SPEECH BY WALTER ULBRICHT

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00457R002200260001-2
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: C
• Document Page Count: 8
• Document Creation Date: November 9, 2016
• Document Release Date: January 5, 1999
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: January 5, 1949
• Content Type: REPORT

FORM NO. 51.4A
SEPT.1948
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CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY REPORT NO,
Doeument No.
X DECLASS]
DA M46. 4 Apr 77
I OF PAS';. g
The New Tye Party - A speech by Walter ULbPIC2It at the Advanced Police
School, Berlin, 17 August 1948.
1. When we speak of the New Type Party, of Lenin's work, and of the role of the
Party, we must begin with the fact that the New Type Party created by Lenin
has been victorious over a sixth of the earth's surface. This victory has
proved the correctness of Leninism and that the teachings of Lenin based on
Marx and Engels are the weapon needed by the worker to gain victory over
capitalism. These teachings were valid not only for Russia but for the
workers of all lands. The experiences of the German worker and the experiences
we are gaining now show particularly clearly what happens to the workers'
class when it fails to absorb these teachings or begins too late to take over
these principles. When Marx worked out the theory of scientific socialism
and of class struggle, he was fighting for the foundation of a workers' party.
Eng1s wrote at that time: "In order that the proletariat may be strong
enough on the day of decision, it is necessary that it form a special party
separate from all existing parties."
Why did the question of the development of a revolutionary workers' class
and the creation of a New Type Party by Lenin arise at the beginning of the
period of imperialism? How did it happen that Lenin worked out this theory
at this time and how can we explain that the workers in Germany, even the left
wing, did not understand how to absorb and develop this theory? The German
workers had begun to collect all progressive elements in the middle of the
nineteenth century. However, at the turn of the century there was a change.
Capitalism had reached a stage in which the contrast became quite clear.
Capitalism had formed modern trusts, syndicates, and cartels which proceeded
with refined methods to increase the suppression of the proletariat. The
proletariat had a wonderful chance here. The previous method of collecting
its strength was no longer sufficient. Imperialism itself had created
favorable conditions for storming the fortress of capitalism, but despite
these favorable conditions, the methods used by the workers and the SPD did
not suffice to lead an attack on capitalism. The SPD had become a voters'
'union, an educational club with no importance in battle. The SPD leaders
wanted to push through peaceful reforms and could,-gain no worthwhile advan-
tages for the workers. without a battle organs etion.and. battle methods,
INFORMATION REPORT CD NO.
COUNTRY Germany (Russian Zone)
SUBJECT Speech by Walter glbricht
ew conditions
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in Russia had become sharpen faster, because the bourgeois revolution had
been delayed and coincided with the battle against imperialism. Through the
battle'against-feudalism at this time, the Russian proletariat grew ripe for
You will-now ask,."Why.did this succeed in Russia
the great battle and achieved the leading role in the revolution. The prole-
tarian party was still iniits earliest beginnings. It was created under the
sharpened conditions of class struggle. Lenin postulated the revolutionary
party.of the working class as a party in which the petite bourgeoisie has no
place. The conditions were the same in Germany as in Russia. But whereas
in`Germany revisionism found support and was not put down, Lenin was in the
battle in Russia and made the Russian party the advance guard of the proletariat
and showed it the right way, showed that the working class can'fulfill its
mi'ssioA.in the'new period of imperialism only by forging a New Type Party.
4. In Germany we-see the increasing influence of 'revisionism, of the bourgeoisie,
within the workers' movement. The leaders of the SPD concealed the teachings
o Lenin and presented them to the members in a false light. They hoped that
in Germany power would fall in their laps through a coalition with bourgeois
democracy. They had not become` acquainted with the idea that an imperialistic.
war might home nor had they busied themselves with the fall of imperialism.
The Russian workers went the way of revolution, the Bolsheviki prepared the
uprising and possessed the strength'to fight and defeat Czarism.
5. Lenin, who had strong ties to Western B.iropean.workers, offered the German
workers,his most important theory, the theory of the role of the party.
