
Economy, the institute should improve the skills of the higher level executives on
a basis of modern programs and advanced forms and methods of instruction.
As a whole the work of the repub lic party organizations to improve the skills of the
middle- and lower-level management personnel is carried out in three areas. The
firs~ is to increase the educational level of the leaders who do not have a higher
or specialized secondary education. The second is to have the leadership with a
higher or specialized secondary education master such areas of knowledge as econom--
ics, the scientific organization of labor, production management, labor law, psy-
chology, pedagogics and so forth. The third is the constant updating of the leaders'
knowledge during all their professional activities.
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NATIONAL
~
- INTEREST IN ' NOBLE' ANCESTORS MUST BE ~OIrBATTED
Moscow OBSHCHESTVENNYYE NAUKI V SSSR: SERIYA I, PROBLF.MY NAUCliNOGO KOMMUNIZMA in
Russian No 3, May-Jun 82 pp 166-167
_ [Revie~. by I. L. Vartanov of the article by R. Kosolapov "Current Affairs Journalism
and Ideological-Moral Indoctrination" in the book "Gorizonty publitsistiki: opyt i
problemy" (The Horizons of Current Affairs Journalism: Experience and Problems) com-
piled by V. K. Arkhipenko with an editorial board of P. F. Aleksayev and others,
Moscow, 1981, pp 6-24J
[Excerpt] Strict succession and consistency and the forming of collectivism against
individualism are a most important task in party current affairs journalism. It is
particularly important to remember this now when certain unpleasant trends are begin-
ning to appear. Thus, in certain circles of the intelligentsia we can observe a
craze "to seek out amo ng one's ancestors persons of aristocratic origin" (p 20).
There has also been a gravitating toward the rehabilitation of odious individuals.
"Prince Kurbskiy and Nicholas I--good patriots? Salieri did not poison Mozart? Even
a moral opposing of the image of Salieri to the image of Mozart from the viewpoint
of indoctrination is more precious than disclosing any specific criminal deeds..."
(Ibid. ) .
Current affairs journalism also should not overlook attempts at a positive compar-
ison b etw een small-scale production and large-scale production; this trend can also
be traced both in the "village prose" and also partially in science and practice.
The process of indoctrinating the new Soviet man presupposes a decisive struggle
against such a negative phenomenon as self-interest and money grubbing. It is no
secret that same people derive their material prosperity from "not completely social-
ist sources" and this gives rise to cynicism. Consequently, the task is to achieve
the shaping of reasonable needs among which "a growing need for labor" would play
the dominant role.
The ideological struggle is a most essential concern in party current affairs journal-
ism. The author cautions that detente at no stage provides a pretext for euphoric
moods or the dulling of class awareness. In the dispute against Western opponents it
is essential to firmly show the inevitable demise of capitalism as a hopeless system
and, on the other hand, to bring out the prospects and advantages of socialism.
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In the absurd dispute about thF: "rights of man," Western ideologiats endeavor to
force us, the suthor writea, '.nto a poaition of inferiority. "Our task ia to drive
- them into a poaition of inf.zriority and b~e a mirror for the perversions of capital-
' ism" (pp 22-23).
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- NATIONAL
~
TELEVISED PRESS CONFERENCES BY SOVIET LEADERS USEFUL FOR PROPAGANDA EFFORT
Moscow OBSHCHESTVENNYYE NAUKI V SSSR: SERIYA I, Pt~OBLEMY NAUCHNOGO KOMMUNIZMA in
Russian No 3, May-Jun 82 pp 172-173 ~
[Review by I. L. Vertanov of the article "Invade Life," by I. Brodskiy in the book
"Gorizonty publitsistiki: opyt i problemy" (The Horizons of Current Affairs Journal-
isa~: Experience and Problems), ^ompiled by V. K. Arkhipenko; editorial collective
P. F. Alekseyev, et al, Moscow, 1981, pp 200-206]
[Excerpt] We, I. Brodskiy says, see our task in using the television and radio
broadcasting media for "actively invading life," to eradicate the negative phenomena
in it and thereby make it better and brighter. The central place in many TV and
radio broadcasts (the author is the chairman of the Sverdlovskaya Oblast Committee
for Television and Radio Broadcasting) is held by the problems of morality and
morals. Practice confirms that a broadcast is successful precisely when "that hot,
'painful' point has been chosen for it, that urgent moral problem which cannot help
but touch a raw nerve because it is universal and concerns and excit~~ people"
(p 204). This can be achieved in television press conferences which involve, on
the one hand, the TV viewers and, on the other, the lead~rs of the party and soviet
bodies. There has been a great propaganda tn that from such series of broadcasts as
"We Answer Your Letters," "The Juvenile, a Difficult Situation" and "A Frank Talk"
or on the radio "Evening Talk." The main thing in such broadcasts is a delicate and
psychologically convincing analysis of characters, events and facts. Only in this
instance, in the author's opinion, can the reader or listener himself correlate what
he has heard and seen with his own experience in life and draw the necessary moral
conclusion which has been "preprogrammed by the ~ournalist." Thi~s requires that the
TV and radio commentator find the most vivid images, the most expressive words and be
! "quite an artist." "Artistry, as TV practice indicates, is a necessary property for
a commen~ator" (pp 205-206). This is that measure of emotional and expressive feel-
ing, the "organicness and charm" without which any depth of thought, the author em-
phasizes, remains in vain, a"thing in itself."
