SOME CHANGES SINCE RIVERS ARMS AND MR. HEBERT

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80-01601R001400200001-7
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 34
• Document Creation Date: December 9, 2016
• Document Release Date: November 6, 2000
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: August 13, 1972
• Content Type: NSPR

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BEST CO
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Approved For Release 200.1/03/04: CIA-RDP80-01601R001400200001-7
TATI NTL
STAtINTLAPQrs
By ORR KELLY
Star-News Staff Writer
In the glacial movement of congressional
seniority, it took Eddie Hebert 30 years from
the time he entered Congress to become chair-
man of the House Armed Services Committee
and thus one of the half dozen or so most
,powerful men in Washington.
"There's no kidding. The chairman's got
power!" Hebert says.
"An 'admiral .was in here the other day.
There was a little 'dilution' going to take
? place in the Eighth Naval District. The ad-
miral was sitting down where you are sitting.
. "And I looked at him and said, 'Admiral,
I don't know whether you heard it or not but
?Mendel Rivers died a year and a half ago.
I Have you heard? He's dead!'
"Weil, he got the message."
? Rep. F. Edward Hebert, D-La., has a
particular concern for the welfare of the
cotgressman from Louisiana's First Congres-
sional District.
"The only election I take in is eVery two
gears in the First Congressional District of
;Louisiana when I support the incumbent with
? Vigor," he says.
I If you live in Ilebert's New Orleans dis-
trict, you have to be 53 years old ? to have voted
for anyone else who was elected to Congress.
He confidendy expects to be elected for the
;17th time this November?more times than
; .
Ianyore has be6 elected to public office in the
history of Louisi,ana;
;
Staying Power
RCITI
WASHINGTON STAR
L0.11D72. . ?
/pi is-, uTt715tp.p84)116
r i
? It s this remarkable staying power that
:made it possible for Hebert to be there when
,the chairmanship of the committee opened
'up with the death of Rivers in 1970. A Louisiana
!friend has a theory of how Hebert got the
Ichairmanship, and thus his present position of
.power.
Hebert, a Jesuit-educated Roman Catholic,
tells the story this way:
"He says, that Fella upstairs wanted He-
bert. He wanted one of His boys to be chair-
man instead of that Baptist, Mendel Rivers. 11
what does He do? (Rep. Philip J.). Philbin's
in the way. He's block-in'. So He goes over
there to Boston, gets that Jesuit (the Rev.
Robert F.) Drinan?another one of the boys?
to beat Philbin. So that clears the way for
Hebert. Then He grabs Rivers an,d takes him
?off."
? Whether lie got there by accident of age or
; polities or by divine intervention, the way the-.
? foamer newspaperman from New Orleans has
chosen to use his immense power in the last
year and a half has been interesting and not
!entirely predictable.
When Hebert came to Corigrqss in 1941 as
.part of, a political deal, he was 38 years old
and had behind him a career as a,newspaper-
? rnan in
ianawhich iplisel_brol: psej#616ndi
'in Louis. k m 10VeCIeia a e
In 1952, as head of the House investigating
'subcommittee, he conducted a series of widely
procurement mistakes.
"I'm supposed to be the patsy of the Pen-
tagon," he says. "I know that's what people
think. But way before Proxmire ever ' could
spell `waste,' let alone get it in print, I had a
chamber of horrors. That was one of the most
devastating investigations of the Pentagon
that was ever conducted."
? In another investigation, he uncovered a
scandal in the airframe industry and saw a
corrupt labor leader hustled off to jail. -
But now that he is chairman, Hebert's in-
vestigative zeal seems to have cooled. In-
stead, he has concentrated on reforms within
the committee?a committee on which the
chairman has traditionally been aa stern auto-
crat.
Asked in a recent interview what image he
would like to create, Hebert replied:
"The image I'd like to have is that I'm
fair, that I'm not swayed by partisanship and
that I believe in giving every man his day in
court. That I'm trustworthy and that when I
say something I mean it. I think that's the im-
age I'd want most."
Thus, under Hebert's chairmanship, each
member of the committee is allowed just five
minutes to question witnesses and then wait his
turn again. Each is/tailed in the order of se-
niority among these present when the session
begins. This contrasts with .hearings under
Rivers, when the chairman did most of the
questioning and his friends?including Hebert?
did the rest, or with the days of Carl Vinson,
who didn't even know the names of the junior
members on his committee.
Even with those members of the commit-
tee with whom he has the greatest political,
ideological and generational differences, He-
bert has generally managed to maintain ? a
? friendly personal relationship, and he has given
some of :them important assignments they
would not have received under Rivers.
Rep. Lucien N. Nedzi, D-Mich., for example,
has been"made chairman of the special sub- /
committee on ;the Central Intelligence Agency/ ?
with the mandate to take a close look At the
government's whole intelligence operation.
? Hebert's relations even seem to be reason-
ably good with Rep. Michael Harrington, D-
Mass., who is just half as old as Hebert and
who has gotten into a couple o: rather nasty
little exChanges with him in committee ses-
siOns.
"I think he would say mine is the minority
of the minority point of view," Harrington said.
He agrees that Hebert has made an effort
at fairness in running the committee?partly
because Hebert has the votes, both in the com-
mittee and in Congress.
"But I think there is much more the form
of fairness than the substance of fairness,"
Harrington said. "They can play a pretty rough
16011IAnP PnPa1fR
members and the more senior?and generally
more conservative?members of-the committee
. "I have a feeling that there as a reluctai
to share information," he said.
As committee chairman, Hebert dispens
what he calls the "goodies"?generally airpla]
rides to interesting places. He encourages t!
committee members to travel because "LI
best way that a man knows what he's doing
to absolutely touch the thing and see it."
Thus; when Harington, a brand new mei
her of the committee, wanted to go to Seut
east Asia, Hebert told him he was welcome
go to South Vietnam?but not to Laos or Car
bodi a .
"He .couldn't understand that," Hobe
said. "I said; well, I got enough trouble. ."
"We fenced for a year on Laos and Car
bodia," Harrington said. "Finally, I said
surrendered, and would agree to his groin
rule's."
Even Hebert's critics don't accuse him
using his power to influence the location
military bases or the awarding of military co:
tracts for political purposes ? aside from h
acknowledged protection of installations a
ready in the New Orleans area.
But the fact that. military installations ar
defense contracts are economically importai
in many parts of the country has made It di
fieult?virtually impossible, in any meaningfi
sense?for the would-be rebels on Hebert
committee to get together in a concerted effo'
to make major changes in the defense budge'
in committee.
And yet, it is only in committee that the'
is a realistic chance to make changes. Th
year, for example, the committee cut the
ministration's $23 billion military precuremei
and research bill by $1.5 billion-abut fiche;
proudly notes that there was not a sing
change made in the bill on the House floor.
Likes Laird
The committee handles two major chunl
of the defense budget each year?the sarocuri
ment and research budget of about $22 billie
and the military construction budget of shot
$2 billion. But it also has a strong influence o
the operations and maintenance account, an
it sets the pay scales. In effect, it thus has d.
rect or indirect control over the entire &fens
budget of about $85 billion.
Hebert's concentration on reform withii
the committee is probably based to some ex
tent on his general feeling that things are goin
pretty well at the Pentagon under Defeo&
Secretary Melvin Laird.
"I think Laird's a great man," Heber
said. "I put Laird in the class with Forrestal
Forrestal is my favorite." The late Jame:
Forrestal was the first secretary of defense
But. Hebert, who talks with an accen
CWcfPg9qOPttqtsof ofNevr Orleans?am
Brooklyn than th
South?would probably run the COT P11J
differently if Robert S. McNamara were stil
DE potomed llorlRelease 2001/03/04: CIA-RDP80-016oiRomokonoom
REGISTER
M ? 250,261
S ? 515,710
? MA? i7 17
Democra lc St ate Convention
To Vote on Vast U.S. Reforms
Delegates to the Democratic
State' Presidential Convention
here Saturday will be asked to
!approve a Platform calling for
vast changes in the federal gov-
ernment.
A Platform Committee draft
calls for tax reform, congres-
sional reform, legalization of
marijuana, abolition of abortion
laws, prion reform, -an-6nd to
Mernment secrecy and politi-
c a 1 campaign finance dis-
? closure.
Included in. the recommenda-
tions:
A limitation of $25,000 in gov-
ernment support payments to
any one farmer or. corporation.
Legislation eliminating tax
? loopholes that allow a non-
farmec to benefit from tax loss-
es in .agriculture.
Increase, of farm support
prices to 100 per cent of parity
with the 1910-14 period as the
index years.
' Eliminate the seniority sys-
tem in Congress, prevent any
congressman from chairing one
'committee more than six years
and elect chairman by votes of
?committee Members.
Require a congressional com-
mittee to hold open meetings
Unless a majority of the mem-
bers vote to close the session. ,
Full disclosure by all public i
officials of all income from cor-
porate holdings, salaries and
bonuses.
Forbid a public official from
taking office unless he has dis-
closed his campaign finances.
Required recognition within
,90 days of any new foreign gov-
ernment regardless of the cir-
cumstances which brought the
:government to power.
Closer scrutiny of the Central
Intelligence Agency (CIA) by
'the foreign affairs -C'elTirirtts
of the House and Senate.
' Abolishment of executive
privilege, the doctrine that the
national administrations follow
to deny information to Con-
gress.
Withdrawal of all troops from
Indochina by the end of the
year, and a constitutional guar-
antee that no person can be
required to serve in combat un-
less Congress has declared war.
Amnesty to draft dodgers and
deserters 'after the withdrawal
of American forces from the
Vietnam war.
Require that no future mili-
tary commitments can be made
without the consent of Con-
gress. ?
Abolish wage-price controls or
C ontrol all wages, income,
prices, profits, interests and
dividends.
Place an arms embargo on
the Mideast.
Increase funding of the Fed-
eral Communications Commis-
-
ion to permit an investigation
of American Telephone and
Telegraph.
Legislation permitting m
and women to take matern y
leave and forbidding pena -
ization of job loss, pay or sen-
iority benefits.
A policy :that makes drug
abuse a social problem rather
than a criminal problem. -
Funding of research for de-
velopment of a birth control pill
for men.
Financing of public school
systems to be shared equally
by the federal, state and local
governments.
A tax credit for parents of
children in private schools.
Busing of school children
when it will improve their
educational opportunities.
Abolition of the Subversive
Activities Control Board and
the House Internal Security
Committee.
Legislation making it illegal
to investigate a person's crimi-
nal record once his civil and
legal rights have been restored.
Abolition of capital punish-
ment in the United States.
Approved For Release 2001/03/04: CIA-RDP80-0t601R001400200001-7
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Houf;ToAPPEQYed For Release 2001/03/04: co.ARTrgisp-oi
ciirtolgaiE
E ? 303,041
E; ? 353,314
( 1973
i
F.,--, r 0
,;.- (-74 I..; : ' l'; Ei
i
t 1
,
BY :TIOTITON
c7'h Sur-11s
--- Central In-
telligence Agency training Inc
local police, a program with
murky orl:;ins worthy el the
nation's 101) fY agency, will
continue "crily in the most
compelling eireunistances ars"
with my parsonal aliphaval,"
the CliA's, ii :c; director said.
Director jarnes it. Schlesin-
.ger's statement was sant to
several members of Congress
and released by Rep. Cat Ho-
lifield, D-Cal., chairman of
the Faure Government Opera-
tion Coinit tee.
,Holifield had snggcsted the
"compelling Cream:dal lac s"
limit for Ch?., training anct ice
a p p r.o v e ci of
adoption ofit. Rep.
Koch, D-N.Y., who had urged
Holif iold to inveJ.6tte
the program, raid that any
CIA involvement in internal
affairs 13 Illegal under the
I 17 law that set up the r,a- knoviletli?e of CIA training far
local palice, as has another
tion's foreign inteliigon'ev
? former rii.a.iicy official now in
agency. police Nvur:; ilai?ert?Kiley.
According to ITolifield Kiley was special assistant
others who haVe received CA to former OA. 11irecter Iitieh-
briolio,s, the police Int,,jiTL-vard Henna, left the CIA in
jirog,rat-in st%tited rnc Iti71 to the Police Fowicla-
last par at the autfuesticri c flanahd last year hecame
reprosantative only. yo:.(3 Publicfety adviser to Bos-
ton Alayor Kevin White.
Founcintion, hut art effoirt
the Chicago Sun-Tim e liilcv told :mother former
tract: clown the program's eri- race Few:dation official now
gins proved Boston, 'Mark Furatenbcrg,
Wayne Kerstetter, fermer said that they could find no
head cf hisreden ser6:e in trace that Liaston police re-
the New Yell:. 0:--:):Lrtnicnt cciv2a c-1 tr'dnin:7'.' but lut
new direet6r or: the u,c to said that thi'i
CIA had nalned the hlosl on de-
roan of investittiation, sistid part.nent banclxiary of
that he cenhl not yen-A-hitt:iv
who In st
the program.
CIA. help in'.."Citir, tro NI in-dilig to the aides, the
taint-Tam evaluation syiAcin CL'5. sad that Boston plice
for itie'sy Vold:. participatedin a t w o or
Icen,t.c.t..,.e s i
aid that lith,, i.eit. three-day traning session.
ary in l'?'.c.: Vcrk. v,'as i,et,id liy Kolifrild ss;sitli that nine de-
a I'ord lili'citi.latlon. su'a:Ifliary, I) 1i t Ili.1 e n L '; ICcei'VCci such
th'i PerIC'3 l',;(1.;d:iiiv. - ).1-s, it'.71i.li.n:!, in s,utili. techniques as
said that h::: did trit. ,-....J''n i record handiing, clandestine
CIA tnlining sos,jens and opli. Pilluiography, surveillance of
is no tri k and identiri -a`if ?
"I have never in my life Met of ryplos-,i;it
a CIA agent," Li addition, 110 said, six tic-
Kerstetter's former sane;.1.- part:mitts received briefings
or, wiaimaIT i nu Ii, leio .:7;n Imlay or two On ;,-,Techic:
teenniques.
s
r j7'.1 Ff r:"*V:,)
f t:
.4 1: 1,1 a
fl 0 0 p
(.! 17 r'--\
C
L \
t;Li i Jiir ii
"except hi unusual or compel-
eircumst leei4."