I can still remember Lenin's last speech in Moscow five years after-the
revolution. He closed his speech with the advice to the Russian workers to
master modern, technology in order to rule the economy. But to us Germans he
said that we must understand the organization, construction, methods, and
content of revolutionary work.
6. The-struggle for the New Type Party began with a debate over the ideological
basis of the Party. Lenin stated the prime thesis that the working class
must lead the struggle of a dictatorship of the proletariat, that the dictator-
ship of the proletariat is that form of government which enables the most
efficient form of struggle. He fought with the Mensheviki over the question
of the best way.- The Mensheviki. claimed that the bourgeois revolution mush
come first and that the bourgeois element must lead and not-until then could
the working class assume leadership of the proletarian revolution. Lenin -
said the opposite. The Menshevik' rejected the peasants., believing that they
could not be used. Lenin said that the workers cannot win unless they have
the peasants on their side. He pointed out the difference between the working
peasants and the kulaks. The history of the Russian revolution has shown who
was right.
7? It is not my ~aYi'to speak on the ideological basis of the New Type Party,
those were just a few hints, but I might add that it is necessary for us to
understand the meaning of this struggle and to do everything now to protect
the theory of Marxism-Leninism against defections to bourgeois influences.
I say that in connection with the Cominform letter on the error of the
'Communist Party in Yugoslavia. These errors show clearly and distinctly what
.basic mistakes a party can make in the present situation and that practically
everything said in this letter holds -true for us Germans, too. The Yugoslav
CP Aeglected to gain a majority of the workers and peasant's. An influential
Yugoslav Communist leader remarked at a meeting in Berlin some time ago:
"If you come to Belgrade you will see not a single Communist slogan,` no
banners, no mottoes." If that is true, then naturally the greatest dangers
are present,
8. Are such dangers present here? Doubtless) In Yugoslavia it was stated that
a special Yugoslav road to socialism has been discovered. Some people say
there is a special German road. What is this special Yugoslav road? It means
that they place no importance in a firm alliance with the USSR, that they
flirt with the bourgeoisie of capitalist nations. The Yugoslavs believe they
d~nt need. to go along with the USSR, which is leading the world struggle
against imperialism, but scarcely had ,the Yugoslav Communists started on this
road when it became evident that they had landed in the ditches of American
propaganda. The lesson for us is tht we cannot fight the socialist battle-
without a firm alliance with th
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realize how strong capitalism still is. They did not realize that one cannot
achieve socialism except by liquidating the old class, the rich peasant, the
feudal lord,; the factory owners. That is the international law of the battle
of socialism. One cannot allow the big peasant or the big capitalist to
merge into:"socialism. We believed that that was already wet]. knownl low we
find there are still people today who think it is possible to slide into
eocialism with part of the capitalist class.
10. The battle for the ideological foundation is of prime importance for us because
most members of the SED lived under the hard conditions of fascism and have had
no chance to extend their knowledge to solve the problems. Because the
Germa~ workers did 4ot learn anything during this period, di? not experience
the further evolution of Marxist theory and the transition from socialism to.
Com?unism,.they have stood still. There are some who claim that we can reach
our goal by a trade union program, but they say that first we must have enough
fjod and. that then all problems will bsmmthh simpler. I mention this only to
dhow that 'there are, still such people around and that therefore we must clear
up this opinion. If we limit ourselves to the trade union straggle we cannot
get hold of the workers for higher tasks. That means abandoning the united
battle front of the working class. We know that the workers can improve their
lot only by the defeat of capitalism. We don't want little improvements, but
the complete destruction of capitalism. This knowledge must be borne by.the
advance guard into the working class and hammered into each.one. Lenin says
in his basic work: 'lPolitical class sonaciouyness can only be instilled
into the worker from outside. The socialist idea cannot arise of itself in
the worker's head; he lacks all prerequieit$s$ he had no chance to get an
education in colleges and universities." From this thesis Lenin drew the
conclusion that we must develop a cadre of professional revolutionaries who
thoroughly control socialism, are acquainted with the sufferings and experiences
of the proletariat, and can assume leadership on the basis of the Lenin-Marx
theory and the general experience of the working class. Lenin says no
revolutionary party can do without such a cadre of experienced and continually
active revolutionaries.
