PRELIMINARY COMMENTS ON THE ENCYCLICAL 'PACEM IN TERRIS'

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP79T00429A001300030012-0
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 12
• Document Creation Date: December 12, 2016
• Document Release Date: January 2, 2002
• Sequence Number: 12
• Publication Date: April 15, 1963
• Content Type: REPORT

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15 April 1963
THE ENCYCLICAL "PACEM IN TERRIS':'
1. The encyclical is essentially a restatement of
basic moral principles on man, society, and gov-
ernment, and an application of these to present-
day technological, economic, and political con-
ditions.
A. While providing fresh evidence of John XXIII's
liberal tendencies, the encyclical contains
no doctrinal changes or innovations, no in-
dication of change in basic Vatican policies,
no real "opening" either`to"the extreme left
or to the reactionary right.
II. Perhaps the closest thing to a policy change--
and that hardly a real one--is the section which
notes that "historical movements" (a reference
to Communism?) which have orginated from "false
philosophical teaching regarding the nature,
origin and destiny of the universe and man"
(Marxism-Leninism?) "cannot avoid...being sub-
ject to changes, even of a profound nature,"
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and "it can happen, then, that a drawing; ,_uyearer
together or a meeting for the attainment of some
practical end, which was formerly deemed in-
opportune and unproductive, might now or in the
future be considered opportune and useful...,"
A. While this is expression of an almost self-evident
fact, the inclusion here may stem from a Papal
hope, aroused perhaps by a temporary softening
of Moscow's attitude toward the Vatican, that
the plight of the Church in Communist countries
may be eased.
B. Whether this pottends a meeting between the Pope
and Khrushchev, or some other Soviet-Vatican meet-
ing or exchange, is not known.
1. But there is no reason to doubt that John, if
he felt that good would result from such meet-
ing or exchange, would brush aside criticism
thereof (even from within the Roman Curia),
just as Christ dismissed criticism of His
talking with Publicans and sinners.
2. Such a meeting or exchange would not constitute
"softening" of Catholicism on Communism.
NOTE: Other references in Part V of the encyclical
to distinguishing between errors and the
erring and the possiblity that "meetings
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and agreements; 4between believers and
those who do not believe or believe in-
sufficiently...can be occasions for dis-
covering truth and paying homage to it"
would seem to refer primarily to the
"separated brethern" (Orthodox; Protestants)
and perhaps those of other religions.
III. Another section of the encyclical drawing major
attention has been that on worldwide authority
and the United Nations.
A. The Pope notes that today "no political com-
munity is able to pursue its own interests
and develop itself in isolation," and more-
over "the universal common good poses problems
of worldwide dimension, which cannot be
adequately tackled or solved except by the
efforts. ..,of public authorities which are
in a position to operate in an effective
manner on a worldwide basis."
1. A public authority with worldwide power,
however, "must be set up by common ac-
cord and not imposed by force."
2. Also, the "public authority of the world
community is not intended to limit the
sphere of action of the public authority
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of the individual political community,
much less to take its place."
3. The Pope expresses an "earnest wish that
the United Nations Organization--in its
structure and in its means--may become
ever more equal to the magnitude and
nobility of its tasks...."
B. This part of the encyclical--for which U Thant
promptly expressed appreciation--may in time
prove of considerable significance in mobiliz-
ing support for the UN, especially in Christian
counts; ie`s.
1. While this influence may not be immediately
felt, many Catholics of all political views
may now feel assured that they need have
no problems of conscience (if they have had
suc) working with others of divergent and
even clashing political views who are will-
ing to cooperate under UN auspices and
machinery in action toward common human
goals,
IV. The full social and political impact of Pacem in
Terris--as opposed to the initial outpourings of
praise from many and diverse quarters--will be
evidence only with the passage of years.
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A. The great social encyclicals of the past
(e.g., the Rerum Novarum of Leo XIIIand
the Quadragesimo Anno of Pius XI) had a
tremencLous impact in the way of social
and economic change; but even in Catholic
countries it took considerable time for
these changes to develop on a wide basis.
B. Nonetheless, the-impact potential of the
present encyclical is enhanced by
1. the present world prestige of the
Vatican and widespread goodwill en-
gendered by the Ecumenical Council
which was convened last fall and is to
resume this Stepte mberl
2. the addressing of the encyclical to
"all men of good-will" plus the fact
that most of the argumentation and
discussion is based on the natural
law and natural theology (rather than
on revealed truth and purely Catholic
doctrine).
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C. The most immediate significant world reactions
may be to the sections on disarmament, nuclear
testing, racism, independence move, the UN,
and world authority.