In a House speech com-
menting on Schlesinger's re-
sponse, Bonfield said that
"provision for assistanesl lii
exceptional circumstanetJ
warranted, in illy judgment.
"I can conceive that in .tp-ie-
cial situntiona, such115
involving forenin criminals cr
International drug traffichcro?
the President might call noon
the CIA to assist in a parti-
cular effort, and the dira.eto.ii.'
should not In compli?tely
stopped from providing 6W:a
assistance."
STATI NTL
attend a sits ion
September in Arlington, itla 'Fite Chicago police depart-
ment ist brioi.vn to have re-
Smith 1 ?-id that it \`''''-'s il'i eeiveel z.dvieri c.;1 a toclinigni,
,1. mpressiou that the 11F,L for e.,,,,,.,,i,,,i-,. i.;: a snspeet
sugge'ic'n ('1 '.-ii'l'ing fc'r Y?''. has handleiti metal Cijects.
, trainhis; came from H. lit
,..../ Harris, a fc....mcr. (-IAi?.?._,?.,.,?.? The cerres..,:idence. between
1
servirut, as rt isco,,- yor?t ,.,?:,,i,ce itei3, illehlK id Pnii ; c.,,,,,1,1,.-iel
cons,alt...iat u...i.1(r a i,r,,,nt!. f.t... ii did wit revaid. v,ho in the Ci,?,
the I:cider:II :iiverhancill's b:ri v: made. tip-, 0.siciidcin to asiiis tieEnforcment Assistance! "',.' T el-4 ri'-'13cel
linirjstratien Ci,l.i. ' Al. .0..i.-
he CFA. ',yid defers-led the
I
Thcrrizi, ?, J:?" .ao_ t n?i l' i?,., decislan on the tt,faiiiti hin
contact( d, iv ,:c,:riJi,?ti 0; PT,litie tr.ttoi.-ei; ?,,,?;,s; 3:),., cyplic.
I.,E.AA'S 1..i;_: tv ;?.',?,,..:: (01 !, :,,. itlY 1(,!bitidea. by Ilia itl,l7 :\i'a ?
tii.nal ,..iil.. (Unity ACi. ;11,6 V.?:: -;
liCki i: kii:,;:ieo :;:;,,HII-1,:. 11.,..
wrote thz, 1.::.t ..,,_t 1
c,, ,,,,. . p,... ,,ilily autiniii 1.7nd hy il. i
S__/ cc Jii, y ?iii.,, c:i,7,,....-.,r 'L. li'-'; Ortrilliict Ci line Coat:01,
the i\ 1 ,,,i
ofrir;t? ani:1 tni.ii .!,litiiis s :ill P,- In liiii ?int.ter 101 2-hlesingor,
t? the: gove:Iii,...,, (*.f n.,..i .%.! : ':::...i( ,i i 1
ii::::. ,1,
pvc,id (..i.!Sy Tilt! :.C:.?11r,,'
Penns: Ivania.
?_,,, h o i: I d fil.e,:iiiiitite ti till
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ApproViEfdflir, Release 2001/0V40g7A15,084:;)11,60
HERALD TR p,',?r7:LEM
a 'louse speech he had asl:ed
RECOn D?M,IFf.11i. CAN the now CIA director to
4isr?ontinue the training ot
D & S CIRC N? A (al poflce.)
Prodrriat testified at a
k i ? C. t
?-? t..,if?..i council hr ar:ng to explore
I I'ilF;t1;
Patroim:N? Ask
, . . Trasons why a 1. 6 3 - p a 7. e
report, "Crime in Boston,"
v;as "suppressed" or not cir-
culated after printing b y
Yilev. ,
i . ?
1 . The p o ii c e pa trolemen's
, 1 :loader said hs men are '
, disturbed that Irile, profeFs?? ?
Hing to have no law onforc.e-
il . rent eNperince, d i c t a t e d
0
0-1 ' that the report rot be given
r .--,!! li ;,:-='' (.77-, r !: ,a.dministrotion blessing.
..,...? ,
.!-: ` a Kiley said he found the
1 '. ;
By ROBELT F. HANNAN statistical material on crime
:incidence was not of much
The bead of the Boston
?qlitte as r
Pollee Patrdmen's Assn. told denied
,,sptii7ented. But he
) { resing" t h e
the City Council yesterday he ? report, 70() copies of which
believes t h a t CIA-oriented were printed arld in a s 1 1 y
versons and not C a m m r . - disseminated to agencies. The
Robert diC;raah run 't h e , report, was compiled b y
police department. Mayor White's Safe Streets
Chester Broderir, head of Act. bureau.
. the patrolmen's gym!), said,
Broderick said the mayor
?"It's multi:2 to light that . and Kiley set police aims for
C"ITRI 1'l-c11"7.J) c op I e , the police deportment. lie
are infihri,rino police depart- . said he kuri...?.s that velpi.;,..n
? ,ments throttehont the country.
superior officers on the force
That is a 1;-vi'i, Ilf.:n7." . have hoc ii left out of decision
Mayor White's ,ad,visor c.:11 making. He said he believes
e/ police 1)m 'tio''-', ''"7'rt ' that include Supt.-in-Chief
Kiley, a runner CIA ernployP v,:iijinni J. Taylor.
.
who refused to attend the "We're afraid of what will
council committee hearing, result. In t%ko years ,?,-h.en
termed the Brodrtrick ac- they're all gone, we'll be left
."
cusations "atomly ahsnrd.absurd.''with their Bay of rigs,
ve sari diCra7ia a n d Bradciiik ?nd. ?
. dicIrazia alH)e lo malzina, Ile added: "Some of them
policy decisiol!s for t h e . were formerly connected ,,,,Ith
? department. . the CIA wilcii had tile Bay
? (In Washinomn yey;!erdav, ' of Pi,y,?" ',le said he still
it was In a r" 11"lt i a 111E'; P. ,..ond(Ts "if they are on tile
4., Sohle.,-incr, ti-, no. \,,, director . CIA p-,vrop.,, .
of the CIA, has ordered the Broderick Fail the 21 rival
amIcy to Firp training local of Kiley, aststant G a r r y
police of fici s ey.i..eof, in the Noyes; Ivlarl; Furst !iil,)e,rg,
"most cc m p e I 1 1 n g cir- director of planning an d
curnstance7?" and even then research: 1ThTha Marl?,',, an
proval." e. to diGn1,..ia hrol,:;2:11. frorn
en]' with "rny peronal art-aid
St. I.r,uis Ce;nny, 1`,7e.; ;,..nd
(Schk-sin;:er's ordoc w a s Bol)ert 1,,(-F.: int,n, with Oa,:
revealr,d
ice lettint he v.rotc :-Ia-yor's F.:;?ife Strect73 A c t
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ccr':ev"mcn C)PH.'lirirc r o'''1- , 1:'Nn ,,,.th he Pil;,:. l'odnda-
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and whify EIrr;op,liiin at,7.a.s. ju,t I ,--,??!,,,,1 a copy of the
pal no 1 eilor!, to ' tead it,
disetr, it w.i.h 2,sociaCon of
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STATI NTL
WASHINGTON ZOST
Approved For Release gI0N0349A: CIA-RDP80-01601
7" ? '??? ???
Letters rfle,
"
STATI NTL
One Who Was There Assesses the CIA's Job in Laos
?
A brief article in The Washington Post of
December 27 quoted Congressman G. V.
jMontgomery as saying "What I know about
Laos is that the CIA has done a pretty lousy
job and has been ineffective."
One could answer such an assertion by
simply saying that as the chairman of the
, House Select Committee on U. S. Involve-
ment in Southeast Asia, he should know
, more about Laos than that, particularly
when what little he knows is manifestly
wrong.
spent 17 years as a CIA employee and
left in early 1968 because of my basic opposi-
tion to United States involvement in South-
east Asia. My last four years in the agency
were totally involved with Asian affairs. My
knowledge of what CIA has done and has
not done are obviously more detailed than
Mr. Montgomery's, but it seems to me that if
ha is going to make public statements, he
should at least take into consideration facts
which have been well publicized.
It is clear (at least to me) from the Saigon
dateline on the piece in question, that the
congressman arrived at his remarkable con-
clusion after discussion with military
sources in Vietnam who have been itching
for at least six years to expand their own op-
erations into Laos. Their desires in this
direction must increase daily as the Amen-
can role in Vietnam winds down. If they
don't find something new, the time may
come when they have no war at all to fight.
' In order to assess CIA performance in
Laos it is necessary to know what it was
asked to do.
CIA involvement in Laos stems from. the
agreement by the U.S.A., and other powers
involved, to withdraw all foreign troops
from Laos. The agreement was signed in
1962. It became apparent immediately there-
-after that the North Vietnamese, in violation
of the agreement, were continuing to send
irregular forces and supplies to the Commu-
nist Pathet Lao. Their purpose was clear?to
establish a Communist government in Vien-
tiane which would allow the North Viet-
namese free access to the Portion of the Ho
Chi Minh trail in Laos and the road across
central Laos to Thailand. The government of
the United States decided to mount an oper-
ation to thwart the North Vietnamese pur-
pose. ,Because the Geneva agreement pre-
cluded the use of 'U.S. military forces or ad-
visers, CIA was designated as the executive
agent to handle the training and support of
the non-Communist Meo tribes who lived in
and. around the Plain of Jars. The Meo force
was the only army in Laos capable of stop-
ping the Pathet Lao (supported by the North
Vietnamese) from quickly over-running the
Plain of Jars, which was essential to the
Communist purpose.
The point to remember here is that the de-
cision to act was a U.S. government decision;
not one arrived at by CIA. I think the deci-
sion was wrong, just as I think almost every
other decision with regard to our involve-
ment in Indochina has been and continues
to be wrong. That is not the point under dis-
cussion.
The question is: what kind of job did CIA
do with the task assigned it in Laos?
The answer, based on any comparison
with the U.S. military effort in Vietnam,
would have to be. A spectacular success.
My personal knowledge of the operation
ended in mid-1967, the last time I visited
Long Tieng, the seat of the headquarters of
Gen. yang Pao, the Meo leader. At that time
there were roughly 35,000 Meo tribesmen
under arms fighting daily with the Pathet
Lao and North Vietnamese irregulars. This
force had been fighting successfully for five
years and- inasmuch as they held Long Tieng
until a few days ago, continued for another
four years to beat off a vastly superior Com-
munist army. The CIA contingent support-
ing them in Laos and in Thailand did not
exceed 40 Americans, plus a small air con-
tingent which air-delivered supplies and
personnel. Imagine 40 Americans in support
of 35,000 friendly tribesmen. Compare this
with the situation in Vietnam in 1967 when
we had about 400,000 U.S. troops fighting
for, and supporting, an army of roughly 1
million Vietnamese, and they were losing at
every turn. Had the U.S. Army had, the re-
sponsibility for the support a the Meo, we
probably would have had a minimum of
15,000 U.S. troops in Laos. Naturally that fig-
ure would have included cooks, bakers, pas-
try chefs, many chauffeurs for the many
generals, PX managers, laundry officers,
radio and television station personnel, mo-
tion picture projectionists, historians, social
scientists, chaplains and a variety of simi-
lar types essential to the conduct of a war
by the U.S. military, but which the CIA op-
eration with the Meo seemed to be able to
forgo.
For eight years this ragtag force defended
its area of responsibility, protecting the
backside of the South Vietnamese?with no
U.S. troops fighting at their side, not to say
in front of them as in Vietnam. They accom-
plished this with the support of a handful of
Americans and with the loss of perhaps
three or four American lives.
Can anyone seriously suggest that this
was a lousy job?
In fairness to Congressman Montgomery,
it is not entirely his fault that he is not fully
informed. The role of the CIA with the "Meo
has been an open secret for years; known to
Lao of high and low degree, foreign journal-
ists, diplomats in Vientiane and almost any-
one else with the interest to find out. Given
this situation it would be comic if it were
not tragic that the Executive branch of the
U.S. government was willing to share this se-
cret with Lao generals known to be traffick-
ing in opium, but not with the Congress of
the United States.
Perhaps someday Mr. Montgomery and his
colleagues in the Congress will establish a
real CIA watchdog committee, long overdue,
which will give the agency the scrutiny re-
quired. When that is clone I am sure a sub-
stantial number of lousy operations will be
uncovered. I am confident, however, that
when they take a long hard look at the CIA
operation with the Meo in the general con-
text of the war in Southeast Asia, there will
be general approval.
THOMAS F. MeCOY.