11. There were some comrades who thought that the Party had become a New Type.
Party by reason '.of the merger; to be sure, a new party was created, but this
was not a hew Type Party. At that time two parties were merged into one
which decided oh principles and goals with a new content. There were some
who thought that the merger took place on a middle line, but actually the SED
can fulfill its mission only on the basis of Lenin, Marx, and Stalin.
12. At the time of the merger,, one difference between the SPD and KPD was that the
KPD had demonstrated in Brussels in 1935 that it had subjected itself to
criticism on the basis of experience. The sectarians were revealed at that
time and their opinions annihilated. We realized that mistakes had been made.
In the SPD only a partial lesson was learned from the past and the old
opinions were brought along into the SED. That is undoubtedly why Engelbert
Graf left the M. Why is our Party still not a New Type Party? Well, along
came a bunch of people not of our class big. farmers, factory owners, shop
owners - and joined one of the workers' parties and were taken over into the
SED, It is clear that under the conditions created by. our new tasks,. not
L only must there bean ideological strTiftthening, not only must our traditional
mistakes be overcome, but these career elements must be expelled from the Party.
The members must absorb the theory of Marxism-Leninism and transform it into
living practice. This is not easy because many have the tendency to continue
the old policy, of opposition: that is easier. Others,)who have been influenced
by opportunistic affairs,. including some who once studied Marxism, have fallen
back as a result of the twelve years. Many survivals of other ideologies,
even Fascist, are still present. In addition the. bourgeoisie is still
fighting hard to push its bourgeois idealism into our members. The great size
of our party gives the bourgeois parties, the capitalists, a chance to plant
persons in our party who actually have nothing in common with us. One may.
say that by broad educational work plus the living experience of the recent
years, important knowledge has been collected and progress made, but that is
not sufficient for the solution,of our great problem,'for the fulfillment
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the old estate owners, the monopoly capitalists,. the` reactionary bureaucrats,
and all the rest of them, have come to the realization that they cannot regain
their profitable positions because they fear that the two year plan will be
crowned with success. They will fight to prevent that'with all means. The
class struggle will not be softened eyen._by our success. The bourgeoisie will
with spec a me o.s, an ere in Germany especially, because they have
strong positions'in our zone and great support from the occupying powers in
14. A few?examples: the present developments in our zone demand that we no longer
occupy ourselves with confiscations, that we sequester no more land, but the-
out standing element in the present period must be the struggle for superiority
of the publicly owned enterprises in the race with the capitalist& enterprises.
Operating at a profit, increasing production, and improving quality ,tdepent on
raising the class consciousness of the worker in the publicly owned/enterprise.
We must operate at a profit, be economical, and deliver good tuali y. That
proves the class consciousness of our workers.. When the cai"lis, s ran the
factories, our class consciousness was proved by good strikes; now the
situation is different, the factories belong to the people, and we can speak
of class consciousness only if we can show increased production, better
quality, higher profits, and economic management. We are in favor of increased
production in the private factories in order to further our reconstruction and
speed the supply of the population, but we are not in favor of private -
enterprise used for the benefit of black marketeers. Then we will beat them
the way they deserve. Private profits cannot grow to heaven. That is a
peculiarity of our period with which the entrepren urs will have to put up.
We are also supervising agriculture production; th t means that we support the
little and medium farmers, that we help them we can, that we lend
them implements, that we set up loan stations for achinery and tools, that
we. assign our best workers to these stations'as a upport for the workers in
the village to assist our natural allies, thework ng peasants. We send our
class conscious workers to the agricultural cooper tine and do our best to
repulse the big-,and very big farmers. That is our clear line. There are
some.people in our Party who made a lot of noise when.I said that the little
and medium farmers should kick the wholesalers out of the PdgBZ Yes, sir,
howling isn't going to do them any good. This is our basic principle.. One
minister -president complained that I promulgated this view in the name of
the Party. I wrote him that this is no concern of his, but strictly a TIgB
affair; and that we are Just helping out a little bit in the kicking out
(approving laughter). This means that we are pushing back the big farmers.
