JPRS ID: 10687 WORLDWIDE REPORT TERRORISM

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• Collection: JPRS
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00850R000500080061-1
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• Document Creation Date: November 1, 2016
• Sequence Number: 61
• Content Type: REPORTS

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JPRS L/ 10687
- 27 July 1982
~l1/orldwide Re ort ~
p
TERRORISM
FOUO~~ 8/82
FBIS FOREIGN BRdADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
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FOR OF'F[CIAL USE :~NLY
J~RS L/10687
27 July 19$2
WORLDWIDE REPORT
TERRORISM
(FOUO 8 f 8 2 ~
CONTENTS
as~,
JAPAN
Let Us Practice Internationaiism: 9th Anniversary of
Lydda Struggle
(KORUSAI SHUGI 0 JISTEN SHIYO, 30 May ~1) L
WEST EUROPE '
ITALY
- Communism and War
(Antonio Negri; IL COIrIlrIUNISMp E LA GUERRA, May 80) 20
SPAIN
ETA ~ommunique to Basque People
(ZUZEN, Jul 81) 88
- a - (III - WW - 133 FOUO]
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JAPAN
LET US PRACTICE INTERNATIONALISM: 9TB ANNIVERSARY OF LYDDA STRUGGLE
Unknowa KOKUSAI SHUGI 0 JISTEN SHIYO ia Japanese 30 May 1981 pp 1-38
(Text] Introduction
Citizens, comrades and friends fighting against Japanese imperialism: On
this 30th day of May, the ninth anniversary of the ~Lydda struggle, and ten
years since fighting with the Arabs, we, the Jspanese Red army, send heart-
~ felt greetings of solidarity to citizens, comrades and friends fighting acrosa
the seas, fortified with clenched fists in the confid~enr. belief in certain
victory and with the conviction cl our own revolutionary duty.
Now, together with our Palestinian revolutionary comrades, with who~e we are
inseparably united as we were 10 years ago and are even more so now, and
our world revolutionary comrades, we have nurtured solidarity, studied, en-
couragea and supported the mutual teachinga that we should transform the
heighteni.ng of world confrontation into revolutionary victories in varioua
countriea. We, the Japanese Red Army, while making the pr~cept of world
struggle homogeneous with the prece~~t of Japanese clase struggle, and securing
step by atep the actusiization of revolution by uniting our strength, vow to
carry out the duty of a Japanese revolution.
Japaaese Red Army
30 May 1981
1. Provocation by the enemy has cauaed the Lebanese civil war.
~ With the change in the U.S. imperialist government snd Reagan's appearance
~ on the scene, Lzbanon's civil war has once again begun to intensifq. The ba-
lar~ce in Lebanon which had been a divided rule by two powera since the 1976
civil war---the Lebanese progreasive forces and Palestinian revolutionary
forcea which rule over the area ranging south from Beirut, the Lebanese capi-
talr to the Israeli border, and the rightist, fascist Kataib forces based in
. the northern region---has begun to be destroyed by the provocation of the
rightist fa~tion. At present~ Ieraeli cooperation which h~d formerly been
carried out in secrecy has commenced with ~oint tactics based on an overt
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alliance b~tween Israel and the noxth~xn Kata~b ~oxces. The direct cause of
the civil war orig~nated wfi.en the x~.ght3.sts st$rted construction on a mi'litary
road tieing the scattered rightist regions to the south; this is based oa a
pincer strategy with Israel. This signifies the tightists will sever the
Syrian supply route to the Palestinian forces in the south and will encir cie
and isolate the osuth. Attempts to reunite Lebanon under the power of the
rightiats have started as an actual plan.
The Arab peace keeping forces have demanded a stop to conatruction of the
road and withdrawal of the rightist troope; the struggle has intensified
with the provocation and the war situation has expanded through the protec-
tion of Israeli fire, and has started to spread from one region to the entire
area.
The Palestinian led forces continue to confront militarily the daily provo-
cation and air attacks of the rightists and Ysrael; and holding the 15th
Palestinian National Assemby on 11 April, they explicitly spelled out the
anti-imperialist, anti-Zionist atruggle as an snti-U.S., anti-Iarael, anti-
- rightist confrontation.
Then, they made a resolution to strengthen their cooperation with the Lebaneae
progressive forces, Syria and the Soviet Union.
Meanwhile, as for the revolutionary eituation in Latin America, with the
victory of the Nicaraguan revolution as the oppartunity, the anti-U.S., anti-
military dictatorship, Latin American, anti-imperialist forcee of Central
America, for whom the E1 Salvador struggle is the climax, have united and
- allying themaelves with the Mideast and socialist couatries have spread the
anti-imperialist atruggle.
In the midst of the intensification of wo~ldwide tension, auch as the Polish
and Latin American situations, the enemy is intensifying the provocation,
; having made anti-communism and anti-Sovietism the demarcation line; the enemy's
interrention in the Mideast has caused a linkage with the intensification of
the Lebanese ci~il war.
2. The enemy has advanced a cheme of confrontation and provocation with anti-
communism and anti-Sovietism as the key.
Sin~e Reagan appeared on the scene, as can be seen in the anti-communist,
anti-Soviet propaganda activity during Secretary o� State Iiaig's visit to the
Mideast in April, the eaemy has atrengthened its posture of confrontation
with military power as the axis, against the worldwide advance of the snti-
imperialist struggle and has reinforced its anti-revolutionary maneuvera
. in an offensive revamping of ita anti-communist strategy.
With the revolutionary victorq of Vietnam in the 70~a as the demarcation
line, the ene~ny pressed for a revamptng of its anti-communiat~military alli-
ance, and bp means of its dangerous aggression against the progressive forces
who aim at the people's liberation, de~mocracy and socialiam, that is, the
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the strategy af power and~oil~,taxy pxovocation of the 80~s, a desperate
rollback of capttalisa has started, deepening the danger. Its distinctive
feature is first of all~ intervention in the soctalist countries with an
anti-Soviet strategy as the asia; secondly. its distinctive feature is to
stave off the weakening of imperial~sm's political, economic and military
control of the "third world;" they are promoting class differentiation
with anti-co~unism and anti-Sonietism as the demarcaCion, and moving ahead
with the capitalistic revamping of democracy. In the Mideast, joint Arab-
Israeli control and, as the concept of the second Camp David, dismantling
of anti-Zionism at the religious level by the nationalist rightists and the
formation of an anti-Soviet encirclement net are being advanced. That is
manifested in the intensification of the enemy's att~cks---confrontation
and internal destruction---against the progresaive forces of Palestine ~nd
Syria and the anti-imperialiat forces. Such acheming is tied to t4e present
Lebanese civil war. Thjrdly, they are trying to uaify and regulate the con-
tradictions within imperialism with anti-co~nunism and anti-Sovietism as the
axi:s .
These are life and death issues for imperialism and for their realization,
first of all, they will establish a collective security system with military
power as the axis on the basis f a superiority of power. Secondly, in order
to press for a national reorganizatior, suitable to this anti-communist, anti-
Soviet system, they will build up nationalistic exclusivism as the anti-Sovie~
anti-communist ideology. And thirdly, with the revoling of human rights di-
plomacy, and the combining of military faecism and imperialism on a world-
~ wide scale, the world lines have been drawn delineating whether anti-commun-
ist and anti-Soviet or not.
Reagan's po~icies have atrengthened this bellicose tendency even further.
In Asia, the intensification of~th~e anti-comm~uniat, united strategy with
Japanese imperialism, the militaristic revamping of Japanese imperialism
manifested in the switch fram multi-directional diglomacy to anti-Soviet
diplomacy, and the alliance with Chun Doo Hwan are moving forward to an en-
gulfinent of China. ,
In order to suppress revolution in Central and South America, the "frontyard
of the U.S.," they have begun strengthening the propping up of anti-co~unist
military di~tatorships and the direct intervention in suppre~sing the pro
gressive forces, they have brought about the intensification of the anti-U.S.
struggel in vario~is countries where Cuba and Nicaragua are behind the revolu-
tion, and in the meantime, they are repeating their vigorous posture of urg-
ing the governing class in various countries toward an anti-communist, anti-
Soviet decision.
_ With an anti-communist strat~gy linking Poland and Latin Amerias, the enemy
has created the danger of constant war in the Mideast.
Although the revamping of imperialist control by U.S. iaperialism which makes
this anti-communism and anti-Sovietism the demarcation line fs supported and
strengthened as a mutual atrategic lifeline through European and Japanese
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lmperialism, and at the s~oe tiaue~ contrad~,ctoxy to tF~e sche~e o# colonisl
domination of vari,ous countxies, its d~xection re~n$~ns ~n the gzoping stage
because of conflict.
The imperialist countries view an anti-communtst, anti-Soviet. cooperative,
anti-revolutionary alliance as a collective security sgstem for prolonging
the capital theory which demands the pursuit of proftts because of the re-
treat of U.S. imperialism's centralized unity and the progress of~the pro-
greasive forces. However, these countries are restricted in the face of
thier own imperiRlist pursuit of profits, are unable r.o resolve this and are
deepening still more the contradictioas and expanding their ferocity.
With the anti-co~unist strategy as the key, modern imperialism shows its
basic character in being compelied to "restrict" the blind pursuit of pro-
fits and the rivalry among the imperialist ocuntries by means of political
power. The nature of imperial,iam has not changed; it is restri~ted by the
struggle with the socialist forces born from capitalism, is unable to resolve
the contradiction and demands the prolongation of capitalist production. And
the socialist forces born from capitalism are also conatantly restricted by
the struggle with capitalist forces and are unable to actualize the building
of socialism in one country as a pure culture, and then form the transition
to a world socialist system which advances, overcoming the restrictions and ,
errors.
'~Je must stand firm in the struggle between imperialist forces which try to
prolong this capitalist produ~tion relationship and, in opposition to them,
[he forces demandfng advancement with so cialism as the demarcation line af
fighting people. This basic contradiction penetrates everything through
and through ~ust as no matter how much one cuts a magnet, plus and minus
remain. Plus and minus exist in the individual, in the group, in capitaliat
countries, in socialist countries. It goes without saying that for this
reason the actualization of revolution is required~. even more in the position
of capitalist criticism, including aelf-criticism.
3. Let's fight the enemys provocation whi ch has anti-communism and anti-Sov-
ietism as the demarcation line; and let's streagthen our anti-imperialist ~
encirclement net.
At present, the enemy has set about revamping the system on a world acale
with anti-communism and anti-Sovietiam as the demarcation line.
The intensification of class contradiction between imperialism which is based
on an anti-communist strategq and the forces wanting world wocialiam, includ-
ing the people of our awn imperialist country whca oppose imperialism, has
produced an aggravation of U.S.-Soviet confrontation as a consequence. Aside
~ from whether the Soviet route is revisionist or not, the Soviet existence is
organically connected to the struggle in our own imperialist country and the
struggle af the third world which desirea a peoplets liberation; ob3ectively,
_ it is in the positon of being the material easence of the struggle and for that
reason, the anti-Sovietism of imperialism has increased.
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What is xequired 1.s re..ogn~.z~,ng .th.e ~roxl~c~ clasa stxuggle as a un~ty, under-
standing its d~atinctive ~eatux e as the esse~tce o~ class and carrying on �
the struggle in eacli country for the l~beratiait of the united worker class
of the world.
Not looking at the essence of U.S.-Soviet confrontation, and, as a conse-
quence of that, advocating from the viewpoint of one countrq an anti-social-
ist imperalist or anti-Stalin strategy or a"vodka-cola" theory will reault
in being unable to grasp the world class struggel a~ a united class contra-
. dict~on; and not looking at the real world fram the directiion of the people's
revolution in various countries or in the dynamic view of what the USSR did
or did not do will end up~distoring the world.
The reality in which the revolutionary forces, who seek socialism in the Mid-
east, Latin America, Africa and Asia, discerning the enemies of the people,
- stand up to fight against.imperialism, and unite in recognition of the social-
ist countries as strategic friends and fight to dissolve the matierial of
capitalism is behind the people'r~ struggle against Japanese imperialism.
4. How shall we fight the strugg~e based on internationaliem?
How should we fight in ordar to actualize the Japanese revolution in unity
- with the world revolution and to actuslize the liberation of Japan's worker
class and citizens as part of the world's citizens?
In the past, we looked at internatioaalism from the lofty sacrifice of Che
Guevarra that internationalism is fighting for the actualization of a unified
world progressive independence and the readinese to sacrifice willingly for
other people. However, we were unable to grasp the struggle at our tawn feet
as the realization of internationalism, and being waabl~ to determine ourselves
whether our own actual way of fighting is internationaliem or not, built a
Great Wall between internationalism and reality; we were fightiag within the
country whfle only looking afar. I~eal internationa~iem is shown in how one
fights now in one's own place, not somewhere far away.
