JPRS ID: 10688 USSR REPORT POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS

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JPRS L/ 10688
27 July 1982
USSR Re ort
p
POLIT~CAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS
CFOUO 27/82)~
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NOTE
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Unfamiliar names rendered phonetirally or transliterated are
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~ ,
~ J~RS L~10688
27 auly 1982
~
~
~
USSR R~PORT
POLITI~:AL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS
(FOUO 27/82)
; CONT~N7S
;
NATIONAL
Guide to Russian Personal Names Is Reissued
(N. A. Petrovskiy; SLOVAR' RUSSKIKH LICHNYKH
IMEN, 1980) 1
Drobizehva Volume on Nature, Consequences of National
Identities in Soviet Society
(OBSHCEHSTVENNYYE NAUKI V SSSR: SERIYA I, PROBLEMY
~ NAUCHNOGO KOMMUNIZMA, No 3, Ma,y-Jun 82) 13
Soviet Way of Life Exhibit at Ethnographic Museum I
(Editorial Report) 17
Increased Worker Participation in Management Seen
(Yu. A. Krasin; VOPRaSY FILOSOFII, No 4, Apr 82) 18
New Book on Transformation of Kazakh Countryside
(OBSHCHESTVENNYYE NAUKI V SSSR: SERIYA I, PROBLEMY
NAUCHNOGO KOMMUNIZMA, No 3, May-Jun 82) 33
- a - [III - USSR - 35 FOUO]
FOR OFFICIAL t1SF. nNT.V ~
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~
NATIONAL
~
GUIDE TO RUSSIAN PERSONAL NAMES IS REISSUID
Moscow SLOVAR' RUSSKIKH LICHNYKH Il~lEN in Russian 1980 pp 4-~12, I4-21
~bstract, editor's note and author's preface from book "Dictionary of R~:ssian
Personal Names" by N.A. Petrovskiy, second edition, stereotype reprint,
Izdatel'stvo "Russkiy yazyk, 384 pages7 ,
/Excerpts~j This dictionary contains about 2,600 Russian personal n~mes. Included
with them are patronymic forms, derived d'uni.nutives and forms of endearment, as
well as information on the origin of the name.
The dictionary is addressed to those who are interested in the history, develop-
ment and use of personal names. It will also be of use to special:scs in philology
and to people who are ~tudying Russian as a non-native or foreign language.
Editor's Note
The publication of this second edition of the dictionary results from the interest
expressed by our readers in issues related to the use of Russian personal names,
their origin, correct spelling, formation of diminutive and patr~nymic forms, etc.
Inasmuch as this edition appear.s after the author's death, the di~tionary, as
well as the author's preface to it, are printed without any changes.
The dictionary was created on the basis of a large card index of Russian personal
names, which N.A. Petrovskiy collected over a period of abQUt 20 years. By virtue
of the scope of Lhe material, the dictionary goes beyond the practical indices
of personal names. The dictionary presents names which have largely gone out
of use, as well a~ names which are commonly used today among Russians: old
Russian names, Christian first names, names created during the Soviet era and
names borrowed from various l~nguages.
Witnin the area of Russian personal names there are still quite a few controversial,
unresolved questions, for example, in the qualification of some names, in the
various forms :,f a name, etc.
To a certain degree the dictionary reflects the individual views of the author
concerning the system of present-day Russian personal names (i.n particular, he
has devoted a great deal of space to rare a.nd archaic names, and he has defined
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certain modern passport forms as colloq~�ial, etc.). For this reason the present
dictionary cannot be viewed as a reference book which establishes norms or raakes
recommendations to be followed.
~ Author's Preface to the First Edition
To the unforgettable memor.q of my parents, Aleksandx-
Vladimirovich Petrov and Anna Nikolayevna Petrova, I
dedicate my work.
What should a new-born child be called? This question concerns manp parents.
In prerevolutionary times the question of a name was resolved simply. The
registration of new-born children was carried out only by the church, where zhe
rite of christening took place. Thus, no bhild went unchristenad, even if his
parents weLe non-believers.
What kind of names were given then? In the Russian Orthodox Church there were
(and are today) special books or church calendars. For every day of every
mont~? the calendar contained the names of the saints which the church honored on
that day. Before the christening service the priest suggested a choice of
several names which were mentioned in the church calendar for the baby's birthday.
And there the matter usually ended.
Why were there so many NAN's in old Russia? For the suaple reason that the name
IVAN (IOAI~T) is mentioned 170 ti.mes ) i.n the complete church calendar, i.e.,
almost every other day.
It is true that sometimes the priest made concessions and at the request of the
parents gave the child a different name, one which was not mentioned in the Church
calendar on the given day. This is why a*~ame which was rarely mentioned
in the church calendar was someti.mes enc~untered quite ~frequently in ~real
life. For example, the Slavic names VEBA (Faith), NADE2HDA (Hope) and L'YUB9~'
(Love) were given to children frequently despite the fact that VERI~ is mentioned
in the calendar only two tunes in.the year and NAD~LHDA and LY[i'bAV'' only one time
each.
But, in any case, a child could only be given a nama which was found in the calendar.
No "free-thinking" was allowed.
After the Great October Soc:ialist Revolution psrents were in a different position.
Departments for the recording of acts of civil status (2AGS's) began to carry
out the registration of new-borns, and parents could now choose any names an
old (formerly church) name, a borrowed'name (Polish, German, etc.) or, finally, ,
they could ~ven make up a new name.
Given a free choice of names, parents sometimes gave their children strange, unusual
rames. We knaw about 3,000 new or borrowed names whi~h, with the rare exception,
will never become established on Russian soil. They. include such names as
DUB (Oak), BEREZA (Birch), GVOZDIItA (Carnation), SIREN' (Li]..a.c). Nearly all
the elements of Mendelev's periodic table. are included heres RADIY (Radium),
VANADIY (Vanadium), VOL'FRAM (Wolfram), IRIDIY,(Iridium), RUTINIY (Ruthenium)
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etc. as well as the minerals GRANIT .(Granite) and RUBIN (Ruby). The following
categories were used as personal names: geographical designations (ALTAY, GIMALIY,
KAZBIIC, ARARAT, VOLGA, ONEGA, AMUR, KAUR, etc.); all the names of the months,
beginning with Januaz�y and ending with December; mathematical terms and technical
- names such as MEDIAN (Median), RADIAN (Radian), GIPOTF~TUZA (Hypotenuse), ALGEBRINA
- (Albegra), TRAKTOR (Tractor), TURBINA (Turbine), DRE2 Il'lA (Trolley), DI2EL' (~iesel),
KOMBAI'N (Combine), etc.
Niany names were formed from revolutionary slogans, names of institutions, etc.
For example IltKI (bcecutive Committee of thE Cor,~munist Internationale), ROBLEN
(Born t.o be a Leninist), RIIrIIZE1N (World Revolution Has Begun), REWOLA (Revolutionary
Wave), REVDIT (Revolutionary Child), LORIKIItIK (Lenin, October Revolution, Indus-
trialization, Collectivization, Electrification, Radio Installation and Communism),
LORIEKS (Lenin, October Revoluti~n, Industrialization, Electrification, Collectivi-
zation, Socialism).
And there is no need to talk about such unpleasant sounding names as TSAS (Central
Pharmaceutic al Warehouse), GLASP (Main Alcohol Administration), RAYTIYA (Regional
Typography) and similar names.
The influx of foreign names has grown stronger in past-revolutionary times. Names
borrowed from various n~.tionalities are encountered: ROBERT, ROMUAL'D, RUDOL'F,
RICHARD, ZHOZEFINA, IDUARD, ERIK, ZHANNA, etc.
Names made of two and even several words are appearing BELAYA NOCH' (White Night),
ARTILLERIYSKAYA AKADII~IIYA (Artillery Academy), SERP I MOLOT (Hammer and Sickle),
ZHAN-POL' MARAT (Jean Paul Marat), DOGNAT-PEREGNAT (from the slogan of the 1930's
"Catch up and Overtake America"). In his article "Zovut zovutkoy" L.V. Uspenskiy
cites examples of girl's names such as VII,IKIY RABOCHIY (Great Worke~(:) and TSVET
VISHNEVOGO DEREVA V MAYE (Blossom of the Cherry Tree in May).
There is another type of name, which the author calls, perhaps not too successfully,
"parental." The parents MIICHAIL and OL'GA have a son MIOL' and a daughter MIOLINA,
while VLADIMIR and YEKATERINA have three daughters: VLADIKATRA, VLENA and VEKA, etc.
Finally, there are names taken from words read backwards: N INEL~ from Lenin and
AVKSOMA from ~Joskva (Moscow).
Sorne parents became carried away with foreign names and forgot that these names
often sound discordant when combined with a Russian patronymic and family name.
Some examples are GARRI SErIENOVICH POPOV, DIaNA KRNONOGOVA, ROBERT OVECHKIN,
RED ALEKSEYE~'ICH.
Sometimes r.he "revolutionary" names also are put in_to a similar type of unfortunate
combination, for example, REVOLYUTSIYA KUZ'MINICHNA. Some parents love to give
their da~ighter.s the diminut~ive rather than the full form of a name. They may
register the following names at ZAGSs LYUSYA, IRA, INA, RITA, NATA, etc. When
the bearers of these names are still children, this does not sound too bad. But
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soon Nata has finished the WZ and becom� a teacher, AGA has become a physician
and RITA an engineer. And how ridiculous it w.i11 sound to have a teacher called
NATA PETROVNA or a famous surgeon LENA ROMANOVNA, or even better, Professor
LYU3YA KONDRAT''YEVNA KONDAKOVA:
But the fate, after all, of a majority of these names is the sasnes the bearer
of such a name grows up and considers changing ito
- We must not fail to mention the so-called fashion in names. It seeras that even the
prettiest names lose their charm if they are encounteredtpo frequently. A teacher,
S.N. Uvarova, from the villa~e of Korostovo in Ryazanskaya Oblast, writes that
"out of 23 girls who completed the seven-year school in 1955, there were I7
NINA's: In the last twa years baby ~irls in this village have been named
ei ther TANYA or NADYA. The exceptions are rare. At various times the followi.ng
boys' names have been very fashionable: VALERIY, GENNADIY, IGOR', GLEB, VSEVOLOD,
and VADIti. And this is not only in the villages. The same thi.ng is discussed
in the papers of Leningrad and other cities. ~
Is there a necessity to follow blindly the example of others when there is such
a wealth of Russian names?
