LATIN AMERICAN TRENDS

Document Type: 
Collection: 
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP79T00865A002100250002-1
Release Decision: 
RIPPUB
Original Classification: 
S
Document Page Count: 
16
Document Creation Date: 
December 12, 2016
Document Release Date: 
June 1, 2001
Sequence Number: 
2
Case Number: 
Publication Date: 
November 12, 1975
Content Type: 
NOTES
File: 
AttachmentSize
PDF icon CIA-RDP79T00865A002100250002-1.pdf555.63 KB
Body: 
Approved For Release 2001/08/08 :CIA-RDP79T00865A002100 0002-1 ecret NoroRN PCB Latin American Trends 25X1A Secret November .L2, 1975 I~RL,Ill`J.'1'. ltlY~~'OFtI) No. 0535/75 PL~,Abl~ it,.. u!.!V 7~J AGENCY AP~C~~IVLS, Approved For Release 2001/08/08 :CIA-R 100250002-1 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 :CIA-RDP79T00865A002100250002-1 Warning Notice Sensitive Intelligence Sources and Methods Involved (WNINTEL) NATIONAL SECURITY INFORMATION Unauthorized Disclosure Subject to Criminal Sanctions DISSEMINATION CONTROL ABBREVIATIONS NOFORN- Not Releasable to Foreign Nationals NOCONTRACT- Not Releasable to Contractors or Contractor/Consu ttants PROPIN?- Caution-Proprietary Information Involved USIBONLY- USIB Departments Only ORCON-~ Dissemination and Extraction of Information Controlled by Originator REL ... - This Information has been Authorized for Release to .. . ClassHbd by 010725 Eaampt from general declessHkatbn sehedub of E.O. 11662, axamptbn catagnry: f 68(11. (2), and (8) Automatkaly dsclesalfled on: Date Impossible to Determine Approved For Release 2001/08/08 :CIA-RDP79T00865A002100250002-1 Approved For Release 20~-1/~$/(~$ RCI~-F,~pP79T00865A002100250002-1 This publication is prepared for regional specialists in the Washington com- munity by the Western Hemisphere Division, Office of Current Intelligence, with occasional contributions from other offices within the Directorate of Intelligence. Comments and queries are welcome. They should be directed to the authors of the individual articles. CUNTEN'I".S November 12, 1975 Argentina's Deteriorating Relations with China 3 Peru: Political Activity on the Upswing 5 Venezuela and Ecuador Pleigh Regional Oil Alignment 7 Haiti Experiments with Reform 9 Nicaragua: State of Siege Rolls On . 11 -i-- Approved For Release 2~1~18m8R C~AgRDP79T00865A002100250002-1 Approved For Release 20 1 08/08 EL~A-RDP79T00865A002100250002-1 Panama: Other Problems with the US SeveY?al bilateral US - Panamanian problems not directly related to the canal talks could sour the ~f ~ atmosphere: surrounding the negotiations and complicate f' the negotiators' tasks. One problem is an injunction issued by a US court against further construction on the Tnter-American Highway through the Darien Gap between Panama and Colombia. The injunction, issued on October 17 by a District of Columbia court, resulted from a suit brought by the Sierra Club and other environ- mental groups which fear that opening a road through the now impenetrable Colombian-Panamanian border area would lead to environmental damage and the spread of aftosa, hoof-and-mouth disease. The injunction comes (~ just: as the dry season is a~~proaching in Panama, when ~'~/ con>tructi.on was expected to move into high gear and help alleviate economic problems. The Panamanians have been astounded to find that a domestic court cou]_d. halt. implementation of an international agreement signed in 1971 and reportedly are considering filing a protest. The Panamanians, like several other Latin American countries, are also chafing under their 1975 voluntary ~~ ~ agreement to limit meat exports to the US to 2.5 mil- lion paunds. Panamanian officials want a 40-percent incs-ease this _year through reallocation of shortfalls from other countries and a doubling of the limit for 1976. To circumvent present limitations, Panama has arranged t.o import five million pounds of Australian beef' in the belief that this will not fall under the restraint program and can be reexported to the US. Panamanian. expectations, however, may be unduly opti- mistic. The Panama Canal Company has meanwhile decided to raise the rates charged Panama City for water from the / Canal Zone distribution system. The US ambassador November 12, 1975 -1- Approved For Release 200~~O~A-RDP79T00865A002100250002-1 Approved For Release 2001/08/0~'~rE1~~79T00865A002100250002-1 expects the Torrijos government to turn the increase into a political issue unless some offsetting benefits are offered. Finally, US action on a half-million--dollar FMS credit now under consideration could be interpreted in ~~~ Panama as indicative of how the US views Panama's future role in canal defense. The Panamanians are not likely to pass up the op- portunity to tie bilateral issues to the canal talks if