In arder for the worke~ class and all people to liberate themselves from the
yok~ of capitalism, the world'.s workers must unite and throw off the control
of capitalism. The worker class and oppreased p~ople and races, who hsve been
placed in a common de~tiny bq imperialism with ita anti-com~uunism as the main
point and who organized ~ecause of that, will continue fighting to "gain value
as a peraon.; (Marx) a mutual benefit croseing all borders. Being conscious
of the class confrontation and linking together clase consciousness by means
of the value of the homogeneity of allies in the wh,ole world is the fight
- which will gain value as a person.. For that reason, it will be shown as a
person's attitude toward people crossing over all people and borders. It
is shawn in whether one can or cannot consider iche people of other countries
who are placed in a common destiny as our own problem.
The worker class in their own imperialist ocuntries, separated by national
borders, understanding the mechaniam of class c~nfrontation and capitalism
and discovering their own social existence, have power and self-awareness
wh~n confronting the eaemy. Then when thie is negatively linked to universal
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vulu~~, through the discovety o# Qocial e~ciate nce and the affirmative under-
etanding of theaoselvea, an atti.tude toward people glaced in a common destiny
is required as the substance of the nature of cletse. Similarly~ when citi-
zens who aim at tbe people's liberation grasp the real situation in which
people are placed because of iwperialist control and contii~ue to disavow the
~ exclusivist tendeney through the steadfast struggle for the establishment of
the people, and when this is linked to universal values, tbe attituds toward
people wi~h a cammon destiny ie.demanded as the subatance of class. Inter-
nationalism is nurttired on the basis fo this sqmpathy.
While the form which pawer takea is a one atate powsr, "classnesa" is found
in the ideology which considera�other people~with a co~on destiny and the
people~s struggle in one nation as one's owa, and thia is the baeis of intee-
nationalism, that is, the commonality pf attitude with ca~mrades in neighboring
countries.
We think that in the past we put great value on the form of "internationalism"~
and did not understand the substance.
- The fight to actualize internationalism ia manifested in the party's line,
policy and tactics as its po~iti~al poeiton, based on the fundamental apirit
~f internationalism. The question is on the basis of what position ahall
we fight in order for the world's people to ue united as a class.
How did Lenin carrq out internationalism?
Lenin's positon and consciousness of purpose was always in the form of a world
united proletariat. When the overthrow of the czar is considered, upon re-
flection, the dea~nd to reaolve the people's problems appears because the
uuity with allies is kept in mind. W'hen one verifies one's own positon bq the
position of other people and other covatries, one can grasp the link in the
cnndition of homogeneity~ (that is, unity). The basis of Lenin's ideas is
shown here.
When imperiliam created a world syatem and became the enemy of the people
through a aeries of ~oint oppression of the people, Lenin needed to conquer
the nationlist tendency, which prevented claes solidarity, and, transcending
people and nationa, the cosmopolitaniatic teadency to say that peaple's prob-
lema do not exigt. The development of inequallty of people is the product
of imperialist control, and so, it is necessary to create conditions of true
equality and impartiality among nations, both ideologically and materially,
through the mediationof the party's ideology of homogeneity which tranacends
people. The fractionalized nation ia aublated and pawer leading a united
people to a world socialism with class unitq as the axis is foatered. The
reason Lenin made a distinciton between oppreseor and oppressed was to con-
quer the obstalces to unity. Lenin hoisted self-determination of people as
the precondition of free unity, not imperialism's campulsory "unitq" (amal-
gamation) or "separation01 (territorial separation); fighting against imperial-
s~m, oppressed people will liberate themselves spontaneously.
Likewise, he made it clear that since the Russian revolution, even though the
struggle between the two values of socialiam and capitalism is rhe fundamen-
tal contradiction, it is possible for "developing n~tions" to advance direct-
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ly into socialism without going thxough cap~tal~,stp~ and the Soviet expexience
appl~es to ~eudal oz se.~~,#eudal $gxazi:an xelati.onships. Tbe anti-imperialist
struggle can he caxried on w~thout tF?E need ~oz the proletariat and petty
bourgeoisie; thus he allowed the development o# the party to the position of
winning class unity among peoples~ toward the value of socialism. In Lenin's
presentation of the problem, tfie ene~p was alwaqs clear and that was penetrated
through and through wfth the consciousness of purpose of haw to united with
allies in order to triumph.
Lenin's ideological position was unable to be carriee through into the strug-
gle after the third international mov~ment.
In referring to the condtions of that time, the 1928 general plan of inter-
_ national coa~unism provided for tbe "significance of the USSR and its inter-
national revolutionary duty." It prescribed as the key point that "the USSR
is performing the role ~f prototype of the brofiherly mutual relationship of
people in all countries gathared together into a world union of soviet soci-
alist republics which is supposed to be aet up before long-and the prototype
of economic unity of the workera of all countries for a single, socialist
world economy." The basis of the theory of Soviet socialism as the proto-
type was expressed in this. Then after that, aocialism was victoriou~ and
in the proGess of givir~g birth to several socialist countries after the
time when there was only the USSR, international support was required for
the formation of condition~ of equality among natians and people. The new
socialist countries were also required to perform the role of "prototype"
and to bring forth the transition to a aingle, socialist world economy
through the formation of conditons of equality on the basis fo the peoFle's
self-supporting economy.
$owever, the Soviet Union, the precursor, could nat help the new ~ocialist
countri2s build a people's self-supporting economy based on the rebirth by
their own power, dependent on their own people for the purpose of overcoming
the development of inequality, the legacy of former imperialiat control.
Conversely, because they froze the development of inequality, the legacy of
former imperialist control, and moreover, built on the ~asis of the expansion
of socialism, they formed the condtions wherein the socialist economies in
various countries would set up a division of labor, and b-came the root
cause leading to the present contrb3{ction. At the same time, there is also
the problem of autonomy for those receiving sid. The mutual relationehip
which was unable to create equality of the people caused a regreasion in the
unity of socialist countries and gave birth to a hietory of confrontatio~n
and dependence.
What is the link which will defeat the enemy and unify allies?
We have learened from the present socialist countries that if we do no materi-
alize the co~on struggle, making it the mutual value, it is impossible to
aublate the contradiction among people to the condition of true f:quality and
class unity.
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The iaain po~nt o~ ~,nte~Ca~ti.vnal~,sao ~s anti,--i.~tpex~alism and z~ebixth through
one's own power.
A; present, it is required that internationalism unifq allies on the basis
of a"position of anti-imperialism and rebirth through onets owa power."
In a word, that means that on tfie basis of the "position of fighting against
imperialism and fighting with dependence on the power of one'e awn people,"
the leadere of the people learned a mutual lesaon and achieve the unification
of allies for a wosld proletariat independence.
At present, ia the situation where the value system of "socialism" differs in
many ways, fighting on the basfs of giving importance to what must be grasped
as the link in the unification of allies and on the basis of hc~w we can fight
so that the struggle of various people aad nations will become unified makes
it possible to create conditions in which we can f ight together the class
struggle beyond the seas in the meaning of the value of oneness.
The present daily atruggle confronts imperialism's class control and oppres-
sion of the people on the basis of the capitalist production. relationship
and thereby forms a aocialist consciousness and ~n the basis of the socialiat
production relationship forms the relationship of peraons with new persons.
To the eatent that the capitalist productior ~~elationr~hip exists, socialist
countries and socialist forces are not free and are constantly influenced ~y
it. Therefore, they must worr for unity for the liberation of the world work-
er class by unifying the party's consciousness of purpose on the basis of anti-
imperialism and fight relying on the people of their own country who are the
fountainhead of anti-imperialist power. In this point of view it is possible
to view the single pregarations as having a dualitq whereby establishment of
Japanese socialiem for the first time will perform the role of being an inter-
, national base of operations on the basis of a people's self-supporting economy.
At present, without a world party, the more the socialist practice of party
led forces is restricted to a single country, the moYe it is liable to bend to
the interests of that one country. Rather, it is required that we understand
the world situation as a unity and that we advance, firmly grasping the link
of unity for the co~on ob~ ective.
We can see many lessons in the world struggle~ One lesson is that we will
certainly give birth to deviation if we cannot fight with anti-imperialism
and rebirth through one's own power as the key points.
The Afghanistan People's D~mocratic Party seized power in a coup d'etat. Even
though their position is anti-imperialist, they were unable to form the party
rolp of relying on the people and helping the people. On account of that, the
result was that they overcume the contradictions and confronted imperialism
relying on Soviet power.
Furthermore, as for the problem o.~ tfie party in Poland, to the extent it de-
pended on Soviet power over a long periud of time after the establishment of
the socialist state and was unable to draw on the power of the people, the
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fountainhead of power~ it w~& un~hle to_pu].1 togeth,ex th.e power o~ the people
and was unable ta iuake the desires and cxeativi.ty of the people the power of
the party.
The direction of future development is indicated in wfiether or not the revolu-
tion of the party which is desired by th~ independent labor union (Solidarity)
can be made the power of the anti-imperialist struggle and the establishment
~f the stat.e.
There is also the lesson of China's ant{-socialist imperialist line.
The ~lesson is that if, after the one state seizure of power, the class cantra-
diction in one's own country is not understood as united with the world class
contradiction and if the world class confrontation is nderstood as a duality
with the contradiction in one~s own country as the nucleus, there will be a
fall into a nationalist tendency.
Self-reliant birth (rebirth through on~'s own power) is power dependent on
the people, and if this is not tied to the anti-imperialist struggle to liquid-
- ate capitalist production which is the fundamental contradiction of the world
class struggle, the result wtll be a prolongation of imperialism and the de-
struction of the gains of our revolution.
There is also the lesson of Soviet assistance to anti-imperialist countries
and people.
On~the one hand, the Soviet Union follo~wed an international line based on its
two policies of relaxation of tensiona with imperialism through detente and
assistance to the "third world." Aid to forces taking on the anti-imperi~list
s~ruggle is being given as backing for the revolutionary forces o� the "third
world."
Especially under the present world situation in which the anti-revolutionary
governing class in various countries tries to crush the revolution in various
countries with the backing of U.S. imperialism and by means of the power of
an international, anti-revolutionary alliance, the revolutionary forces in
various countries are requesting an alliance of regional and international
anti-imperialist forces to confront this~in each country. However, if the
revolution in various countries is not carried on with the poweY of the people
themselves in those countries, it will be unable to create the fountainhead
of true anti-imperialist power and will be unabie to continue the anti-imperi-
alist fight.
If they are unab]_e to organize the sympathies of the people and to carry on
the people�s struggle in a country independently, this will give birth to
dependence and they will be unable to form the conditions for true equality.
The same is true for us. In the process of creating a brotherly union with-:
our comrades and friends in the world, with the jofnt struggle of the Pales-
tinian revolutton as the departure point, we sublated our own mutual individual
interests and created a mutual relationship of equality, fighting toward the
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comwon ohjective a~ ant~~~t~ex~li.Sna ~xo~u the position 0~ carrying our res~ons-
ihility hy rely~ng ~an the pepple of our own countxy.
In this process, ft~om our own self-criticism~ we have made lessons of the
fight against the ~~ontrol-non-control tendency, the figfit against the nation~
alist inclination and the fight against the tendency to make rebirth through
our own power the total substance. In that, we fiave learned to grasp the con-
ditions which unite the national ineqv.ality of class based on the part}~ s
equality as the sublation of contradiction.
We firmly believe that the process wherein, as the main points of internation-
' alism, the revolutionary forces adhere to the position of anti-imperialism
and rebirth through one's own power, and lea~ning together, help each other
and bring the lessons to life by means of the ~utual party revolution which
makes the revolution one, is the process which will overthrow the enemy and
unite the fighting forces of the world.
Under present circumstances, the world appears complicated at a glance. Im-
_ perialist control is clever, and on ther other hand, socialist countries are
fighting each other and it seems that socialism which was the fortress of the
people's hope is dissolving. Some people have lost hope in socialism, some
pedple say it is the final days of Stalinism, and some people criticize the
hegemony and big powerism; and some people explain that it has no relation-
ship with socialism, but is a confrontation between nationalists.
However, the reality is that these facts have clearly given profitable material
to the imperialists.
It is an unmistakable fact that this is not only a difficulty for the people
of the country in question, but is the main factor hindering the fight of those
fighting with the aim of actualizir.g socialism.
However, historically speaking, capitalism has a 200 year history, calculated
from the industrial revolution; socialism only has the experience of some 60
years since the Russian revolution. Socialism which was born out of the filth
of capitalism is in the process of creating, struggling and establishing a
country, and in those restrictions is advancing by assaluting those many
~ errors. We think that we who are late in establishing socialism must stand
in th~ position of winning socialism in the right direction by means of the
generalization of lessons, studying and overcoming the errors as our own prob-
lems. In the past, Lenin.said "Marxism has done no more than place one corner-
stone of science which must advance in every direction." The value of com-
munism's struggle is in reforming reality; and in that reality, the main posi-
tion of revolution is in correcting errors, linking them to victory. To con-
demn the USSR and give up hope for China and Vietnamn as not being correct
social3sm indicates the lack of generalization to our own fight.