OnP would like to caution parents in their desire to give a child an unusual
name. This leads to the appea~ance nf bizarre names unusual for a Russian person
and, as a rule, it does not subsequently bring joy .to the child. It is difficult
to recommend names, as the choice of a name is determined by the taste of the
parents. But old Russian names such as PETR, ALEKSANDR, KONSTANTIN, NAN,
MARIYA, etc. deserve attention first of all. Although we borrowed these names
from the Greeks in the distant past, they have existed on Russian soil for nearly
1,000 years and they have been Russified, giving rise to a large numb~r of
derivative forms.
In addition to the so-called canonical names, quite a few old Russian and
Slavic names have come into use i.n our country. They i.nclude, for example,
BORIMIR, BORIcLAV, MSTISLAV, PERESVET, SVETOZAR, SVYATOSLAV, DOBROSLAVA, MILO -
SLAVA, VSEMILA, LYUBOMIR, etc.
F inally, certain new names which are successful formulations have also taken
hold and can be recommended. These are the well-known names VLADILEN, VLADILENA,
NINEL' and others.
The history of Russian names and their e~ymology has i.nterested philological
scholars, both Russian ar_d foreign, for many years. Many individual works and
articles about names have been written and pririted in various periodical
publicatian.~. ~n especially large amount of attention has been devoted to the
etymology of Russian names of Slavic origin and of purely Russian names.
With regard to the origin of the latter, the pages of philolog.ical journals in
the 19th century contained discussa.ons which frequently took on a political
coloration. But even now one cannot consider g~3 the questions raised here to
be solved, and it can be said that Russian names are an open field of activity
for philologists.
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_ .
Several dictionaries of Russian personal names exist in Russian literature. The
"Slavyanskiy imenoslov, ili sobraniye slavyanskikh lichnykh imen v alfavitnom
poryadke" (The Slavic List of Names or Collection of Slavic Personal Names in
Alphabetical Order), compiled by a priest, M. Ya. Moroshkin (St. Petersburg, 1867),
and "Slovar' drevnerusskikh lichnykh sobstvennykh imen" (Dictionary of Ancient
Russian Personal Names) by M.N. Tupikov (Saint Petersburg, 1903), have not last
their academic significance today.
In our times.two small dictionaries of Russia.n first names by L,V. Uspenskiy
have appeared: "Kak vashe imya?"(What is Your Name?), Leningrad, 1939, and
'"Chto oznachayet vashe i.mya?" (What Does Your Name Mean?), Leningrad, 1940 . The
number of names which they contain is not large.
In the Ul:raine the "Ukrainsko-russkiy i russko-ukrainskiy slovar ' sobstvennykh
imen lyudey" (The Ukrainian-Russian and Russian-Ukraininan Dictionary of
People's Personal Na.mes, Kie~~, 1952) was published; it was compiled along the lines
of a dictionary-index. The second edition of this dictionary, which came out in
1961, "Slovnik vlasnikh imen lyudey" (Dictionary of People's Personal Names), contains
about 1,400 names. A book by A. Ugryumov, "Russkiye imena�' (Russian Names) came
out quite recently: it contains a short dicticmary of Russian first natnes. Also
published recently in the USSR Academy of Sciences scientific-popular series is
the work of A.V. Superanskaya "Kak vas zovut? Gde vy zhivete?" (What Is Your I~Ta,me?
- Where Do You Live?), Moscow, 1964.
This dictionary, which is offered far the attention of the reader, consists of
a collection of first names encountered in Russian families. These names differ
in their origin.
Several strata can be found in the system of present-day Russian names:
1. Old Christian names, which came to ancient Russia wi~h the adoption of
Christianity; these are names canonized by the church. These names differ in
- their origins: Latin, Greek, ancient Hebrew, Arabic. They comprise the foundation
of pre:~ent-day Russian names.
Before the a3option of Christianity the Russians had names which were given to
a person on the basis of some feature, either external or internal, characteristic
of that person; the na~mes came from the names of animals or plants, or they reflected
the order in which new members of the family appeared and the person's relation�
to r.hem. For example, KOSOY (Cross-Eyed), RYf?B03~ (Pock-~aarRed), BEL (White-haired),
MAL (Short), BUYAN (Brawler), MOLCHAN (Silent), LYUBIM (Beloved), ZHDAN (One Who
Waits), VOLK (Wo]f), ZAYATS (Hare), PERIIUSHA (First-Born), TRET'YAK (Third-Born),
_ etc. There were al.so names of a different type, princely names which arose on
~an-Slavic or Russian soil: YAROSLAV, VSEVOLOD, VLADIMIR, gUDIMIR, etc.
Wirh the adopr.ion of Christianity and the appearance of new, Christian names,
tt~~~ old names gradually became nicknames and eventually were crowded out by
ttie new names (in Che I7th century); today they are recalled only in last names
YVOLKOV, ZAYTSEV, etc.). S ince the appearance~mf the Christian first names in
the language, significant changes have taken place in the set of these names
as they settled into uses some names went out of use complete~y, others
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were crowded into the backgro~md bp thei-_ own derivative forms, etc. For example,
there are in the language a) names which have not .tmdergone any substantial
changes and a're in cot~on use at the present ti.mes ANATOLIY, VADIM, KONSTANTIN,
etc.~ b) names which at one ti.me were popular, colloquial forms of CY~istian
names, but which subsequently became established as certificate nr passport names
(their old forms are preserved only in the sphere of church use)s SERGEY, ALFKSEY,
SIIr1EN instead of SIItGIY, ALIIGSIY, SIMEOH,. etc.; c). archaic riatnes which are
hardly used at alls YELEZOY, FEOGNID, IAI~.IICH, FAVST, ZO~ROVAVII.~, etc.
2. Old Russian and Slavic (pan-Slavic o.r names which were or are in currency in
one or two groups of Slavic languages)s VANDA, VERA, VLADIl"IIR, VLADISLAV,
LYUBOMIR and others.
3. New names, which have appeared since the October Revolution: VLADII.~EN, VILIId,
REVMIR, etc.
4. Names borrowed from the European languages (mainlq since the October Revolution):
ZHANNA, IZOL'DA, MARTA, ARTUR, etc.
~ These strata reflect the history of present-day Russian names as theq developed
with the adoption of Christianity in acient Russia,
The compiler of this dictionary has set himself the following taskss
1. To establish the natnes which are widely used i.n Russian families in our times,
both Russian as well as names borrowed from other languages.
2. To show those old names which have survived to our times only in the forms of
patronymics or have only individual live bearers. These names, selected with
care by the author on the basis of data fr~~m the card index, which establishes
the living bearers, can serve as interestYtig material for the philologist engaged
in onomastics. They show how the set of names used by Russian families changes
from century to century.
3. To show the history of the appear~ce of a present-day certificate name and th~~
- diversity of forms of a particular name. The dictirnary establishes the present-~day
certificate (passport~form of the name, as well as the popular, colloquial and
everyda,y (simple speech) forms, and the old canonical form. The juxtaposition
of the present-day certificate forms and the old canonical forms reveals the
link between the various forms of a name in the present-day Russian langua.ge,
and it elimin ates confusion in the understanding of names. For example, the
dictionary shoWS that some of the old canonical names.are to this day living,
certificate names: .9I.II~SANDR, KONSTANTIN, YELENA. Another group of canonical
forms has b:en crowded out by their colloquial alternatives. These colloqui.al
alternatives have become present-day certificate namess ALEKSEY instead of
ALEKSIY, SERGEY instead of S IItGIY. The history of the name and the present-day
relationship of the various forms of that name in the language are provided
directly in the dictionary article. At the same time great Significance is
attributed to the order of distribution of forms and the features which
characterize t~em.
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4. To zstablish the basic i.nfortnation about a natne: the forms of the patronymic,
the derivatives, the etymology, and to determine the frequency of use of a name
and its distribution.
5. To provide the corre ct orthographical version of the name, and the correct st'reee
for all of its forms.
The names which are cited in the dictionary should not be viewed as a~remm~ended
list of Russian names. T:ie goal of the dictionary is broader, Anyune choosing
a name for his or her child or who is s~nmply interested in names may obtain from
the dictionary detailed information about the name which he needss whether it
is new or old, rare or common, Russian in origin or borrowed, and fi.nally whether
it is the certificate (passport) form of the name.
This dictionary must be a"test" dictionary of Russian personal names. It is
a"test" primarily because the dictionary does not contain all the material
collected by the author. In addition, the publication of the dictionary must
approve the pri.nciples for the presentation of material which are realized i.n the
dictionary, principles which stem from an understanding of the system of
present-day Russian names.
The compiler proposes to revise 'the dictionary and fiep ~his reason he earnestly
requests his readers to express their opinion regardi.n.g the shortcomings of
the dictionary. The compiler will be grateful to rEadars who are linguists
for ariy information they can supply on the etymology of names, as many names
remain without etymological data, and with sa[ne names the etymology is too :hort
arid requires supplementing.
On the Construction of ~he Dictionary
B the headin s "certificate " "collo uial " " " "
Y g , q , popular, everyday speech, and
"old" with reference to a name the compiler understands the following:
Certificate name is the name as it would appear on a passport. This is the
official form of the name. In addition to this form, there are frequently other
versions of the same name which are used in conversational speech, in everyday
life.
Popular form of a name--this is a torm deti+~ed from the certificate form; it
is formed in the sphere of living, popular, conversational speech. These forms
have been in the language for many, many years and frequently aequire a certificate
nature. For example, YII~IEL' YAN from the certificate II~IILIAN. Sound changes which
take place in the origaial form when the popular form is formed are quite significant
and encompass, as a rule, not only individual syllables of the name, but.frequently
char~ge the entire sound of the name. For.example, AVDOT'YA (from YEVDOKIYA),
AiCSIN'YA (from Kseniya). There exists an enozmous number of di.minutive formations
with varied derivative hases and suffixes.
~olloquial form of the name is ~a form @erived from the certificate ~ianie; it is
formed in colloquial speech. These forms may also become certificate names. The
changes which take place in the formation of this form are comparatively smalls
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the loss of an ending, the substitution ~f individual sounds. The general
- tendency is toWard a simplification of the name for convenience of pronunciation
and speed when calling a persan. F~r example, ~dYMEN (from YE'VMF~TIY), RATERINA
(from YERAT~tINA), LIZAVETA (from YELIZAVETA), GAVRII~ (from GAVRIIL).
EWeryday (si.mple speech) form of the name is a form derived from the certifi~ate
nazne; it is a form which arose in a lowered level of speech, in simple speech and
dialects. The sound of the name is changed substantially. For example, LARTION
(Galaktion), VASILEY (from VASILIY), YEVDIIQIY (~r,om YEVGENIY), etc.
Old form of the name is the old canonical form, the original form with regard to
the present-day certificate form of the same name. For exatnple, YEVSIGNIY
is the old canonical YE~STIGNEY, YEROFE Y is the old canonical YEROFEY, IAROV
is the old canonical YAKOV, IOANN is the old canonical NAN and ILIYA is the
old canonical IL'YA.