We are not using any force in the form of expropriation, but we are ruthlessly
destroykng their economic influence in the mass organizations of the village.
You see that the fulfillment of the two-year plan means a battle in the village.
The big farmers got the idea that they could regain their old positions.
Obviously there is a misunderstanding somewhere; we are quite democratically
in favor of throwing the big kamers out the window. There have been cases
in which big farmers who are members of the SED have registered complaints.
We have asked them quite naively what the hell they think theyrre doing in
our party.
15. We are a workers' party. Parm workers, little and medium farmers, and the;
representatives.of progressive circles of the intelligentsia and of science
should be organized in our party. That's the way we want it. We donet need
the entrepreneurs who are trying to save themselves from sequestration.
We don't need any big farmers who are afraid their land might be confiscated
and are trying to get protection from us. There is no place in the SID for
these people. The capitalist elements in the field of trade are very strong,
In the two-year plan we said that the consumers' cooperatives and the agri-
cultural cooperatives must be developed. There will be a race between the
cooperatives and private wholesalers, We are interested in improving the
work of the cooperatives; persons indoctrinated with our ideology and not
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ave e oict e gen s ne s m , o alt-GAUbd o ege and have a eSi
education; we are leaving them in their positions, although they are not
democrats, since they are doing their work in the proper manner. But we are
not satisfied with that. If the working class is to insure democracy and
proceed to socialism, it must have its own intelligentsia. Therefore we. are
choosing boys to send to colleges and universities. That has caused a storm
of criticism, The LDP and the ODU complain bitterly because they are losing
their privileges. We told them that the workers are the majority of the
population and must have the leading ole an must supply the majority of
students in the colleges, and universi tee. The SED must educate its own
specialists - politically reliable c rode *oattend special schools so that
they can assume leadership wherever n c_e ary. At the present time we are
attempting to gain the cooperatiar} of a old intelligentsia and to win them
over.Y We will gladly allow them special privileges. I tell this to all of you
who think we are paying these people too much. We are glad to pay them two,
three, or even four times as much as they would get from capitalistic enterpriesrss.
That-will pay off. The USSR paid even larger sums. It doesn't matter that\
there are so many: of them, for they are supporting democracy. We are doingl
,this not only because we need these people, but especially because we are
convinced that we will finally win them over to honest cooperation, because
they will see that our goal is good. Suppose a few people do-complain about
it. We have no doctors now, no druggists, no chemists. It will take many
years to develop all these professions. And so it is worth while to pay high
salaries because it is necessary.
17. You did a good job on expropriation. You all worked well. But. that was easy
in comparison with the present tasks. Only a party with iron discipline built
up on Marx and Lenin and a class-conscious working class can successfully
master the new tasks of reconstruction, guarantee of the food supply, improve-
ment of agriculture, attainment of leadership in industry and trade and the
development of a new progressive culture, -There is a difference between Party
and class, though the difference is often vague. The same backward opinions
sometimes found in the Party are reflected in the population as a whole. But
there is adifference whether we find these opinions in a trade union, in the
broad mass of the population, or in the Party. There can be the most various
ideas that are all wrong, but within the Party we must see to it by clear debate
that there are no more false ideas after the debate. Persons who are confused
cannot lead a trade union and the same is true for a party. The battle for
ideological clarity must be our first step.
18. In the police this problem must be discussed from top to bottom. There must
be no leader and no organization within the police which does not work out
this problem ideologically. We see now that there are people who are politically
confused and strange to their class who do not belong in the revolutionary
party of the workers. Yes, indeed, there have been some interesting phenomena,
such as functionaries' saying: "Paragraph 2 of the Party statute exists, to
be sure, but it is not to be taken too seriously, for it is said there that
everyone. must belong to a basic organization - that everyone must participate
actively in-Party work." It is interesting that the same question was also
raised in Russia. Does this paragrapix mean that everyone can join the Party?