Conversely, it is required that understanding socialism more correctly and
pulling lessons from reality, we temper the directian of today's struggle as
steps toward the actiualization of what kind of socialism sTiall we actualize
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and how.shall we ~o~xa the Japanese xeyqlution aa an internationatl ba~e of opera-
tions.
And we would like to egcel in carrqing out this struggle with Japanese citizens,
comrades and friends.
6. Let's grasp the pioper role for the party in the lesson of Jappn~s class
struggle.
Just as we were, the party, which must manifest leadership power in Japan's
class struggle, has not correctlq understood the role of the party. As a re-
sult, we think that we must decisively face the reality of being unable to
fight on the basis of the key points of internationaZism -the direction of
Japan's class struggle in unity with the world revolution.
We frequently had the chance to recapture the value of the party and the role
of the party, as we recaptured our defeat in the 70's and as we learned the
lessons and experiences together with our world comrades and friends. In
- Japan's class struggle, we understood the value of the party within the move-
ment and tactics of the reality o� whether it is "a fighting party or not."
On account of that, the main duty overseas was fighting to unify the "organi-
zation by means of the mutual armed struggle." In a word, it was to place the
role of the party in the activity of such movc~nents as the armed struggle, to
escalate revolutionary tactics and try to form a non-compromise on the "fight-
ing party." The Red Army's defeat and errors departed from these values and
unable to sublate, spread a blight on the revolution to the very foundation.
In the translation tacf.ics of 1974 and 1975 and in the defeat resulting in
the arrest and confession of defendant Stoke, we verified that the movement`s
progress would not necPSSarily strengthen us, and reversing the way that
"the main point of our party" ahould put value on "fighting," we recaptured
the party's role from a poaiton of making the worker class and the people
the main point of the revotution. Going from the idea that we are central
to the idea that the worke~~ class and people are central, in short, on the basis
of the principle of the pe�.~ple, we recaptured the way the new left should be
as our own problem. At that time, we could not help but feel deeply what
kind of formation process the Japanese class struggle was in and even in that,
arrived at the present situation, unable to make the fundamental generaliza-
tion.
Prior to the war, the Japan Communist Party, our precursors, did not face
squarely the reality of not being able to fight as an organization; and
were unable to grasp the lesson from the disaolution of the important leader-
ship body 15 years prior to the war, and entrusted itself without generali-
zation in the uplifting flow of democratization. The axis of party concen-
tration consistenly depended on COMINTERN and, not generalizing the lack of
unity which should be the basis~ started out after the war gs well with
this is tow.
Because of the non-generalization, sublation of the party's dissolution paid
hoinage to the movee~ent's breakthroughltnd armed struggle, and brought about
defeat in 1975. So, generalization was basically required, but they still
could not grasp the correct role of theparty in the generalization of the
problem of 1975 and coming to the present, theq were unable to sublate the
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the singleness o~ the tendenc~? q~ ipax~ua plann~,ng and the tendency o~ action
planning and this xesulted i,z~. the xeali,z~t~.on o~ the ne~r le~t~ the Japan
Commun~st ~arty. Tf~e tundamental question of Yamakawa--ism and Fukumoto-ism
called into questton prior to th,e ~rar~ is nothing more than t~e result of
being unable to properly grasp tf?e role of tfie p8rty~ tfiat is, the proper
conditons of the relationship between the party and tfie people, and also
in thf 1975 problem, theq were unable to su5late
We made a lesson out of our own defeat, as we studied the defeat of our pre-
decessors; "we must carry out the revolutton ot the leadership forces as a
struggle in oneness with the generalization of the Japanese communist move-
ment, and the key point is to grasp the role of the party, learning from the
1975 problem.
We know that in that problem, our predecessora learned a lesson from pain
and recaptured the organiz8tion. that is, tfie pazty's value. That was r_he
- "two-legged" line of establishment of the partq and maneuvering of the masses,
and this gained success in the snese of "organizational tactics;" and on the
other hand, because the sect which stayed behind in the unchanged organiza-
tion for the struggle of the masses added up non-generalizations, it was
learned theq could not bring about the party's rebirth.
However, we think that we must face squarely that the fact that with the 1975
problem we truly could iiot make a generalization on the role of the party
is manif ested in our present day insufficiency. First of all, that cannot
~ be taken as self-criticsim because, with Stalinism as the problem of Stalin,
we put ourselves in the position of being the~target f~~r esternal overthrow
or in the position of victim; and it was indfcated in the fact that actually
we are founded on the Stalinist view of the infallibilitq of the party even
though we say we are anti-Staliniet.
We think that conquering the view of the infallibility of the party which
is found in the poaition of party equa3.s universality is the struggle which
surpasses Stalinism and the struggle to conquer the system of party as center.
The one-sided emphasis that "the experience of one person cannot be set up
against the experien-e of the world party" brought about the death of the
party.
If we consider ourselves the universality, the essence will become a non-self-
awaraness that we are part of the class and have restrictiona on the natural
growth and understanding which are geographically and historically ordained.
If we are one-sidedly founded on this sub~ectivity, we would take it that the
party cannot make errors because of ita "universality," and errors are the
responsibility of the individual or an external cause and we would deal with
the formal logic of which is correct. Because of that, we would be unable to
allow Marxism to develop for the victory of the revolution. And so, value is
put on the universality of the party; that is conservative.
If there is no generalization realing the partiality o~ the party, in strug-
gling against that and always re~volutionizing the party, "universality" will
" fall into being a dead dogma. From there, the united struggle toward the
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seizuxe o~ powex w1,11 not ccype ~pxth and tfis un~.ted ~xont will ,fall ~nto be~ng
a subordinate organ~,zation o,# tbe paarty. . Tfi.en secondly~ as prescxihed in the
above statements, what sfiould be do~e is not put value on whether or not real-
ity was changed for the objecttve but put value on the correctness of what was
said. We think that in the value criteria of the revolution whic:fi put value
on actual change, if what was said materializes tts sub~ectivity is correct,
and if it does not materialize, the sub~ectivity is not correct because it dfd
not correspond to the rule.
Thirdly, there is the question of responsibilitq.
The party which actualizes the revolution must advance, leading the generaliza-
tions and precepts as the part concerned with the entire class struggle as
our problem. When the worker class and people are considered central, evil
flows in the offense and defnese between the enemy and the worker class and
people, no matter what the defeat of other organizations. We think that the
leadership which undertakes to overcame that can truly form the capability
of the wroker class and people. That is because the party is created and
chosen by the worker class and people.
7. Let's practice internationalism by properlq grasping the role of the party.
Generalization creates the foundation and forms the consciousness of purposa.:
The consciousness of purpose is not sa~ething distant, it aetermines the pre-
sent way of fighting and the capability to ~udge. In that sense, we learned
the lesson that the k~ey to the question of leadership of Japan's c?ass strug-
gle which has not been ~conquered is in the 1975 problem, and we learned from
that con-conquest the actual lesaon of our predeceasors---the leseon of what
is the role of the part.y.
That is, first of all, to grasp the role of t~:~ party from the relationship
between the party and the people, that is, tha wroker class and people them-
selves are the nucleus of the revolution, and~the party carries out the role
of assisting in its actualization. ;~ecandlq, in order to actualize the liber-
ation of the world united worker clacos as part of the world revolution, the
central role in which the party must :tssist is: 1. it must aim at making the
revolution homogeneous to internationalism; 2. it must form the conditions for
a seizure of power; 3. it must take on the responaiblity of tieing individual
strugglee to the battle formation of insurrection and of having an autonomous
political and military capacity and a party organization. Thirdly, material-
istically, the party is part of the worker class, and the essence of that part
is to assist the worker calss and peop~e by having a party organization based
on a plan for internationalism, seizure of power and revolt. The party must
constantly unify (by by study and generalization) the people's coialist prac-
tices. By means of this, self-criticism which revolutionizes us points out
the practice of the party's consciousness o# purpose as the party's ~udgment,
We think that making unitp the position by means of generalization, tn shor�~,
when we give life to the revolution af tfie party via generalization, :.�e ~sn
truly materialize the capability o~ the party on a continual basis.
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Lenin submitted the xole p~ the pa~t}* as ~ollowa in his dx~tft an the geaeral
principYes. o� svc~aliam wx~tten in 1896 w~le in.Peterburg px~son.
"The Russian social-democxatic partq declares as its own dutq to develop the
worker class consciousness. to belp in t.h.eir organiza'tion and to assist the
struggle of the Russian worker class by means of~po~nting out the duty and ob-
j ective of the struggle." ("Co~nentary? and 'rreatise on the General Princip~~+~
of the Social-d~mocratic Partq.")
' On the point of "how must we tie the aim of socialism with~the people's move-
ment born from the life conditions of the ages old aim of trying to do away
with the exploitation of man by man created in tF?e large factoriea," Lenin
stipulated that " the party~s activitq is to help the class struggle of the
workers" and "to assist the worlcers in this struggle which they (the workexs)
have already begun themselves."
We think that when trying to carry out the party's role from the viewpoint of
this assistance, we were able to rasp the direction of the struggle which is
~lways tied to the conscioiisness of purpose and through the study of the move-
ment's spontaneous generation and indiviciuality, and to work out the strategy
of the plan to seize palitical power.
The role of the party is not to cause the perception that "the party is uni-
versality," anfl is not party centrism (making the pPrty central) which sub-
stantially united men around the partq, but on the contrary, it is to point
out the direction by means of increasing the cognitive ability to generalize
the people's social practice, standing together with and se ps~rt of the class,
toward the present ob3ective of tb:.- revoluCion and the ultimate ob~ective.
Ordinarily, it is to assiat in .i:,intly unifying thought toward the objective,
putting value on changing reality. It is to nurture the power which will al-
low every opportunity to materialize into a victorious transformation of the
revolution, by means of preparing independently and underground the conditions
for the materialization and for the seizure o� power.
We think that the root of the weaknesa of the Japanese class struggle is the
fact that it is not cut off from materialism. We think that we must question
the values of Marxist-Leninism and the party role by looking squarely at the
overall facts of soaial relations, seen from the actualization of the ob-
jectives, not the fact of actualization nor one-sided facts for ouraelves.
It is not to insist on and verify the.correctness but to a1Zow each defeat to
be changed to victory within the actualization of a"lose until we win" class
struggle. Because of that, it is to collectively unifq the individual strug-
gles of the worker class and people~ to graso the direction of the struggle
from the viewpoint of solving the strategic power c.~ueation and international
relationa; and to assist the main struggle of the worker clasa and t~e people
themselves by means of returning it again to the worker clasa and people.
And we think that we must expedite the party's sutonomous preparationa suitable
to the battle formation of insurrection, and we must make use cf tactics for
victory.
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If we cannot grasp the role o~ the paxty which.makes the woxkers and the
people the nucleus, ~te will be unable to tznly take on tfie role of making
the struggle o� the Japanes~ woxk,ex class and people homogeneous as one part
of thr_ world revolut~on and we a~ll be unable to actualize'tfie class homogene-
ity and unity of various peoples bepond nationalist exclusivism.
While there is equality, whether a large countrq or small country, in the
class vlaue, at the same time, historically oppressed an3 oppressor exist among
the various races. The party urges internatioasltsm to create conditions
which will overcome the differences of people in order that the worker class
_ and people of various races will fight toge.ther wtth the vatue of on~ness
- and toward one ob~ective.
We think that in the Japanese co~nunist movement, the question af international-
ism has not yet been resolved.
Certainly, the Japanese Communist Party began to derive the party's equality
and the party's independenee from the generalization of COMINTERN. However,
because the Japan Communist Party is uaable to grasp the role of the party
of tenaciously making the people the nucleus of the revolution, there is the
weakness for the Japan Com~unist Partq of only having an independent line in
its relations with tl~eparties of other foreign countries. That is because in
the Japanese class struggle they were unalbe to grasp as important how to fight
at present toward making the Japanese Feople's struggle homogenous with a single
world worker class. On account of that, in the anti-imperialiat struggle, we
would not see *_he JaFanese position in the real world of oppressing people
and our struggle is restricted to a nationl, one-country situation, placing
Japn in the poeition of independence fram U.S. imperialism
To the extent it is a struggle of the people in 3mperialist countriea, we must
make the anti-imperialist atruggle fully underatood in a proletariat inter-
nationalism. However, froa the viewpoint of conaidering the party's equality,
we are unable to grasp the world position of the class struggle in Japan.
The question of ~trategy of the Japanese revolution has also brought about
a one nation tendency because of that.
Internationalism cannot be actualized unless penetrated through and through
with the viewpoint of bieng in union with allies ~nd mutually supporting each
other while fighting against one enemy in order that the people of the world
will be victorious in a single human liberation and class liberation.
The reality in which, being unable to clarify the difference between eneary and
ally, the attitude of criticizing aeighbosing leadersfiip forces as our own
, basic position in order to prove that we are universality~ whether sub~ectively
or not, ob~ectively gives a per3od o~ grace to imperialist cont~-ol, cannot
be overcome.