they believe this could force a more forthcoming US position. Machiavellism aside, the Panamanians do not appreciate the lack of complete US executive control over the many issues affecting bilateral relations, and they might read a series of decisions disappointing to Panama as a US response to Panamanian treaty aspira- tions. Having recognized that any real breakthrough in the canal negotiations will have to wait until after the 1976 elections in the US, the Torrijos government is looking for US moves in the interim which will demon- strate the success of its "wait it out' tactics. In this situation, negative actions would be doubly dis- appointing. (CONFIDENTIAL/NOFORN) November 12, 1975 Approved For Release 2001/08/~~:~7A1~QP79T00865A002100250002-1 Approved For Release 200~P~~A-RDP79T00865A002100250002-1 Argentina's Deteriorating Relations With China The departure of New China News Agency repre- sentatives from Argentina on October 29 marks a sig- 3 nif:icant decline in the already strained diplomatic .~ ~/ relations between President Peron's government and the Peoples Republic of China. The action occurred when the Argentine foreign min:is try failed to respond 'to complaints that the Chinese and representatives of other Communist coun- tries werE; being harassed by special regulations re- quiring them to renew their visas every three months and to request 48-hour advance approval for travel out:~i.de tl-ie capital. According to one report the govE~r.nment: not only intends to continue these require- meni:s, but now plans to prohibit Communist Chinese publications from entering the country. The relationship has been anomalous from the be- ginxii.ng. Although Argentina closed its embassy in Taipei soon after relations were established with China in February 1972, it has allowed the Republic of China t:o retain a commercial mission in Buenos Aires. Then-President Lanusse reportedly did not wani~ to offend high-ranking army officers who were sympathetic to the Republic of China. Meanwhile, efforts to develop closer economic tier with the Peoples Republic have not been very suc- cessful. Although the Chinese agreed last year to purchase Argentine corn and wheat, they have been dis- satisfied both with the quality of the grain and with Argentina's inability to supply as much as it had pro- mised.. November 12, 1975 Approved For Release 200~~Q$~Q$ ~~1~4-RDP79T00865A002100250002-1 Approved For Release 2001/08,?~j~P79T00865A002100250002-1 Other problems will probably cause relations to deteriorate further--Army Commander General Videla, who is heading the campaign against internal subversion, recently said publicly that local terrorism is receiving external support from Communist sympathizers, including Peking. The government that succeeds President Peron's administration promises to be at least as conservative in outlook and may well be more susceptible to manipula- tion by anti-Peking military leaders. (SECRET/NOFORN) November 12, 1975 Approved For Release 2001/08/08: -RDP79T00865A002100250002-1 SECRET Approved For Release 20~:ICIA-RDP79T00865A002100250002-1 Peru:_ Political Activity on_the_Upswing For the first time since the armed forces took over the government in 1968, an organized political challenge to government policies may be developing as leftist peasant and labor groups rally behind two :radical generals ousted by PY?esident P~orales Bermudez earlier this month. Although one of the cashiered generals apparently has little civilian political sup- port, the other, General Rodriguez, has maintained relatively strong ties to a number of leftist groups and h.e may very well become involved politically with them. Rodriguez is an ambitious general, and his early retirement, while forcing him to alter his plans, almost certainly has not diminished his desire to be- come president. Under former president Velasco, who headed the military government from 1968 until his ouster by Plorales Bermudez last August, the armed forces were unable to develop any significant base of civilian support for their socialistic policies. At the same time, government censorship and intimidation of civilian critics prevented the growth of any coherent opposition movement. Since assuming power, Morales Bermudez has loosened press restraints significantly, eased restric- tions on political parties, and repeatedly alluded to still-vague plans for popular "participation" in the revolutionary process. All this has tended to raise the level of political activity and to increase specu- lation that significant civilian involvement in the governing process is in the offing. Leftist groups, which supported many of Velasco's policies, a:re still circumspect in criticizing Presi-~ dent .Morale:s Bermudez, but they are becoming bolder in questioning whether his government backs some of the ~~~?