CUBAN LINE STAYS REVOLUTIONARY

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80-01601R000500240001-3
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 10
• Document Creation Date: December 9, 2016
• Document Release Date: November 3, 2000
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: August 16, 1972
• Content Type: NSPR

Approved For ReleastikM6410MWdA-RDP80-016
16 AUG 1972
n "
1,1(7'171 rf (7*--N 71 pl.-.
i
i i 'u' 6ai Cs Lid [i (cLii.i
By Karen Wald .
When unsuccessful right-wing attacks on
the Cuban revolution began to be sup-
planted by so-called "left-critiques." a
prevalent accusation against Cuba was that
"Soviet domination" had. caused the
'revolutionaries to abandon armed struggle
and their previous open support for
liberation movements.
K.S. Karol repeated the popular myth in
his book Guerrillas in Power.", "Castro was
forced to turn his back on what had been his
paramount objective until then: a con-
tinental re?blution," Karol told his readers.
:No fresh 'proclamations on the Latin
American revolution' have been issued since -
Che death. . .
'Sell out?
The' cause of this "sell-out" position, to
Karol and to a number of?other outside
critics, was the. Soviet Union. "The man in
? the street . . . and also the devout party
member .. could not help but wonder ...
whether Fielers support of the Peruvian
?'revolution'.?did not fly in the face Of the
OLAS (Organization of Latin American
Snlidarityl resolutions, and whether it was
not time for Fidel to make it clear precisely
:how this new alliance with Russia. was in-
fluencing his views on the Latin American
revolution."
NVhen 1-visited Cuba last year, everyone
_insisted that Cuba had not changed her
policy. They suggested one look at Cuban
policy statements, at Cuban actions, instead
'of the analyses offered by foreign observers.
Carlos Rafael Rodriguez, member of the
centrai. committee, stated flatly: "The
? thought of the Cuban revolution about these
questions has not changed.. Our positicn is
the same we have defended throughout* the
entire development of the revolution."
Over a .ye_ar later, commenting on the
recent OAS (Organization of American
States) meeting. the editorial in Cuba's
official daily . newSpapai-, Granma, used
almost the same words. Peru had tried to
introduce a resolution ending the h!ockade
of Cuba. Although its was defeated, seven of
the member countries had voted for the
measure, a sharp rebuke to U.S. domination
of the organization. Expressing satisfaction
STATI NTL
' to the solutions of its problems..." he went
on, but quickly cautioned: "We would .he
very happy to know that the independence
' of Latin.America could be achieved by roads
I such as those taken by Chile and Peru,
1 without a need for armed confrontations,
-
that the measure had not passed, the ?11.s. ! but a glance at the panorama of our America
-representative added that the U.S. wk does not make that satisfaction possible. The
"willing to lift the blockade of Cuba as soon military gorilla tyrannies continue to subsist
as there are 'clear indications that Cuba k . and are maintained. We know full well that
changing its policy (of 'intervention' in-Latin ' the roads to democracy are closed and that,
America.)" : as was stated in the Second Declaratioa of
The Granma editorial called the U.S.. Havana, 'Wherever the roads to the exercise
statement hypocritical and diversionis't ic, of democracy area closed to, the people,
trying to Create confusion "when it . in. there is no other::way but that of armed
sinuates .that the Ckftyan government migh: struggle.'
change its policy, thuS atteinpting to fan. . .Then,* to make certain that ? people. 'tin-
false rumors that the Cuban government: derstood that Cuba's Commitment v:ais not
may be sox, .ng a change of policy or . just theoretical. Rodriguez concluded: "You
contemplating talks involving compromise ' can' .be certain, comrades, that just as we
and transactions with imperialism. .! greet with joy the bloodless victories of out
"Even though Cuba's staunch position has peoples, and support all possibilities of suet:
been clearly stated a thousand times," the . victories, so, wherever in Latin America 01
Granma editorial continued, "we will never ? anywhere else in the world firm--firm----
tire of reiterating it as ,many times as hands take up?the weapons left by the heroic
'necessary. The policy of the Cuban guerrilla, there s?ill be the support, tin
government has not changed and will never solidarity, and if need be, he presence of tl-a
change. It is the imperialist government of Cuban people." . ?
the U.S. that mu,st change its policy. Until it The Second Declaration of Havana, o:
does so ... Cuba ti.;i11 have nothing to discuss support for armed liberation struggles, ha:
with, the government of the U.S." been the cornerstone of Cuban foreigi
What is that unchanging policy of the policy since the victory of the revolution
Cuban revolution? ROdriguez summed it ap . But lessons have been learned through thl
in a speech toilie International Organization . years ,and the outward expression of tin
of Journalists in 'January 1971: "It is true that ? policy does not always appear the same.