In the history of personal names we observe a process which we also come across
in our prese~t era: the process of forming various alternate versions of the same
n3me. Tt,e syst~n of present-day names is not something frozen. As in language
in general, there are con stant changes in the system of personal names. New
certificate forms are formed as colloquial, popuZar and other forms become certified.
The relationships of forms change; old forms leave, colloquial forms become
certificate forms, changes in the relationship of colloquia7. and everyday speech
forms change, etc.
For example, the present-day certificate form YEVS3'IGNEY came from the old canonical
name YEVSIGNIY, which had ~lready been crowded out first, while KONDRATIY came
from the old KODRAT.
In this way the formation of new names takFs place not orily as a result of borrowing
from other languages, but also through the process of developing our own system of
names. The names themselves and their diverse forms are a continuously acti.~ng
source for the formation of new natnes.
Formational Routes of Popular, Colloquial and Everyday (Si.mple Speech) Forms
The forms of certificate names which we define as popular, col~loquial.,or everyday
_ (simple speech) are formed in various ways. The most common ways ares
1. changes in the iii-itial sounds of the name (A9TARIY from YEVSTAFIY, AVDOT' YA
from YEVDOKIYA, ARINA from IRINA)
2. omission of the i.nitial stem vowel (NASTAS'YA from ANASTASIYA, KATERINA from
YEKATERINA, SIDOR from IS IDOR);
3. addition of a vowel or (less frequently) a consonant at the beginning of a
name ~AKSIN'YA from KSENIYA, IZOSIM from 20SIMA, LIPAT from IPATIY); ~
4. the appearance of inserted sounds in the stem of the name ( NAN from IOANN,
S ILANTIY from S II~AN);
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5. the substitution of certain sounds for others (AGAPON from AGAFON, KIltSAN
from KHRISANF, KRISTIN'YA from KHRISTINA);
6. rhe assimilation of vowel sounds in the St~~nof the name (PALAGEYA from PELAGEYA)
� MALAN'YA from MELANIYA);
7. the substituticn of consonants (PERFILIY from PORFIRIY, MgtKUL from MERKURIY);
8. the softening or palatalization of hard consonants (MATRENA from MATRONA,
FLER from FLOR);
9. depalatalization of soft consonants (DAVYD from DAVID, MAR.TYN from MARTIlJ,
SY50Y from SISOY);
10. the dropping of the ending in names ending in "iy" (IGNAT from IGNATIY).
It should be kept in mind that the boundaries between colloquial and everyday
(simple speech) ~orms, like the boundaries between the categories of "colloquial"
and everyday ("simple speech") in lar.guage in general, are often unclear and
changin~.
Homonym Names
Among Russian first names there are some which sound alike but which differ in
their origin; they are a type of name homonyms. For example, the archaic ,
canonical r~ame VIL comes from the Greek Belos, the supreme god of the Assy.ro-
, Ba b3'lonians. There is another name VIL (in the dictionary it is given the
; marking "new"), which comes from the i.nitial letters of the name V.I. Lenin.
The borrowed name RIIrI, from the Latin Remus, oar, and the new name REM, from the
combinatio.n of words "revolyutsiya mirovaya" (world revolution).
It is difficult to say whether the formation of a new name takes place inde-
- pendently of the old name or whether we a.re dealing with a reinterpretation
- of an old name in our ti.mes, but nonetheless, two identically sounding names
of different origins turn up i.n the~language. They are'supplied with differing
dictionary articles of the type for homonyms in our work.
~ Another case of homonyms i.n the spY.ere of personal names is the coinc.id~ence
in the sound of the official certificate n;~me and the derived form of a~liffeeent
certificate names. For Example, the name GERMAN, which cames f.rom the Latin
germanus, cousin, and GERMAN, the colloquial form of the name GERMANIK.
Concerning Patronymics
- The patronymic forms are given for all masculine names (including all the derived
f~rms of a masculine name, except the everyday or simple speech form. The co3.lo-
quial forms, i, e., tIne ~orins which a~er.etfied .in coFCaersatiosa~. spee!~fii are g.iv.Qn
after the certificate forms.
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The three-part name, consisting of a fir^t name, patron~mic and family name, is
a characteristic ~f the Russian language. This three-part formula arose in
Russia during the time of Petr I. With titne it w~s extended to the Ukraine, and
Belorussia, and at the present time it is penetrating into other republics in
out country. The appr.oxi.mate time that patronymics arose was the period of
the llth to 12th centuries. The patronymic is a sign of courtes.y and of a d.efer- .
ential attitude toward a person. In everyday speech there is a custom
of calling a person by his patronymic alone without his first name as a mark
- of profound respect for him (MIltHAYLOVICH, ANDREYEVIC?i or MIICHAYLYCH, ANDREICH).
Patronymics are formeds 1. by means of the suffix "-ovich, -ovna" from all
masculine first names based on a hard consonant and and a zero endi.ng in
the nominative case in the singular (PETR-PETROVICH, PETROVNA);
2. by means of the suffix "-evich, -evna" from first natnes based on a soft
consonant and a zero ending in the nominative singuS.ar (KESAR' KESAREVICH,
KESAREVNA; IGOR'--IGOREVICH, IGOREVNA) and from names with stems ending i.n
"i" and "e" (GEORGIY--GEORGIYEVICH, GEORGIYEV~iA);
3. by means of the suffix " ich, ~chna" from names with a stem ending iin a~
hard consonant and the ending "a" i.n the nominative singular (SAVVA-SAWICH)
and from names with a stem ending in stressed "i" (IYERIIrIIYA--IYERII`4IICH,
IYERIIr1IICHNA);
4. the complex suffix "-inichna" is used with the feminine forms of patronymics
from certai.n names ending in "-a(y~": (LUKA--LUKICH, LUKINICHNA; IL'YA--IL~YCH,
IL' IN ICHNA) :
5. in the colloquial forms of patronymics from masculine first names, the
suffixes "-ovich, -evich," are replaced by the suffixes "-ych, -ich" (AL~-
SANDROVICH--ALEKSANDRYCH; ARSEN'YEVICH--Ait3EN~ICH;'
6. certain colloquial femi.nine forms of patronymics are the result of tighteni.ng
up the full forms (ALIICSEYEVNA--ALFdCSEVNA; ANDREYEVNA--Al`1DREVNA);
7. for names of Slavic origin (SVYATOSLAV, YAROSLAV) the certificate forms end
in "-ovich, -ovna" and in "-ich, -naf'(SVYATOSLA~TOVICH SVYATOSLAVOVNA and
SVYATOSLAVICH, SVYATOSLAVNA). ~
Derived Di.minutive Foxms
There is one more category of forms which is characteristic of names and which
is reflected in the dictionary--derived diminutive forms (in contrast with the
full forms ahich were discussed above~.
The derived diminutive form of a name is formed from the stem of a certificate
name or from its popular, colloquial, everyday (simple speech) versions by
"truncating" the name or by means of various affixes.
This form, in contrast to the full first name, which is official in nature,
is used to call the person i.n everyday life, in the family circle, among friends
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and comrades. Every name has derived diminutive forms. The.number of these forms
differs with different names. Tnere are a large number of these forms for
v~~ry common names, on the one hand, and for names whicii have .b.een used for a
~ very long r_i.me, on the other hand. Some names, such as MARIYA and NAN, etc.
have more than 100 derivatives.
The formation of derived diminutive forms, which at first glance seems not to
follow any pattern, is in fact subject to strict rules. It takes pl~~c~e largely accor~
ding to definite models, ~nd definite structural types of stems and affixes take
part in it. Affixes are joined to the producing stem. Within the limits of a
name, significant changes take place in the producing stems these changes
frequently make tr.e stem unrecognizable. For example, this form may consist ofs
a) the entire name, to which suffixes are joined: AVDEY--AVDEYKA, AVDEYUSHKA;
b) two, three or more of the initial letters of the name: AGNIYA, AGAFIYA--AGA;
ALE[CSEY--ALEKHA; MARIYA--MARA, MARUSYA; ANDREY--ANDRYUSHA:
c) one beginning letter of the natne: NAN--ISHA, ISHKA; MARIYA--MUSYA, MURA;
d) sounds taken from the middle of the full name: YEVDOKIYA--AVDOT'YA--AVDUSYA--
DUSYA; YEVDOKIYA--YEVDUNYA--DUNYA; VASILIY--VASYURA--SYURA; ANASTAS IYA--TASYA
ASYA; ANTONINA--ANTOSYA--TOSYA; ALIICSANDR, ALEKSANDRA--SANYA; ~
e) final syllables of the name; MARGARITA--R ITA, RITUSYA--TUSYA; SVETLANA--LANA;
AI~LINA--AKULIlJA--LINA--INA; YEVGENIY--GENYA, 2HENYA, YENYA:
f) a syllable from the full first name repeated. twice: NIKOLAY--KO~KA; BORIS--
BOBA: VLADIMIR--VOVA; TAMARA, NATAL'YA--TATA, etc.
g) frequently a productive stem is created as a result of dropping sounds:
KONSTANTIN--KOSTYA, KOTYA; AVGUSTA--GUSTYA; YEKATERINA- KATRYA; SERAFIMA--SIMA;
S TAN ISLAV--STIVA.
Sometimes the derived diminutive forms are pure~..� in the nature of a suffix;
sounds lacking in the original natne appear in the producing stem. For example:
ALIICSANDR--SHURA by passing through SASHA--SASHURA--SHURA;
The derived forms of the first step are joined to affectionate, pejorative and other
suffixes, the same ones that form nouns possessing subjective judgement. For
example, VALYA--VAL'KA--VALECF~IICA--VALEN'KA. Compare ruka (hand)--ruchka (little
;~and or handle) and two other diminutive forms ruchen'ka and ruchechka, etc.
The body of the dictionary provides only the first stage of the derivatives from
every series. The full list of diminutive forms is contained in the index of
climinutive forms which forms an appendix to the dictionary. This is dic-
tated by space considerations and, in addition, by the fact that from each of these
forms cited in the article, all the following forms~are regularly formed by
mean.s of the same suffixes. For example, NADYA, NAD'KA, NADEN'KA, NADECHKA,
NADYUKHA, NADYUSHA, NADIIt, NADII~, etc.
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The derivatives are not given in the art~cle accordi.ng to-alphabetical order;
instead, they. are listed according to the degree of their formation from the full
first name. The form derived from the full first natne is given first, followed
by the forms derived from its parts.
Derivatives are provided for certificate names and for versions of the original
naiue which have become certificate names. Diminutives formed from alternate
versions are provided in the main article, but they are not repeated in the reference
artiele. As a rule, a small number of derived forms is given for old names.