Washington.__.,
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, VEW YORK REVIEW OF BOOKS
Approved For Release 20?1(01110,114-MA-RDP80-0
in-Le CHA's Bev. COIRDT, ---- - Ope
.Elle
The Rope Dancer . ? adventurer has passed in the American the
by Victor Marchetti. - spy business; the bureaucratic age of ingt
Grosset & Dunlap, 361 pp., $6.95 Richard C. Helms and his gray spe- kno
Richard J. Barnet cialists has settled in." I began to have fina
an uneasy feeling that Newsweek's ingt
article was a cover story in more than vote
I one sense. An
. . ceili
In late November the Central Intel- it has always been difficult to faille
ligence Agency conducted a series of analyze organizations that engage in A
"senior seminars" so that some of its false advertising about themselves. Part of i
important bureaucrats could consider of the responsibility of the CIA is to lari
_
its public image. I was invited to
spread confusion about its own work. the
attend one session and to give my
The world of Richard Helms and his bec
views on the proper role of the
"specialists" does indeed differ .from ized
Agency. I suggested that its legitimate
that of Allen Dulles. Intelligence organ- Hel)
activities were limited to studying
izations, in spite of their predilection ovei
newspapers and published statistics,
for what English judges used to call lige]
listening to the radio, thinking about
"frolics of their own," are servants of Age
the world, interpreting data of recon-
policy. When policy changes, they Bur
naissance satellites, and occasionally
must eventually change too, although the
? publishing the names of foreign spies. I because of the atmosphere of secrecy cen
had been led by conversations with a and deception in Which they operate, ove:
number of CIA officials to believe that such changes are exceptionally hard to vice
they were thinking along the same control. To understand the "new Age
lines. One CIA man after another espionage" one must see it as ipart of imp
? eagerly joined the discussion to assure the Nixon Doctrine which, in.essenee, f-rh
me that the days of the flamboyant is a global strategy for maintaining US .1
covert operations : were over. The power and influence without overtly reol
upper-class amateurs of the OSS who involving the nation in another ground Hel
stayed to mastermind operations in war. nel,
\iGuatemala, Iran, the Congo, and else-
But we cannot comprehend recent IrgE
where?Allen Dulles, Kermit Roosevelt, developments in the "intelligence corn- no
Richard Bissell, Tracy Barnes, Robert munity" without understanding what fur
Amory, Desmond Fitzgerald?had died Mr. Helms and his employees actually Pre
or departed. . do. In a speech before the National)m
In their place, I was assured, was a Press Club, the director discourage w
small army of professionals devoted to journalists from making the attempt. d,
preparing intelligence "estimates" for "You've just got to trust us. We are h,
the President and collecting informa- honorable men." _The same speech is p
tion the clean, modern way, mostly made each year to the small but
with sensors, computers, and sophis- growing number of senators who want h
ticated reconnaissance devices. Even a closer check on the CIA. In asking,
ti
Gary Powers, the U-2 pilot, would now on November 10, for a "Select Com-
c
4
be as much a museum piece as Mata mittee on the Coordination of United h
-Hari. (There are about 18,000 em- States Activities Abroad to oversee p
ployees in the CIA and 200,000 in the activities of the Central Intelligence t
entire "intelligence community" itself. Agency," Senator Stuart Symington p
? The cost of maintaining them is some- noted that "the subcommittee having j
where between 55 billion and S6oversight of the Central Intelligence 1:
billion annually. The employment Agency has not met once this year." t
figures do not include foreign agents or Symington, a former Secretary of t
mercenaries, such as the CIA's 100,000: the Air Force and veteran member of 1
'man hired army in Laos.) the Armed Services Committee, hast
A week after my visit to the "senior- also said that "there is no federal
scrutiny and control STATINTL
s1
of CIA Director Richard Helms on the !
ss
than the CIA." Moreover, soon after ,
seminar" Newsweek ran a long story agency in our government whose activ-
n "the new espionage" with a picture ities receive le
,
sge a All tfot05713(4: : CIA-RD080-01601R001400200001-7
e Senator Allen J. ,
cover. The repfiikem.digxi lecipkce
to some of tWIrme Mei?MAN.
Newsweek said, "The gaudy era of the
" ' '
Li
BALTIMOIZE NEws JRICAI
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JOHN P. ROCHE
,
Secret
The "Secret War" in Laos popped up again in the
Senate in a dialogue between Sen. Allen Ellender,
chairman of the, five-man committee that oversees
U.S. intelligence operations, and Sen. J. W. Ful bright.
Fu:bright inquired caustically whether Ellender
was aware that the CIA had a private army in Laos,
whether the watchdog committee was privy to the
opeartion. Ellender's reply was a bit confused ? the
old protege of Huey Long is pow 81 ? but it could
certainly be construed as a denial of knowledge.'
Fulbright and his friends, who have been attaching
executive autonomy, scored a rhetorical victory,
though from 'another perspective me might argue
that if the Senate "watchdog" goes to sleep, it. is
hardly a reflection on the President.
HOWEVER, the most interesting aspect of this
exchange is that no literate American needs a
watchdog committee to fill him in on the CIA's ac-
itiviaes in Laos. All he needs is $12.50 to purchase
Arthur J. Dommen's "Conflict In Laos: The Politics,
of Neutralization" (Praeger), published last spring. If
he is not feeling that strongly about the subject, he
can probably get the book froma apublic library.
As indicated here before?in connection with the
"Pentagon Papers" ? there is an enormous and de-
tailed corpus of scholarly writing on Indochina that
makes most -senational "revelations" about American
policy old stuff to anyone who has taken the trouble
read. To cite but one example, the only thing the
'Pentagon Papers" tell us about the anti-Diem coup
that Robert Shaplen omitted in Chapter VI of his
"The Lost Evolution" (1965) are the exact names of
the players (which Shaplen, of course, knew but left
..:tit on prudential grounds).
.. To return to Laos. Dommen has provided readers
wilf an inch-by-inch development of American in
volvement. His central thesis is that the reasonable
.policy for Laos is neutralization under Great-Power
auspices, that* (with a' certain amount of wobbling)
this became American and Soviet policy by 1962, but
:that Hanoi simply would not co-operate. As. he
carefully documents, from the day Ho Chi Minh and
his cadres launched their insurgency against the
French, the North Vietnamese set their sights on the
- Creation of a Communist successor re.,-ime for the
whole of Indochina, that is, for Annam, Tonkin, and
Cochin China in Vietnam proper, and for Laos and
Cambodia.
TEMPORARILY FRUSTRATED at Geneva in 1954
because neither Moscow (which had a private deal
underway with the French to scuttle the European
defense community) nor Peking (which was licking
Its wounds from the Korean War) would support their
demands, the North Vietnamese quietly proceeded to
build up their forces for another round.
j
STATI NTL
. This involved securing the lines of communication
to South Vietnam or ? in terms of the topography of
Indochina ? the Laotian. Panhandle, subsequently
notable for the Ho Chi Minh Trail. And, as base areas
for the Laotian guerrillas, the Pathet Lao, as well as
North Vietnamese regulars, they took -de facto
sovereignty over the two Northern Laotian provinces
of Sam Neua and Phong Saly.
But what interests us is the American response.
Without going over farniliar.;grouncl, it is fair to say
that Dornmen has missed nothing significant that oc-
curred prior to 19t'!) (when I left the White House
and access to intelligence materials). The whole story
is there including the ad'! SCIZT. of Phou Pita Thi, the
mountaintop in Sain Neua, where the U.S. had in-
stalled a beacon (rieht in the enemy heartland) to
guide the bombers heading for North Vietnam. Also
for the first time due credit has been given to Vang
Pao and his Meo Army?usually dismissed as "met-
cenaries"?for their courage and tribal patriotism
(Laos is not a 'Ination").
Whether our course of action was correct or in-
correct is open to argument. Many of Dornmen*s
criticisms am devastating, but he is alwaj.s fair-
minded in pointing out that ? whether we !.hould or'
should not have reactsd as we did ? we v. ere up
-*against an ehemy demanding and planning totalsic-
tory.
I just hope that if any of you .have a renstor or
representative who is wandering eround nreeiaming
about the "Secret War in Laos," you will send him
this book for Christmas. .
STATINTL
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???
Cet.
WASHINGTON VIST
Approved For Release 200 3J IgIA-RDP80-01601
Despite Its Being in the Telephone Book
C Is an Unlisted Number
? SO FAR as I've found in a lot of traveling,
the United States is the only country in the
world which lists its central intelligence
agency In the telephone book, and enables
anyone to call up and speak to the director's
office.
? But an extraordinary exchange on the floor
of the Senate recently made clear how little
else the people who put up the money for in-
telligence know about how it's spent. Tho
debate took place on the day the military ap-
propriations bill was finally passed so it at-
,tracted little attention, but it was revealing.
It was provoked by Sen. Stuart Symington
.03-Mo.) who offered an amendment provid-
ing that not more than $4 billion in the de-
fense budget could go for the intelligence
services, including the CIA, the National Se-
curity Agency and the intelligence branches
:of the various armed services. Symington's
point was not only to set a limit, but to set a
'precedent.
c+.9
. CONGRESS does appropriate all the
money that goes to intelligence, but it
doesn't know how much, or even when and
how. That's because it is hidden in the de-
fense budget, with the result .that Congress
doesn't really know just what it is appropri-
ating any military money for because it
? never knows which items have been selected.
? for padding to hide extra funds for intelli-
gence.
Evidently, Symington believes that the ac-
tual amount spent is a little over $4 billion,
intsead of the $6 billion reported in the
press, because he wasn't trying to cut intelli-
( gence funds except for CIA payments to
-4 Thai soldiers in Laos. He is one of the nine
senators entitled to go to meetings of the
Appropriations Subcommittee on .the CIA,
,supposedly the confidential watchdog over
pe agency. As he pointed out though, there
hasn't been a full meeting all this year.
? What he wanted to do was to establish
that Congress does have some rights to mon-
itor the intelligence empire which it created
by law, and he was driven to the attempt be-
;cause of exasperation at President Nixon's
,recent intelligence reorganization. It was an-
By Flora Lewis
en
STATI NTL
nounced, to the public as an upgrading of
CIA Director Richard Helms and a better
method to avoid waste and establish politi-
cal control.
Senator Symington and Many other
well-informed CIA watchers In Washington,
are convinced that Helms has been kicked
upstairs. The result, they believe, will be an
increase In military influence over intelli-
gence?which has been recognized as a dan-
ger throughout the history of intelligence
because it tends to become self-serving, the
doctor diagnosing himself according to the
therapy he likes.
There is also a concern that the reorgani-
zation, which melees the President's National
Security Adviser Henry Kissinger top dog
over intelligence, will centralize the system
so much that it will become a tool for White
House aims, not an outside source of techni-
cal expertise.
Responsible political control over the in-
telligence community's actions, as distinct
from its factual and analytical reports, is
necessary and desirable. But despite the
public impression, in the last few years the
CIA has been the most honest source of in-
formation for Congress on sensitive issues
such as Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia, while
the Pentagon, State and White house have?
dealt in obfuscations. Whatever his Depart-
ment of Dirty Tricks might be doing,' Helms
has been more straightforward with his se-
cret session testimony on what is really hap-
pening in these unhappy places than the,
people who do have to explain and justify,'
their funding to Congress.
c-+.9
BUT, as the Senate debate showed, that.
Isn't saying very much. Sen. Allen Ellender.
(D-La.), who heads the CIA subcommittee,.
pointed out that 20 years ago only two sena- '
tors and twoeconeressmen were allowed to
know what the CIA was spending, and now
there are five on each side of the Capitol.
He implied that they also knew what the
CIA was spending its money for. Sen. Wil-
onaress
Ham Fulbright (D-Ark.), had the wit to ask
if that mean Ellender knew, before the CIA
set up its secret army in Laos, that this was
the purpose of the appropriation. Ellencier
said, "It was not, I did not know anything
about it . . . it never dawned on me to ask
about it."
Sen. Alan Cranston (D-Calif.), had the
humor to point out that there has been a lot
in the press about the CIA Laotian army in v
the past couple of years, and asked whether,
Ellender has now inquired about it. Mender
said, "I have not inquired." Cranston
pointed out that since nobody else in Con-
gress has Ellender's right to check the CIA,
that meant nobody in Congress knows. El..
lender replied, "Probably not."
Symington's amendment was defeated.'
But at least the record is now clear. A re-
cent Newsweek article quoted a former CIA
official as saying, "There is no federal.
agency of our government whose activities
receive closer scrutiny and 'control' than the
CIA."
"The reverse of that statement is true,"
said Symington, "and it Is shameful for the .
American people to be misled." The record'
proves him right.
Oo 1971. by Newsday.
pletrIbutel by Los Anaeles Times eypd1eatb.
STATINTL
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DAYTON, OHIO
JOURNAL HERALD)
DEC i370 -
? 111,867
Inter!
ence
. .
noriTIZS
...Congress mint monitor CIA operati4ns
mittee is supposed to review CIA opra-
tions and funding. Unfortunately, it 'iel-
dom meets except to confer congressional
blessings on CIA affairs. This congres-
sional abdication of its. responsibility for
exercising a positive role in the formation
of national policy reduces it to a rubber
stamp for an omniscient executive. This
has virtually been the case in foreign
affairs since the National Security Act of
1947 unified the services and created the
National Security Council and the CIA.
An efficient intelligence operation iS
vital 'to the interests of the American
people. iBut the operation does not always
serve the interests of the people when it
strays into political and military activities
such as ? the formation of coups d'etat,
direction of clandestine wars and the
practice of political assassination.
President Nixon's changes appear to
offer increased efficiency, and in Helms
the President seems to have a supervisor
who is pre-eminently concerned with gath-
ering and evaluating intelligence data. But,
only a vigilant and responsible Congressi
can serve to restrain the executive branch
of government from abusing the vast
power and influence available to it
through these necessarily covert intelli-
gence activities.
President Nixon's irritation at the qual-
ity of information coming to him from the
nation's fragmented intelligence appara-
tus is understandable. However, his ef-
forts to streamline operations, while we!-
. come, are not without hazard to the
? balance of power between the executive
and legislative branches of the federal
'government.
The President has given to Richard
Helms, director of the Cent4 Intelligence
Agency, coordinating respon-sibility ?and
stflid budgeting authority over the diverse
intelligence community. Coordination and
economy both seem desirable. The various
intelligence agencies employ about 200,000
persons and spend about $6 billion an-
nually.
" To the extent that the President has
made the intelligence operation more effe-
' cient and responsive?as indeed it should
be ? he has increased the security of the
? United States. But he will also have
further eroded Congress' role in formulat-
ing national policy if the legislative branch
of government does not balance executive
? access to unlimited intelligence data with
more intensive congressional scrutiny of
and control over the nature and scope of
intelligence activities.
A special congressional watchdog corn-
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HC-77ON'S fL7 imr2t;r-,
p-,71 ,.217(i r-71 /7,7 c.' t'rf
\-)(!
.? ? 4
?
(IND?The Senate refused yesterday to Emit
;U.S. intelligence agencies spending after a
? rare open discussion on how Congress super-
vises the secret spy network.
The proposed ,T.4 million ceiling, an amend-
ment by Sen. Stuart Symington, D-Mo., to a
defense money bill, was rejected b3 to -31.
Sen. Symington, a former secrtary of the Air
Force, said that tho he served on the armed
services and foreign relations committees he
had no idea bow much is spent on -intelligence
gathering. He said the .`34 billion limit was just
a shot in the dark.
LESS SCRUTINY
, "The point," he told senators during the din-
_ ner-hour debate, "is that we do not have the
facts required to allocate the resources of the
country." ?
."There is no federal agency of our govern-
ment whose activities receive less scrutiny
and control than the CIA," Sen. Symington
said, and the same is true of other intelli-
gence agencies of the government."
As a case in point, Sen. Symington cited the
central intelligence subcommittee of the Arm-
ed Services Committee headed by Sen. John
Stennis. ?