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~
We think that the way to fight ag~~.nst nati.onal ezcluaivism is to confront our
own country's imperialism and consciously unite as anti-imp~r~alist forces
_ one part of the tnternational anti~imperialist st~ruggle, no matter wliat the
differences in tfieix line, and througfi that~ cI~aage the dif#erences ~nto a
class homogeneiry. It is~ requtred tbat we prepare to fight for seizsure of
power at the present ti~ne o~ the Japanese r~evolution as one part of the world
revolution based on the understanding o# world unity.
8. What i~3 the current conditior~ of the Japanese class struggle?
- More and more it is required that we take on part of the world class struggle,
based on internationalism as the nucleus. The actualization of international-
ism occupies the important position of forming the condtions in which the op-
pressed people confront the common enemy via the anti-imperialist struggle
and the struggle for the overthrow of imperialism in one's awn country bq the
worker class and people of imperialist countries.
At present, in the retreat of U.S. imperialiam and the .anti-communist strategy
by wrold imperialism, Japanese imperialism is advancing in the direction of
achieving its own impexialist profit while carrying out the role as the politi-
cal and military stronghold in Asia. The distinctive feature of the revamping
of Japanese imperialism with anti-communism as thE main point cannot be aeen
simply as a push by II.S. imperialism. Likewise. at the same time, it cannot
be seen as the expansion of the contradiction between imperialism and U.S.
imperilism nor as the ~mbition for ~udependence. Imperialiam can only be pro-
longed by the mutuality of anti-comnunist strategq world wide and cannot help
but control rivaly between imperilists by means of politica]. pawer. For that
reason, Japanese imperialism has developed policies with a dualism of discover-
ing its own interests in the prolongation of coope-ative imperialism and de-
siring its own interests in that.
At present, they are in the stage of c-nsolidating their own base within the
country as they discover that view in the anti-communist, anti-Soviet collec-
tive security system. Weatheri~g the crisis of the 70's which moved to a col-
lapse of the "1980 System" with an absolute ma~ority of conservatives in the
double election, and on the basis of generalization of the 70's, we are planning
qualita~ive changes in the 80's.
The enemy's clever attack ie being expedited by the national coasensus by means
of the mobilization of the mass media, local governing bodies and various nat-
ional organizations as the promotion of militariam and reactioniem from below.
On the baeis of anti-commnunist, anti-Soviet excluaivism, the enemy is now
puehing for militarization on a daily basis. making 1983 the target date, as
seen from the speech on constitutional reform by Minister of Juatice Okuno,
the resolution on national defense, ti~e "constituional revision resolution"
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which ~oade use of local goye~aing hod~,es~ and the egaggexated intexpretation
of the constitution to 'tstatntory conetitut~onal zevisions." With tIze ma3ori-
, ty control as tTie 6ackground; tfie enemy controlling class, looking at now as
the opportunity far militarization, is design~ng militazization in every fieid,
such as the idea of a confQrence oa ca~prehensive security, the dispatch of
troops and the~lan for conscxiption.
This way of acting deepens the confrontatfon for the worker class and people,
and eapands even further tfie chronic dpression, the decline in real wages
and rationalization, and~makes tbP uncertainty and ihstability of life more
serious. Making the internatinal proble,a and anti-cammunist exclusivism
public, and insti~ating confrontation among peopel, tbey are turning the
worker class to the right and strengthening their control by division on the
basis of national gain and national defense. In productior., workplace control
is being advanced in the industrq's information with the alliance as the nu-
cleus .
Regarding the fact rhe alliar_ce is unified by the anti-communist ideology of
"labor unionism" under the na~ae of labor front unity, the Gernal Council of
Trade Unions of Japan has started to break up, unable to possess a line which ~
will change that.
The Japan Cammunist Party has eapanded the contradiction between the Japan
Co~nunist Part y and the General Council of Trade Unions of Japan by systema-
tically setting the unified labor union groups of the left against the General
Council of Trade Unions of Japan. On the ~ther hand, the monopolistic capi-
tal, the country and government have unifiAd and are extending their total
personal control to all people. The scheme for ideological and physical uni-
fied control over all areas of production,,distribution and consumption is
expressed as control of life as humans.
Likewise, while advancing a systematic dissolution and personal destruction
toward the revolutionary forces from their ideology which has anti-communism
_ and anti-Sovietism as the key pointg, they are planninE the oppression of the
people who are fighting indefatigably and the strengthening of public order
and economic ~'lamp-down.
Against such movesnents by the enemy, the revolutionary political party is un-
able to sufficiently institute a strategic direction from the generalizations
and lessons of the 70's.
If we do not prepare for a fight which never loses sigt~t of the enemy and the
strategic fight by means o� putti~g the party which is one part of the worker
class into a social relationship and standing togethr with the worker class
and people and firmly graspi~g the key points of the enemy's attacks, we will
be unable to confront the plan for reactionism and milftarization fr~m the
, battle front. It is required that we stiffen the strategy and tactics of the
people to constantly fight against party centrism which concentrates the worker
class into the "position of theparty."
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1
Like~+rise, even in tIie anti::
goyexataent poli,t~.cal paxties, ~e axe unat~le to
form the concept o~ coa4b~ned polit~.cal poater with the po~tex of the people as
the basis, and b~ecause oux polttical Fiase ~s eaclus~'trtst, Izaving entrusted
- the people's spontaneously develop~ng and i~aediate desises to the vnity o~
the enemy~s eaclusi'vism for natioaal gain and national defense, we are unable
to eonfront them.
The present situation is the result of the people. political parties and poli-
tiGal factions advocating oppostion fram tfi~ir o~n position, individually and
in various clas~es and groups, and the link ~or strategic unitv has not yet
' been grasped.
~ 9. Fight against anti-cammunist, anti-So~viet e:cclusivism; create an anti-
i~:perialist tide. .
Standing on anti-imperialism and rebirth through one's own power, and strate
gically identifying the enemy, we would like to take an the Japaaese revolu-
tion as part of the world renolution while persistently changing our environ-
ment and conditions in order to advan:e the fight to overcome the breakup of
the strategic alliance of our allies.
~
Because of that, first, it is required that we weaken and diasolve one section
of the international anti-revolutionary alliance by organizing the fight to
overthrow our own imperialsim witfi an anti-imperialist struggle.
At present, Japanese imperialism is based on the power of a handful of mono-
polistic capital with fainancial capital at the peak, and sovereignty is tuider
the control of monopolistic ~:apital. And the~national suthoritq froms the
foundation of the irreconcilable confrontation with the life of the people,
as the bureaucratic-political, military, police and ~udicial system. For that
reason, it is necessary that the fight to overcome Japan's imperialism makes
preparations for the seizure of.power by the thoroughness of the anti-imperial-
ist strug~le, making anti-monopolq the ke~? point.
Secondly, we have to form as the axis the political issue of fighting against
a revamping of militarism by means of anti-communist, anti-Soviet exclusivism
which is the core of present day Japanese imperialist control. The enemy is
advancing a national revamping shown in the security treaty, dispatch of troops
and conscription, as constitutional revision, atrengthening of the Japan-ROK
anti-revolutionary alliance and the rationalization of the natioaal government.
It is required that we confront these policj.es of the enemy, and form an anti-
imperialist encirclement net~ and with the union of anti-imperialist forces as
the axis, to collaborate with and unite with the anti-Stalinist, anti-socialist-
imperialist tide.
And thirdly, we are deepening the solidarity of the individual struggles of
our allies towared the formation of an array of revolts based on the quanti-
tative and qualitative power of tfi,e world worker class and people who are the
fountainhead o# power and wisdom. It is required tilat we tie up various sites
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e~ under one puxpoae by means a# yar~,qus tactics, while making an alliance
the thinking of our actual ~ udgment and tactics. Tbat is because we can pre-
pare conditions ~or the estahlishment of the party. based on the value of
oneness and the great alliance and unified battle arraq of anti-t~mperialism
through this fight.
- The enemy's exclusivism is strengtfiening more and more the oppression toward
: the anti-imperialist forces in the country under the name of anti-ca~mnunism
and anti-Sovietism. For that ~eason, the true value of leadershig is required.
We must win qualitative progress, figh~ing with the idea that "failure is the
mother of success." It is required tfiat we fulfill tfie role of the party in
the consistency of the v{p~i;t of assisting tfi e struggle which has the worker
class and people as its nucleus and tfiat we politically, militarily and materi-
ally strengthen the leadership ability of the party.
Not recognizing defeat as defeat, what is demanded is a fight wfiich organizes
defeat into victory as a lesson toward the sei�ure of power based on a strate-
gic viewpoint, not tactics of a one-pattern formula nor a fight which makes the
pro~ection of the movement everything. We think that we must pour our strength
into the formation of a truly collective order, forming the battle array of
revolts from the fight which sets individual against exclusivism.
Conclusion
To all citizens, comrades and friends confronting and fighting against Japan-
ese imperialism:
We, the Japanese Red Army, fight.based on the position of anti-imperialism and
rebirth through one's own power in the Japanese class struggle chained to the
international class Atruggle.
In taking on our du:;y in concert with Japanese citizens, comrades and friends,
we would like to grasp the conditions for the establishment of a single party
which corresponds to the class unity of the people from an ingeniaus plan.
We will take on the part of the Japanese revolution by allowing the lessons of
the revolution develop as a class response of the people from Palestine to
Japan and Japan to the world, on the basis of internationalism which the fight-
ers in the Lydda struggle constructed. Perhaps the armed struggle will be de�-
monstrated as a more effective fight in that view and position.
We call upon you to take on together the fight for the formation of an anti-
imperialist tide, by confronting the anti-communist, anti-Soviet exclusivism
and relying on the worker class and people who are the fountainhead of power
in the struggle.
First of all, let's practice internationalism for the formation of an anti-
imperialist tide.
The Japanese Red Army
30 May 1981
9400
CSO: 6000/0013
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ITALY
- COMMUIIISM AND WAR .
Milan IL CO1rIl~lUNISt40 E LA GUERRA in Italian May 80 pp 7-136
[Book by Antonio Negri, "Marxist Materials" series, edited by the Col.lettivo
di Scienze politiche di Padova [Padova Political Science Collective],
Giangiacomo Feltrinelli Editore, Milan, 136 pages]
[Text] Table of Contents
Chanter 1. Self-criticism and new prablems
1. Prison, the market, truth,
2. The territory of the movement,
3. The malcing of the Proletariet and sub3ective organization,
4. New problems, of inethod,
Chapter 2. Crises of the Crisis-State
1. We and the 1930's,
2. Forms of the crisis: crisis of lack of proportion,
3. Forms of the crieis: crisis of circulation,
4. Forms of the crisis: crisis and violence
S. Problems to Explore
~ Chanter 3. Figures of capitalist utopia
1. Control of the refusal to work?
2. Control high levels of conflict? �
3. A parenthesis on the ghetto,
4. Problems still open
Chapter 4. The problem of war and the theory of value
1. Between Adam Smith and Vladimir Ilich Lenin,
2. Beyond the theory of value?
3. The problem of reestablishment
4. War. Between immagination and reason,
5. To eliminate the problem
6. Other problems,
~ Chapter 5. Communism and organization
1. The form of self-valorization
2. The form of self-determination.
3. The form of organization,
4. Beyond war, for communism,
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To my comrades of 7 April and to the 61 of .Fiat
Chapter 1: Self-criticism and new problema .
many years ago his mother
used to sing this song
so she milled while she sang
the corn people have a song too
- it is besutiful
I refuse to reveal it ~
(information of the Keresan
Indian ~ribe, received by
Franz Boas in 1920)
1. Prison, the market, truth
We need to get things straight. Not in a long essay, but going back from my
present situation to a clear assesament of the movement. Starting again and
going over that territory, starting from the sub~ective misery of our position.
What is concrete now is prison, separation, being cut off from the movement.
But this maximum of separation is not the maximum of alienation, constriction,
being sub~ected to domination. That is the acandal. In this radical break
, between sub~ectivity and objectivity, between the ontological dimension of
the revolutionary sub~ective and the institutional weight of exploitation and
rerression. No one knows how to judge this scandal, and all attempts to inter-
pret it are like an incomplete crime, a frustrated desire, fraud without action.
So the separation is not alienation. Alienation requires an upside down
but effective relationship,.a turning upeide down and a wrenching from a pre-
constituted or desired totality; so it is nostalgia for mediation, or suffering
because of its nonexistence. But here and now, separation has nothing to do
with mediation. It does not contain it or imagine it, neither like utopia nor
like a phantom; it does not desire it. The sign of separation is discont~inuous
with respect to the turning upside down that is presupposed by a~~enation:
discontinuty, a break of inediation from totality. The totality separation lives
through is not homologous to that suffered by alien~tion. The struggle which
arises in separation is not the fluctuation of a totality to be restored. It
is rather the concrete truth, i~?ediate and unmediated, unresolvable by medi-
ation or by capitalist reason.
Opposed to this is the abstract operation of the enemy, of his totality, o�
mediation. We knew the market was completely overdetermined by capitalism.