Etymology
The dictionary provides etymological infortnation for a majority of certificate
names contained in the dictionary.
The question of the etqmo]ngY of Russian persor~al names is a large and complex
issue, requiring independent scientific research. As a rule, etymological
dictionaries do not contain personal names; the principles of the etymologization
of first names have not been developed. Etymological~. information for individual
names can be extracted from investigations devoted especialiy to names, from various
articles. This material must be collected li~erally fragment by fragment and
for the most part the information does not make it possible to decide conclusively
what the etymology of any given word is. For this purpose it is essential to
have a special etymological dictionary of names. In the dictionaries of
names which were published earlier or which were published quite recently, etymology
either is not mentioned at all or is replaced by an interpretation of the name,
i.e., by an actual translation of the name into Russian. In this way there takes
place a semantic enrichment of words, which have long since lost connections
with the roots from which they came at one time, words which have lost whatever
significance they had. In fact, if a namf is used frequently, this is not
because it came from "elevated" (in the sense of their significance) words, but
rather because the name itself sounds good, is euphon ious. and combi.nes easily
with a variety of patronymics. In principle the interpretation of names .
b y interpreting into Russian the original (borrowed from a another language)
form of the name does not differ from what was provided by the church calendars.
The compiler and editorial board rejected this kind of interpretation of names.
In this dictionary an attempt was made to provide etymological information for
the names. Because this is a dictionary of Russian names, not an etymological
dictionary, and etymology is not its main purpose, the information provided is
very brief, without references to sources. Mention is made of the language from
which the name is borrowed and the meaning which it has in the source language
or the word to which it is related by meaning or sound. 1'he etymology for natnes of
Greek, Lati~ and ancient Russian ori.gi.n was provided in accordance with the spe-
cific instructions. for each name given by two specialists iti these languages,~~Pro-
fessor A.N. Popov and Professor B.M. Grande.
Etymological information is provided only for certificate names. In cases where
the etymology is unclear, it is not given at all.
CSOi 1800/718
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NA~IONAL
i
DROBIZEHVL'. VOL~'IE ON NATURE, CONSEQUENCES OF NATIONAL IDENTITIES IN SOVIET SOCIETY
Moscow OBSHCEHSTVENNYYE NAUKI V SSSR: SERIYA I, PROBLEMY NAUCHNOGO KOMMUNIZMA ir_
Russian No 3, May-Jun 82 (signed to press 27 Apr 82~ pp 156-161
[Review by A.F. Tayrkun of book "Dukhovnaya obshchnoat' narodov SSSR" [The Spiritual
Co~unity of the Peoples of the USSR] by L.M. Drobisheva, Moscow, Izdatel'stv~o
_ "Mysl 1981, 263 pages, bibliography pp 245-259]
[Text] The monograph is devoted to a study of the nature, patterns and trends
in the development of interpersonal national relationships against the background
, of the social and cultural processes in the life of the nationalities that form
the spiritual co~nity of the Soviet people. It is based ~.n results froa
sociological studies done by the USSR Academy of Sc iences Institute of Ethnography
under the program "Optimization of Sociocultural Conditions in the Development
and Rapprochement of the Nations in the USSR."
The book conaists of an introduction and aix chapters-='M~thodology and Methods
in Research," "Leninist Nationalities Policy--a Policy of Strengthening the
Friendship of the Peoplea," "Social Bases for the Development of Inter Nation
[mezhnatsional'nyye) Relations," lture and Inter-Nation Relations," "Effect
of Ethnographic Contact Mediums on Inter Nation ielations," "Individual Features
in the Inter Nation Co~unity"--and a conclusion in which the content of the work
is summari~ed.
L.M. Drobizheva writes that, while it affects the development of the nations and
nationalities, technical progress does not nullify national differences. To some
extent the acceleration of economic and cultural development is creating a basis
for growth in the variety of cultural expressi,on by each nation and in its national
achievement. The unity of the ideology and moral and ethical standards and values
and of the aspirations of all Soviet people is combined at this stage of historical
development with great national diversity in the life of our country`s peoples.
- And so long as the national features of people that are of social significance
remain, so too do the questions of social intercourae between them and finding
optimal conditions to promote friendly relations.
Sociological research conducted by studying public opinion and atatements by people
representing the main nationalities in a number of the country's republics has
established the quite obvious, predominantly friendly nature of inter~aation
intercourae. It can be said that in our country the ideology of friendahip of the
peoples is combined with the social psychological reality of fr iendly relations
~ 13
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between individuals of different nationrlity. The proportion of individuals showing
negative attitudes both in production and in everyday inter~ation intercot~rae
was less than 10 percent in all the nationalities polled. Nationalism as an
ideology, as a system of views and behavlor, does not exist among the broad
masses. As a rule the isolated instances of a noncommunicatiag [nekontaktnyy]
nature encountered in some people do not form part of a syndrome 4f negative
relationships to other peoples. This, of course, does not mean that all the
problems of inter~ciation intercourse have already been resolved.
The general sociopolitical situation within the country exerts the most substantial
effsct on all spheres of interpersonal national intercourse. A apecif ic study
of inter-nation relations within the system of social, cultural, histor3,ca1 and
psychological factors has made it possible to conclude that people's attitudes
toward their dealings in various spheres--professional activity, family, circle
of friends--depend to a differ2nt degree on each of the above factors.
The most extensiv~e kind of inter~ation intercourse is the production and business
sphere. Here, attitudea are formed to the greatest extent by the social situation
and depend upon the satisfaction of social and professional interests. These
interests themselves differ within social and profesaional groups. In some
groups, for example, in the intelligentsia, satisfaction with social growth and
the conditions for creative work are linked more closely with national considerations,
- while in others, for example, in young educated workers, satisfactions with nature
of labor is more closely associated with these factors, and in poorly qualif ied
warkers, the factor is wages.
The historical past is reflected in this sphere of intercourse primarily in the
features by which the present social conditions of people in contact with different
nationalities are evaluated. In particular, it has become clear that people of
any nationality for whom a higher tempo o~ social mobility has been characteristic
_ in recent years s:~ow the greatest satisfaction with social growth and an inclination
for inter-nation intercourse.
G~ ltural factors, i.ncluding the level of cultural development, and historical
traditions are more closely linked with inter-nation relations in the nonproduction
sphere, within the family and circle of fr iends.
Under present conditions, the author goes on to say, two dominant sources of
national exclusivity are observed. One of them is associated with a narrowness
of the cultural compass, lack of knowledge about other peoplea, lack of experience
in beneficial intercourae, and the preservation of outdated traditions. This
supports the prejudices among some poorly educated and poorly qualif ied workers,
primarily ~mong old people living in a single-~aation rural environment.
The other source is hidden in epecific social situations that result in psychological
dissatisfaction in individuals being carried over into the national context. Theae
kinds of situational pre3udices may be encouittered in all parts of the population;
but are more typical fox the more educated strata. Their cultural compass is
adequate but their social needs are always greater, and therefore some kind of
dissatisfaction is met with more frequently.
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In rec~nt years work on internationalist education has been increasingly improved
and sttempts have been made at social differentj,ation and to f ind methods of
exerting ideological influence. However, activities in intarnationalist education,
the author writes, cannot all be said to be equallysuccessful in overcoming national
exclusivity. Consid~ration should be given to the fact that measures on internationaliel
education and measures that exert ideological influence in general cannot all be
resolved. Measures such as general cultural and educational work can exert a mnre
or less ma~or effect from the viewpoint of the struggle against manifestations
of natianal exclusivity in population groups that are less educated and qualified,
and among rural inhabitants in whom a certain cult~ral reticence remains. And
even for these population groups, and even more for educated people, some cultural
educational ~asures (the 10-day courses, lectures, exchanges of theater groups
and so fortl~~ do not deeply convince individuals of the impermissibility of
manifestations of chauvinism.and nationalism. These manifestaions are associated
with individuals' morality, and morality, and humanism, cannot be forced into
people. They depend on the environment that passes on the traditions, and on
ideals. And so, the field of cultural influer~ce is considerably broader than
educational measures.
For an increasingly broad segment of the population, the author continues, prejud3~ce
in unfavorable manifestations in inter~nation intercourse can be linked with the
regulation of the social problems that are urgent at the present stage in the
development of society (for exa.mple, the relationship between the apecific kinds
of labor sought and of�ered, the professional orientation of young people, solving
the housing construction problem and improving municipal services). This does
not mean that the problems of interpersonal national relationships will be
automatically solv~ed as a result of ineasures to regulate social problems. Each
of them changes its specif ic nature as expressed regionally and nationally. It
is a question of taking into the specif ic inter~nation relations in each regioi~
when carrying out measures of social regulation.
Studies of the position of foreign national groups in Moldavia and Georgia and
of inter-nation relations in the republics have shown that the nature of inter-
nation intercourse in foreign-national groups depends under present conditions
mainly on the patterns and conditions prevailing among the predomiiiant natione.
Thus is demonstrated the groundlessness of the opinion that there is a need f or
special measures applicable to these groups in connection with the rapid social
growth of the m~lin nationalities in a republic.
A study of the effect of the ethical environment on inter nation contacts, the
author writes, has clarified ideas about its signif icance. The general conclusion
reached by many researchers that there is a unif ied, positive effect exerted by
the multinational composition of both production collectives and of com~nity
collectives, has been amended. It has been established that they exert a positive
effect when there is already positive experience of prolonged contacts within the
collective (that is, when there is nothing unusual in individuals' standards of
behavior and so forth) and in situations when contacts are benef ic3a1. Accordingly,
young uultinational collectives and regions where there is an active inflow of
foreign nationals require the greatest attention from the viewpoint of considering
the interests of individuals of different nationalities and regulating interpersonal
national relationships.
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It has become clear that the effect of direct contacts on individuals' attitudes
toward inter~aation iatercours~ differs in different spheres. Contacts mainly
affect attitudes in family matters, where contacts are informal and friendly.
Orientation oa production inter~ation intercourse depends Zittle on personal
satisfaction with
contacts but is connected with the specif ic social s ituation:
work, w~orking conditiona, profe.ssional prestige. 1he "level of uutlinationality"
in the environr.ent is also of ~~sychological s ignif icance . The verq same phenomena
can be perceived differently b;~ individuals dependiag on whether they are in
minority or a ma~ority.
In conclusion the author distinguishes a number of problems that require further
special work: the interconnection between the growth of national conaciousaess,
national pride and inter~natioa relations; the role of the family and circle of
friends, schools and literary heroes in the formation of the ethircal principles
of inter-nation intercourse; the features of attitutdes toward inter-nation
,5 intercourse among individuala of nations that have been consolidated and are in
- the stage of the most active inter-nation integration.