He is one of five senators entrusted with- the
details of the intelligence budget, it came out
'during the debate. ?
Another of the five, Sen. Allen Ellender, D-
La., chairman of the appropriations :commit-
STATINTL
tee, acknowledged that intelligence outlay
were .hidden by padding out line item apPro
priations in various bills.
He said he could not reveal how much is
spent on intelligence because "that's a-top Se-:
cret."
-Sen. Ellender conceded he did not know in
advance about the CIA's financing of any army
in Laos..
Sen, J. William Fulbright, chairman of the-
foreign relations committee, argued that such
lack' of congressional knowledge demonstrated
the.need for more accountability..
"One of the things that worries me most of
all is the CIA going off and conducting a war.
of its own," Sen. Fulbright said. He disputed
Stennis' contention that revealing the total
budgets of intelligence agencies Would disclose
any military secrets, .
"I don't believe it is tragic" for the Senate
to demand the information thru such a device
as the Symington amendment, Sen. Fulbright
said. "The. Senate is due an explanation."
Seri'. Symington a1, one point shouted "I can
be trusted" in *expressing his frustration over
being kept in the dark. -
Sen. Stennis argued that Congress itself had
set up the agencies.
He told senators: "You're just gbing, to have
to make up your mind that you can't have an
accounting ? shut your eyes and take .what
cornea".
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STATINTL
kl
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POST?DISVAICH
E - 326,576
S ? 511,868
Nov11101-t
; ? .? e ?
74 3T1.1 43 ri? v -1 tire nu cat r? A
kb -11-6 1ato
By LAWRENCE E. TAYLOR
A Washington Correspondent
? of the Post-Dispatch ? ?
WASHINGTON, Nov. 11
; . Senator Stuart Symington
(J)em.), Missouri, called yester-
(lay for congressional. hearings
.on the Nixon Administration's
reorganization of American in-
telligence operations.
Syming,ton said in a Senate'
speech that although m a ti y
' questions about the restructur-
Ing were unanswered, one thing
:was clear: The White house
"does not consider either the
,organization or the operations.
? of the intelligence community .
?? to be matters of concern to. the
.Congress." :
The changes ordered last Fri-
...day by President Richard M.
? Nikon brought American intelli-
gence and spying operations un-
der closer control of the White
; House. There were reports,
.however, that the move had
- been made, in part, because of
what Symington termed "gen-
- i erab unhappiness about various
specifie intelligence estimates."
! "Unfortunately, however, it
has been impossible for the'
public, or even concerned mom-
'hers of Congress, to obtain
, enough information on this sub-
ject for informed judgment,"
.he said..
t?. -,Symington said he had asked
! for hearings by the Senate For-
' .eign Relations Committee or by
its subcommittee on the
ril
. In recent months Government
-experts have, disagreed on the
balance of power between the
two nations. Department of De-
fense analysts, including Secre-
tary Melvin R. Laird, have con-
tended that the USSR was gain-
ing- strength rapidly. The CIA
? on the other hand, had ap-
peared more skeptical about
Russian power and capabilities.
Nixon said that the reor-
ganization was ordered after' a
full study by the National Se-
- curity Council and the Office of
Management and Budget.
Senator J. William Fulbright
(Dem.), Arkansas, chairman of
the Foreign Relations Commit-
tee, said the reorganization was
"a further erosion of congress-
ional control over the intelli-
gence community."
He pointed out that Henry A.
Kissinger, placed in charge .of
the review group, was insulated
from congressional scrutiny in
his position as the President's
national security adviser.
Symington, in his address,
said that the changes could be
constructive, but, he said, Con-
gress should not be eliminated
from the picture.
He said that he Would not
accept the proposition "tha-t our
only current and continuing re-
sponsibility is to appropriate
whatever number of billions of
dollars 'the executive branch
requests to handle this Ivork."
Instead, Congress needs an-
swers to such questions as what
were the deficiencies in the U.S.
intelligence operation, in what
way should it be _made niore
responsive and what is implied
by the White House reference
to "strengthened leadership" in
intelligence?
Symington questioned h o w
Helms's leadership "role would
be "enhanced," as the White
House contended, "by the crea-
tion of a new and .obviously
more powerful supervisory com-
mittee chaired by the adviser -
to' the President for national
security affairs (Kissinger), On
which new board not ,only sits
e is- a'
? member of each.
?-'The intelligence shake-up last -
-- week- provided a stronger role
. for Richard Helms, director of
the Central Intelligence Agency,
and created several new groups
to assess and direct intelligence
operations. ?
Among them was the estab-
lishment of a -"net assessment
? group" within the National Se-
curity Council. There were in-
dications that one of the group's
chief concerns would be. an
evaluation of the balance be-
tween the United States and
:Russia in terms of weapons,
; economies and politics.
? ?
?
0-
-Diem Pence
.-
STATI NTL
the. Attorney General but also
the chairman of the. Joint Chiefs
or Staff."
"Has this new 'White House
committee been given authority
r/and responsibility which
eretofore was the responsibility
of the CIA; and which the Con-
- gress, under the National Secur-
ity Act, vested in the agency?"
Symington asked.
"How can the integrity of the
intelligence product be assured
when responsibility for the most
critical aspects of intelligence
analysis is taken out of the
? hands of career professionals
?and vested in a combination of
'military professionals and the
White House staff?"
STATI NTL
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it( UI1b1 (.../ ? ? I I
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3r11-1 E111,0 if/9 -fit
11 Po vvers
? By Murrey Marder
Washington Inst Staff Writer
? .
STATI NTL
- Sens. Stuart Symington (D-
Mo.) and J. W. Fulbright (D- ? This arrangement, - Syming:
ton;.saidr-can bring ? the most
Ark.) expressed concern yes-
imPortant aspects of. mtelli
terday that new powers given
gence production and ?rdi-
to
,Henry A. Kissinger over . ,nation "directly under the
U.S. intelligence operations White House" and "thus with-
might be used to deny infor- iii the scope of i,'hat the Pres-
t6 Congress. ident believes. he can deny to
'In part this is the latest ver-
the Congress through the ex-
sion of a running controversy. ereise of executive privilege."
over what some senators see Fulbright, chairman of the
as the ever-growing power of Senate Foreign Relations Com-
the President's influential na
_ mittee, told newsmen that KIS-.
-Coital security adviser, who is singer's new authority repre-
beyond the reach of Congress. rents "a further erosion of con-
? ,But it also represents suspi-
'elan that the White House
may be creating"new barriers
LW- which could- restrict Con-
_ _
gress access to diering? intel-
ligence evaluations.
Symington, on the -Senate
floor, called for hearing"; to
gressional control over the
intelligence conimunity." Ful-
bright earlier this year inti-e-
duced what was dubbed "the
Kissinger bill," to set up new
rules to limit the exercise
of executive privilege, which
examine the purpose and con-, the President can invoke .to
sequences of the Nixon admin-ti keep Congress from question-
istration's reorganization of ; ing Kissinger and other White
the control structure for the House advisers.
national intelligence systems,. Symington said that last Sat-
announced last Friday. He
protested that there was no
advance consultation, and that
"the Executive Branch does
not consider either the organi-
zation, or the operation, of the ? before either that committee
intelligence community to be or its Subcommitteg. on the
matters of concern to the Con- Central Intelligence ? Agency.
urday he wrote Sen. John C.
Stennis (D-Miss.), chairman .of
the Armed Services Commit-
tee, urging _hearings on the
intelligence shift be held
gress."
_
Congressional access to in-
formation about T.J.S. inte.111-
As a senior member of both
groups, Symington disclosed
yesterday that despite claims
F
that there is constant congres-
.gence activities is "already
si
? severly restricted far moreonal supervision of the CIA,
..? the Senate CIA Subconimittee
than other aspect of the .fed-
eral budget," Symington pro--
Symington is the only con-
tested. - : ? - gressman who is a member Of
It may be that the retirgaiii- both the Senate Foreign Re-
lations and Armed Services
za,tion "Is . a . constructive
committees. . , ,
Mew". to 'eliminate. dupiica-
lieu_ and Waste, said Syming-
ton;Tand- that should be exam-
ined. However, he said, the new
plan will lead to "the creation
of a new and obviously. more
powerful supervisory commit-
tee chaired by the adviser to
the president for national -Se-
curity affairs (Kissinger)
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S 1.79D6
!STATI.NTL
STATINTL A
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Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, I agree that
the foreign aid program needs a very
careful review next year, when we re-
Convene.
. I also agree that certain things need to
be done. I agree that there should be re--
form. Meanwhile, I want a, program that
will help people.
Ninety-three percent of the funds spent
? in the foreign aid program are spent
:within the United States. They involve
?? .the labors of 5,000 companies and over
'-60,000 people, many of whom would be
out of work by the ending o fsuch a pro-
? gram arbitrarily or by its excesive di-
? minution.
This is a program to help people. That
Is why the AFL-CIO is interested in it
and has long been interested in it.
- It is a program to help people, too, in
. the other .countries of the world. It is a
- program 'to help children through
- UNICEF. It is a program to help the de-
veloping countries by means of the de-
veloping funds, the multilateral funds,
and many of the bilateral funds.
It is a program by which we are en-
a?bled to keep our promises and our
treaties. It is a program by which we
have undertaken to see that, asave with-
draw from a long and unpopular war, we
do not leave those who remain totally
? abandoned, utterly unprovided for, and,
- ? further, embittered at the ingratitude of
the United States. ?
As a Nation, we have made our cove-
nants. We have given our bonds. We have
furnished our assurances to the other
, peoples of the world, If, for no other rea-
? son, we will have to continue the pro-.
gram. Then after we do, let us, by all
means, review it. After all, any program
that has been in existence for 25 years
can stand review. ?
Let us see if we cannot get one which
Is less expensive, one which iS less costly
in the misunderstandings it brings about,
one which is more fully in the calight-
- cued self-interest of America, and one
which does DIOre fully meet the modern
problems of the rest of the world, rather
- than being structured on the basis of the
problems of the world as they were 25-
. years ago.
I think that the Senate in a spirit of
conciliation and compromise is about
ready to adopt the proposed new foreign
aid program. I think the Senate is per-
fectly capable of writing a good and a
new one. I think we can write it on Capi-
tol M. I think that we know our job
and are prepared to perform in accord-
ance with it.
Mr. MANSFIELD, Mr. President, what
- the Committee on Foreign Relations re-
, ported was a less expensivo program.
What the administration wants is a con-
tinuing resolution, which would be a
more expensive program. Furthermore,
' the -program has turned into an arms
sales a-nd an arms grant program, by
means of which we shift, to a large ex-
tent, Obsolete weapons of various kinds
- to various countries and, in that way,
, build up a dependency, a process which
? I think is open to question. country
o has become the largest arms dealer in the
? .world.
I think it is about time to put A StOg
to this kind of program and to call it
what it is. That is the purpose of the two
bilk which will be "before the Senate to-
day and tomorrow. I am only sorry that
the-proposals were not broken down into
three parts?economic, humanitarian,
and military. This was attempted. Un-
fortunately, the. votes were not present
to operate on that basis.
I hope, and I am very sure, the Senate
will take a close and a hard look at the
proposals now before it.
Mr. SYaHNGTON. Mr. President, I
should like to associate myself with the
words of the distinguished majority
leader.
In listening to the news media last
night and this morning, many high of-
ficials in this administration were lec-
turing the Senate as to its recent actions
on foreign aid. -I, for one, do not intend
to be sandbagged by any heavy onslaught
against the decisions of the Senate.
I also believe it is about time we rec-
ognize that the American taxpayer can-
not afford to spend tens of billions of
dollars to destroy many of those coun-
tries?only recently we started on an-
other one, (arnbodia?and then spend
tens of billions of dollars bringing them
back to some form of reasonable eco-
nomic stability.
I would like to alsb associate myself
with the remarks of the majority leader
with respect to the continuing resolution.
In my opinion, at this point and under
these circumstances, a continuing resolu-
tion would be an abandonment on the
part of the legislative. branch of its pre-
rogatives and responsibilities under the
Constitution.
?
ORDER OF BUSINESS ?
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tern-
pore. In accordance with the previous
order, the distinguished Senator from
Missouri is now recognized for hot to
exceed 15 minutes.
CONGRESSIONAL OVERSIGHT OF
INTELLIGENCE ACTIVITIES
Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President, last
Friday the White House anndunced that
the President "had ordered a reorganiza-
tion of the intelligence conmumity. I ask
unanimous consent that their press re-
lease to this end be printed in the Rso-
ORD at the conclusion of these remarks.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore. Without objection, it is so ordered.
(See exhibit 1.)
Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President, as
reported by the press, the administra-
tion's plan creates an "enhanced leader-
ship role" for the Director of the Con
teal Intelligence Agency, turns more of
the operating responsibility for that
Agency over to the Deputy Director, who
is a lieutenant general in the Marine
Corps, and creates Or reconstitutes a
variety of boards, committees, and groups
who are charged with important respon-
sibilities within the intelligence COMMU-
nity.
The reported aim of the reorganization
Is to improve the "efficiency and effective-
ness" of U.S. intelligence activities and
press comments on this move include re,
fercnces to alleged concern over thee-leo
A '
1 I ,A i /11.1 1 Inki
and cost, a., 21 a .1gcsnee opera ions; a SO
to general unhappiness about various
specific intelligence estimates. Such re-
ports have been officially denied, but it is
aicknottled:,?-ed that this reorganization is
the result of "an exhaustive study" of the
U.S. intelligence activities.
It could be that the reorganization an-
nounced last week by the White House is
a constructive move. In recent years there
has- been a growing belief that there was
heavy duplication and therefore waste
within the overall intelligence commu-
nity.Unfortunately, however, it has been
impossible for the putblic, or even con-
cerned Members of Congress, to obtain
enough information on this subject for
informed judgment.
By the same token; it Is. equally im-
possible to determine, at least at this
time, whether the organization changes
now decreed will accomplish their stated
purposes, or to deterthine what will be
their practical effect.
One thing is clear,, based on the man-
ner in which the reorganization was
handled Eni..1 announced; namely, the
executive bar ch does not consider either
the organization, or the operation, of the
intelligence community to be matters of
concern- to the Congress. To my knowl-
edge there was no advance consultation
whatever with the Congress regarding
this reorganization, or even any advance
notice- cilf what had been decided.