But we are learning that today the market, after losing all connaction with
the mediation of value, has become a political function for the reconatruction
of capitalist domination. After losing all capitalist truth, the market has
become the terrain of capitalist fiction. The overdetermination of truth no
longer concerns the determination of value, added value, and profit, from the
capitalist viewpoint. It ~ust concerns the controlled play of social and
political forces. Introducing them into a planned market, capitalism domi.n- ~
ates them at will~ Capitalism is mediation. The equivalence of moments, their
~ exchange, dialectics and mediation are the substance of capitalist control of
the market, of its preconstitution, of its dominating action. If monopoly
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controlled the market (once) to make a profit from it, today it preconstitutes
the market to determine truth. This is why this truth is always abstract, the
product of inediation.
I am on the other side. I have meaning, and can be defined, only within the
framework of capitalist mediation of the market: this is what they want. But
I am im-mediare "irrational." Capitalist rationalism says I can be expressed
only in so far as I am mediated. From its point of view, this is true: Surdum
est quod affabile non est, as capitalist political science has repeated from
the beginning, to justify the functional exclusion of sectors of society. So
I am deaf, opaque, and can't be mediated. But do I really have no truth of my
own? Do not prison, struggle, and separation give rise to their own internal
truth? Only truth itself is a sign of truth: this has been said and is the �
seal of every rigorously materialistic position. Now, there is a truth of
what is deaf, opaque, not susceptible to mediation. There is the truth of its
tireless growth, of the continuous exploration of separation.
The immediacy of separation is not a break of circulation within the separate
world. On the contrary. Here a new language is developing with the force of
a new production, of an innovation of uncontrollable fall out. They hypothesis
and its verification are ontological; materialism is always ontological. It
is a formative movement of being that we are witnessing. This deafness of
being and its ineffability have a life of their own. It is a profoundly atheist
life: an animal which refuses to be dominated by any divinity or owner. The
word does not create life but merely tries to dominate it. Here posterity's
recognition of the word is whole. A new being which capitalism would like to
bring under its mediation and which it is forced to recognize as limit and
resistance--a new being has emerged seeking a language of separation. All
this is given in principle: it is given from the moment in which separation
is action, not alienation; it is not nostalgia for totality or endurance of
detachment. Capitalist overdetermination of the truth of the market corres-
ponds to the underdetermination of separation from the market, of the truth of
the im-mediate and that which cannot be mediated. There is only a formal cor-
respondence. In reality there is a break. After the break there is freedom
for development. Every attempt to recover the content of the break--as a
sub~ect, as an effective cause--is mere rhetoric. The break l~.berates the
subject and begins the separation.
AL1 of this is fantastic, you will ob~ect! It is not. It is the content of
tl~e collective imagination of the proletariat, it is the real substance of its
struggle. It is communism as a movement of the value of use in separation.
But if all this were true, you would still object, this separation would be
so profound as to specify an ontological state similar to war! It does. I
am certainly not the first to describe war as an ontological state; a long
philosophical tradition views war as a natural state which histor~cal evolu-
tion is led to from time to time by a crisis. From Lucretius to Hobbes, from
Spinoza to Gibbon, from Burckhardt to Foucault, where "progress" unravels
you find war as the connotation of the basic social relationship.
Here the problem touches on the specificity of the definition, on the genesis
of the present situation: the collaPse of the market. This causes a state
of war. So on the one hand the emergence of the value of youth as a mass .
movement records a state of war. On the other hand the capitalist artifice of
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a programuned fixing of the value of exchange as political co~nand, as a
determination of truth, also records a state of war. The great pacifist
invention of the bourgeoisie, the great pacifist stimulation of war, the logic
of egoisms revisited and brought to found ru'ss, all that collapses; the market
stops being a rule and becomes a place, a territory, a battlefield. Separa-
tion does not separate the market, it destroys it. It destroys it ds mediation,
as reforming logic. It destroys it as a possibility for determining equiwal-
ences and setting sequences of truth in motion. At the limit, separation
can be imprisoned, delineated, excluded; but this, too, destroys the truth
of the market. In fact it does not recognize overdetermination, at this point,
which is not an act of war. Here the market is an abstract place to which is ~
opposed the concreteness of separation. War is the ontological state which
the breakdown of the market leads to.
But the problem is truth, extricating the truth of separation and pinning it
down in its im-mediacy. The universal, this ancient form of inediatior., does
not mean anything to me; the linguistic totality, the communications horizon
I am concerned with must be born of a break, born from within it. It is
ontological totality that issues fram a particular separation--this is what
interests me. The state of war does not exclude a search for truth, it exalts
it. The breakdown of the simulated truth of the market, the crisis of the
capitalist example of overdetermining the process, leave me in the unique
situation of having only one possibility and that is to remodel the language
of truth. Truth as a movement of the value of use, as articulation of separa-
tion. So I break with all mediated totality, universal, intentional. On the
otherhand I must subordinate totality as tension and trend to the formative
process which starts from the particular of the value of use, of the reproduc-
tion of life, of the affirmation of freedom. This is a superficial action of
mine in a terrain which is torn by war but animated by the irreducibility of
proletarian existence. My language is inevitably vague. Nevertheless, in
prison sensitivity to signs is highly accentuated. We aend kitea outside to
the infinite sky.
2. The Movement's Territory ~
_ Dialectical resi.dues litter the field. They are not so much the historical
advances of the traditional workers' movement. Who still has the problem of
_ voting for a party because it is the officia.l representative of a class? Who
still has the problem of wresting --in the struggle~-a card from a sold-outtrad~e
union? The birthright has already been ceded. Millions of proletarians
abstain from voting, thousands of autonomous struggles have shown this. Socio-
logists and journalists can have the privilege of demonstrating that these facts
are irrelevant!
No, dialectical obstacles are not to be found in this dimension but rather
within the territory of the co~nunist movement. This territory is stratified
and full of ravines. If you want to build you have to work on this ground and
make it smooth so that you can build on it. First of all there is a need to
do this through self-criticism of what exists. This self-criticism must take
into account, together with a description of what exists, the strength of the
adversary, his ability to insinuate himself destructively on the discontinuity
of the political processes of the proletariat and exasperate this discontinuity,
reducing it to the capitalist reason of repression.
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Now the fundamental moment of crisis of the communist movement seems to be a
progressive estrangement of the mass proletarian movement as regards needs and
tt~e movement as a counterweight. Only bad dial~ctics, pure politics, have
tried to maintain a relationship between these tensions of the movement.
Attempts to link things up are wasted. The means of politics, bad dialectics,
have ended up sowing confusion about the very importance of the problem. When
it was first raised, before 1977, it had the merit of giving theoretical
_ relevance to a heavy dualistic situation which was then present in a movement,
a situation which was more endured than desired, perhaps derived from the
diversity of the times and of various forms pf resistance to the strength of
the capitali~t counterattack and restructuring after 1968. So the problem was
raised in order to urge people to overcome it, to anticipate the synthesis
which the movement could not produce itself. Instead, division and estrangement
were even accentuated in the phase of the movement's recovery. This is not the
place for a historical reconstruction of that event or for the determination of
specific responsibilities in the failure to produce moments of synthesis
effectively enough or resist the enemy's fire, understood as determining de-
feat for any such attempt. However, the result was.that the destabilizing
movement of the enemy ran with suicidal, accelerating speed towards the end of
guerrilla vanguard war; the destructuring movement became more and more closed
on itself, touching on the isolation of the ghetto and conceding part of its
wealth to the final determination of the capitalist market. The combattant
party and the ghetto appeared as mirro images of each other, as an ambivalent
and unique result, as a transformation of the theory of functions in duality of
components of the movement. Where conditions governing the mass revolutionary
proces5--perhaps for the first time, and certainly very intensively--were push-
ing in the opposite direction, they were pushing urgently towards recovery of
functions of counterpower within the process of self-valorization of the masses.
The counterweight, which was not associated with self-valorization, thus re-
appeared as a variable gone crazy. Self-valorization sought in small markets
an alibi for defeat in the terrain of the invention of a new way of producing,
in the vast soup of the "personal is political" alibi for the failure of
practical struggle. In the middle, attempting an impossible syntheses, remain-
ed the most disqualified politician or the last of the 1968 prophets of
mediation.
flere, however, the problem is that of political critique, so a critique of the
residues of a pale dialectics and of its effects on the theory of the movement.
I'olitical critique means getting to the point right away: to the need to
rearticulate not the self-valorization with the themes and practice of
counterpower, but the new coulmunist movement per se, from within, in the
a~solute immanence of its existence. In the indistinguishability of its
_ expressions. In the fullness o� its action. In the power it can express.
' So in the separation it lives in. The development of coercive relationship
between classes and the dissolution of the market as a norm of the hierar-
chical bonds of society, as a legitimizing source of the distribution of
income, poses the separation of the proletariat not as residue and limit of
the capitalist means of production but as a crisis of this means of production.
Wittiin this crisis, the power of proletarian separateness has already imposed
formidable new :~or.tgages on the articulations of the distribution of income;
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it has already started up a reconstruction of the eocial working day which
restores time and wealth to the proletariat. As always, on these siopes,
workers' science has nothing to invent. It must merely contribute t~c~ the
process of self-valorization of the proletariat in the self-determination o:~
the mass communist movement. The problem is not power. It probably will be,
but already the traditional image of power is radically contested, and its
validity goes ba~k to the masses' criticism of politics. The problem is,
rather, the expression of proletarian might within the crisis of market capit-
alism and its falling apart. The political process.is completely internal;
it can neither conceive of nor foresee delegations or derogations from this
present strategic program. The power of the proletariat does not need inten-
sity along the vertical dimensions of the emanation of state power, but rather
an extension and a broadening of wide horizons of the social reproduction of
the crisis. Consolidating proletarian might is an objective internal to its
conquest. We have no resistance to overcome, no more than we have space to
occupy. We have no need for dialectics or philosophers or mediation or
politicians. We need, first of all, to gather in and develop the proletarian
program against the misery of linkages. Might should be developed within the
workers' use of the crisis. It is to be identified in an expanding taking
root of the trouble.
Thus we touch another limit of the movement's arguments: Its socialism, the
concept of subject in sociological terms. In fact, no one--or very few people--
has been able, in the movement, to understand the ontological scope, the
totalizing meaning of the definition of the social worker as an axis carrying
the new class composit~on. Unlike in other phases of the struggle and analysis,
we were not faced with the result of a grocess--the mass-worker--which had
to be recognized and imposed on the strategy and tactics of the communist
movement, renewing its tradition. Instead, in this case it was a question of
~ fising the presupposed present development, which appears immediately as a
break. We were not faced with a political requalification scheme of a section
of the class composition, but with a long term proposal for reading the class
struggle, in power~relationships bet~een classes, of the communist pro~ect.
The sociological preliminaries are therefore not so much the ob~ect--however
central--as the qualifying fortn, blending sciPntific analysis and political
practice. It is the element of self-criticism which did not understand in
time the importance of this determination. It is so complex it swallows and
includes any preceding determination of composition. The mass worker is a
partial elemen~ of the long term subjectivity of the social worker. There can
be no political reasoning except about the complexity of the ontological and
material versions of the social worker. Instead of understanding this signifi-
cance of the category and of its theoretical and political implications--the
relationship between production and reproduction, the transformation of intel-
lectual work, the valorization of circulation--we kept on mincing words about
the old dogmas; worker centrality or not? Without understanding the by now
_ elementary truth that the social worker was also at the center of direct
exploitation in ttie factory, both in national enterprises and multinational
ones. But, God willing, this is not all. There is a total historical central-
_ ity, the militant opposite of the market crisis: this is the social worker,
the movement of the value of use. And this becomes the communist movement.
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Lt is this "becoming" that is the center of the antagonistic analysis which
stiould be proposed as the only subject for worker and proletarian discussion.
It is a becoming which we catch in all its pregnancy and theoretical complexity
and which leaves no room for other hypotheses. It is a long term composition
which covers the whole historical period of the crisis of the market and there-
fore of the coa~unist transition--that of the social wo~ker. It is not by
carrying out defining sociological operations or dialectical and political
conjugating operations that we will solve this problem. It is only by penetra-
ting the internal dynamics of this sub~ect, of this becoming, that we will
proceed to revolutionary knowledge. Articulations, sequences, and connections
ar~ not external to the reality of the social worker, but inside this reality.
It is not a question of part of the collective worker but rather of the
collective worker. It is within this unity that individual-individual
collective sequences should be judged. The ground covered by subjectivity
within this collective sub~ectivity. Which is however always, in any case,
separation, antagonism. If we forget this we fall into the indecency of the
pathetic and substitute Proudhon for Marx.
3. Proletarian Formation and Sub~ective Organization
Starting from the concept of power and proletarian might, this means that the
problem of the material formation of the proletariat and that of subjective
organization are comparable; in other words, they can be reduced to a single
, Eabric on which--in accordance with good manual art--we can trace the warp of
the fabric and the flexibility of its material. Subjective organization is a
moment of the proletariat becoming a sub~ect, a form of its collective practice.