~ more radical reform programs. These groups apparently November 12, 1975 -5- Approved For Release 2~~~$~O~,T~IA-RDP79T00865A002100250002-1 Approved For Release 2001/08/O~E~79T00865A002100250002-1 view the fate of the radical generals as confirma- tion that Morales Bermudez intends to pursue a more moderate political-course than his predecessor. ~.~General Rodriguez, as a high-ranking former official associated with radical causes, is an attractive and logical leader for this sector. The traditional political parties are also be- ginning to stir in response to the government's hints at popular participation and to defend themselves against charges by leftists that they are subverting the revolutionary process. Both the widely popular American Popular Revolutionary Alliance and the Popular ~/ ~, Alliance party of former civilian President Belaunde will become more active in the coming weeks, to sup- port at least some of Morales Bermudez'policies, and to strengthen their own constituencies. Belaunde him- self may return to Peru early in December to take over the reins of the organization that elected him Peru's last civilian leader over twelve years ago. (CONFIDEN- TIAL) November 12, 1975 Approved For Release 2001/08/08: CI~~DP79T00865A002100250002-1 SECRET Approved For Release 2'6~9~a1(~Br~~CIA-RDP79T00865A002100250002-1 Venezuela and Ecuador Weigh Regional Oil Alignment Venezuela and Ecuador have discussed the possible format:ion of an organization of Latin American petro- leum exporters to coordinate policies within the region. Prospects appear bleak, however, because Mexico--whose participation would be essential--is unlikely to enter into any ax-rangement that would limit its freedom of action. Caracas, increasingly cool towardmahebeacasting American Energy Organization (GLADE), y about for another regional organization more responsive to its leadership aspirations. Dissension evident in the establishment of GLADE had highlighted the diffi- culties in forming a consensus in a group of countries comprising both oil exporters and importers, despite general lisp service to the ideal of regional solidarity. 'President Perez of Venezuela reportedly suggested the idea of a new organization to President Rodriguez of Ecuador as a means of gaining control of markets in Latin America. Rodriguez is interested in anything that: he thinks would strengthen the position of his government vis-a-vis the oi]_ companies in Ecuador. Venezuelan. interest stems at least. partly from concern over- the emergence of D4exico as a serious potential competitor. Mexico, with crude production already up to 750,000 barrels per day, could export 1.3 million barrels per day by 1980. It is thus in Caracas' intE~z'est t:o form a close alignment. as quickly as pos- sible. The ~~resent Mexican government has chosen not to join OPEC, preferring to retain its independence in setting oil policy. The same reasoning would militate against participation in a regional organization. The next pres:~dent may seek closer cooperation with Venezuela November 12, 1975 -7- Approved For Release 2001~0~/=RDP79T00865A002100250002-1 Approved For Release 2001/08/08~~~t~~P~9T00865A002100250002-1 in some aspects of oil policy but is unlikely to forgo any options with regard to marketing of Mexican oil. Even if Venezuela and Ecuador should succeed in forming an organization with Mexico, the new group would not substantially further Venezuela's interests. In a wider context, such a group would not appreciably increase Latin American influence in OPEC, as their total crude production amounts to only about eleven percent of the OPEC total. As Mexican production in- creased, it would little more than offset Venezuela's declining position.(SECRET/NOFORN) November 12, 1975 Approved For Release 2001/08/~~~ P79T00865A002100250002-1 Approved For Release 200/~~0~~'r~-RDP79T00865A002100250002-1 and the embarrassment caused to still-active old-line Duval:ierists demonstrated his apparent confidence in the s~treng~th of his own government and underlined his desire to improve the standards of public administration. The government also proved willing to allow a de- gree of freedom of the press in the coverage of the trial. The iconoclastic editor of a leftist weekly repeatedly criticized the moral climate under Papa Doc, the past administration of Haitian ]ustice, and the absence of civic responsibility. He was cautioned by the interior minister several times and was perilously close to having his journal shut down, but the fact remains that a certain independence of expression was tolerated. Duvalier's purported actions regarding the trial reflect his own uncertainties and