In ism the Central Intelligence Agency
was established by act of Congress. Its
powers; and duties are specified by law.
Its Ditector and Deputy Director are
subjetti. to confirmation by the Senate.
Las 1 year the Congress appropriated
an analunt estimated by the press to be
betweux, $5 and $6 billion for the activi-
ties -176 this Agency and the other com-
Pone& parts of the intelligence com-
mmittyi. ?
As sue Member of the Senate, I will
not atrrept the proposition that the role
of Congress in organizing the intelligence
community ended 24 Years ago with the
passa21 of the National Security Act, or
that aur only current and continuing
responsibility is to appropriate whatever
nutalra!- of billions of dollars the execu-
tive Ixanch requests so as to handle this
work.
La-sit Saturday, when I learned from
the :Tress about this intelligence reor-
galliaatiOn, RS ranking member of the
Comnittee on 'Armed Services, I wrote
the chairman of that committee, request-
ing luarings either by the full committee
or by the CIA subcommittee, of which I
have !keen a member for some 15 years.
, In tint. letter I presented the fact that
this subcommittee has not met once this
year.
This latest reorganization on the face
of it mites questions about past, Present,
and lame performance of our multi-
billion dollar annually intelligence corn-
munitz: questions such as:.
If iii has been inefficient, what and
where were its deficiencies?
Viat sense does it need to be more
"responsive?" -
Whattis implied about the past by the
referenco in the press release to the oh-
jective of insuring "strengthened leader-
ship" the future?
1971
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sl;F1211-.'211t 1971
A
la_ f C) ?
,
byWrihry, R Cocon
of Newspaper E
1
be supervised i
Intelligence Ag,
?:7-777' The time is lo
?
supervisory rolc
Central Intellig
War. Under thi.
CIA adrninistra
? of inquiry by i
and specificalk,
requiring discir
titles, salaries
CIA; (ii) expo
lions on expel
the Director's
without adver
Government
the Governme
for staff abroai
their families
1949 Central I
Director a lice
For some time I have been disturbed by the way the CIA has been
diverted from its originarassignment. It has become an operational and.
at times policy-making arm of the government. I never thought when I
set up the rin that it would be injected into peacetime cloak-and-
dagger opera-tions. ?ex-President Harry S. Truman.
OTHING h'as happened since ttiat pronouncement by
the agency's creator in December 196:3 to remove or
reduce the cause for concern over the CIA's develop-
ment. As currently organized, supervised, structured and
led, it may be that the CIA has outlived its usefulness.
? Conceivably, its very existence causes the President and the
J National Security Council to rely too much on clandestine
operations. Possibly its reputation, regardless of the facts, is
noW so bad that as a foreign policy instrument the agency
has become counter-productive. Unfortunately the issue ot
- its efficiency, as measured by its performance in preventing
past intelligence failures arid consequent foreign policy
. fiascos, is always avoided on grounds of "secrecy". So
American taxpayers provide upwards 'of $750,000,000 a
year for the CIA without knowing how the money is spent or
to what extent the CIA fulfils or exceeds its authorized
intelligence functions.
The gathering of intelligence is a necessary and -legitimate
activity in time of peace as well as in war. But it does, raise
a very real problem of the proper place and control of
agents who are required, or authorized on their own
recognizance., to commit acts of espionage. In a democracy
it also poses the dilemma of secret activities and the values
of a free society. Secrecy is obviously essential for espionage
but it can be ? and has been ? perverted to hide intelligence
activities even from those with the constitutional re-
sponsibility to?sanction them. A common rationalization
the phrase "If the Ambassador/Secretary/President doesn t
know he won't have to lie to cover up." The prolonged birth
of the CIA was marked by a reluctance on the part ol
politicians and others to face these difficulties, and the
agency as it came to exist still bears the marks of this
. indecision.
What we need to do is to examine how the U.S. gathers made the U.S. Ambassador to Singapore look like . the
. its intelligence, and consider how effective its instruments proverbial cuckold, the final outcome being a situation -
/ pre and what room there is for imprOvement. Every govern- wherein the United States Government lied in public ..?
V ment agenceippromectFortRelease200110,3/04theCiAr2kb0661tiltgOlR001400200001-7
CIA's Director, acknowledged before the American Society
With so rni.
is seen by rnE-
Stine- coups,
in Guatemala
Mossadegh i
the -Cuban I
failure). The
President Ker
28, 1961, 'z
heralded ? y
Because the
agency's "m..._
? representative of the unending gamnitry any
life human aspect of espionage and secret operations. At this
level the stakes are lower and the "struggle" frequently takes
bizarre and even ludicrous twists. For, as Alexander Foote
noted in his Ilandbbok for Spies, the average agent's ."real .
difficulties are concerned with. the practice of his trade. The ?
setting up of his transmitters, the obtaining of funds, and
the arrangement of his rendezvous. The irritating administra-
tive details occupy a disproportionate portion of his waking
life."
As an example of the administrative hazards, one day in
1960 a technical administrative employee of the CIA .
stationed at its quasi-secret headquarters in Japan flew to V
Singapore to conduct a reliability test of a local recruit. On
arrival he checked into one of Singapore's older hotels to
receive the would-be spy and his CIA recruiter. Contact was
made. The recruit was instructed in what a lie detector test
-does and was wired up, and the technician . plugged. the
machine into the room's electrical outlet. Thereupon it
blew out all the hotel's lights. The ensuing confusion and
darkness did not cover a getaway by the trio. They were
discovered, arrested, and jailed as American spies. ?
By itself the incident sounds like a sequence from an old
Peters Sellers movie, however, its consequences were not
nearly so funny. In performing this routine mission the
CIA set off a two-stage international incident between
England.. and the United States, caused the Secretary of
State to write letter of apology to a foreign chief of state,
STATI NTL
Approved For
On the
Issues
C0.1crioz9(02,,Art QuART-ovy
01601R
- CIA: COVICAMSS IN D
Since ? the Central Intelligence ,Agency was given
authority in 1949 to operate without. normal legislative
Oversight, an uneasy tension has existed between an un-
informed Congress and an uninformative CIA.
In the last two decades nearly 200 bills aimed at
making the CIA more accountable to the legislative
branch have been introduced. Two such bills have been
reported from committee. None has been adopted.
The push is on again. Some members of Congress
are insisting they should know more about the CIA and
.about what the CIA knows. The clandestine military
operations in Laos run by the CIA appear to .be this
year's impetus.
Sen. Stuart Symington '(D Mo.), a member of the
Armed Services Intelligence Operations Subcommittee
and chairman of the Foreign Relations subcommittee
deal log with U.S. corn mit ment s abroad, briefed the
Senate June 7 b'ehind closed doors on how deeply the
CIA was involved" in the Laotian. turmoil. Ile based his
briefing on a staff report. (Weekly Report p. 1709, 1660,
1268)
lie told the Senate in that closed session: "In all my
committees there is no real knowledge of what is going on
in Laos. 'We do not know the cost of the bombing. We do
not know about the .people we maintain there. It is a
secret war."
As a member of two key subcommittees dealing with
the activities of the CIA, Symington should be privy to
more classified information about the agency than most
other members of Congress. But Symington told the Sen-
ate h.e. had to dispatch two committee staff members to
Laos in order to find out what the CIA was doing.
If Symington does not know what the CIA has been
doing, hen what kind of oversight function does Congress
exercise over the super-secret organization? (Secrec;y
feet sheet, Weekly Report p. 1785)
A Congressional Quarterly examination of the over-
sight system exercised by the legislative branch, a study
of sanitized secret documents relating to the CIA and
interviews with key staff members and members of Con- -
guess indicated that the real power to gain knowledge
about CIA activities and expenditures' rests in the hands
Of four powerful committee chairmen and several key
members of their committees?Senate and House Armed
Services and Appropriations Committees.
The extent to which these men exercise their power
in ferreting out the details of what the CIA does with its
secret appropriation determines the quality of legislative
oversight on this executive agency that Congress voted
into existence 24 years ago.
The CIA Answers to...
?\-1 (PI, 80-253), the 'Central Intelligence Agency was ac- .
As established by the National Security Act .of 1947
countable to the President and the .Nal.i'onal Security
?)01.fi ACTIVIrLS, PLANg
Council. In the, original Act there was no language which
excluded the agency from scrutiny by Congress, but also
no provision which required such examination.
- To clear up any confusion as to the legislative intent
of the 1947 law, Congress passed the 1919. Central Intel-
ligenc.c Act (PL 81-110) which exempted the CIA from all
federal laws requiring disclosure of the "functions,. names,
official titles, salaries or numbers of personnel" employed
by the agency. The law gave the CIA director power to
spend money "without regard to the provisions of law
and regulations relating to the expenditure of govern-
ment funds." Since the CIA became a functioning organi-
zation in 1949, its budgeted funds have been submerged
into the general accounts of other government agencies,
hidden from the scrutiny of the public and all but a se-
lect group of ranking members of Congress. (Congress
ond the Notion Vol. I, p. 306, 249)
THE SENATE
In the Senate, the system by which committees
check on CIA activities and budget requests is straight-
forward. Nine ? men---on two committees?hold positions
of seniority which allow them to participate in the regular
annual legislative oversight function. Other committees
are briefed by the CIA, but only on topical matters and
not on a regular basis.
Appropriations. William W. Woodruff, counsel
for the Senate Appropriations Committee' and the only
staff man for the oversight subcommittee, 'explained that
when the CIA comes before the five-man subcommittee,
more is discussed than just the CIA's budget.
"We look to the CIA for the best intelligence on the
Defense Department budget that .you can get," Woodruff
told Congressional Quarterly. He said that CIA Director
Richard Helms provided the subcommittee with his
estimate of budget needs for all government intelligence
operations.
Woodruff explained that although the oversight
subcommittee was responsible for reviewing the CIA bud-
get, any substantive legislation dealing with the agency
would originate in the Armed Services Committee, not
Appropriations.
No tranScripts are kept when the CIA representative
(usually Hehns) testifies before the subcommittee. Wood-
ruff said the material' covered in the hearings was so
highly classified that ?any transcripts would have to be
kept under armed guard 24 hours a day. Woodruff does ,
take detailed notes on the sessions, however, which are
held for him by the CIA. "All I have to do is call," he
said, "and they're on my desk in an hour.'
Armed Services. "The CIA budget itself does not
legally require any review by Congress," said T. Edward
Braswell, chief counsel for the Senate Armed Services
Committee and the only staff man used by the Intelli-
gence Operations Subcommittee.
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DLI;crich Wershinglon Purcarr
WASIIINGTON If the
best qualification for a super-
sleuth is to be inconspicuous,
then the government's hush-
hush intelligence network
had better watch its secrets..
They'd better watch them
---loccuse if all the 535 mem
-
hers of Congress were assem-
bled together, Rep. Lucien N.
Nedzi, might be the
least noticeable. And Nedzi
has just been 71 ;9 med to ex-
plore the intelligence net-
':- work's hidden operations.
1 ?
NEM! IS a small, plump
man with scanty - hair, at-
though only in his rind-40s, of t
?: paddling walk rather than !ii"aci ibeen a part of' the (cia- Ill do just that." ?
purposeful s t r i d e , whose Tense establishment, its ways Hobert, may be right. Nod-
somewhat moo?nlike face is not to be. qta .es ti o ne d too zi's fellow subcommitteemen
- marked customarily by a deeply. ; are four hawkish establish-
somewhat bewildered expres- So Nedzi's selection was a miint men?illelvin Price of
shock---tat least to those 'NvIlio Illinois and 0. C. Fisher of
: -lie is, moreover, a dove, did not know ;Hebert once was Texas, DOMOCTatS, and Wil-
, membars of the llouse esto... ,an inyestigation-minded NEW. liam :G. Pray of Indiana and
iishment ?regard him as a Orleans city e d i t o r who di- Alvin E. O'Kons'ki. of Wiscon-
sin, Republicans?all of
] rebel on the House hawk -like: nc-t:e'cl. the lirS1 "Pse ?17. tthc
: Armed Services Committee. 1 ahleY Long 'e:Inl?Pi're. whom rank Nedzi in senior-
: Thus it was that when. AN EVEN GREATER. isur-: it:Y. '
:. Committee Chairman F. Fel-- priE.;e, was when a-lehe,it ;ex_I NEDZI COMES to his new
i ward Hebert, D-La., suddenly a-)anded 'Lhe suhcammittee's` job with little knowledge
namcid the Michigan la\v- authority to in c lira .? ;ove.v-: about -the intelligence field.
i
; maker, a veteran of less than sight of the ill)efense Intelli-' This could be a help in im-
10 Years in Congress and on- 'cr ence Agency and; the super-.
ly the. ninth-ranking member
of the committee, as the
House overseer of the Intel-
, Hence establishment, there
.. were gasps of amazement
from all over.
? : -1 ;amendment, has opposed the
. bomber and the Sale-
.? ,
ii Tuard missile system. ?
SO WHY DID Hebert. jump
- _ . ,...
-1 ? :Nedzi cyer several of his
seniors? "Because he is an
honest man, and will do an
honest job," said Hebert,
Ncidzi.'s explanation w a s
that Hebert was interested in
having "a reVieW in this area
we understand each
other. ..I... know. wher e he
- -- - -- - .1-lands and an open mind. but
stands and he knows where I 'lie knows what he wants to
stand.. I have never deceived find out,
? him and he has 110Vec re- ?
''. fleeted deception to me, He ' " WANTS T0 new if th-i:
feels that we need to call a dividual rights are being pre-_
Tr r.,, T .(.0- -1 \ 7 slmcir., a spade and he feels tected.?,that is, have the in-
' telligenee. agencies cut ? out
their domestic intelligence ac-
tivities. Ile will check to see
if it is proper for CIA to
manage secret operations
such as ? those in -Laos and
other covert operations not
related to intellige.nce, gath-
ering as such; if there is too
much overlapping and too lit-
tle coordination between in-
telligence operations and. if
enormous budgets for these
operations channel informa-
Ilion to proper authorities at
;the right time; of the whole
Isystem of security classifica-
?tion should be revised; and
what is the real and defini-
tive basis for arriving at de-
1 cisions ?ill national intelli-
g,cn'oe estimates.