The process of the formation of the proletariat follows from workers' science
from within a formative phenomenology which d'etermines the single passages and
their continuity. I am not interested here in the method we should choose;
I am not interested here in choosing among the variants of a theoretical
intention; I am interested in emphasizing the centrality of the problem and
the dimension of its development.
I am interested, above all, in excluding alternatives to this determination:
In the first place, if not exclusively, that F;:nool of thought which stems
from ttie third international tradition and che experience of so-called "real
socialism." Because of the failure--or, if you prefer, with greater historical
justice, the exhaustion--of the doctrir.e of the extraneousness of subjective
organization to the formation of the proletariat, we find ourselves in a
uniqueJ_y rich situation in which we can deal together with the immaturity of
our tradition (with a series of our defeats) and with the gigantic historical
example of the falling away of an illusion. New dialectical residues--physical
mzsses of dialectical rhetoric, blocks and detritus of old and frustrated
knowledge--have fallen on us. At the present level of its composition, in
tt~e wealth of its formation and its needs, the proletariat as a communist
movement does not know what to do with the radiant future offered to it by
subjects external to its movement; it does not know what to do with the "pro-
gress" that it is being led towards. Those sublime heights to be conquered
dwell in the abyss of a distance corrupted by discontinuity with proletarian
needs and by the time during which they were so mystified. It is only by
destroying all distance, all stopping, all interruption between form and con-
tent of proletarian constitution and form and content of subjective organization
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that we can allow ourselves to remodel a real autonomy of class politics. The
cr~tique of politics has only one subject: mediation, dialectics. This ob~ect
is articulated in two points, one derived from the other: the bourgeois
theory of representing the general interest and the socialist theory of revolu-
tionary representation. The result of political criticism cannot be a restora-
tion of a direct i~ediate passage between proletarian formation and sub~ective
organization. Let us hear no more of Rousseau and Stalin! The history of
political theory of our time is a constant bounciag back and forth from one
to the other!
Let us hear no more of the universal, the market, utopia! Because the univer-
sal and the market are merely utopias, ineffective and pain�ul, to cover up
war. The absolute of conflict and violence which the failure of the mediation
of the market has restored to us, this unresolvable situation which makes
separation become more and more distinct. Within this horizon of need there
is an emergence of the expression of a new rationality, a method of struggle
which can rationally dominate war, which, destroying universal mystification,
imposes the force of totality on the particular of proletarian formation.
There is no subterfuge or shortcut, faced with ~this problem. Any universalist
contamination which the Left of the workilg class reproduces is destined to
self-destruction. There is no longer any possible realism! Does the generous
masochism of '~dirtying" one's hands with institutions pay? Has it ever paid?
The spectacle of power cannot be demystified except by taking away fram it
rather than separating oneself.
But this separation is power, Lhis taking away is wealth. Living and working
in the formation of the proletarian promoting the communist mass movements,
assuming communism as a present process is the only reality we can grasp. It
is the only, and very rich, rational way we can dominate war. There is no
civilization in the market: the only social contract which can be established
is within the horizon of separation. The whole complex of relations of domina-
tion has shifted with Marxist geometry. The social contract of the market
has been destroyed by the social composition of the proletariat. Social
dualism, which all bourgeois political economy has tried to reduce to the unity
of development, either through a controlled marginalization of the proletariat
or through its recognition within mechanisms of programmed compatibility, and
with infinite other effective excogitation--that dualism is in crisis. It
was suffering from a dialectic sickness. ~ialectics, however you conceive
them, are in crisis as real power. Perhaps in another revolutionary phase it
can be considered in a Kantian way according to the standards of science fiction.
Separation therefore calls for its r�ich existence. It calls for the material-
ity of determinations within which it presents itself: behind it, an over-
turned world which no longer knows any truth except in the form of mystification,
of the constant proposing of pacifist illusary utopias covering up the reality
ot war; in front of it, communism as the only possible way to end war, hatred,
tlie market, lies, and abstractions. Comaaunism is not a utopia, inasmuch as
it is the only possible social contract. The social contract puts an end to
war by transferring the control of society to the pro~etariat, recognizing the
communist movement as the only ordering and composing tension to meet collective
needs, as the only dimensior. in which the overturning of the market can occur
today.
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Thus we come back to the central theme of our argument: the making of pro-
letarian and subjective organization. A terrain and a goaY are set: the
terrain of separation, and within this terrain the unified but divisible
dynamics of its ends; the goal of the restoration of rationality as the immedi-
ate expression of prolerarian needs and peac~. To use philosophical terms, the
formal cause and the final cause. But the effective cause? Enough scholastic
jokes: how do you articulate subjectively this process leading from war to
peace, from the dirty utopia of the market to the reality of coumiunism? As
we know, the various theories of the social contract have never been able to
explain the driving force, the effective cause that makes this contract run.
The reason is obvious: the theory r~corded and made rationally plausible not
the problematic datum but its overcoming. It was an apologetic theory because
it was a bourgeois capitalist theory. We do not have this option because
proletarian science is a science of the immediate, not of inediation. "Trouble"
is therefore necessarily the point around which it concentrates. What is the
point where formation is articulated into sub~ective organization? At what
moment does normative and revolutionary expression emerge from the particular
i.nterests of the worker? The whole tract revolves around these questions,
and there is certainly no point in shortening the argument to a few words here.
Bu[ to make it easier and clearer to read, it is enough to say that the analy-
sis must be carried out determining:
1. The complex condition of the crisis of the capitalist market and its
superfectations, recognizing in the crisis itself the decisive movement of the
composition of the working class and proletariat;
2. The forms of capitalist utopia in the attempt to break the ontological
solidity of the state of crisis and war;
3. Only then will it be possible to tackle the problem of the relationship:
proletarian formation/subjective organization of its effective dynamics;
4. And determine historically defined points of attack, in relation to the
situation at any given moment of the struggle and to the strategic dimension
of the communist program.
But all this is possible only if we bear in mind the fact that the elements of
self-criticism proposed so far, and the first thamatic approximations, lead
us to a fundamental premise: the ontological impossibility of discriminating
between the form of the "social" composition of the proletariat and the crisis
of the market and of the capitalist state; secondly, the political impossibility
of dividing the making of the proletariate (which is given separately here)
:ind the tension of subjective organizatiAn, the expression of prol.etarian might,
butfi as a movement and as a communist program.
4. New Yroblems, Problems of Methods
Dear Comrades, if we were together I would propose to you this schematic
uutline so as to explore theory and practice, in search and in organization.
But we are not together, and for this reason there are certain problems. The
first is mine--it is the difficulty of being in prison trying to write a
ttieoretical work; the second is directly inherent in the discussion of how an
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activity is carried on by various people, in other words the fact that in the
present situation it is not only difficult but perhaps impossible. Because the
relationship ~etween the separation of the movement and that of the person in
prison is a double separation (~urthErmore it is mediated only by the language
~f power): on the one hand there is the logic of the workers' self-valoriza-
tion, which occurs with a force that is difficult (except empirically) to even
grasp; on the other hand the solitude of prison, the voice of the world of
self-va~orization. The de-territorialization, the abstractness of command is
dir~ctly perceived, within the s~,ccialization of the process, of its actors,
and within the specialization of bourgeois information. While to proceed
theoretically in the identified territory we need real information, what is
relevant to proletarian separation and what cannot be read--except by analogy
and metaphor--in the press of the regime or in the massive repetition of the
mass media. In fact, we are sub~ected to a one dimensional type of information~.
And all this in a phase in which communism presents, on the other hand, its
- novelty, the rationality of its pro,ject, in savage terms. Political prisoners
once lived in a situation in which the positive party line could be received
in the specificity of a coded language. Today this has no meaning anymore.
The whole capitalist world runs like a wartime organization, a command struc-
ture; its language turns reality upside down to make it homogeneous with and
adquate for the urgency of command. The employer's language does not trans-
late reality, it is not a channel of communication for reality. But on the
proletarian terrain there is no abstract production of cruth, no language
appropriate to unmasking mystification. Either yo~: are inside or your are
outside: this is the problem, laboriously, of ~ae struggle of the social
worker. Separation is real and its language is rigid. It is a language that
covers reality but is nevertheless untranslatable, and cannot be communicated
to the outside. Penetrating this compactness, then, becomes the objective of
a search which I am making: this is a first objective to attain before reach- ~
i~g the one that is farther inside, which can perceive reality only in the
band o[ light of the authority's information. This causes new problems. They
are problems which are born not only of the intrinsic novelty of reality which
we wish to explore, but also of the repressive situation we are living in.
tilere in prison there is no information about the movement; it is important
to be sure one is again on proletarian terrain. A posteriori, to achieve
tl~is end, I can only proceed to put together information which I can gather;
I can only accumulate hypotheses approaching an understanding of reality.
This difficulty of mine is a very great one. In fact, there are people who
console me by saying that I am exaggerating. They are the theoreticians of
Offentlichkeit, of the proletarian public's sphere. They say that this has �
become consolidated and that at any rate it is proceeding in its environment
to construct meanings and significances. This is true, apparently, but it is
false in substance--it is true because it is happening, it is false because �
this is a wild and discontinuous process, it is a process of separation, it
is the invention of an untranslatable logic of universality and of bourgeois
and capitalist rationality. There is no possibility of translation, no homo-
logy or continuity. The public sphere which is constituted within the making
of the prole[arian does not contain any teleoYogical germs; it has no ends
other than those uf the affirmation of its own special nature. The growth of
a workers' civilization has no prototypes, it only has limits. These limits
are due ta the strength of the adversary first of all, but also, and much more
importantly, there are limits which are related to the nature of the process
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of self-valorization--ontological limits. Collective proletarian existence
is all extended on the margin of the concrete position, the historical posi-
tion o~ its own being--it is what collective practice has created. Nothing
more. collective practice has determined is the all of proletarian exist-
~nce. Even a step beyond this reality is impossible. Any added meaning or
definition going beyond the given of ~hat existence is absurd. But this
block of being is alive: without wanting to dip into the universal, it grows
on itself and at all times has ita own special nature and totality. So this
' world should be seen from within its own existence. Therefore its language
is all within the present limits of its existence. Beyo~~1 the present deter-
mination of proletarian being there is only emptiness and d:izziners.
From this is born the problem of a proletarian language whi::n bridges the
gap between proletarian self-valorization and the open sp~ice that it reveals
at its limit, which ties together the components of self-valorization, bring-
ing them to an expression of totality and normativity. This problem cannot
be reduced to tradition; let us take ~ust two examples, populist and Jacobin
language, which are both impossible for us to take over. Because the popu-
list one flattens innovation on tradition and the Jacobin one exasperates
utopia in normative content; the first betrays the "truth of the movement"
in its philological devotion to truth, the second exalts the movement as
truth, it transfers its immediacy into words, denying the complexity of crea-
tion of a true language; it substitutes the word for the movement while seem-
ing to express it. Both these linguistic forms are completely extraneous to
the social workers' productive quality, to the creative nature and actual
class composition. And it is here and only here, ir_ this new class composition,
that we must sear;,h.
If the problem is opened so intensely, it is inevitable for many approxima-
tions to be given. And those which are most fascinating are undoubtedly
searches for an analytical and recomposing language which, starting with the
subjects exploited, goes through the criticism of exploitation and constitutes,
in the ontological situation denoted by war, the radical nature of the antag-
unistic project. Working on this terrain, we can proceed. Working with
method within the "criticism-transformation" sequence, the "exploited sub3ect-
antagonist project." The only words which co~unicate are those which destroy
the present, recognizing it, denoting it critically, and constructing hope,
the practice of transformation. The truth of the movement of self-valoriza-
~ tion as separation and a global alternative: this is the net in our new
codes of communication, according to which we are only beginning to communicate
with each other on the one hand; on the other hand, we are beginning to build
in the vacuum which opens up before us and which we must occupy and build in.
Tt~ere is no truth unless one determines the relationship between criticism
and transformation in the internal proletarian separation. In the totality of
sequences which are put in motion by this motor.
A formal foundation? Perhaps. It is not less inportant if it is brought
back to the generality of the movement of self-valorization and its ~uality.
It is a flat language which assumes a re~ection of work as a connotative
basis--criticism and transformation--of the signs it uses; a language which
never forgets its origin, the specific subjectivity it is the expression of.
A language in which we hear the difference and the plurality of subjects which
constitute that community of rebellion which is the process of self-valorization.
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But it is useless to proceed! Here in my special and double separation, as in
the separation which counterposes the antagonistic base of the cc~unist
movement, the only indication is that of working on this terrain. We are
learning to communicate, we are constructing these ne~ codea of transmission--
within war, against war.
Chapter 2: Crises of the Criais-State
I just remember that she alwaqs
wore a skirt with vertical stripes,
so she looked like a big wooden gate .
with an ironed white blouse hanging
on it.
Robert Musil, posthumous pages
. published during his life
1. We and the 1930's ~
What a bore, finding myself faced today with the same old el:humations ad
infinitum of the theory and practice of capitalism of the 1930's! It is as
though the genesis of the atate form which we saw developed before our eyes
could still tell us something about the crisis, let alone how to overcome it!