the clear limits to the amount: of liberalization he will allow. the minis er o ]izstice reporte y c acme t at a one point he was instructed by the president to have the presiding judge deliver a guilty verdict against rourcand. Duvalier later countermanded this order when he learned of his mother's apparent involvement in the scandal and some testimony threatened to make it public. Duvalier re- portedly ordered the commander of the presidential guard to end the trial rapidly. This was done, and ~t_~ the verdict rendered several weeks later. The President ~" then rewarded the judge and prosecutor by giving them new automobiles. After long years of unrelieved tyranny under Papa Doc, the stamp fraud trial--even with its obvious limit- at:ions--is a positive step and. a sign that the regime f is willing to experiment with reform. How the govern- ment: deals with other recently incarcerated individuals --:including businessmen arrested in a customs scandal, ai.rr_raft hijackers, and plotters against a prominent member of the Duvalier entourage---will give more con~- clusive :indications of the regime's commitment to open court trials and even-handed justice. (SECRET/NOFORN) Approved For Release 200? I -RDP79T00865A002100250002-1 Approved For Release 2001/08/06~~ F~~79T00865A002100250002-1 Haiti Experiments with Reform The outcome of the postage stamp fraud trial which has been a major focus of public attention in Haiti for the past eight months, is both a sign of cautious movement toward reform and a reminder that Haiti remains a personalist dictatorship with the palace deterrnining when and for what purposes the legal process will be used. Last spring the Haitian government uncovered a scheme to sell several million dollars worth of un- authorized Haitian stamps. The most important figure charged was Secretary of Commerce and Industry Serge Fourcand, leader of a new breed of young technocrats. President Jean Claude Duvalier felt personally betray- ed by Fourcand since the minister had been his trusted adviser and confidant. As the trial began the old-guard Duvalierists seemed .ready to take advantage of the situation to dis- credit the technocrats who had begun to challenge them. / ~ The trial took on another coloration, however, when the ~ culprits instead turned out to be officials of the pre- ceding regime of Francois Duvalier. In some respects the outcome of the trial substan- tiates the view that President Duvalier is cautiously_ adopting a more reformist approach. Confronted with convincing evidence of Fourcand's innocence of anything but administrative negligence, the prosecution did not press its case and accepted his acquittal without pro- test. The televised trial resulted in a public airing ~~ ~? of the climate of official corruption and lack of publi'~ ethics that prevailed during the presidency of Papa Doc. The young president's willingness to permit these reve- lations despite the smudging of his father's reputation November 12, 1975 Approved For Release 2001/08/08-C:IA-RDP79T00865A002100250002-1 SECRET SECRE'h Approved For Release 2001/08/08: CIA-RDP79T00865A002100250002-1 Nicaragua: State of Siege Rolls On President Somoza appears to have found a con- venient political tool in the state of siege he in- voked following the terrorist attack last December by the Sandinist National Liberation Front (FSLN). The censorship permitted under the statute has been ?~/ ~ especially useful, and it could become a permanent ~1' part of the political scene. Somewhat paradoxically, the resulting popular frustration heightens the appeal of the guerrilla F5LN in contrast to the apparently impotent political opposition. The state of siege has two principal benefits for Somoza. First, it enables him to muzzle principal op- position leader Pedro Joaquin Chamorro, owner of the major daily La Prensa. By shutting off this opposition outlet, he prevents dissemination of any criticism by the co:ngress?--infrequent though it has been given the timid character of the legislative bloc. The state of siege also allows Somoza to submit suspected terrorists and supporters to military rather than civilian courts. According to an announcement on October 25, some 80 suspected FSLN adherents are to appear before the mili- tary courts. With Somoza and other high Nicaraguan of- ficials admitting that snuffing out the recurrent FSLN threat this 1=ime may require years, the prospects of a long-term state of siege and continuing censorship is real. The FSLN's fortunes have been cyclical, and the guerrilla group is presently more active than at any time since 1967-68, when it was probably at its apogee. The guer?rillas probably have about 80 activists in the 3 country, and a support network twice that large. They h