.'? There may be not hi. Ti g
; wrong with the overall intelli-
gence operation.
But if 'there is something
wrong, those responsible had
better . riot put in Nedzi's
Presumably, that was etc 1 .1 ., ni,rninriii, Seeming vagueness any faith
wi-iy it ,would b e tin d err lIebeit, (:` '4-1. - - ''' ?; ' that he will not uncover their
infuriated
STATI NTL
looking into the Pueblo af-
fairs. He had met CIA Di- j
rector Richard. Helms. But
lie has never had any direct
1 contact with GIA. He does
not. know Lt. Gen. Donald V'i
.1Bennett, director of the De),
:f ense Intelligence Agency,; -
' nor Vice Adm. Noel ? Gayler, I
director of the National Se-
curity Agency..
Thus, he comes to his new-i :
iv assigned task with clean
..
TRADITIONALLY, the sub-
committ!ee that oversees Cern
tnal Intelligence Agency oper-
ations is :Laded by the full
committee chairman.
scaret National S cCu: t y
Agency.
iNed-zi's ec d on the
:A at ;m ot 'Services :c(Mlniiticya
bas not been of e 'kind that
had ;endeared him to the more.
senior, and generaily m.0 C.
conservative, members ?of that
panel----he gra d, as matter of
fact, been one of a quintet in-'
eluding ;Ohio's Charles
W:hai en Jr., .0.1.-Dayton, who
partial inquiry, because m
the past, only senior mem-
bers of the Armed Services
Committee knew and rarely
let their juniors in on the. se-
crets.
Nedzi had :brief expo.sure
to the intelligence field as a
member of a subcommittee
. _
Approved F secret faults. ? '
'Ibeciuse the CIA. traditionellilL l'redeeesscrr
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unsuccessful en dt Ii e-w a a
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.90 LI b
Congressman linden Nedzi of
-Michigan may yet wind, up with
the biggest bureau in Washing-
ton. The, Wayne county Democrat
bids fair to have iieed of more
detectives than J. hdgar .Hoover,
more lawyers than the Justice
department, and more scientists
than NASA.
Nedzi ha S tahen on a monu-
Mental task. He will be the
louse Armed ,.s.=.',f-;:vices Commit-
tee's watchdog on t he Centql,,
Intelligence Agency, the Defense .-
Intelligence AcieV:T.and the Na-
tional Security Agency,
On assuming his new duties,
Nedzi said his primary goal will
be "to reconcile the public's right
to know with national security,"
? It's going to be tough enough
to ferret out just what it is the
CIA, the DIA and NSA are
doing; he'll need plenty of super- ?
sleuths for that.
But that 's the straightfor-
ward, easy part of his job. It's
when he -finds out what the
secrets are that Nedzi will have a
really big job.,. He'll have to -
decide whether to bare the
secrets, to the public.
First, he'll need the expert
advice Of scientif,ic experts so he ,
won't be giving the Russians ?
some new piece of military tech-
nology they didn't ?already have.
Then he'll, need the lawyers to
tell him -whether he's acting
The case -of the Pentagon
Papers Made it clear some regu-
latory agency needs to weed out
the secret -files every so often.
But it looks like Congressman
Nedzi will soon find the job is
more than one man can bear.
? , - -
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AIM , Tn.
STATESMAN
E 31,3oe
'GOOD MAN' New
watchdog over the Ceur,,A
Agency for the
House ol'--sri.c&ri7resentatives?
Rep. Lucien N. Ne.dzi,
D-Mich., is one of the lower
chamber's prominent doves.
Lahled a "gorKI man" despite
their divergence on the war
issue , Nedzi was named
chairman of the intelligence
supervisory subcommittee by
E. Edward Hebert, fl-La.,
chairman of the House Armed
Services Committee.
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? \\X (777)
ih,\?1-;-] ? --'??
0.01:n "1.?.oc'lc. is en a brier vacation, bat ho will, con-
throe to v,-rlte leis columns, prOmincnt not it cot
figures cec:nionally contrit:,nth-?; fir,lest c.??)7.1dr:Ins? tfo-
clo;,"s contrihutor icc en.7.1.;.:hert ic.17.tanphrey, 3.).?
fcruler v!(?e, prcoJ dcc zne .1V,Y,1; a lendIng
Iheinveralle loDpefal.
?
We have vAtnessed in :went years a gradual and
potcntialiy dangerous isolation and insulation of
po\Ver within the Executive branch of government.
I am particularly sersittvo to this sihotion, having
Scrved in the United States. Senate for 1_5 years and. as
vice president Sec
' ? Nowhere is the tendency toward isolation more
apparent than in the field of national rerttity. I
believe it is at least in part responsible for some of
the divisiveness and the search for seapezcats
generated by the recent publication of, the "Pentagon
p?rrr?rs "
,Vit 'hY
l;',.AVE NOT l'?:AD the meCla-i?nyi for
adequate cc. lotion betv.-een Congress and the En--
- cent vs branch in the formulation of national security
?
The President and hey government officials moot
or?ca...71onally with the leaders of Cen:.tris on an in-
?Sermal basis. There 'arc several ccm;ressional com-
mittees that deal v.lth some aspects of national
security. Dot decision?mahing is fragmented.
I- have propeF.ed that. we cad that frn.-nentation.
provide fot. closer consultation by csttlblishiaz a
permanent jeint congresslonal Conmrittee on National
Security.
(-1
STATINTL
t-r.n.i:,??
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j!J
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The committee v,?ould have these main ZulIction-,:
.0 First, to -study ancli 111P.1:.e recommendzItions on
all .issues ,ceilcerning national. security. This would
include review of. the President's report on the state
of the world, the defense btid7,et and foreign
assistance programs as ?thcy relate to national
security goals. acid U.S. disarmament 1.10.C1C'S as
part of cur defense censideratiens,
O SeCC0.-:, to review, study and e?-aluate the
"Pcntogen End other &kr:I-nuts, ?,,,-heth:er
published heretofore or tint, covering U.S. involve-
ment in Vietnam. ? ? ?
;third, to study and mat-co recommendations on
governme:)t practices of classification and ,
declassification of doct.ments.
Fc?drCI, to conduct a contl..,ing review of the
operations of the Central Intelli:;ence Agency, ? the
departments of Defense and State, cart other agencies
intimately involved with car foreign policy. ,
EN UN )2.111; ICS.LIUNF of the committee would
be the composition of its membership. It. would have
representation 1r.):`.1 those inr_Hv!alal and. committee
jurisdictions that have primar;?,, responsibility ? in
military, foreign relations and congressional.
leadership.
It would include the President: 'it?ro Tempore of the
.Senate; the Speaker of the House; .the ma:xity cccl
minority leaders of both houses, and the chairmen
and, ranl-dng minority members of the committees on
appi . opriations, foreign relations and armed services
and tco itoicct Committee on Atomic Energy.
It woUld not usurp the legislative or investigative
functions of any present committees, but supplement
, and coodinate?their efforts in a mere comprehensive
framework. .
? Nor is ii designed to usurn the President's historic
role z.ts Cornim.:nder-Tn-Cief. nor to put the Congress
in an adversary relationship? with the. Executive
branch.
.STATINTL
.. T iS. ltz?All'=, A NEW .7.0:1)`*, to be coMposed of
members of both parties and beAll houses of Congress,
that will make possible closer consultation end
cooperation between the President and the Cougress.
The concentration of pov,ier v,ithin the Executive
branch is ciulte understandable considering our ex-
perience in World War P and afterwatxl. But times
change, and F'D must our institutions and responses.
? . I cannot help but believe that if. the CO:17eSs had
shared mcn.,a Tully in momentons decisions, these
in Vietnam, we would be less divided as a nation by
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A new framewori-: for the .1,317111nd:on of nationnl
security pcic.y, I 1-al!,2vc, can bring t.ts cf n er to tl.o
ideal we rh share Sec Itt. 5 or peace.
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- -STATINTL
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By ?rut KELLY . _ _, _ ._ __ ? - ---- - --- -- ? - - ??'?
- Star Staff Wfitcr. ? ? "The senior members were on 3 ?Are individual rights being
: Shortly after Congress returns the Central Intelligence subcom- ?protected? Nedzi is aware that
..
from its August recess, five con-. 'Thittee and we were not privy to 'military intelligence people have
gressmcn will turn off the I their deliberations. We had abso- been told to cut out their domes-
George ewashingion Memorial' .ilutely no information on the tic intelligence activities, bkhe
Parkway at an ninnarked exit, _budgets of the agencies or what Avents to make sure the net,v
swing back across the parkway ,t.1-1ey were up to. Periodically,. -rules aT?e being obeyed, -
on than overpass and suddenly. we . got intelligence reports," 4--- Is it-proper for the CIA to
emerge into a spacious, tree- Nedzi- said. manage operations such as those
dotted parking lot surrounding a 'The fiVe-man subcommittee in Laos?
I ,al - it) white blInClirlY WaS, in the past, made up of the "There - is a oue4ion of wheth-
Only after they have parked chairmen of the full committee
and entered the building will and the two senior members
they see their first solid evi- from each party. The senior
dence ? inlaid into the floor in a members serving with Nedzi
giant seal ? that this is the
headquarters of the Central In-
telligence Agency.
Heading the little group of
congressmen will be Rep. Lu-
cien Nor b or Nedzi, a
46-year-old Democrat who has
represented the' eastern portion tee looking into the capture oft
of Detroit since 1662, and who the U.S.S. Pueblo by the North t
has just .been named ? to the ,Koreans.
surprise of many?as the chair-.
man 'of the House Armed Sexy- Has Met Helms
ices Committee's subcommittee- Ile has met Richard Helms
on central intelligence. director of Central Intelligence,
? Nedzi's record has not been., on several occasions when
the kind that would, on the sun- 1Helms has appeared before the
face, endear him to the morel! committee and he thinks highly
senior ? and generally more: of him. But Nedzi has never vis-
conservative ? members of the I Red the CIA, has never called on
the CIA for a special intelligence
briefing, and does not know Lt..
Can. Donald V. Bennett, director',
of the Defense t Intelligence'
Agency, or Vice Mm. Noel Gayler, director of the super-secret
National Security Agency.
T.he only time a top intelli-
gence official has appeared in
an open hearing in the last dec-
ade, was on June 2, 1961 when
Helms, then No. 2 man in the
CIA, testified before a Senate
Judiciary subcommittee. Nor-
mally, Helms and other CIA offi-
cials not only testify in closed
hearings but their names and
the name of their agency are
deleted before a transcript on
the hearing is made public,
will be Reps. Melvin Price,
D-Ill., 0. C. Fisher, D-Tex., Wil-
liam G. Bray, R-Ind., and Alvin
E. O'Konski, R-Wis.
Nedzi had some brief exposure I
to the intelligence field when he
served on a special subcominite
committee. Ile co-sponsored an,
end-the-war ammendment in the1
House, has opposed the B11
bomber and the Safeguard mis-
sile 'defense system, and is one
of a tiny group of rebels on the
41-man committee known as the
Fearless Five.
Why did Rep. F. Edward He-
bert, a Democrat from Louisi-
ana, choose Nedzi. for one of the
most important subcommittee
assignments ? a post tradition-
ally held by the chairman him-
, ? -
self? ?
Nedzi Explains Choice
"The chairman was generally
Interested in having a review of
this area," Nedzi explained in
an -interview "My experience
'with him has been ex'cellent ?
we understand each other. I
know where he stands, and he
knows where I stand: I have
never decived him and he has
never reflected deception to me.
"He feels that we need to call
a spade a spade and he feels I'll
do just that."
Nedzi comes to his new assign-
ment ? which will cover all in-
telligence agencies, not just the
CIA ? with few preconceptions
and, in fact,ApprinVedof10
edge of the field. .
er we should be involved in Suchl
operations and the further ques-
tions of whether this agency isl
the proper one to do it," Nedzi
said.
: 5-- Should the whole system of
security classification be re-
vised?
I -"That this is a difficult area, I
I realize," Nedzi said, "and I'm
I not sure' we're going to be able
to come up with a Solomon-like
decision."
6? How are the national intel-
ligence estimates arrived at?
What really is the basis for ar-
riving at decisions?
Since his selection for the new
job announced earlier this week,
Nedzi said, his phone has been
constantly busy with callers vol-
unteering information about H.S.
intelligence operations. .
"We will give them an 'appro-
priate audience," he said. "We
are hearing from people with all
sorts of axes -to grind. We'll
screen them all for substance,
but: no one .is peremptorily dis-
missed." .?
Sets Priorities - ?
Despite his lack of experience
in the area, Ncdzi has a pretty
good idea of the areas be would
like to explore and he listed
them this way:
1? Is there too much overlap-
ping of functions among the CIA
and the State and Defense De-
partment intelligence Opera-
tions?
2 ?Are the budgets the proper
sand doees_all the informa- I
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get to the man who needs it
when he needs it?
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Notes on Peopki
z?-,?.? ?? --"??????1
I
F. EdIvard I.Til;bert, chair- , . . _.... - - . , ..:?:-...
J.?
n ri,r1
Lc'tL
man of the Home, Armed
Services C;ommittee, has 1.--.p-
poInted an active antiwz-:r
ClonLres?srnan, Lnelz-ri N: ? ?
Nedz.i, a 2\..Tichigan Democrat,
chairman of the Hoase sub-
committe.s that keeps Fa eye
on the Conti al Intt-,-Iligence ,
Agency. ,
Why? "Because lie's a
good an, even though we're
. opposed philosophically,"
. Mr, II6bert, who instlucted
' Mr. Neclzi "to make periodic .
? inquiries into all phaes of
intelligence activities wi-hin
the 1/ep2rtment of D,:,Tense
and within the agencies es-
tablished u icr the Netionel
Securities Act."
Mr. Nedzi said thet Mr.
Tibert, a I.ouisiana Demo-
crat, had placed "no restric-
tions of z,rly sort." on him,
evc,n thr.plfh he's hem 'highly ----- ---
Critical of the war in Viet- United Pnees inttzrnati:n31
.-ziant and Pentagon policies. Lucien N. 1130z.