Not It means that a member can only be accepted if he really wants to be
active. Not only the presidium, b t also the assembly must approve new members.
According to our new regulations, two comrades already active in the party must
vouch for the new member. Th st be able to say that there is nothing
against him. They must be able o certify that he has not falsified his
questionnaire. In 1903 Lenin had insisted that no one could become a member
simply by registering and paying dues, but he had demanded that every new
member join a basic group and submit to the discipline of the Party. Lenin
emphasized that the whole class must be led by'the Party, but that the whole
class cannot belong to the Party. Lenin emphasizes the importance of a
permanent functionary corps. He explained that the Party possesses enough
workers equipped with an essential minimum of knowledge if we pursue the method
of discipline and compulsory cooperation.
-. Off
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e members can be activated only if a firm corps of functionaries exists.
When we have formed a Partei Aktiv equipped with experience, we must mobilize
the entire Party with this functionary corps. We must point out that there
are people in our Party we must get rid of. The next link is the ideological
training of the functionary corps. The development of a New Type Party demands
that democratic centralism be accomplished; therefore we must have a full
exchange of opinion and discussion of the role of the Party in order to clear
this question up completely. There are vacillations in the Party. These we
must overcome. False theories and enemy ideologies within the Party must be
removed, In order to find out where these false ideologies are, we must look
for them and argue with the people who are afflicted by them. If they are too
deeply'rooted and the people refuse to be converted, they must be removed.
Many people thought this battle should be led from above. Naturally the line
is laid down by the Partei Vorstand, but now the main point is the development
of strength in the lower units. In Saxony things are in good shape and in
Thuringia, too, but there are areas where enemy elements, Schumacher. supporters,
are very strong. There we must attack. I am thinking of Saxony-Anhalt and
Brandenburg, too - all areas where the decisions of the Partei Vorstand have
not found the right reception. They haven't noticed there yet that these
Schumacher supporters:are not members of the working class, but agents of an
espionage office. Every means is justified in the battle against these bandits.
Death to all enemy agents in the Russian Zone sent to us from America or
England# Anywhere a bonciliatory attitude is taken toward these people, there
is at least a Dumm4pf present and it is said that there still are a number of
such.
20. In the trade unions-.there are a number of leaders who only think about wage
agreements .- who fail to understand the two-year plan; in the VdgB there are
people who havenIt caught on yet - who don't understand the role they must
play,. We have created little peasants; now it is our job to help them, to
convince them. For that we need political comrades - not those primitive ones
filled with hate for the peasants, who believe that since the peasant has more
and better food than they, they must agitate against the peasant and fight him.
These functionaries are no good to us. If we want to accomplish democracy,
we must have the peasants on our side.
21. A few words about the Party within the police. I have not mentioned the role
of the people's police, which, truly saturated with democracy, with iron
discipline,, follows the lead of the Party organization of the SED. What does
that mean? Within the people's police a firm specially trained Party organiza-
tion must be created in order that the ideological niveau of all policemen
may be raised with the help of the political Kulturleiter - that we may win
the battle not only for improved quality of production in the factories, but
for improved quality in the police. Every policeman must learn to fulfill his
duty completely; he must understand the great economic tasks implicit in the
two-year plan; if he is detailed to the Volkskontrolle, he must help prevent
espionage activity and carry out this'work with full consciousness and high
qualification. Re must know how to handle his weapon and above all, when and
against whom to use it. If he does all that, the improved quality is assured.
22. The Democratic parties have discussed the police question with us: in the
Thuringian Landtag they actually discussed it openly. Unfortunately some SED
members have joined these discussions and demonstrated a false viewpoint.