COPYRIGHr: IIJION AN SSSR, 1982
964 2
CSO: 1800/$04 '
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~
i
t
NATIONAL
~
I
SOVIET WAY OF LIFE ~,XHIBIT AT ETHNOGRAPHIC MUSEUM
[Editorial Report] Moscow SOVETSKAYA ETNOGRAFIYA in Russian No 3, May-June 1982,
carries on pp 88-95 a 6500-word article titled "The Display of Particular Aspects
of the Soviet Way of Life in the State Museum of Ethnography of the Peoples of
the USSR" by V. M. Grusman and E. S. Yaglinskaya. This illustrated article dis-
cusses current exhibits at the Museum and pointedly notes the strength of tradi-
tional ethnic elements even in modern settings.
COPYRIGHT: Izdatel'stvo "Nauka", "Sovetskaya etnografiya", 1982
CSO: 1800/870
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NATIONAL
INCREASED WORKER PARTICIPATION IN MANAGEMENT SEEN
Moscow VOPROSY FILOSOFII in Russian No 4, Apr 82 pp 3-14
[Article by Yu. A. Krasin: "Workers' Participation in Management and Pro-
fessionalism"]
~
[Text] The active and conscious participation by all of tt~e members of society
and each one of them in the management of public affairs is without question
the central problem of the development of democracy. This conclusion follows
from the very etymological meaning of the term "democracy" which signifies
people's power; that is, the kind of arrangement of society in which the
people itself manages all affairs in all of the spheres of public life.
The degree of democracy in any society is measured by the scope and the depth
of the participation by the popular masses in its management. However, the
rE�al possibilities and limits for this participation are determined, in their
turn, by the character of the social system. For this reason, the question
of participation in management requires a concrete historical approach which
is connected with an analysis of the sccial and economic content of the phase
of historical development being lived through by a society.
With this approach it turns out that the prospects for democracy in the contem-
porary world are inseparable from the progress of socialism. A consistently '
carried out democracy requires a socialist flrganization of society which liberates
the masses from all forms of soci~.l and national oppression that fetters their
initiative and energy. Only socialism, in the process of its continual develop�-
ment and perfection, creates the conditions 'for full popular power by spreading
democracy to the sphsre of economic and social relations ar~d establishing
socialist equality. In this way a real socio-economic base is created for
the actual universal participation by all of the members of ~ociety and by
each individual in the management of public affairs.
A fundamental solution of the problem of workers' participation in manar,ement
requires the socialist transformation of 5ociety. The dynamics of the develop-
ment of socialism in the Soviet Unian graphically demonstrates the acute need
for the ever greater participation by the masses in management as a condition
for the normal functioning and development of the entire system of social ~
relations. "A concern for our co~non work," L. I. Brezhnev said at the 26th
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~
CPSU Congress, "for the development of production, the comparison of opinions,
frank and principled criticism and self-criticism, and an increase in the
public political activity of each citizen--this is the essence of Soviet demo-
cracy, a workin~ and real democracy."
The nece~sary objective preconditions for the ac:~~at naTr~~~},ation by the
_ broa,~ masses of workers in the management of the economic, socio-political,
.:nd ideological and spiritual processes ripen on the soil of real sucialism.
But the preconditions in and of themselves do not yet give a ready solution
' to the problem. It is gained in the practice of the construction and perfection
of socialist society. In addition, the ever fuller development of socialist
d?mocracy i~ marked by complexity and is connected with real contradictions
~ whose resolution demands great intellectual and practical efforts.
One of the dialectical contradictions in this sphere is the contradiction
between democracy and professionalism in the management of the affairs of
society, including in s[ate management. On the one hand, socialist democracy
means tha[ all of the workers, regardless of their abilities and position
in society, can and should participate in the management of social processes.
On the other hand, in our day a competent solution of the problems of domestic
and foreign policy increasingly demand a professional approach and special
training, and require great knowledge, ability, and practical experience--
in a word, that which is usually designated by the term "professionalism."
From the na[ure of socialism which is inconceivable without the conscious
participation in the construction of the new society by th~ enormous majority
of the people follows the objective possibility and necessity for involving
prac[ically all of the citizens in the system of the management of production
_ and of the social, political, and spiritual processes of social development.
Under socialism, in V. I. Lenin's words, "for the first time in the history
of civilized societies the mass of the population is elevated to an independent
participation not only in voting and elections, but also in daily management."2
At the same time, however, with the increased intensity of social relations
and the greater complexity of their dynamic interdependence at var~'.ous levels
the management of society also becomes more complex and becomes the subject
of a special branch of science--the theory of the management of social pro-
cesses.
Cer[ain bourgeois futurologists assert that scientific and technological pro-
gress~and the "revolution" in the means of communications and information
connected with it is by itself solving the problem of the competence of ordinary
citizens to develop political decisions and thereby is laying a road to the
establishment of direct democracy. Thus, the well-known American futurologist
0. Toffler assures us that "technical protilems are no longer an obstacle to
the expansion of direct democracy. The enormous successes in communications
are opening up unprecedented possibilities for the direct involvement of
citizens in the process of political decision making. Modern computers, satel-
lites, telephones, and cable television systems have for the first time in
history made i[ possible for citizens to participate directly in the development
of political c,ecisi~ns."3
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Things are far from as simple as 0. Toffler depicts them to be. Of course,
as a result of the rapid development of the means of communic.ations in our
day the amount of and the rapidity of the dissemination of :nformation has
increased ma~1y times over compared even to the recent past. This really does
expand the technical possibilities for sirnple citizens t~, know zbout the events
occurring in the world. However, the use of the techniral possibilities being
created depa:nds to a decisive degree upon social condi~ions. We know that
the so-called "information explosian" is used by the state monopolistic elite
~f the imp~:rialist countries to manipulate the cons~iousness of substantial
strata of the population. Behind the abundance an1 external diversity of
the information which is supplied there stands, as a rule, such a careful
selection ~f it as to prevent the politically ur.initiated citizen from under-
standing t.~e course of events and their true m~eaning and direction of develop-
ment, and :[nconspicuously impose tendentious opinions on him.
But the mai~t thing is that information, evr,n the most exhaustive and objective
information, by i[self does not yet provi~~e an answer to the question as to
what kind of decision has to be taken, ar~d how th~ various social affairs
and processes !~ave to be managed. A con,petent participation in the management
of society pres;~pposes a profound knowl.edge both of the general laws of social
life and of the specific nature of the sphere which is the object of manage-
ment. In our day a substantial differentiation of managerial labor is occurring
and each of its br,znches requires hiahly qualified specialists. It is obvious
that this kind of s~:Pcialization of mznagerial functions makes difficult the
participation of ordinory citizens who have not received professional training.
Such is the real contradi~~ion of ~ocial life which vividly manifests itself
in the development of contempcrar~~ ~ourgeois society where the increased demo-
cratic aspirations of the masses :o par.icipate in management come up against
the anti-democratic system of str~te :~onopoly domination. Pursuing its class
goals, the ruling elite tries tc monop~lize managerial labor and managerial
science, and not to permit the ~aorkers r.~al participation in the management
of social processes. It is thi,s which is the chief reason for the acuteness
and insolubility in bourgeois society of th~~ contradiction between professional-
ism and democracy in the manaf;ement of socia?. life.
This contradiction is misused by various kinds of bourgeois technocratic con-
ceptions in accordance with which mankind has entered an age in which the
managemen[ of society is allegedly becoming the exclusive affairs of specia-
lists, with the masses all~:gedly unable to participate in management because
of lack of competence. It is said that the scientific and technological re-
volu[ion is creating rigi~l parameters for the management of social processes.
All mana~erial decisions and actions, it is said, are wholly determined by
the logic of these processes which is accessible to the understanding only
of specialists. The remaining citizens are prescribed an unconditional sub-
ordination to the rational decisions of the "managerial elite." Bourgeois
technocratism is not droundless; it reflects certain real tendencies of capita-
list development during the scientific and techr.ological revolution, particularly
the increased proportion of managers in the stat.e monopolistic elite which
personifies the in+:erests and dominion of big crapital.
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The so-called theory of "meritocracy" which justifies a managerial monopoly
for the gifted elite proceeds from similar premises. "Meritocracy," writes
the American sociologist D. Bell, "is the lot of those who merit honor. Thege
are the people who have become the best in their field according to the opinion
of their equals. There is no reason not to apply the principle of inerito-
cracy to busine~s and management."4 By regarding giftedness outside of concrete
- social conditions, the theory of "meritocracy" turns into an analogy of the
sys[em of state monopolistic domination, since it accepts the criteria for
the selection of the ruling elite which have been developed by it. The best
in the field of management "according to the opinion of their equals" are
those who most effectively serve this system. And thousands of obstacles
keep the masses out of deciding really important issues. For this reason,
talent and ability of which there is no end in the popular masses remain "a
[hing in themselves," since talents can only be discovered through the practi-
cal experience of real participation in the managemen~ of social affairs.
However, technocratic conceptions are in fundamental contradiction to the
entire spirit of the present revolutionary epoch,its basic content, and the
chief tendencies of contemporary historical development which engenders in
the masses an insuperable aspiration for democracy and for conscious partici-
pation in the management of society and in the making of the most important
decisions. Under capitalism these aspirations come up against the narrow
class framework of bourgeois democracy and, therefore, the real participation
of the masses in the management of social life can only be realized under
socialism.
It would nevertheless be incorre.:t ~o categorically assert that socialist
society is completely guaranteed against the appearance of technocratic ten-
dencies. They can occur and be found, in particular, in various manifestations
oE bureaucratism which are alien to the nature of socialism. Socialist society
is not ensured against them, and in order to successfully overcome them it
is very important, on the basis of the experience that has been gained by
the socialist countries, to have a theoretical understanding and practical
solution of the real problem of the combination of socialist democracy and
high professionalism in the management of social processes.
Socialism as an integral socio-economic system is an extremely complex type
of social. organization. The scientific und technological revolution is in-
creasingly turning the socialist process of production into a"scientific
process."5 The structure of the economy of socialism is growing more complex,
and this means that the same is true for the entire mechanism of the manage-
ment not only of the economy, but a].so of other spheres of social life. Social-
ism as a system can develop only on a conscious and planned basis, that is,
it requires a scientifically substantiated approach. All of this, combined,
means that the management of such a complex social organism as socfalist society
cannot manage without qualified specialists who have professionally mastered
the methods and experience of managing t'~e various spheres and branches of
social life.
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This problem was very clearly put by V. I. Lenin imnediately after the victory
of the Great October Socialist Revolution. The construction of socialism
without specialists is impossible--this is the meaning of the Leninist position.
For Soviet Russia which was the first to lay a road to socialism and, in addi-
tion, as is known, was not among the most economically and culturally developed
countries, this question in the initial stage of the establishment of socialist
society arose as a question of the use of bourgeois specialists in the complex
matter of the management of the economic, military, state, and cultural con-
struction of the new society.