STATI NTL
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"17
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PA
,PNILADFLPUTA,
INQUIRER
M 463,503
S 867,010
AUG 4 is
ve to J.-,,eep an Eye-Qn__GIA,.
one of the. most active doves and Pentagon critics in
?thoflouse has been named chairman of a super-secret sub-
olnrnittee charged with keeping tabs an the CIA and other,
,intelligence agencies.
n-Rep. Lucien Nedzi (D., Mich.) said one of the first things
do is visit the headquarters
;of the Central Intelligence Agency in
?Lari;,-,,ley, Va.
-.1,..,i,?After nal, said Nedzi, he hopes
to hold puNie hearings on U. S. in-
Jelligence gathering activities.
,.The subcommittee Nedzi is tak-
Ing,over was considered so vital by
,.?Rep. L. Mendel Rivers (D., " S. C.)
?;.that the late chairman of the.Armcd
ryices Committcc! alv,Rlys reserved
-that chairmanship .for himself,
,Besides the CIA, Nedzi rill have
jurisdiction over the Defense Intel-
. lig,ence Agency and. the National Se,
cth'ity Agency, two hush-hush
-?'branches of the Pentagon,
STATI NTL
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? -
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1,1 - 530,264
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it.:!;cgi` 1
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BY SAUL FIIIEDMAN conservative, maintained tight
, Fres Prcss Washintcqi Staff
WASIUNGTON--In an unex-
pected and potentially ir?p6r-e
tont move, the conservative,
Ii awkish chairman of the
House Armed Services Corn-
mittee has ?zippointed a liberal
drove to head the sup,,u?sensi-
live subcommittee on Ameri-
can intelligence operations.
'1'h e new subcommittee
chairman is Rep. Lucien
Nedzi, Ji-Mich., who became
de.eply disillusioned by t h c
Viotreau war and recently
sponsored unsuccessful legis-
lation calling for a pullout by
the end of the year.
Nedzi was notified. Wednes-
day of his appointment. by
committee Chairman F. Ed-
control of the subcommittee.
and kept liberals off.
Hebert, for a time, put the
full committee in charge of in-
telligence supervision, but re-
cently decided to reappoint a
subcommittee. ? ?
Why he would- choose Nedzi,
who has been critical of intel-
ligence estimates on the Viet-
Jiain war and on Soviet miti-
.?tary strength, was a mystery I
ithirt had Heu.:u3.,!,:th.e,ta_bn .7.77
mg. Wednesday when thee.
learned of the appointment.
Sources close to the situa-
tion suggested -it was an indi-
cation that Hebert and other
committee conservatives have
become. concerned at the se-
crets the Executive Branch
ward Hebert, 1)-La., who put has been keeping from Con-
no strings on Nedzi's ability t?..gress and. at the extent or
probe into the operations of all American interfe&lee in the
intelligence organizations in-- internal affairs of other ca-
eluding the Central tions. ?
genec .Agency and the
'al SO:hiritY Agency. ALTHOUGH Nedzi declined
Hc,,bert sent Nedzi a formal to say 'what inquiries he will
mandate to make "periodic in- (pursue, he has publicly chat-
quiries. into all intelligence ac- lenged the basis for national
tivities." b
'intellioence estimates which
.
the Pentagon has used to aesk
ALTHOUGH Hebert, as the for new weapons systems. He
f U 11 committee chairman, may therefore -bc exepcted to
maintains an ex-officio seat on renew his challenge in the sub-
the subcommittee and other : committee, which almost al-
members fire conservatives, it ways mcct s. behind closed
will be the first lime in recent doors.
years that perhaps the most Nodzi, in Congress since
sensitive, subcommittee in the. 1961, was one of the original
House Will be chaired by a lib-
eral.
Until his death earlier this
year, former COMMittee
Chairman L. Mendel Rivers,
D.-S.-C., who was c'Areely.
members of t h e "Fearless
Five," a group of liberals on
S. h e generally conservative
committee MI..) fought against
increases in defense spending
and weapons like the' anti-bal-
listic
Hebert appointed Nedzi over '
seven more senior committee
members. It was speculated
that Hebert, in addition to
Nedzi's reputation for hard
work and competence, is seek-
big more harmony- with tiK.,
moderates and liberals on the
committee. ?
Other's who will serve on the
subcommittee- with Nedzi. are: ;
Melvin Price, D-111., 0.. C.
Fishe r, D-Tex., Alvin E.
O'Konski, R-Wis., and William
Bray, R-Ind. ?
STATI NTL
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STATI NTL
By RICHARD A. RYAN
xoys wRstitt:zoti mit-cau
WASHINGTON:? How do the many govern- -
-meat intelligence agencies function? How does.
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA differ
from the Defense Intelligence
How are the Many
agenci es funded?
- Whom 'do they inves-
tigate? Do they over-
lap ? and duplicate
their f forts? ?
? Rep. Lucien N.
Nedzi, Detroit Demo-
crat, intends to seek
the answers to these
and other questions
about: the supersecret
intelligence organiza-
tions.
Nedzi yeste'rday
was appointed chair-
man of a new intelligence subcommittee of the
House Armed Services Committee. The sub-
committee was organized and ifs chairman
appointed by Rep. F. Edward Hebert, Louis-
iana Democrat, chairman of the parent corn-
mitt cc.?
? ,Serving with Nedzi viIl be the two ranking
Democrats and Republicans of the Armed'
Services Committee -----.Democratic Reps, Mel-
vin Price of Illinois, and 0. C. Fisher, of
Texas, and Republican Reps. Alvin E.
-O'Konski, of WiSconsin, and William G. Bray,
of Indiana.
?
IZep. 1.ocic2t1 ledzi
-?
"WE KNOW WC are spending billions in the
-field of intelligence," Nedzi said in an inter-
view after his appointment, "but no one really
knows how much. The budgets for the various
'agencies are not a matter of public knowledge.
_ 'I want to review their physical operation's
and sIctermine the scope of their activity. And
_I think it is appropriate to inquire whether we
need all that intelligence."
?The veteran Detroit legislator said he is cer-
tain there is duplication of effort among the
CIA, DIA' and the intelligence arms of the mili-
tary services.'
- As a member of the subcommittee thatln-
.vestiga.ted the Jan. 23, 1963 seizure of the USS
Pueblo by the North Koreans, Nedzi said it
was apparent from facts uncovered then that
there was much duplication of effort.
talOtriO4c)'qrrikl.0(Mg4.1-c0?V93/?4'
led 1
people it should have reached," Nedzi said.
The congressman feels the intelligence sub-
in Congress in that it must "reconcile national
security with basic constitutional rights."
'Military intelligence activities came under
Senate scrutiny earlier this year when John M.
O'Brien, a former Army intelligence agent,
said in a letter to Senator Sam Ervin, North
Carolina Democrat, that the Army had kept
several political figures under surveillance for
alleged anti-war activities. ? ?
AMONG THOSE mc.litioned by O'Brien were
Senator Adlai E. Stevenson 111, IllinoisDcmo-
crat, who was Illinois state treasurer at the
time, and Rep. Abner J. Mikva, Illinois Demo-
Cr t
The Army denied the charges but Ervin con-
ducted Senate hearings on the whole question.,
of military Surveillance.
The extent of the surveillance was under-
-scored by a former Air Force intelligence ser-
geant who testified that of the 119 persons.
attending an anti-war dcmonstration.on Sept.'
1, 1969, outside Carson, Colo., 53 were intelli-
gence agents or members of the press.
Assistant Defense Secretary Robert J.
Frouhlke told the committee that the DIA had
.cards on 25 million "personalities" and, on
700:000 organizations and incidents.
The new subcommittee, Nedzi said, is re-.
quired to make periodic inquiries into all
aspects of intelligence activities and, when
appropriate, make legislative rucommeuda-.
dons.
? The subcommittee -also will look into the
whole problem of classification of official docu-
ments, Nedzi said.
"WE WANT to find out what is required
Iron) a rational security standpoint in the way
of classification," Ncdzi said. "It may be that
more information can be given to the public
without jeopardizing national security."
Document classification became a national
issue with the publication of the Pentagon
papers. ?
? This is the first subcommittee of the House
Armed Services Committee that Nedzi has
chaired. The Detroit congressman fell out of
favor with the former committee chairman, L.
--Mendel Rivers, for repeatedly opposing the
autocratic chairman on military bills.
When Rivers, who died earlier this year, was
committee chairman, he personally headed
what was then known as the CIA subcommit-
tee. It's activities then were limited and se-
cret. When Hebert ascended to the chairman-
CI 1 11 e
IROlqrtiriat 01 IA00140020 0 0 0 1-7
He re-formed it. yesterday, however, but at
the same time gave it a much broader scope4
STATINTL
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BY .E.1.1,NEST
No doubt Riiehard Nixon's instinct, like?
that these s:essions should be inore frequent,
that of any Preside3at faced with the same
more tl-ii:irou?gh-- -and the result is;I IlLplore
tuation, is to resist Ilse growing demands readily available to congressmen and sena-
that "his" CIA be required to :7Jive Cciinran ft;rs who are not members of the select pa-
the same bind of intelligence report and nets.
thriates tint it gives tlin situation of Sens. Alan Cranston
2.nd John Tunney. They represent 20
Just one seerets-spilline; blabbarmouth
rililicri
Califc:rnians obviciusly have. a. stake in
Capitol Hill could do incalculable hi mi to issues ire,'olving war and peace., and the
interest. :Besides, preeidantial ting of. a .plaver TO of national priorities.
are involved,
Neither, hos.vcver, sits on any of the cora-
The thoitght occurs, however, that the raittees. which deal with ferein policy and
Administration iniglA Lc?. better advised to nationtl. :1;!G;_?. Con-ic,,-; to
VOI.0
recognize that frustrated senators and con- ?
tion s or sunse-of-Cnngress resolutions about
gressruen have a point.
Corti'.;.reis.f.tuirt Can't. \lac Tut cni.?:,cyttly
Instead, as a. practical matter, they.nntst
..{'.'acts.; Are either accept or ignore the word of col-
How can they b.::: expected to yo'tJe intl. le:q;1.123 V.'1?MEC:'. committees deal vlith foreign
Itigntly and rospon dUly on presidentilil ,prp. policy and national security questions on a
posals in the fields of fol-cign policy and. 1ni-rogular
tional sccurity unless they have reasonabla And, e,-ccept for the foreigii relations cern-
access to th.2,..intelgeriee. on which these'
mittces, these are prcityclista.cled with
proposals are based?
PeoPle vlio believe in a strong clofens'e
Uow can. they latow whether an appropri-esuliii.--,hrnent------and are, therefore, not in-
anon for a new ABM site or for mere Elcsei- dined In pass along intelligence which
don mi:,.;siles is really nccded unless they-- might. support a contrary viewpoint.,
or colleagues whom they trust.---know some-
Sen. John Sherman Cooper (R-Ny,) lnas ii
11111 of what the Execitti,??0 Branch kno \vs
troduced a bill which v,:-ould requirc: tho CIA
of ,S',oviet driployment? as a mattcr of law, rather than of presidon-
The answer is that they can't. tial discretion, to supply "Congress, through
its appropriate committees, the sane intel-
It should be understood, of course, that the n
og,enc,e conclusions, facts and analyses that
CIA is exposed to congressional scrutiny of a are now available to the Executive Branch,"
sort now.
Vietnam, they have no direct access to per-
tinent classified information,
These intelligence materials, in turn,
Just about any Houss--2 or 2enate commit- would be made available to any member of
/tee, can, upon request, obtain a closed-doer Congress who asks foi: them. .
..,./ briefing from CIA Director Richard Hchns
a other top officials of the ageilay. The trouble is, of co,ars
nd e, that a secret
which is made, available to upveards of a
The CIA's supersecret budget, Is revicw.ed thousand people (including staff etriploYe.$)
in both houses by special panels drawn from ',yid not remain a sccret very long. Certainly
the Appropriations and Armed SCrviCCS Com-, not \vhen those people are in the proreion
ntiLtees. Since 1(',57 eci:,:aii.11 members of the of politics, and certainly not when a lot of
? Senate Foreign Relations .Committee also them, like Sen. idike Gravel of Alaska,
have been invited to sit in On these watch- might feel morally obligated to decide for
dog 2e.:',s1ons. themselves what should be. released,
. .
There- bas always bean a certain die-anus- The best -,olittion, ono suspects, is a change
faction with this setup, and this dissatisfac- Nvhich would broaden the kindE; of people on
lion is growing. Capitol Hill with access to CIA intelligence,'
In the first place,:the Ci \. brieliors are without, greatly increasing theit nun:nbers.t.
given not as a matter of congressional right In that context, former Vice Presiden'e.
but of prei'ltlerilia u
l cortey M
s, any (Th.:.,ghlin.. Dmt , .4 - L,ai c . ? 'api.,ey baa come up with an at-
fled lawmakers are. convinced, in any event, ii_,--1L?t:,? -.11,-,,:nati,_.-,e.
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d
itiatanm.r.Q54.
Approved For Release 2001101/9tacitpiRDP80-
a
Congress Tuins to the CIA
Congress,- in its continuing Vietnam-inspired
effort to break the Executive's near monopoly a
osvers in foreign affairs, is now tac:aling the
V Central Intelligence Agency. This is understand-
able, and was to be expected, too. The agency's
powers are great?or so one suspects; no one
representing the public is really in a position to
know. Yet because it operates under virtually
absolute secrecy, it does not receive even that
incomplete measure of public scrutiny which the
Defense and State Departments undergo.
The proposals in Congress affecting the CIA
fall into two categories. Those in the first category
start from the premise that the CIA is essentially
an operations agency and an ominous one, which
Es beyond public control and which must somehow
be restrained?for the good of American foreign
policy and for the health of the American demo-
cratic system alike.
So Senator case has introduced legislation to
prevent CIA from financing a second country's
military operations in a third country (e.g., Thais
In -Laos) and to impose on the agency the same
[imitations on disposing of "surplus" military
materiel as are already imposed on Defense. The
thrust of these provisions is to stop the Executive
from doing secretly what the Congress has for-
bidden it to do openly. Unquestionably they would
restrict Executive flexibility, since the government
.would have to justify before a body not beholden
to it the particular actions it wishes to take. The
'advantage to the Executive would be that the
Congress would then have to share responsibility
for the actions undertaken. Since these actions
involve making war and ensuring the security of
Americans, if not preserving their very lives, we
cannot see how ?a serious legislature can evade
attempts to bring them under proper control.