The bourgeois parties want parity in the police, especially in the leading
positions. We told them: "Thatts just what we were waiting for." (Laughter)
At the last meeting of the Partei Vorstand I.said, "Because of the attitude
of the reactionary LDP a very characteristic situation has arisen; they want
parity in the police." But at the same time one of the leading LDP people in
Thuringia has established contact with the black police in the west. Thus
these reactionaries have given us proof of their conspiratorial work against
our interests - against our two-year plan. In the meeting of party chairmen
preceding a big meeting of the bloc parties, this question was raised. I seized
the occasion and told them that they.needn't expect that such an attitude,
such connections with the black police in the west, would meet with under-
standing or toleration on our part. What does that show? It shows that it
is normal for reactionaries to exist and to try everything to restore the old
balance of power and to mobilize and organize all elements - legal and illegal.
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p n, the
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police question is not open for discussion. Police questions are questions of
public order and cannot be discussed in the bloc. You have complained that
ODU and LDP people have been dismissed from thepplice. I tell you that even
SED members have been discharged. The police organ's,, especially the chiefs
in various states, are responsible for public security and they must take. all
measures which they consider necessary. That is our democratic viewpoint."
24, Another question has not yet been cleared up. We have not yet done everything
to.popularize the peoplels police. It seems to me we have great weaknesses
here.: We have fought for the new order; we have carried on great propaganda
campaigns, but we haventt devoted enough attention to.this problem. There
have, unfortunately, been many cases in which the police did not show the
necessary assurance in order to be regarded by the population as the representa-
-
ti.ve of the ' people. Every policeman must be aware of his great fesponsibility
that he is the representative of the power of democracy. He must realize thit
the peoplets police has taken over the protection of democratic order, and that
we must publicize a number of cases where the bandits have been caught.
There has been a curious idea among various people that counter-revolutionaries
can say anything they want to.. I tell you quite frankly, democracy does not
mean that every functionary can say what he wants to. Counter-revolutionaries
have no right to speak a single word about democracy. A foe of freedom has
no freedom. _Naturally there are enemy newspapers in our zone. They can be
distributed because the Control Council law-says so, but it is our job to
explain to the workers that these newspapers are calling for sabotage in the
interests of the expropriated factory owners and the estate owners, and that
such papers cannot be bought or read by any employee or worker who is a true
democrat. We will see what government employees read the Taaessueigel,
Sosialdemokrat, or e e a. If they are doing it out of curiosity, we will
talk it over with them and convince them that it is not good. If they are
swallowing these lies, we will see to it that they lose their jobs. That is
democracy. We don't exercise any compulsion, but we carry on an open
ideological battle and we will see who dares to oppose us. Anyone active in
the interests of the enemy is guilty of sabotage and will be fought accordingly.
Democracy exists for those who are willing to participate in reconstruction,
but not for their enemies. These bandits serve imperialism. I tell you that
you, as police, have a special responsibility. Therefore it must not happen
that enemy propaganda is spread in the police. I know that even in. the police
there are certain phenomena; enemy ideologies become manifest at times.
I recommend that the police talk this over frankly in SED meetings and prevent
it. You must seek to convince vacillating elements. That is the basic task
in order that every individual peoplets policeman correctly executes his orders
on his own initiative.
25. Why is this problem so serious? Because naturally the police is affected by
its surroundings. The enemy influence will affect ev$ypcaewWho lacks a firm
ideological foundation: a permanent daily battle must be fought against enemy
ideologies. Among the basic problems I'll mention two: first, in connection
with the difficulties in the food problem, the question of a change of the
Oder/Neisse line is raised. It is known that the representatives of USA
imperialism have frankly announced that they are not only in favor of changing
the Oder/Neisse line, but that they would like best to put the border against
Bolshevism in Warsaw. We are grateful to these people for telling us this,
but since theylve let the cat ou$ of the bag we will have to answer this question.