The solution of this problem was connected with enormous difficulties. It
was necessary to find ways and means of bringing into socialist construction
bourgeois specialists many of whom did not hide their hostile attitude toward
the new system and, in the best case, were occupying a waiz-and-see position.
Despite the colossal economic adversities through which the country was living
and which demanded the strictest economizing in everything, V. I. Lenin~ helieved
that the bourgeois specialists should be overpaid in order to use their pro-
fessional knowledge and experience for the construction of socialism. At
the same time, the socialist society which was being born at accelerated rates
was training qualified cadres of special,'.sts of the new formation from among
the working class and other strata of wurkers on a wide scale and with great
enthusiasm.
Both of these tasks--the attraction of old specialists and the training of
new ones--were successfully accomplished during the course of socialist con-
struction in the Soviet Union. They invariably arose with various modifications
and were accomplished by various means in the other socialist countries during
the process of the transition from capit3lism to socialism. The historical
experience of accomplishing these tasks retains its inestimable importance
today, especially for the developing countries which have elected the path
of a socialist orientation and socialist development under the circumstances
of economic and cultural backwardness.
If the transition to socialism, as historical practice s~ows, is impossible
without the participation ~f professional specialists in the management of
social affairs, the life of a developed and, especially, mature socialist
society and its development and perfection are inconceivable without a pro-
fessional approach to its management which is based on scientific principles.
And this requires highly qualified specialists who have a perfect mastery
of the science of management, its methodology, and the means of its practical
application to the accomplishment of the diverse concrete tasks of managing
economic, social, political, and spiritual-ideological pr~cesses.
In our day the science and practice of management are making extremely high
demands upon those who intend in fact to participate in the management of
these processes. What are these demands?
First, a comprehensive and profound knowledge of the object of management,
its specific nature, and the laws of its functioning and development. Even
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~
participation in the management of a small industrial enterprise obliges one
today to assimilate a very solid amount of knowledge, beginning with purely
; technical matters and ending with a study of the principles of social psychology
and pedagogics. This applies to a much greater extent to such, for example,
highly complex processes which do not lend themselves to an accurate calcula-
[ion in all of their parameters as spiritual-ideological activity. In addi-
tion, in order to acquire the necessary knowledge not only as study required,
but also the practical mastery of the object of management.
Secondly, it is necessary to have a thorough knowledge not only of the object
of management itself, but also to correctly evaluate its place in the single
national system of management (for example, the place of an enterprise,
association, or branch in our single economic complex), and to see the direet
or mediated connections between the object and the other links of thE manage-
ment system at various levels. In other words, workers' participation in
management in a socialist society cannot be built on the basis of the formation
of autonomous managerial units, but requires the coordination of managerial
decisions and actions in the various spheres of social life and at the various
levels of the complex hierarchy of the management of society.
Thirdly, the great dynamism of socialist social relation presupposes an ability
to react flexibly and rapidly to rapid changes, and the creative ability to
go beyond the framework of the long ago developed customary stereotypes of
management, preserving at the s~me time stability and conti*~uity in managerial
work. That which was completely correct yesterday, requires definite amend-
ments and corrections today. Marxist managerial science itself, and especially
its application to practice requires a constant adaptation to changing conditions.
Fourthly, participation in tr~e managernent of social relatiorLS and processes
under socialism requires the ability to compare possible.alternative decisions.
Management at the contemporary level is unthinkable without a more or less
full calculation of the numerous decision variants in order to select the
most optimal one which corresponds to the requirements of science and, at
the same time, takes account of the interests and needs both of society as
a whole and of its diverse social classes, strata, organizations, and groups.
Fifthly, there is an ever more sharply felt need for the subject of management
to possess modern managerial methods which, in addition, are progressing very
rapidly. This is connected, in particular, with the use in the management
oE social processes of electronic calculators and automated management systems.
From everything that has been said, the conclusion suggests itself that the
demands upon those who participate in management today are so great that,
along with a high level of culture and education, they also presuppose sub-
stantial professional training. It is this conclusion which is usually used
as the chief argument of bourgeois ideologists--the supporters of technocratic
conceptions for validating the erroneous thesis that allegedly only specialists
who possess a high level of intellectual and practical training are able to
manage society and its affairs. This argument is frequently cited by bourgeois
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- ideologists also to justify the political practice of not allowing represen-
tatives of the working class and other strata of workers into the parliaments
and governing institutions of the capitalist countries.
Meanwhile, there does not at all exist some kind of fatal incompatability
for the fate of democracy between the professionalism of managerial activity
and the universal participation of the masses in the management of social
processes. The contradiction which arises on this basis is resolved in the
process of the development of socialist society and its transformation into
a communist society.
What then are the basic directions of the solution under socialism of the
. problem of the relationship between professionalism and the participation
in maragement of all of the members of society?
Its fundamental long-term solution follows the line of an increasingly full
institution of relationships of social equality. Under socialism such social
transformations have been accomplished and are being accomplished which unite
and bring together the different classes and social strata and groups of society,
unite them around the working class, and strengthen the social and political
unity of society. Step by step socialist society moves toward overcoming
basic class differences and creating the preconditions for the establishment
of social homogeneity and complete social equality. The achievement of these
goals will make it possible to radically resolve the contradiction between
professionalism and the full participation in management of all of the members
of society. Full social equality presupposes the equalization of the social
importance of all types of labor. The aura of "exceptionality" will be removed
from types of activity which are connecred with the performance of top mana-
gerial functions. Every person will oc..upy the kind of place in the soci,al
division of labor which is most in accord with his givens and inclinations
and his aspirations and abilities. Of course, this kind of situation is
achievable only at that stage of the communist social and economic formation
when labor turns into a prime vital need, essential differences between in-
tellectual and physical labor are wiped out. and the communist principle of
"from each according to his abilities and to each according to his needs"
is established. This will inevitably broaden the interests, horizons, culture,
and education of the members of society and will permit them not only to parti-
cipate in a professional way in the management of their sphere of activity,
but also to competently judge the affairs of all of society and the most diffi-
cult problems of the theory and practice of social manage~nent. In other words,
everybod~~ will be a professional in his own sphere of social activity and
will man.,ge it, while at the same time actively participating in the manage-
ment of the affairs of all of society and in coordinating the various spheres
of activity through the complex and widespread mechanism of communist social
self-management which operates on the basis of the principles of democratic
centralism.
- Such is the future. However, Che concrete ways of solving the problem of the
relationship between socialist democracy and high professionalism is of the
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greatest practical interes[ already today. And from this point of view it
is very important to understand what is provided by Lhe internarional experience
oE real socialism, the experience of the mature social society in the USSR in
the solution of this complex problem, and what kind of prospects for develop-
ment in this field it marks out.
Socialism as an advanced social system which affirms the principles of a com-
munist civilization creates the broadest possibilities for a combination of
the active participation of the working masses in management and a high level
af professionalism in managerial labor.
First of all, in a socialist society the managerial workers, among them the
employees of the state managerial apparatus, including its highest spheres,
do not form some kind of isolated strata which is separated by social parti-
tions from the rest of society, from the classes and social groups which make
it up. With regard to their composition, interests, and to their positions
and views the workers of the managerial sphere are organically connected with
the whole of society, and are products of the basic classes of socialist
society, above all of the working class whose level of cultural and political
develupment under socialism is constantly growing, strengthening its leading.
role in society.
Unity of society and its top managerial cadres is ensured under socialism
by the very system af the selection and promotion of the leading cadres of
state and public organizations and of their Marxist-Leninist education and
political tempering. In Soviet society these tasks are a part of the content
of the cadre policy of the CPSU which, with its help, exercises its leadership
of society. The party, of course, tries to promote the most capable people
to key managerial posts. These are people who have come out of the people,
who are organically connected with it, and who live with its interests.
The promotion to managerial work of talented organizers and political leaders
from the depths of the people raises the question of their basic professional
training in a very pointed way. in order to manage," V. I. Lenin
emphasized, "one has to be competent, otie has to have a full and precise
knowledge of all of the conditions of production, to know the technology of
this production at its contemporary height, and to have a certain scientific
education."6 Socialism creates favorable conditions for the broad professional
training of the leading cadres of state, economic, and public organizations.
These conditions are ensured by the development of higher education, profes-
sional cadre training and retraining, and the development of a system of genuine
people's studies.
In addition, every new level in the development of socialist society makes
greater demands upon the training of leading cadres. "The present-day economic
leader," it is noted in the Summary Report of the CC CPSU to the 26th Party
Congress, "has to have a deep understanding of the scientific and technical
principles of production and of its organizations and economics, to b~e a master
of the methods of fighting for high labor productivity and output quality,
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and to combine professional competence with a broad ideological political
horizon and the ability to work with people. As never before, it is important
ior him to have efficiency, the ability to see the future, energy and persis-
tence, and socialist enterprisingness. And many thousands of production com-
manders who have been educated by the party can serve as an example of skillful
economic management. These are, using the words of Vladimir I1'ich Lenin,
genuine organizers, people with sober minds and practical wit."~
As socialism develops, and as it moves to its increasingly mature stages,
the democratic procedure of selecting managerial cadres becomes deeper and
more developed: Their electiveness and replacability becomes more widely
instituted, a stricter accountability on their part to the agencies of peoples'
power--the soviets--is ensured, and the certification of economic workers
is practiced, which serves as a means of objectively evaluating their work
and increasing their responsibility to the people. This kind of democratic
procedure is an important antidote against bureaucratic formations and dis-
tortions which are alien to the nature of socialism.
All of this accords with the ideas of V. I. Lenin who noted: "The masses
have to have the right to choose their~responsible leaders. The masses have
to have the right to replace them, and the masses have to have the right to
know and to check on every tiny step of their work. The masses have to have
the right to advance all working members of the masses to executive function."a
Lenin's ideas are fixed in the Constitution of the developed socialist society
which stipulates: "an ever broader participation by the citizens in the manage-
ment of the affairs of the state of society, an improvement of the state appar-
atus, increased activity by public organizations, a strengthening of peoples'
control, a strengthening of the legal basis of state and public life, an ex-
pansion of publicity, and a constant co~~sideration of public opinion."9
The ever broader participation by the masses ;.n the management of the life
of socialist society is determined by the very nature of its economic basis,
by the socialist ownership of property. It unites the numerous labor collec-
tives of all of the elements of social production, distribution, exchange,
and consumption into a single economic complex, and into a single national
system of the mu[ual exchanage of activity. It is clear that the realization
of property relations under socialism requires centralized state management,
and the unification of the interests and needs, and the knowledge and experience
of all workers and of the whole of society into a single state plan. And,
at the same time, it is precisely for this reason that the realization of
property relations under socialism is impossible without the active partici-
pation o all of the workers fn the use of the means of production as its
co-owners.