? Senator McGovern's proposal that all CIA ex-
penditures and appropriations should appear in
the budget .as a single line item is another matter.
lie -argues that taxpayers could then decide
whether they wanted to spend more or less on
Intelligence than, say, education. We wonder,
though, whether a serious judgment on national
priorities, or on CIA's value and its needs, can be
based on knowing just its budget total. In that
figure, critics might have a blunt instrument for
polemics but citizens Would not have the fine
instrument required for analysis.
In the. House, ? Congressman Badillo recently
Offered an amendment to confine the 'CIA to
. . .
""e"- ? 7?I
STATINTL
gathering and analyzing intelligence. This is the
traditional rallying cry, of those who feel either
that the United States has no business running
secret operations or that operational duties warp
intelligence production. The amendment, , unen-
forceable anyway under existing conditions, lost
172 to 46, but floor debate on it did bring out a
principal reason why concerned legislators despair
of the status quo: Earlier this 'year Hoyse Armed ./
Services chairman Hebert simply abolished the.
10-man CIA oversight subcommittee and arrogated
complete responsibility to himself. Congressman
Badillo?is now seeking a way to reconstitute the
'subcommittee. This is a useful sequence to keep
in mind when the agency's defenders claim, as
they regularly do, that CIA already is adequately
overseen by the Congress.
Between these proposals and Senator Cooper's,
however, lies a critical difference. Far from re-
garding CIA as an ominous operational agency
whose work must be checked, he regards it as an
essential and expert intelligence agency whose
"conclusions, facts and analyses" ought to be dis-
tributed "fully and currently" to the germane
committees of Congress as well as to the Executive
Branch. He would amend the 'National Security
Act to that end. His proposal is, in our view, the
most interesting and far-reaching of the lot.
To Mr. Cooper, knowledge is not only power but
nesponsibility. A former ambassador, he accepts?
perhaps a bit too readily--that a large part of
national security policy is formulated on the basis
of information classified as secret. If the Congress
is to fulfill its responsibilities in the conduct of
foreign affairs, he says, then it must have available
the same information on which the Executive acts
?and not as a matter of discretion or chance but
of right. Otherwise Congress will find itself again
and again put off by an Executive saying, as was
said, for instance, in the ABM fight, "if you only
knew what we knew ." Otherwise Congress will
forever be running to catch up with Executive
trains that have already, left the station.
. The Cooper. proposal obviously raises sharp
questions of Executive privilege and of Executive -
prerogative in foreign policymaking ? to leave
aside the issue of keeping classified information
secure. But they are questions which a responsible
Congress cannot Ignore. We trust the Cooper
proposal will .become a vehicle for debating them
?.......
in depth?and in public, too.
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STATI NTL
Approved For Release 2001103/04: CIA-RDP80-0161111
COLUMBUS, OHIO ?
DISPATCH
1 E ? 223,673
S ? 318,040
JUN. 3 Ian
,? ?
versi tit of
MERICANS are fully aware
government,LT .their like
? every other nation, has an in
...?telligence gathering apparatus
and while the whole business
? of spying is inherently evil, it
: is necessary. -
The primary U.S. spy group
F. is called the Central Intelli-
gence Agency and it operates
pretty much in the dark as it
'seeks to provide its own unique
" 'kind of shield ag?ainst any
? -threat to this nation's security.
Because of the very nature of
the spy business, the CIA
? ..
????' --writes its own rules and laws
and they very well may be in
-....conflict with -established stat-
utes and mores.
,.? - -? _ - .
?? EVEN THOUGH the CIA
?nocessarily must operate in its
?-
:- own shadowy sphere, ? it re-
quires financing. That comes
from the American taxpayer,
yet these funds are entirely
secret, being seeded here and
-there in vaxioUs departments of
the federal budget. - . - ?
Congress does attempt to
maintain some Contact with the
;CIA's doings . through .a Hale-
y known Senate watchdog sub-
committee established in 1955.
4.? But thiS Panel has met only
three times in the last two
? years and not once So far in
1971.
A 'RECENT closed door ses-
sion of the entire Senate delved
into the doing's of. the CIA in
. ? Indochina. It was then re-
77.
ita
vealed the CIA, :using Ameri-
can tax money, had been fi-
nancing 4,800 mercenaries
from Thailand to cross their
border and fight Laotian and
North Vietnam C orn munist
troops in Laos.
Sen. Clifford Case of New
Jersey is iricensed by the rev-
elation, contending this activ-
ity is not only a violation of a
1970 congressional ban against .
such incursions but is an ex-
ample of the CIA "setting
ma-
joi policy."
? ? ?
? THE INCURSION aspect of
the Thai-Laos operation is
nothing new on the CIA
agenda: Witness history's re- ,
cording of such places as the
Bay of Pigs and. an earlier bit
of action in Guatemala.
But if the CIA is "setting .1
major policy" by its Indochina
program, then ,Americans are
faced with .a touchy problem.
It well could be a case of one
-government agency creating al
new "front" in one part of ,
Indochina while the President
is making a concerted effort to:,
extract the American presence
from another! Vietnam.
- ? 1
AN OVERSIGHT of the CIA:
is necessary. Its secrecy must:
be protected. But it cannot be
permitted to "set policy" while:
carrying out its intelligence-
gathering duties. Policy must
be established by duly elected
and appointed officials operat-
ing clearly in the open. :?
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STATI NTL
?Appfeved7For-Release 2001/03/04: CIA-RDP80-0160
HOUSTON, TEX.
? CHRONICLE
E 2N,Lb 319.n r
S ? 333,807
C-11
, BY MILES BENSON
&1971, Newhouse News Service
:- Washington?When the Sen-
t ate barred its doors- Monday
and sat down to hear details
I of how the United States was
? financing mercereary -Thai
,:troops fighting in Laos, it was
- ethe first - most senators had
. heard about the operation.
I ? But a privileged handful ap-
: parently had known all about
1 it for more than a year. They
ljust never had told their col-
t/ leagues.
. !-. This incenses Sen. Clifford
I P. Case, R-N.J., who feels his
colleagues k e op too many
- "major policy" secrets from
each other?and from the pub-
lic. ,
' ? Watchdog Panel
.The "insiders" were mem-
bers of a little-known subcom-
mittee set up in 1955 to act as
t,a watchdog over activities of
;- the Central Intelligence Agen-
cy. The con4ittee has?fnet
ieonly three. times in the last
two years. It is the CIA that
has been financing 4800 Thai
mercenaries?the State De-
partment calls them "volun-
teers"?in violation of a 1970
congressional ban, critics con- '
; tend.
1. The secrecy surrounding the
f operation was defended by .
I Sen. Henry M. Jackson, D-
t Wash., who argues that if all
the other senators knew of it,
it would not have been a se-.
??
I But Case insists such a ma-
jor policy move should be
public business.
Burying Information .
And IN .no-t just the CIA
committee, Case contends,
that is guilty of such "institu-
tionalized secrecy." Another
special panel operating the
same way, he charges, is the
Joint Committee on Atomic
Energy.
"Sen. Stuart Symington, D.
Mo., for instance, never knew
anything about the location of
missiles around the world un-
til he got on that committee,
and he was startled by the in-
formation he got," Case de-
clared.
The AEC committee is giv-
en access to classified infor-
mation on the location and
power of nuclear warheads
the United States keeps at the
ready around the world. .
"The point is that informa-
tion on major policy ought to
be public information," Case
said. "And the public's partic-
ipation in these matters,
through their representatives
in Congress, is the real goal
? we are seeking." ?
Prior to the closed Senate
session on Laos, Case doubted
that even the CIA oversight
commitee had been informed
of the mercenary operations.
.' Case's criticism of the CIA:
and AEC committees is count-
ered by -.Jackson, who serveS.
on _both panels. He says they.:
work so well that he wants
another one set up to oversee
the Federal Bureau of Investi-
gation, a proposal he has been ?
quietly pushing..
"These committees were set
up on the theory that certain
'sensitive things should be on a
'need-to-know' basis," he said.
"If you let everybody know,
ther is no longer a secret."
_ ? ?
Case ? challenges the useful-
,.--ness of the CIA commiittee,
, saying that it "serves as a
: means for burying informa- ?
ton rather than bringing it
out into the open."
- -
Asked if the. CIA committee
had been informed of the CIA
support for Thai mercenaries
in Laos, Jackson replied:.
"Yes, we were told. They
have kept us currently in
formed." ? ?
The CIA oversight subconi=
mittee, chaired by Sen. Johrt
Stennis, D-Miss., who also
heads the p a r e'n t Sag-67
Armed Service Committees ,
has yet to meet this year. W
1 last met March 20, 1970. if'
also sat Jan. 30, 1970. In 1969
it met only once, on Feb. 21c
At each of the three meetingsi:
the only witness was CIA
Director Richard Helms.- The,
committee met twice in 1968
and five times in 1967. "'-'?
Besides Stennis and Jack-,
son, other members of the
committee are Symington, Pe
ter' H. Dominick, R-Colo., and.
Barry M. Goldwater, '
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Approved For Release 2001/03/04: CIA-RDP80-01601R
LOS ANGELES, CAL.
HERALD ?EXAMINER
E ? 540,793
S 529,466
stet. :e.R, 7 1911
i--i'- r-,1
2ills.\
011
-
U.S.. Sen. Henry M. (Scoop)
ackson, D-Wash., has called
r a. "watchdog" committee to
yersee activities of the Federal
:ureau of Investigation to "pro-
pet its good name."
rnrr
17J - 191
11(`)
rl
best interests of the American;
people and to protect the good,
name of the FBI, it would be
wise to have a watchdog com-
mittee of Congress oversee their,
activities."
Jackson, mentioned as a pos-1 Jackson said his suggestion in
ble presidential hopeful, made ,no way meant he supporttcl
or
ie proposal yesterday at aldisbelieved charges of improperi
'pl,v.s conference in the Holly- investigationsleveled at the:
'cod Plaza Hotel following a !FBI and its chief, J. Edgar
Hoo-
Jeeting with 10 Southern Cali-
rnia labor leaders. Ile then
ei,v to Palm Springs to meet
ith other potential backers for
presidential bid, although he
JR has not announced he will
a definite contender for the
,.ernocratic nomination or enter
IC new Hampshire primary.
"I have great respect for
te high degree of professional-
an and efficiency of the FBI"
lid the former attorney and
rosecutor. "In light of the con-
ver, .recently by Rep. .Halel
Boggs, D-La., and several Detn-;
ocratic presidential aspirants.
He said he respected Boggs
but had seen no proof of his!
-
charges of illegal wire-tapping.
Jackson said he also "has seen:
no evidence" that Hoover is too
old at 70 to perform his job. Any
decision to replace the FBI
chief, he said, should be left to
President Richard M. Nixon.
The watchdog committee, he
said, would be similar to the
viersy that has arisen, in the 'Joint Appropriations Armed
? 'ervices Watchdog Committee
ver the CIA which now audits
'and supeiViies' the Central In-
telligence Agency.
"The FBI has been a highly
efficient organization . . . nev-
er involved in any scandal," he
said. "The accusation is that
they have been too efficient."
Jackson also said he would fa-
. vor United Nations sea ting . for,
both Nationalist and Mainlan
China but doubts the issue "cL, i
be resolved that easily."
? - ? - - - - ----- ---
STATINTL
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Approved For ReleaiW/26r
461380-01
(7;
I, I
' ?
2
?
CS
to sT:-...?:2 te":1 v:il'an wal.L-s
dosr s c. a (L.:f to
all%a 1713 :::.;?anay reztore it to te-
1;,';:an," sr.ys
sianct-.:.y. In fact, cne c: c`n!af
"E.orrte cia-ys ;: as I c all lit.-1 2
tal procas?.2ation3 11-s to erase tlle.
'Orian
I
L i',:rortor as a man l'alove ztter v;:lat's
mysta.7, lattinz
Llr.:111
1-,acret"valy arc ;varl-fi.
0 to ?n-ialta
7.;1; La
:-"
enc:rals
r.nti rjalzi hr....al,' on
C.;
p:.-et2:1:t of "saol-rity,"
ba:an he is a very v;sr:-.:3
ilt-taly tone of fie
in ?r:?. (.0 lunollos
Egocerr-ivo 1.-.1.:::zot cuts, 'calla-ace Cr C ICC C e CC-Ca-
have all itsC 2 CC1 Ct71 C Ia
re:.?::.ura-:-.la near tile
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rattr,f; 1 is 1 to 102 lass
1 r.. G`'''2"'"--1'
may ta!teIo-prov- 1113 n
cr,la 7-To t71cl? cor..-?.-:al.y or at's:active
'beo?a*glse c: t'n0 cr;ao:ty of t"....; 07`
AAra 11 C CT :171:T p;_::-trier and
genoe ea.anoies to tl:e ?
Cratic arld his -
princi?alfer-Z_-?.n ta.c;airs in 1,-?T;
? ?ad inter sted
e
? _ ?, - ?
c..Ly-zrz cz f?1-'7-2r DO-i-i
;tur4y iI"???? . or:ratio --t.titcanay G.2naral.
an:-.1 he doesn't try to s...7.)stitute
pirtipz, for c?.::::aiersation, that old
liss!nz.Jr, are sa'd to Prlacc?o- 3 Cl. ce thnt roma of
Alta oona.:',.1n.l.ty :13 arnia:a.i fr.a. tpwn use."
to C 12 C C cornplaha th^t
at,,33 lar ?, tQ
tQ eii.fZ2f.ar-sas 0: tncst c,:?..;.ez that he 1-1.533 it,
Or....sornetl:nez, 0-.1;don--1:.-'n!n2. a vlIth rara :0: o--rn ar-d
SCrt :2,11 C: ;i. ea?., c.. to
Cr0;44.01:ad a, 001:;:i?-:-.-"?co-c:ed 1.t.e1ins and his
city- LIt%.2 ccici or vii7e. in t.7.12 ;^-,0.3:1.2 columns
TIOn' to r_lany 1---"-gaz of to nation's
int?'%ClQ?lals c1 C0:ess,-n.an, to La c:7.;):".?al?
ter, Yet, II 18Liyos tLa a;pearar.oe
? ? t'C 3.