To eliminate all atempts to go backwards with an analysis that ought to be
projected forward, let ua therefore ask ourselves:
1. What can be read in the 1930's;
2. What they wanted to make us read in the 1930's;
3. Why what they wanted to make us read was false, and why does it not add
anything to our knowledge today;
4. What is the basis on which we can open an analysis of the present?
The 1930's were marked by a ripening of a crisis which characterized, in a
definitively consolidated way, new relationships among forces among the two
classes in struggle. Social and eccnomic crisis affects the institutional
level. The crisis can be resolved only through a remodeling of the capitalist
state which reorganizes production and reproduction, distribution and circula-
tion, interiorizing the new quid of the situation, the dynamic relationship
which the working ~lass imposes on all aspects of the development of exploita-
tion. A new proportion and a new compatibility are fixed to define the
composition of productive factors: the state becomes an internal agent of
their pro~ects, of their planning. This modification of the place the state
occupies with respect to the combination of factors of development radically
modifies the institutional mechanism, which flattens itself on the relation-
ships of production and is forced to imitate them, to simulate them in its
material construction. This happened in the state's two Rreat reform experi-
ments of the 1930's: the New Deal and the Keynesian one, and the Nazi and
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corporative one. The level of antiworker terror which the different systems
apply i-a commensurate with the urgency of renewed development and the complex
dialec~.ics of social relationships, internal and international, within which
the project takes place. Reformism and terrorism are two complementary faces
of the reform of the state born in the 1930's, the quality of synthesis--as
the development of the model until the 1960's will show--is only determined
hy the need to make those quantities of consensus and violence that were
adapted from time to time proportionate to the development of a mass produc-
tion and redistribution of income which kept the fundamental relationship
of domination inta~t.
The fact that today they want to point to the 1930's as fabulous years, the
fact that the undoubted novelty of the capitalist pro3ect of that reform is
claimed by the workers' movement, are only signs of cynical bestiality and
indecent formalism. Because this type of interpretation ahows that there is
no understanding of the essential ambiguity of capitalist reform, of the
capitalist nature of the project. Therefore it is not the indiscriminate
form of the project that has to be taken into consideration, mixing good and
bad--Weber and Lenin, Rathenau and Bucharin, Roosevelt and Stalin, Keynes
and Schleicher--but rather its historical determination, which saw the New
Deal in crisis already in 1937, submerged by the wave of new proletarian
struggles, and Nazism obliged to adopt a forced enlargement of the happiness
of work, and Keynes suggesting war as the only solution to the conflict
between the two classes.
But as we have said, what they want to make us read from the 1930's is not
only inadequate for the reality of that time and for the truth of i~ts interpre-
tatiun; it is not only false because it drains the tangible accentuation of ~
mechanisms of exploitation in complaceny over enthusiasm for the pro~ect.
This image they propose to us doee not help us, at any rate, with our attempt
to interpret the present. Starting with the 1960's, in fact, the form of
the crisis changed significantly. It changed because there was a change in
the relationship between the state and the composition of the proletariat.
We have said that the form of the internal relationship within the relationships
between classes is not mediation, it is war. This is true because every overt
determination of the market, every prospect for forced reaggregation of the
fac~.ors of production within a proportionality which is progressive and in
conformity with the rule of exploitation, is in crisis. It is a crisis of
ontological turns; it is not born of the difficulty of setting proportions,
but rather the impossibility of determining relationships; it does not emerge
from the delay in the instituti~ns of development but rather from the enormous
distance of the state from the dynamic material of the proletarian struggle.
In the 1930's, with more or less violence, the state tried to interiorize the
struggle within development; today the state is navigating through an archipel-
ago of separation, it must control an.irrelevant existence. Proportions,
rompatibility: these words lose their meaning. Measure is an absolute term.
There is no measure because there are no measurable elements. The instruments
uf overdetermination by force of the crisis, the fantastic aspects of the
state's repressive activity (currency, inflation, etc.) no longer work. It
started with the interiorization of of the working class, our crisis state of
the 1930's. Today it has been sucked in and placed within a large proletarian
dimension, and by putting it there it accentuates the distance and detachment.
Like a mirage on an immense horizon.
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The crisis of the law of value goas beyond the dimeneions of the Marxist
defini[ion. In Marx the measure of exploitation yields to the need to over-
come, in relation to the lack of proportion between the enormous growth of the
productivity of labor and the poor organization of the working day. All this
is here. But there is more: there is the social figure of production,~there
is the composition of the social worker and struggles. There is the invasive
making of a proletarian sociality, which affects every relationship and
dissolves it. It will certainly not be 4uantitative totalitarianism of auto-
matic control that will be able--like a lucid insinuating project--to reduce
the massive qualitative presence of the social proletariat. Now, it is on this
foundation that we can open an analysis of the present and reconsider the waves
of war going through it. Without any nostalgia or reminiscences about the
fabulous years of death: the 1930's.
One last point about the meaing the reference to recovering the 1930's, within
the framework of the traditional working class movement, has had and is
desperately trying to keep: The teaching of the crisis and of theories of
control of the crisis was translated into an ideology of transition. The ~
dialectics between economic development and political violence, its propor-
tioned calibration in a pro3ect of socialist transition, have been conceived
as the only path to follow; the subject is the party--but strongly linked to
the institution and the administration, the method is guided by functional
goals, the reference to society is understood as a fabric woven of small
conflicts, on ~hich it is possible to carry out operations of synthesizing
projects. The complexity of the political pro3ect and articulation of the
administrative intervention, voluntary rigidity in the general framework and
normative mobility of planning intervention; this is the dream of the 1930's
of our reformist vanguard. Productivity as a result of development and vio-
lence wants to occupy the center of the transition project. What should we
say about this? What should we say other than to emphasize once more the lack
of symmetry between this pro~ect and the actual making of the working class
and proletariat? And the effects which this lack of sy~etry produces: an
administrative rearticulation of divisions in the class where the social trend
of self-valorization denies it? The attempts to interiorize the violence-
development relationship within the movement of the class, to transfer the
problem of proportions of development and exploitation directly to the inside
of the class; and, on the other han~, as we know well, this too is a fruit of
the 1930's. But it is of Eastern, not Western origin; it is typical of
capitalist planning and socialism. So probably the moment will seem to have
arrived to compare the bureaucratic and capitalist ~odel of Stalin's party
with the Western myth of the new reformist state. Only such an analysis and
identification of the threads which join an updating of both these atructures
can enable us to shed light on all the mystifications planned for the "third
way." the 1930's, planned capitalist state, Stalinist transition party, pro-
jection and third way: all this is part of a heritage which has been rightly
rejected by the present class composition.
2. The Form of the Crisis: A Crisis of Mistaken Proportions
The corporate state, born in America of the crisis of the 1930's, lives on
- proportions. It regulates the proportior.s of income. It is a planned state
inasmuch as it organizes national production according to plans of capitalist
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reproduction. But at the same time it is a contractual state: representatives
- of big vested interests are incorporated through a continuous contractual
dynamics. Institutions are conducive to the formation of contracts; the law
is bent to the administration of contractual convergences. All this can work
as long as the political framework--designed to maintain and reproduce the
fundamental relationships--is somehow consonant with the goals inscribed in
the material Constitution of the corporate state. The capitalist rule of
development is that which constitutes the material Constitution of the cor-
porate state. The control of enterprises is that which is imposed by the
terms, the rhyttuns, the quantity of social accumulation and intended redistri-
bution of income. Everything can work as long as the big proportions fixed by
tlie material Constitution are not attacked. From this point of view, the
corporate state represents a giant step forward with respect to the state of
law. The la"tter guarantees that these "spontautously" determined market
relationships are gathered in a publ~c project for which the state merely
observes the ways in which it develops. In reality, it surreptitiously
prefor~.s them through the mechanisms of forming the political stratum. In
the corporate state, the function of preforming is completely conscious and
guaranteed institutionally. The conditions of reproduction must be contractual,
mediated with the general consensus, brought back to the proportions of capit-
alist development inscribed in the material Constitution.
And when this mechanism breaks down? When the contractual mediation is
interrupted which represents the point of transformation of values into
, institutions, of social productivity into planning and normative capacity of
the state. This can happen for various reasons, all related to the terms the
society's fundamental rules are based on, in other words to the material
Constitution. Due to the dynamics of struggle, the social contract becomes
possible again only if the terms of the fundamental proportions inscribed in
the material Constitution are modified. Let us suppose that there is a lack
of proportion. This lack of proportion can be corrected in only two ways:
either by eliminating the terms of lack of proportion, thereby reestablishing
_ the original conditions of the contract, or by modifying th~ basic proportion--
the overall picture within which the proportions exist--thereby bringing the
proportions back into balance. But in the present phase this can only be done
Uadly within [acceptedJ margins of risk. The consequences are very grave:
if the proportions are mobile (and therefore lack of proportion is always
possible), but at the same time the framework within which the lack of propor-
tion must be set and brought back into balance is rigid and unable to function
as it should, the whole institutional apparatus breaks down. An institutional
crisis begins, in a context in which social forces, aroused by the dynamism of
tlie planned and contractual state, have difficulty accepting any impediment,
and there is no adequate output corresponding to the input of demand.
As you can see, this is not a formal scheme. It is important to view it from
tt~e historical standpoint. In the present situation the material nature of
tlie crisis is evident. It attacks not only the proportions which have been
determined, but also the rules of proportions, the long term rules, the measur-
ing criteria which these rules are founded on. In order to have a contract it
is necessary to have at least a homogenous will on both sides. In order to
recuver the contract of the fundamental law it is necessary to have permanence
and continuity, cooperation and loyalty to a scheme of reproduction of society.
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But all that is no longer present. In the factories the working classes are
radically refusing to accept the redistribution of income on which the social
determination is based. This means they refuse not only the monetary quantities
rigidly fixed in the form of salaries, they also refuse the experiment of
capitalist work as the content of contracted salaries.
In this connection, I like to refer to.the opinion of a scholar who is above
suspicion, James 0'Connor: "The conditions for the accumulation of capitalist
profit in the U.S. have been undermined by the present class struggle and by
capitalist competition, which have effectively reduced the production of
absol.ute and relative added values; they have therefore reduced the rate of
exploitation, and therefore, in Marxist terms, the rate of profit and accumula-
tion. To use an excessively simplified formula, industrial capitalism in the
past faced the gcublem of the transformation of value and added value because
the production of added value was a problem which had almost been solved. In
recent decades, capitalism has been increasingly obliged to face the problem
of the production of added value, because the transformation of value (includ-
ing added value) is no longer a problem. This new imbalance (the destruction
of the unity of production and circulation) is basically the result of a pro-
found transformation of relationships between classes. To a certain extent,
struggle of the working class for labor has been transformed into a~*.ruggle
against work; the struggle for a salary based on productivity has been trans-
formed into a struggle for a salary based on needs; needs defined as individual
needs for goods have been increasingly transformed into social needs for
equality between races and sexes, environmental protection, and other problems .
- related to the quality of life" (critique of Law No 147).
Elements of rejection are piling up; the state's organs which are designed for
mediation (like trade unions, parties, local agencies, social services, etc.)
are thrown out of balance by radical alternatives: either reje~t this accumu-
lation of refusals and in that case lose repreaentation; or accept i;, and
in that case live on the sidelines of a lack of proportion which has been
induced and which runs the risk of leading to a breakdown of the social contract.
So the situation is as follows: a crisis fueled by a lack of proportion brought
about in some way is open--and this is apparent in the description of elements
of pressure and their subversive accumulation--not so much to a relegitimization
of fundamental rules as to a shock wave against the fundamental rules themselves.
This is disastrous for all the institutional sequences sustained by those rules,
like dominoes knocking each other down.
But this is still part of the old picture. Analyzing this series of phenomena
elsewhere (for example in "Proletarians and State" and in "domination and
Sabotage"), we had given the state's answer. It seemed to me that I could
read it in the setting in motion of instruments for intervening in the economic
situation which we called "stop and go," or periods of expansion and stagnation
appropriately regulated to correct any lack of proportion, to regain homog~ne-
ity in the whole cycle. Development and crisis seemed to us entities eonducive
to capitalist maneuverability, understood in terms of control and resetting
fixed proportions during the class struggle. The state-plan became the state-
crisis inasmuch as it became able to dominate the contradictory turns of the
class struggle in the cycle. But this only applies to the past. The change
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in the composition of the working class and the diffusion of productive labor
in society impose modifications on the state's control apparatus related to
m~difications in the way the class struggle is used. What is possible
(although it is wearying) to dominate in the working cycle an3 snCerprises is
hard to dominate in the social productive cycle. In fact, when salaries--by
means of infinite ways--destroy their own model and become increasingly con-
fused with shares of income, all this not only dissolves the proportional rela-
tionship which the ca~,italist factory is presumed to determine; it goes beyond
this blurring permeating society, and transforms it into a diffuse political
awareness of the impossibility of containing the extent of worker reproduction
within propoitions fixed by the state for the reproduction of capitalism. And
in that case it is not only the proportional�reproduction scheme that breaks
down; social groups interested in establishing effective contractual forms are
also drawn into this crisis. Not only do the g~neral proportions break down,
but there is an accumulation of inechanisms and dynamics, irreversible or diffi-
cult to reverse, which push the lack of proportion through the whole stat-~
sequence of control through consensus on the basis ~~f the material Constitution.