This means that the participation of the masses in the management of production
under socialism is an objective economic need of the normal functioning and
development of socialist property and of the entire system of production re-
lations which is based on it. As early as 1931 V. V. Kuybyshev said: "There
is frequently the kind of talk which says that the participation of the working
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masses in planning is only for agitation. The masses, it is said, have to
be dragged into this work, but this is only agitation and it helgs to mobilize
forces. But the working masses are unable to take real part, creative part
in the creation of the plan. 'How is a worker from a machine tool with a
'narrow horizon' going to work on general planning and what could he bring
to general planning?' However, "life has shown that participating and planning,
worker planners can anu should produce splendid results at a large number
of sectors of the economy. The counter-plan which arose at the initiative
of Leningrad workers has recently grown into a powerful movement. We
have quite a few examples in which only the energetic work of worker planners
on the counter-plan has made it possible for us to fulfill and sometimes over-
fulfill planning assignments.~~10
One-man management at the key objects of social management which follows from
the principle of democratic cnetralism and accords with the demands of the
present level of the development of production and the other spheres of social
liEe not only does not decrease, but increases the participation of the broad
masses in the management of social processes. Under socialism one-man manage-
ment does not exclude, but presupposes the enlistment of the masses in deciding
upon the most important social questions. Lenin pointed this out during the
Eirst years of Soviet power. "The more resolutely," he wrote, "we must now
stand for mercilessly firm power, for the dictatorship of individual people
in specific work processes which at specific moments are purely executive
functions, the more diverse must be the forms and methods of control from
below in order to paralyze any shadow of the possibility of the distortion
of Soviet poweri in order to repeatedly and tirelessly tear up the roots of
bureaucratism." 1
The success of the professionally trained specialist who is at the apex of
the managerial pyramid in some sphere of social life depends to an enormous
extent upon the participation in management of the entire collective which
is employed at this sector. The specialist directs the public activity which
comprises the basic content of the collective's work. But the labor collec-
tive lives a many-sided life and performs diverse functions: economic, social,
political, spiritual, and moral. These functions reveal themselves in s by
no means simple way and not only in the labor process. They manifest themselves
through the system of the public and personal interrelationship of all of
[he members of the collective and concern the interests bott: of the entire
collective and of Each individual member. This is the stimulus and objective
basis of the act of joint participation in management, in the development
and adoption of decisions, and in their execution by all of the members of
any labor collective of socialist society.
Under the conditions of the scientific and technological revolution and of
the growing interdependence of the spheres and factors of social development
che importance of even partial decisions increases, and the responsibility
for their adoption grows. No matter how competent and qualified a leader
may be, he fs simply unable to embrace all of the aspects of on issue which
requires a decision, unable alone to weigh all of its possible consequences.
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For this reason, the scientific and technological revolution and the greater
complexity of the managerial process which is connected with it not only does
not limit the circle of people taking active part in the development of a
decision and in its execution, but insistently demands the involvement in
managerial activity of as many members of a labor collective as is possible.
It is this which is the conclusion of the practice of developed socialist
society. Expansion of the participation of worker collectives in production
~ management and in the management of other public affairs is the sim of the
decisions of the 25th and 26th CPSU Congresses, the new USSR Consti�ution,
the laws on [he authority of the oblast and kray soviets and on peoples' control,
and other legislative acts.
Original experience in involving labor collectives in managerial activities
has been gained in the fraternal socialist countries. In line with realizing
the decisions of the 12th Congress of the Bulgarian Communist Party, in the
People's Republic of Bulgaria the role of collective bodies in production
management at enterprises, in agro-industrial complexes, and in economic organi-
zations and teams is growing. These bodies are turning into elective ones.
"In the future, in keeping with the law, only one representative of an economic
organization or enterprise will enter the collectii~ body as a representative
of the state. All of the others will be elected." In the GDR a wide practice
is made of reports by enterprise directors to workers' collectives. In Hungary
there is positive experience in trade union participa[ion in regulating the
relationships between the administration and production collectives.l3
An ever wider and more comprehensive participation by the workers in the manage-
ment of the affairs of society is also ensured under socialism by the develop-
menc of the system of peoples' control ~.t all levels. "A necessary component
part of Soviet democracy," it is noted in the Suc~nary Report of the CC CPSU
to the 26th Party Congress, "is all-embracing peoples' control over the work
of managerial agencies and officials. Not a single violation, and not a single
instance of abuse, wastefulness, or lack of discipline must escape the careful
view of the peoples' controllers. To act more energetically and to act more
aggressively--this is the orientation that the Central Committee of the CPSll
gives them."14
Peoples' control is carried out above all through special state organizations--
commi[tees which have their own place in the political organization of societj?.
Throughout the country approximately 10 million controllers participate in
their work. This is an entire army of workers, representatives of the various
strata of the population who are organically connected with the strata and
who expr~ss their interests. This army defends the people's interests. It
wages a struggle against various kinds of abuses by authority. The system
of peoples' control also embraces the work of various public organizations
which have the constitutional right (and are making ever wider use of it) of
exercising various forms of control over the work of agencies of state power
and state institutions, of making suggestions on improving this work, and
influencing the selection of ~adres. Peoples' control is also exercised through
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_ the system of public opinion whose channels of expression are the organs of
mass information. Through them, and also through other channels, public opinion
influences managerial decisions and actions, criticizes various shortcomings
in [he work of state agencies and other organizations, and participates in
the management of the economic, socio-political, and spiritual processes of
the life of Soviet society.
Power in developed socialist society is exercised by the people itself both
directly~ and, on its instructions and in its interests, through representatives
chosen by it in the agencies of Soviet power. The total number of peoples'
deputies is 10.3 million. On the whole, however, more than 30 million people--
that is, every fifth or sixth adult citizen of the USSR--participates in
the work of the soviets and the committees which are formed by it. This creates
reliable guarantees against the formation of a technocratic elite which is
capable of monopolizing management. Priority in the solution of all political
and managerial problems belongs to the basic elements of the socialist politi-
cal system, above all, the soviets and the communist party. The managerial
apparatus acts in order to attain goals which are advanced by the party and
to carry out the decisions of representative bodies, and this apparatus is
under constant public control.
Certain bourgeois and revisionist critics of real socialism see a limitation
upon democracy in the fact that the CPSU is the leading and directing force
of Soviet society and the nucleus of the political system of developed social-
ism. Meanwhile, the growth of the leading role of the party in socialist
society is not a limitation, but, on the contrary, a powerful political lever
for the development of the broadest democracy. Social management is always
politics. Both the management of society as a whole and of its individual
spher~s has i~~ uwu guals and its own strd~a~y. It is importa:~~ t~ clarify
who determines the politics, program, and strategy of management. In socialist
society this function is carried out by the vanguard of the working class--the
communist party. This ensures the primacy of the political approach to the
solution of all economic, social, and cultural problems. Calculation is in
first place: How will various managerial decisions and their realization
influence the relationships of the various classes and social groups of society.
It is from this political point of view that the immediate practical, technical,
and economic results of a decision are evaluated. Within the managerial system
of developed socialism the decisive role belongs to the CPSU which embodies
in its policies a broad political approach that is a guarantee against the
narrowness of cechnocratic decisions. Of course, the progress of socialist
society and the increased complexity of the managerial system is constantly
making increased demands upon the party itself and apon its members and orga-
nizations in the field of ideological political and organizational work.
The party itself develops along with the development of socialist society,
accumulating its new fEatures and qualities, and interpreting and generalizing
the experience of forward movement. It is the party as an embodiment of the
~ advanced consciousness and advanced goal~ of society, as the political vanguard
of [he people which is the chief obstacle to the emergence and development
of various kinds of bureaucratic grow[hs in the different elements of socialist
society and in the agencies of state management. It is the party which pursues
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a considered and scientifically substantiated policy of a careful consideration
and coordination of the needs, interes~s, and spiritual requirements of all
of the social and professional strata of society, and which acts as a political
regulator and director ensuring the normal coordinated functioning of the
political system of socialism, and as a guarantor of the real realization
of the democratic right of each and all to participate in the management of
the affairs of society.
The scope and depth of the real participation of the workers in the management
of society under socialism depends to a large extent upon the level of the
development of the political culture of the masses. Socialism creates the
widest possibilities for the participation of all citizens in the management '
of society and the state. However, these possibilities in a socialist society
also do not always turn into a reality. This circumstance was noted by V.
I. Lenin when he characterized the participation of the masses in the Soviets
after the revolution. The system of Soviets had already at that time provided
great possibilities for the participation of ordinary citizens in managerial
work. However, in fact, this was frequently hindered by the low cultural
level of the masses. "To date," Lenin said, "we have not achieved the state
in which the working masses could participate in management--besides the law,
there is als~ the cultural level which cannot be subordinated to any law.
This low cultural level creates the situation in which the Soviets, which
according to their program are agencies of management through the workers,
are, in fact, agencies of management for the workers through the advanced
strata of the proletariat. . . .~~15
Compared to the time when these words were said socialism has made great forward
strides. The cultural and educational levels of the population have greatly
increased, as have the needs and abilities of the masses to participate in
politics. But, at the same time, the requirements upon management have in-
creased. It has become a complex and dynamic system based on a complex of
sciences. For this reason, the realization of the possibilities of socialist
democracy demands a further rise in the level of the political culture of
the masses. This culture includes political knowledge, a knowledge of rights
and duties and of the norms of the functioning of society, the mastery of
- the principles, measures, and skills of management, and also the aspiration,
habit, and inner need to participate in the management of the affairs of
society. "We want," L. I. Brezhnev said in connection with the adoption of
the new USSR Constitution, "the citizens of the USSR to have a good knowledge
of their rights and freedoms and the ways and methods of realizing them, that
they know how to employ these rights and freedoms in the interests of the
construc`ion of communism, and for them to clearly understand their unbreakable
connection with the conscientious fulfillment of their civic duties. To assist
this, and to help in the development of a high political culture in each citi-
zen it is an important task of party, state, and public orga16zations which
are responsible for the communist education of the workers."
A high level of political culture is one of the necessary and most important
preconditions for the gradual formation in the depths of socialism of the
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j
~ principles of communist social self-management. Only high political culture
permits the individual or the labor collective to rise above group, communal,
and local interests to a consciousness of the interests and goals of the whole
of society.
It is clear that the mechanism of cortenunist social self-management the conditions
for which are graduall} being formed and developed in the bosom of socialist
democracy is a single integral social mechanism which embraces [he entire
system of social relations on a national scale. This single mechanism--especially,
its top and middle elements--cannot function on the basis solely of corporative
interests. The interests of each collective in socialist society play an
exceptionally iroportant role in the development of the initiative of the masses.