We, also, regret that this border had to be drawn, but the reasons for it are
well known. Three times Poland was attacked by Germany and laid waste. It
cannot be expected that a nation attacked twice in such a short period will
allow a third attack. And if people say, "But we Germans only want peace,"
or if individual resettlers claim, "I wont do anything wrong," then we must
point out it is' not a.question of this person or that, but rather a question
of whether or not Germany has created guarantees for peace. And here we can
only say that the British-American imperialists are already sending the German
war criminals out on a terrible campaign against the USSR and, Poland. We
support the declaration of the Warsaw onference of~l eoplest( mocraciea in
which it is clearly stated that the Oder/Neisse line is final and that a change
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the power of the peoples, democracies and the USSR to be. strengthened as
rapidly as possible. We are in favor of reparations; as Germans we must
deliver them for moral reasons. In the stern bne we know how high reparations
are. We have complete control. In the st that is not the case. There
everything is being carried off without' anyone's knowing how much. The same
is true in Berlin. The USSR has allowed us to make an accounting. They take
nothing which is not entered in the reparations account. Some people say,
"In the difficult situation we find ourselves in, perhaps the USSR could
renounce reparations." These people know that the USSR needs thesearations
to complete its reconstruction.
as long as possible so that USSR
imperialists. But it is our hop
possible with all its agriculture and industry so that in the n eyes s o e
world balance of power the USSR may be as strong as the others and that we may
have the support of the USSR against the forces of imperialism. We realize
that without the USSR the battle for the unity of Germany cannot be won.
Therefore, we are interested in the rapid strengthening of the.USSR and the,
other democratic nations.
a7, The imperialist press today is outstripping Joseph Goebbela. What does that
show? It shows that we are not doing everything to explain the principles of
socialism. There was a false theory that capitalism by developing. great concerns
and trusts would finally become so centralized that only a single cartel would
remain and that it would then be easy to take over this cartel. That was
gautekyts idea, We older comrades know that the workers fail to realize that
the battle for socialism must be fought during the periods of capitalist crises
and in the same way that the development of socialism, of the SEA today, takes
place under the most difficult conditions. They fail to understand the essence
of socialism. Liquidation of private capitalism, liquidation of private,
ownership of the means of production, and liquidation of the big farmers are
the prerequisites of socialism. It is our fault that they have failed to
understand this and continue to dream of a western socialism without the
dictatorship of the proletariat.,
228, We can fulfill our task only in closest cooperation with the USSR - by making
tall use of the advice and experiences they have gained. A close connection
with the USSR is the basic condition for a workers' victory in Germany and
without the USSR at our back, without the fraternal comradely help of the USSR,
we cannot be victorious. That is reality. It follows that, for you as
policemen, close comradely cooperation with the officers and soldiers of the
Soviet Army is necessary. It follows that every policeman must learn that only
a friendly comradely relation with the Soviet Army can bring us to our mutual
goal. The Soviet Army in Germany and the working class in the Eastern Zone
both want the same things a free German working class.
29. It is our duty to continue the battle for democracy with the goal of liquidating
the. power of the war criminals, the trust directors, and the land owners in
western Germany. We must see to it that the industrial police in western
Germany - the worst enemy of the working class - is annihilated. We have the
goal of establishing the unity of Germany on a democratic basis. The battle
of Berlin is the next step on the road to the liberation of Germany. We are
fighting in Berlin to destroy the influence of these agencies of monopoly
capitalism, and with the help of the Economic Commission, the working class,
and the occupation power, to develop our power step by step and so weaken the
. enemy until we have pushed him out of Berlin and out of western Germany.
These gentlemen are well aware that the battle of Berlin is not just a Berlin
problem.. They are afraid that the same thing will happen to them in the est
that faces them in Berlin. We can assure them that we will try hard.
(Tempestuous applause.) That requires that we so strengthen our ranks and so
accomplish our mission as a Party organization in the politc~ , that we,are.a
4r thousand.. times stronger than the industrial police in theVest, and if you
work this way" and if you gain the friendship of the population, if you live
in friendship with the Soviet soldiers, if we are filled with respect for
Soviet hu*anity, then we may be sure that the battle for a united Germany.
will be fought and won - that our example will be followed by the people of
western Germany and that we will gain the victory in Germany.
Approved For Release 1999/09/08 ~y~,0457R002200260001-2