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NATIONAL
NEW BOOK ON CAREER VALUES OF SOVIET STUDENTS
Moscow OBSHCHESTVENNYYE NAUKI V SSSR: SERIYA I, PROBLEMY NAU~HNOGO K~lUNIZMA in
Russian No 3, May-Jun 82 pp 120-127
[Review by P. I. Shlemin of the book "Sovetskoye studenchestvo: sotsiologicheskiy
ocherk" (The Soviet Students. Sociological Sketch) by L. Ya. Rubina, Moscaw, Mysl',
1981, 207 pp]
(Excerpt] The third chapter is "Socioprofessional Orientation of the Student
Youth." The life plans link the sub3ective aspect of the process inwolved in repro-
J ducing society's social structure with the objective situation. Here the total of
individual aspirations daes not always adequately reflect the social needs of
society.
Results of sociological research have shown that the decision to obtain a higher
education was taken 3-4 and more years prior to admisaion to the WZ in 52.7 per-
cent of the respondents questioned in 1973 and 49.2 percent in 1977. However, one-
third of the students decided this question a year or less before (p 84). However,
one-third of the students made their final profeasional choice during the year be-
fore admiss-~on, and 11.6 percent directly in submitting their documents to the WZ.
Consequently, "initially the plan is formed for a certain social poaition and then
for a profe4sion which will ensure this" (p 87). The conformity of the future
specialty to abilities and interesting work were mentioned as the predominant
motives for admission to a WZ. Such reasons as the lack of other choices," "the
proximity of the WZ to the place of residence" and "the availability of a dormi-
tory" described those students whose plans had assumed a correspondi~:g focus a year
or less before admission to the WZ. This motivation can also be explained by the
attitude toward higher education as a means of self-improvement and development
of the personality. But the main reason is the uncertainty of personal plans ex-
pressed in the desire to continue studying.
Deviations from the mean indicators in planning activities for the period of studies
among students from different social groups were disclosed only in the plans for
founding a family. Among students coming from peasant families such intentions
were absent. On the other hand, they had a much stronger interest in social work
which ~~as clearly insufficient among children coming from white collar personnel.
As a whole, the life plans of the graduates, in comparison with the first-year
students, were less linked to the three-WZ experiences and social affiliation.
The VUZ milieu shapes the socialist attitude toward labor. Among a ma~ority of
~ 30
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students in aiming at the position of a specialist there was a predominance of a
high assessment of professional activity, its content and opportunities for the
creative development of the individual. Only in a few plans could one see a"in-
strumental" attitude toward labor. An awareness of a humanistic role o� education
was rather high and widespread (among 26 percent of the respondents). Such a vieW
is generally justified. At the same time, it "is related to an underestimation of
the production-economic function which at present is of the greatest significance... a
(p 101). The gradual reorientation of the youth from study in a WZ as the basic
type of activity in life to study as a means of professional training is essential
in the aim of shaping a communist attitude toward labor.
The differences surviving.among the students at the moment of completing the W Z
basically have not a social origin but rather are determined by factors of the pro-
~ fessional and skill division of labor within the intelligentsia.
Among the costs of VUZ training and planning one must put the facts at virtually
one-half the graduates from the agricultural and pedagogical WZes work in positions
not corresponding to their education. The graduates of universities are not willing
to work in schools and the turnover rate is high. At the same time, a certain lack
of a scientific and general educational viewpoint was noted in the graduates of the
~ pedagogical institutes and a lower degree of satisfaction with their labor. Only
30 percert of the engineers work in the specialty acquired during years of study
(p 121). Diploma specialists do not show any particular interest in working as pro-
duction leaders.
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NATIONAL
NEW BOOK ON ADMINISTRATION OF MIGRATION PATTERNS
Moscow OBSHCHESTVENNYYE NAUKI V SSSR: SERIYA I, PROBLFI~lY NAUCHNOGO KO~IlriUNIZMA in
Russian No 3, May-Jun 82 pp 71-78
[Review by P. I. Shlemin of the book "Rasseleniye naseleniya: (Osnovnyye, ponyatiya
i metody)" (The Migration of the Population ~Basic Concepts and Methods)) by
B. S. Khorev and S. G. Smidovich, Moscaw, Finansy i Statistika, 1981, 192 pages.]
[Excerpt] The aim of controlling migration processes in the USSR is to improve the
existing network of settlements and form the unified settlement system (YeSR) of a
communist society which would create uniformly favorable conditions for the life of
the population in various regions of the nation. The basic tasks in the control of
3 migration consists of the following: the most rational support for the planned
location of production with a network of population points of different types and
sizes; increasing the eff ectiveness of the setttlement system, and particularly in-
- creasing the share of the most promising cities with a population from 50,000 to
500,000 persons, the forming of the agroindustrial complexes and the reconstructing
of the settlement network; providing max~mum conveniences for the population; im-
proving the regional settlement systems and creating the prerequisites for the for-
mation of a natiornaide YeRS.