But they absolutely have to be coordinated on the level of the interests of
society as a whole. Socialism re quires a thorough disclosure of the creative
potential of each collective and, at the same time, an organic merging of
this potential with the constructive and goal-directed energy of all of society.
The interests and goals of the whole of society which functions and develops .
in a planned way as a single social complex have to be put at the head of
the communist system of self-management.
The development of socialism is constantly creating a need for an expansion
and deepening of socialist democracy. "Socialism," it is stated in the documents
of the 25th CPSU Congress, "is impossible without the constant development
of democracy. We understand the perfecting of our socialist democracy, above
all, as the constant ensuring of an ever wider participation by the workers
in the management of all of the affairs of society, as the further development
of the democratic principles of our statehood, and as the creation of condi-
tions for the comprehensive flourishing of the individual."17 This CPSU policy
proceeds from the fact that the realization of the participation of the working
masses in management is a multi-level problem which is connected with the
perfecting of the political system of socialism, with the formation of the
political culture of the masses, and with the comprehensive development of
the individuality of the worker of socialist society.
- The progress in all of these directions during the process of the constant
development of developed socialist society into a co~nunist society is creating
the preconditions for complete people's power and for the active participa-
tion by every member of society in managerial work while re[aining the latter's
_ high professional level.
FOOTNOTES
1. "Materials of the 26th CPSU Congress," Moscow, 1981, p 65
2. V. I. Lenin, "Complete Works," Vol 33, p 116
3. DIE WELT, 31 May 1980
4. "The New Egalitarianism: Questions and Challenges," Port Washington (New
York), 1979, p 51
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5. IC. t~arx and F. Engels, "Works," Vol 46, Part 2, p 208
6. V. I. Lenin, "Complete Works," Vol 40, p 215
7. "Materials of the 26th CPS:! Congress," pp 126~127
8. V. I. Lenin, op. cit., Vol 36, p 157
9. "The Constitution (Basic Law) of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics,"
Moscow, 1977, Article 9
10. V. V. Kuybyshev, "Selected ~lorks," Moscow, 1958, pp 270-271
11. V. I. Lenin, op. cit., p 200
12. RABOTNICHESKO DELO, 15 January 1982
13. PROBLEMY MIRA I SOTSIALIZMA, No 7, 1981, pp 63-64
14. "Materials of the 26th CPSU Congress," p 65
15. V. I. Lenin, op. cit., Vol 38, p 170
16. L. I. Breznhev, "Following Lenin's Course. Speeches and Articles," Vol 6,
Moscow, 1978, p 545
17. "Materials of the 25th CPSU Congress," Moscaw, 1976, pp 85-86
COPYRIGHT: Izdatel'stvo TsK KPSS "Pravda", "Voprosy filosofii", 1982
2959
CSO: 1800/639
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NATIONAL
NEW BOOK ON TRANSFORMATION OF KAZAKH COUNTRYSIDE
Mosco~* OBSHCHESTVENNYYE NAUKI V SSSR: SERIYA I, PROHLEMY NAUCHDTOGO RO1~iUNIZMA ~
Russian No 3, May-Jun 82 (signed to press 27 Apr 82) pp 134-140
[Review by L.V. Yasnaya of book "Sovremennoye selo: blagosostoyaniye i kul'tura"
[The Present-Day Village: Well-Being and Culture] by B.R. Madyshev and T. Ro~amkulov,
Alma-Ata, Kaynar, 1981, 1?1+ pages]
[bccerpt] Under the conditions of scientific and technical progress the structure
of gersonnel in the mass professions in agriculture is changing, a new type of
worker is being formed and the proportion of engineering and technical workers
is increasing. At the sovkhozes and kolkhozes of Kazakhstan the number of vehicle
operators is constantly increasing and their qualitative makeup is beiag iu~roved.
Thus, in 1978,tractor drivers lst class made up 27.9 percent, 2nd class 27.3
percent, and 3d class 44.8 percenttagainst corresponding figures of 13.2, 22.3
and 64.5 percent in 1966 (page 75).
The training of workers in broad-qualification profesaions requires an optimal
level of education. The experience of recent years ahows that secondary educatian
is the main basis for the continuous rise in the cultural-technical level of the
entire population.
The general education school has now become one foxm of direct training of qualified
cadres for agriculture. However, there are serious shortcomings in the orgaaization
of production training in the Ka zakh SSR. Thus, re~rganization of the scboole
is not always combined with creation of the necessary material-technical base and
the availability of teaching staff. In a number of schools production training
is being replaced by narrow profe~sionalism that does not take into account the
requirements of agriculture. A questionnaire poll conducted by the authors among
achool graduates showed that S percent of pollees are working in apecialtiea
acquired during their years of training, and in some schools the figure ie even
lower. On the whole, the introduction of mandatory professional training for
schoolchildren has not yielded the egpected effect. .
In this connection, great i~ortance attaches to studies of the iaterests and
aspirations of young people, and of factors influencing profeseional leaaings.
The methods of professional orientations should stem from apecific conditioas and
requirementa in any given profession:
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The basic forms for trai~:ing qualified cadron-
hetjobct a~~ide~aP= ~ctionaaad
vocational and technical sci,~__s ~SPTU'bJ, g pQe ~lf of all
the secondary specialized and higher training establishmeats.
vehicle operators, who usually have two or three cou~ined specialties, are trained
at the SPTl1's. In recent years not only has the number of SPTU's increased but
the quality of cadre traiaing has improved substantially. During the peri,od 19)1-
1978, some 188 SPTtJ's in the republic trained more than 537,500 qualified workers
(page 8 7) .
The quality of cadre training depends largely on the makeup of teachers. As at
1 January 1979 there were 2,835 teachers and 3,117 production-training masters
in the republic's SPTU's, representing a shortage of 230 teachers and 250 masters.
Some 67.7 perceat of teachers had higher education and 32 had preliminary, incomplete
higher and secondary spec3abi~ed education; correspoading figures for masters were
0.4 and 72 percent (page 88).
In this conaection, training directly on the farms acquirea special significance.
On most of the farms in Razakhatan, however, the quality of cadre training falls
far below the level o~ the techncial equipment available. Oae important factor
in increased cadre qualifications is length of aervi,ce. Practice shows that vehicle
operators with seniority of more than 9 years use equipment 20 ts 30 percent more
productively than thoae with seniority of up to 3 years (page 92).
A considerable percentage of upper echelon managers have completed higher and
secondary specialized education, but many of the middle echelon managere do not
have specialized education.
At this time 39 aecondary agricultural training establishments, iacluding 24
tekhnikums and 15 sovkhoz-tekhnikuma, are operating in Ka ~akhstan, traiaing
specialists in 20 specialties. However, the authors write, it ie imposaible to
solv~e fully the problem of cadre training for the countryaide without acientifically
substantiated and long-term planning.
Chapter 4 is entitled "Socioeconomic Development in the Countryside During the
Period of Developed Socialism." In recent years the income of the rural population,
and particularly of the kolkhoz peasantry, has been growing at faster ratea than
the income of the urban population. Thus, during the period 1970-1978, wages for
workers and employees in the country increased by a factor of 1.3 while wages for
kolkhoz farmers increased by a factor of 1.5. In the Kazakh SSR, during the period �
1965-1978, while the total incrase in the average monthly wages for workera and
employees rose 63�3 percent, wages for kolkhoz farmers incre~sdd 84 percent (page 98) .
At the present stage subsidiary private �arming is of considerable signifircaace
in the incomes of rural workers. In 1978 total incomes for kolkhoz farmera included
25.2 perce: t as income from private subsidiary farming. while among industrial
workers the figure was 0.8 percent (page 103) . Accordiag to f igurea from the
Kazakh SSR Central Statistical Administratior., 64.7 percent of the kolkhoz
farmers' demand for meat ia being met through private farming, with this figure
standing at 58.4 percent for sovkhoz workers; the corresponding figures for milk
and dairy products are 84.4 and 81.4 percent, and for potatoes, 91.3 and 85.4
percent (page 104).
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At the present stage the main lever in regulating the dimensions of private
subsidiary farming is the growth in kolkhoz and sovkhoz production. Pr ivate
subsidiary farming will contract. The rapid growth rates for kolkhoz famera'
wages, the authors write, will lead to a situation in which the structure of the
family budget among the rural population will approach the structure of that ~.n
the cities increasingly rapidly.
New prospects are now being opened up for the skillful combination of social
production and consumer demand. When examining the complex problem of demand,
the authors write, it is essential to proceed not only from actual demand aeen
at a giv~en historical moment but also from the possibility of exerting a certain
influence on the part of society on the individual's dema~~ds and on the formation
of these demands in line with the rise in the people's material and cultural
standard of living. The authors cite the contraction in the ratio of expenditures
on food and the corresponding rise in expenditures on industr3al goods and cultural
and everyday services. Note is also made of the increased contributions from the
public to the savings banks of th0 Ka zakh SSR, which rose from R778,000 in 1965
to R1.7 million in 1978 (page 108). In recent years there has been a sharp increa~se
in the provision of durable cultural and everyday items for the rural population.
One important indicator for growth in real incomes is the change in the dynamics
of retail trade turnover. In 1978 retail trade turnover in the Ka zakh SSR increased
59 percent compared with 1970, and in rural localities of the republic it rose
from R2.5 billion in 1970 to R3.9 billion in 1978 (page 110) . Here, there has
been considerable rapprochement between urban and rural per capita trade turnover,
but it is still considerably higher in the cities than in the countryside.
In the rapprochement between the living standards among the urban and rural
populations paramount significance attaches to improvemer~ts in the housing and
everyday conditions of rural workers. Per capita livir.g areas at kolkho zes and
sovkhozes in the republic increased 3.94 square meters during the period 1960-
1977 while the figure for urban localities was 2.19 square meters (page 113, .
However, housing and u~nicipal conditions in rural localities atill lag behind
those in urban areas. The network of small settlements that has developed
historically does not accord with the production conditions of sovkhozes and
kolkhozes and is hampering today's capital construction. Accordingly, within the
republic the number of ma~or populated points built according to standard designs
is increasing.
During the years of the bu ilding of socialism the provision of amenitea has been
transformed into an independent public sphere. In Kazakhstan it has been developed
over the past 10-15 years. Despite the considerable improvement in the provision
of amenities the Ka zakh SSR occupies ninth place among the union republics. The
provision of amenities has been developed unevenly among the oblasts of the republic.
A~ the present stage the problem of im~roving and perfecting everyday and housing
and municipal services for the rural population in the republic has been brought
to the forefront.
COPYRIGHT: INION AN SSSR, 1982
9~~42
CS~: 1800/803
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