V. Soviet bloc commentators for example, were quick
to hail the encyclical and its references to the
peace,
desirability of n disarmament, negotiations, and have
tried to promote the impression that Western gov-
ernments, the US in particular, are out of step
with Papal views.
A. Izvestia on 12 April claimed the encyclical
had plunged Washington into "smoldering dis-
content.," and said the "dissatisfaction" in
Washington stemmed from US disapproval OF
the Pope's "peacemaking" activity, ..
B. In typical fashion, however, the Communists
ignored the conditions and prerequisites
for peace and disarmament cited by the Pope.
C. Also ignored by the Communists was the
encyclical's emphasis on man's right "to
freedom in searching for trufh and in ex-
pressing and communicating his opinions,"
his right "to honor Good according to the
dictates of an upright conscience and...to
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worship God privately and publicly," the right
to private property, even of productive goods,"
etc.
D. Moscow and the rest also ignore the encyclical/A-,
affirmations that "people invested with legitimate
authority...derive their authority from God...";
that those "who have authority in the state
oblige men in conscience only if their authority
is intrinsically related with the authority of
God and shares in it"; that "if any government
does not acknowledge the rights of man or violates
the? it not only fails its duty, but its orders
completely lack juridical force."
1. While these statements are nothing more than
reiteration of standard positions, they
should help allay any latent suspicions on
either side of the Iron Curtain that John
is ready to compromise principle in seeking
to ease tension with the Bloc.
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VI. In the Afro-Asian world, the encyclical has
not evoked a strong reaction in the largely
non-Christian capitals.
A. The Pope's appeals against colonialism
and racialism and for a ban on nuclear
weapons should find support among Afro-
Asian circles, however, and many leaders
may give most vocal attention to these
during UN discussions of the problems of
colonialism and nuclear armament.
B. The Afro-Asians will welcome papal support
for the UN in the hope that organization
will become even more useful as a forum
for the neutralists and in particular for
pressing the attack against colonialism
and atomic testing.
1. In particular, they may see the fol-
lowing as the most significant sen-
tence for them in the encyclical:
"It is nevertheless indispensable
that in the interests of the common
good they the powerful states:) as
all others, should respect the rights
of those smaller states to political
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freedom, to economic development and
to the adequate protection, in the
case of conflicts between nations,
of that neutrality which is theirs
according to the natural as well as
international, law.
VII. Publication of the encyclical will have little
immediate impact on the politics of the Western
World; initially at least it will likely by and
large be seized upon by those elements in the
Church who see in it support for their own views,
and circumvented or ignored by those who differ
with its tone and purpose.
A. In Spain, for example, the Basque priests
will find comfort in assertions about the
"right of assembly and association", and
the recognition of a people's national
dignity and distinctiveness; at the same
time the more conservative upper echelons
of the Spanish hierarchy will find it suf-
ficiently flexible to "justify" their con-
tinuing on a business as usual basis.
B. Similarly the document will stimulate pro-
gressive Catholic circles in Costa Rica
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and Chile; elsewhere in Latin America and
particularly where Chruch and landed estab-
lishment are complementary, it will be
minimized.
C. For a variety of parochial reasons the
encyclical may have more domestic political
effect in Italy than elsewhere--although
we do not believe it will influence the
upcoming national elections one way or an
other. Its effects are likely to be more
subtle and less immediate; whatever else
it does, publication of the encyclical
confirms the strongly liberal trend in
the modern Church's orientation. If there
is a theory of foreign policy in the piece
it is one better suited to a Fanfani than
to a Scelba or a Segni. This aspect will
not be lost on the professional politicians
of the Christian Democratic party, who are
likely to react in characteristically prag-
matic ways--for example by slightly dis-
counting the hitherto powerful Cardinal
Ottaviani and lay leader Luigi Gedda. In
sum, the encyclical will serve as addi-
tional proof--if such proof is needed--
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that static or aggressively reactionary
elements within the Church will receive
little or no official encouragement from
the present Pope,
D. In a similarly indirect way publication
of the encyclical could over the long run
influence the evolution of political parties
in Europe because of its strong emphasis
on the social responsibilities of the State.
1. Within the Catholic parties it could
in time strengthen the liberal wings
as opposed to the Conservatives, as
for example in Belgium.
2. Among the Socialist parties there are
already tendencies at work particularly
in German Social Democratic Party,
to abUdon Marxist traditions and to
tone down the previously belligerent
anticlericalism. Also, the militancy
of Catholic trade unions in France in
comparison to their Socialist counter-
parts has already become an embarrass-
ment to the Socialists.
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