The shortcoming of the conglomeration theory, in the opinion of the authors, is
that it presupposes the intensi~ied development of conglomerations over the long run
outside the specific socioeconomic conditions and views a conglomeration as the only
effective form of urban settlement, without taking into account also the unfavorable
ecological consequences of the excessive growth of the conglomerations. Under
Soviet conditions, "it is essential to work not for the maximum development of the
conglomerations but rather for their planned control, viewing them as one of the
forms of territorial settlement systems within the limits of the scheme for socio-
economic zoning" (p 114).
The settlement system is ultimately detarmined by *_':.a development level of the pro-
ductive forces. The more rapid growth of the latter in industry to a signif icant
degree has caused the rapid growth of the network of cities, the increasing of their
averag~ sizes, the appearance of conglomerations and the accelerated development of
the urban type settlements. At the same time, the forms of rural settlement have
chang~:~ much more slowly and the level of providing the rural population with a pro-
ducti~~n and domestic infrastructure is lower than i.n the city. From 1917 through ,
1977, 3-fold more funds were invested in indut~try per worker than in agriculture,
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while in the nonproduction sphere 11-fold more was spent per urban dweller than per
rural inhabitant (p 123).
The task of reconstructing rural settleinents is complicated by the sharp decline in
the total number of rural population and the number of rural settlements, by the
small size of the settlements, by the lack of the essential link in the development
of the cities and rural population points and by essential regional features of
rural settlement. Thus, in 1980, the size of the nation's rural population was 9J
percent of the 1959 number (p 125). Only in 5 percent of the rural settlements dic~
the number of inhabitants exceed 1,000 persons. A large portion of the nation's
territory is outside the zone of inf luence of the large cities. Not mors than 15
percent of the rural population lives within the limits of a 2-hour gross accessi-
bility of the city centers (p 127). Dissatisfaction with living conditions in the
countryside leads to a situation where in certain rayons the outflow of migrants ex-
ceeds the economically justified outflow of the population from agriculture. Obvi-
ously without solving the labor resource problems in the cities, it is impossib le to
solve the labor resource problem in rural localities. Urbanization in certain re-
gions still outstrips the economic development of the countryside.
The authors note with satisfaction the decision of the USSR Gosgrazhdanstroy [State
Committe~~ for Civil Construction and Architecture] to refuse to divide rural popula-
tion poi.nts into promising and unpromising. Such a division which was practiced up
to 1980 led merely to the unjusti.fied migration of inhabitants of the "unpromising"
villages to the cities.
The fif th chapter is entitled "The Territorial Mob ility of the Population." This
concept is used to designate the aggregate of moves by reople with any degree of
duration as well as linked and not linked to a change in the place of residence onc~
the place of employment. According to the functional feature, the territorial mo-
bility of the people is divided into labor, cultural-domestic, official trips and
recreational. In terms of time it is divided into return (back-and-forth) and non-
return (resettlement). "The various forms of the migration mobility of the popula-
tion are unified by the co~onness of their position in the system of the territor-
ial division of labor'.' (p 135). In keeping with social progress, the migration
movement more and more becomes a socioeconomic necessity and as a whole increases.
The measures taken administratively to restrain various migration moves can tempo-
rarily limit the nature and quantitative manifestation of this law but not elimi:tate
the law itself.
Back-and-forth migration is of special significance. It is caused, on the one hand,
by the scarcity of labor resources, by the rapid growth in the number of ~obs out-
side agriculture, by their concentration in the cities, by the attractiveness of
working in cities for rural inhabitants, by the availability in the cities of pro-
fessions which are not prestigious for the inhabitants of the given city and by the
insufficient rate of housing construction in the cities; on the other, by the de-
velopment of all types of transportation. The back-and-forth migration contributes
to a rise in the material and educational level of the rural population, it creates
conditions for raising its social mob ility and familiarizes them with the urban way
of lif e. At the same time it sustains the extensive development of the economy, it
worsens the qualitative structure of the labor resources at the points where the
back-and-forth migrants live, it aggravates the problem of transport and other serv-
ices in the cities and as a whole increases the load on the most developed centers.
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In 1975, the national indicator for back-and-forth migration was 54 percent and this
exceeds the 1965 indicator by 1.5-fold. In Central Asia, Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan,
the indicator of back-and-forth migration has varied from 11 to 30 percent and in .
the Baltic from 82 to 108 percent (p 145). The rural settlements in the zone of
back-and-forth migration are population points with the best demographic indicatttte
and with good prospects for development. At the same time, the back-and-forth
migrants represent a necessary structural element of the city.
The concluding, sixth chapter is devoted to the basic concepts ia a formalized de-
scription of population settlement.
~
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