- Salaries, social proletarian income, social conditions of reproduction of the
proletariat: it is around these fundamental terms that tr.e constitutional
rules of capitalist production/reproduction are entering a crisis. Of course
capitalists can divide the proletarian thr:~st and tr.y to break it by separating
its specific impact from its cumulative sequc~nce. Th~is can happen directly,
engineered by the state, or through delegation of power to the big trade union
confederations. But this is not a lasting remedy. In fact, as we recall, the
"social"composition of the proletariat has be~n so consolidated by now that the
circulation of struggles cannot help but be immune from all attempts to divide
it into compartments. Furthermore. the offensive encirclement of the nost
consolidated corporate positions--that aspect of the attack of the social
proletariat--is also a trend of the proletariat's struggle which cannot be
held back. Thus beyond and before any given forcast of breakdc+wn, what we
must emphasize is that the causes of constant lack of proportion in the terms
of domination, in the quantity of exploitation, are enormously magnified by
the social dimension of the composition of the proletariat. The accumulation
of elements of lack of proportion, and their being pushed t~ the limit of the
fundamental constitutional law, thus becomes quantitative and qualitative ten-
sion: quantitative because it is in fact the sum of quantities of breakdown;
qualitative because the social dimension on which it is constructed and on
which the process grows is such that it is difficult to control as it is
extremely mobile and unpredictable.
As a consequence, from the point of view of institutions, the existence and
:~ccentuation of an unbridgeable gap arises. Because the institutions of the
curporate state are founded on the representation of homogenous interests;
tliey are designed for organization based on division, they .function for a
contract between parties. The rule of proportion between profit and salary,
between exploitation and work, between production and reproduction is always
seen Irom the special angle of particular interests which only the state adm~.n-
istration of the law of proportion brings to general mediation. But no longer.
The particular appears as totality. In fact the only possible control, faced
with the totality of the interest of the social worker, seems to be that
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which is exercised through the fictitious totality of currency. But this
disturbs and destroys the whole social articulation of representation, it
destroys the laborious ir.teriorization which special representations have made
of the fundamental law of proportion for exploitation and development.
Today in Italy--but those concerned with thinRs Italian can console themselves,
it is happening in all developed capitalist countries--these problems are very
relevant. The crisis is due to the fact that the planned capitalist state has
been submerged in a chemical solution which had dissolved the differences in
the proletariat. Thus all the criteria break down, all the measucements,
the functions of the reagents with which, in accordance with predetermined
proportions, the experiment was to take place and have certain results. Cap-
italism can no longer be sure of anything. The conditions of class confronta-
tion have been enormously advanced. It would take a radiaal reform of the
state, as intense as that determined in the 1930's. But this is a dream!
Under these circumstances of subversion, reform can only have a sign opposite
to that conceived by capitalism. For this reason, this reign of lack of pro-
portion has become a battlefield. Everyone is waiting for a new contract, but
between what parties? For Whom? There is only one force here which can go
forward, and it is that of the soc~ally productive worker. But why should it
be in his interests to move outside of himself? He has all the productive
force, and therefore he alone can fix new vroportions, or no proportions.
To sum up: The fundamental difference between the crisis of pro~ortions of
the 1930's and today's crisis regards the state's capacity to intervene and
regulate, and it consists mainly of the fact that while in.the 1930's institu-
tional dynamics retained relative autonomy of functioning vis-a-vis the social
antagonists, today the imQnersion of the capitalist project in the continuity .
of social production makes it difficult if not impossible to adequately
articulate political and administrative autonomy for the capitalist project.
The capitalist constitutional norm therefore becomes, in an extreme attempt
to function, more and more rigid, while the mobility of social factors, of
social productive work, increases. The paradox is not a fleeting one; there
is a clash between logics based on alternative values, often openly antagonis-
ti~ So we have a situation in which a progressive institutionalization of
society into state rules is paralleled by destructuring, mobility, the dyna-
mics of differentiation produced by the new composition of the working force,
of the proletariat. This indeterminateness, this progression of contradictions,
seems to constitute the specific nature of the crisis of lack of proportion
today.
3. Forms of Crisis: Crisis of Circulation
The crisis caused by the fact that the proportions of the relationship of
development (production versus reproduction within the rule of profit) have
altered, precisely and/or according to general sequences. are accompanied bv
horizontal crises of circulation. Cavitalist control is a circular function:
it must follow the realization of profit. The value produced must return to
those who ordered the production, after ordering society itself, going through
society. The process of control and the process of valorization run parallel
to each other, cross over, are juxtaposed, homoloQous, in each of these forms,
and they form one path, one circulation, returning alwavs to the point of de-
parture. But all this is deontological. Capitalism is a relationship and this
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relationship can be broken (we have seen this in connection with lack of
praportion). But this relationship can be broken all the more easily in
circulation, where lack of equality and discrepancies inherent in the produc-
tive process are apparent. Capit2~ism: its collective brain has naturally
been applied to these difficulties; it has tried to guarantee by force the
cuntinuity of circulation and realization. In doing this it has juxtaposed
a political determination over the economic determination of circulation; it
has proposed both as tendencies towards unity. But this over-determination,
if on the one hand it has given new guarantees for development, on the other
hand has given new opportunities for breaks. Circulation of capital is a
relationship that can be broken, the circulation of control can be blocked.
Both can be shattered either separately or together, or temporarily interrupt~d,
or made viscous. The form this circulation takes can be broken or the times
of circulation can be drawn out enormously or rendered uncontrollable and
precarious, the content of circulation can be contested. Certainly to the
extent that capital must expose itself so absolutely (following its own law)
on the terxain--politically and coercively overdetermined--of circulation, it
attempts a jump forward to recover the productive value of circulation itself.
But this attempt to suck synergy on the terrain of circulation is subject to
the law of productive relationships; when capitalism broadens the terrain of
exploitation, it also broadens that of resistance and possibilities for break-
ing. But this is not what interests us above all. What interests us is
that on this vast horizon, where productive functions and command functions
mu~t march together to make value and control circulate and be realized, on
this terrain blocks and opportunities for breaks occur in incredible abundance.
In other words the more production/reproduction, production/circulation, and
production/reproduction/control relationships are extended, until they consti-
tue the specific concept of the productive circulation of a planned state--the
more these phenomena occur, the more exposed they are on the side of social
worker. Our hypothesis of a progressive inevitable immersion (and consequent
isolation) of the mature state form in the great sea, ontologically determined,
o.E the social composition of the class, is exemplified in a formidable way by
the new structure of productive circulation. Hence the might of the block,
of the crisis of circulation, which are determined by the situation itself, by
its simple material intensity and compactness.
Wliile this general modification of the relationship develops, capitalism tries
to dominate it. We have already seen this: capitalism tries to extract value
from circulation. Rationalizing it, abbreviating its tempos, guaranteeing
_ fluxes--but above all organizing production in the dimension of circulation.
Wlien circulation is consolidated over the enormous expanse we have seen,
capitalism seems to be submerged in it. And in this way it agrees to act:
reurganizing itself while submerged, trying to find in the autonomous articula-
tions of the social worker points of recomposition of the relationship of
exploitation. This is the submerged economy. But it is not only this: it is
- a simultaneous presence of elements of exploitation and self-valorization.
Faced with the capitalist initiative of trying once again to bite the body of
[he working class, there is above all another aspect: the proletariat's
capacity for resistance and independence. Now what should be considered, re-
garding the problem that interests us (the crisis of circulation), is the sign
which these contradictory relationships will assume. And it seems to me that
tl~e situation is characterized by a series of inechanisms which help and extend,
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even in the case of the submerged initiative of capitalism, the break, or at
least the exhaustion of the state's capacity to control circulation. Thia
means that the multiplying mechanisms of proletarian self-valorization are
stronger and more rapid than those of intensification of control; in other
words, in the given situation, the expansion and strengthening of the social
composition of the working class is a fundamental element of crisis of the
unified procESS of circulation of profit and com~and.
Saying this we must however immediately raise another problem. If the circu-
lation of capital is interrupted, in an ontologically determined situation,
by the emergence of the workers' self-valorization, we are not only faced
with a negative: the interruption of the circular control and realization
of capital. We are also faced with a positive factor: the emergence of
infinite points of resistence and breakage in the proletariat, a reopening
which is in no way homologous to processes of independent circulation, all
on the part of the proletariat. Circulation of struggles, circulation of
experience, circulation of languages; the independence of these processes has
laws of its own: we will see some later. For now we should stress that of
the lack of correspondence between capitalist crises and worker insurgence.
This connection has always been sought by capitalist economic science, in
order to dominate it; from the point of the traditional workers' movement this
connection has been interiorized to such an extent that it has become an
obstacle impeding the reading of any class autonomy. It is time to unload
these archaic relics of a pseudo-workers' science, relying on the originality
of the blending between the crisis of circulation of capital and autonomy,
independence of the self-valorizing circulation of proletarian initiative.
This is not meant by any means to evoke an image of the development of
struggles, of composition, of woiker science, that simulate capitalist ones;
on the contrary. Where the mechanism of capitalist circulation breake, we
cannot in any case see the precise and specific action of the working class.
We can and must see it as a moment constructed and accumulated from a rich
conglomeration of behavior and struggles which have been expressed within the
process of self-valorization. When we consider the cycle/criais/worker-strug-
gles relationship we are struck by the always relative--and often extremely
high--unpredictability of the moment of the break. Who could have forese~n
May 1968? This lack of predictability is the basis for all insurrectional
idealisms and ideologies of revolutionary irrationality. And these will con-
tinue to occur until we learn to follow the material complexity of formative
paths of the class, and exclude mechanical correspondences between crisis of
capitalist circulation and the specificity of circulation of worker struggles.
The break, the insurrection is always a result of a given accumulation, not
,just the explosion of a situation that has been held down. Of course the
viscosity of institutions, the corruption of a political stratum, the crisis
determined around a certain passage can be fundamental, but not decisive. The
only thing that ia decisive is the process of accumulation of struggles, the
independent maturing of the physiological processes of self-valorization. We
can finally allow ourselves to asaume, as far as the revolution is concerned,
a point of view like that of Tocqueville.
Throughout the space, throughout the area where the processes of self-valori-
zation are occurring. When these material dimensions are defined, limits are
also established which are determined by the interweaving of an independent
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expansion of class initiative and the emergence of new components of the process
of self-valorization. Let us consider, for example, the case of the so-called
oil crisis. In this case, the rev~lutionary interests of the working class
of advanced countries, all centered on the independence of their self-valori-
zation, can be extended to be included in an accumulative mechanism with the
emerging struggles in the oil producing countries; but when thes~ struggles
become workers' struggles, when they become trends toward proletarian self-
valorization, independent themselves (and this is what is happening more and
more, ever since the beginning of the 1970's). The process of the accumulation
of struggles, its dimension can therefore not be considered an expression of
organic and linear development. It must be considered rather a real material
accumulation. Hence the possibility of continuous contradictions, dislevels,
lack of proportion, clashes. But this sets up a process which, whatever
difficulties there may be, r,epresents an insoluble moment which cannot be
mediated by the complex of the capitalist r~lationship. The lack of homogeneity
of breaking points in the capitalist cycle and in the cycle of wor'.:er recom-
position is extended in these dimensions--I would say that it constitutes them.
Thus we come to the definition of an intermediate but very important point in
the theory of the forms of the crisis. If we take the crisis--of lack of
proportion or of circulation--as an interruption of development, of propor-
tions or of the circularity constituting it in/within the political form of
capitalist control--the economic and political being fused--and if we assume
the development of the social composition of the proletariat as independence,
if we therefore eliminate every automatic or mechanical independence from
both--the form of the relationship between development/crisis and class strug-
gle can only take the form of war. This means that every strategy, on both
sides, assumes not the reconstruction of a unitarian project but the destruc-
tion of the adversary. This means that the initial position of the two sides
is not defined in any way by relationships of interdependence, but by relation-
ships of antagonism. It means that every action, on both sides, is born and
develops within independent and antagonistic relationships. This situation
is what capitalist development leaves, for itself and for the class. Not a
desire, no one's desire, but a need, the necessary result of capitalist
development. The economic science of capitalism recognizes this when after
transforming itself from the triumphant calculator of development into a
modest administrator of state operations, today it has relinquished every task
that is not a tactical one. Because here there is another paradox--after
having lain under the same cover for so long, economics and politics separate
again, but this time--since it is due to a situation of war--politics dominates.
4. Forms of the Crisis: Violent Crisis
The social and economic crisis is completely transferred to the political-
institutional terrain. The state as the center of overall imputation of