"We.haven't by any means given up armei
seiousness and weapons . -. . it has a struggle," . exploded one worker in a:
guarantee of independence, but we also . organization with direct ties to the liberatio
know that that guarantee will not be ab- I struggles abroad. "We've just gotten a hell c
solute until imperialismthe assembled journalists. He underlined the ' lot more. serious We've been - toe
is defeated," he told 1 a
. generous with our blood and our live5
need for continental revolution, stating "..
inn-?
I before," he went on?an idea I was to heat
we understand that for us, the most i
. the repeated many times before I left. "Th
portant factor in that defeat is Cuban people have paid a very high price fa
(
development of the struggles. of the peoples ?
:
of Latin America for their independence and.. our too hasty .support of every group tha
progress." picks up a gun. We can't afford to bi
Commenting on events in Chile and Peru, ! romantic revolutionaries anymore, and wi
.
Rodriguez observed: "It is understandable. , can't afford to support this type o
revolutionary, either?all those people Ma
then, why we are overjoyed with the triumph _
lead anyone, don't represent anyont
of Salvador Allende and Unidad Popular. , don't
but declare themselves a militant vanguar
achieved at this stage without the popits
... organization and demand our help. An
having to, take up arms. .
' we've always given it, all too freely.
. .
Armee, struggk necessary
"We are pleased to see that the Govern-
ment of 'Peru holds firmly to its nationalist
positions,' rejecting the intervention of
imperialism and searching forits own roads
when a people has a revolutionary con-
continued
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STATINTL
Approved For Releasim206/03/0451CIA-RDP
9 FEB 1972.
Soviet
David B. Ottaway
Washington Post Staff Writer
The Soviet Union has been
maintaining a "regular combat
patrol" off the coast of the
West African state of Guinea
for over a year now, according
to a paper prepared for the
Center for Naval Analyses,
the U.S. Navy's counterpart
to the Air Force's Rand Corp.
The patrol has included at
times a destroyer, three frig-
ates, a landing craft, and a
supply vessel, according to
sources cited by Robert G.
Weinland, author of the paper
and a member of the center.
Although reluctant to dis-
cuss the matter, State Depart-
ment officials confirmed the
report. One said that there had
been a "continuous presence"
of "one or more" Soviet war-
ships off the coast or in the
? port of Conakry ever since the
attempted invasion of Guinea
by Portuguese-backed Guinean
exiles in November 1970.
There have been several re-
ports in the British and Amer-
'lean press of Soviet naval ac-
Sivity off Guinea, but this is
arships Patrol Guinea Coase
believed to be the first time
that any government has offi-
cially confirmed or com-
mented on them.
The reluctance of both State
and Defense Department offi-
cials to discuss the matter ap-
pears to stem from fears that
U.S. allegations of Soviet
naval protection of Guinea
might anger President Sekou
Toure, a highly mercurial
leader.
U.S.-Guinean relations have
cooled somewhat in the past
few years, and the State De-
partment is anxious to avoid ,
any complications that might
lead Toure's socialist regime
to seize American aluminum
companies. They have a S150-
million investment in Guinea's
booming bauxite and alumina
industry.
Toure accused the CIA o
involvement in the invasion
but he carefully avoided ac-
cusing the U.S. government as
such. He concentrated his ire
against Portugal and West
Germany.
African specialists in the
State Department seem to dis-
count the possibility that the
Soviet Union may be seek-
ing to gain base rights in Con-
akry. They believe the Soviet
task force is there primarily to
protect Toure's regime from
another invasion from neigh-
boring Portuguese Guinea.
The 1970 assault on Conakry ,
by 350 shipborne commandos
reportedly originated there,
and Toure has repeatedly
stated his conviction that an-
other invasion is in the mak-
These specialists view the
Soviet action as an easy way
for Moscow to score some
points not only with the So-
cialist regime in Guinea but
also with the Portuguese Guin-
ean nationalists who have
their headquarters and guer-
rilla training camps there.
The Portuguese-armed Guin-
an exiles who invaded
Guinea in an attempt to over-
throw Toure also attacked the
anti-Portuguese training facili-
ties.
The Guinean situation is
also an opportunity for the So-
viet Union to champion Afri-
can independence movemehts
generally.
In his paper, Weinland cites
the Soviet action in defense of
Toure's regime as a prime ex-
ample of the changing charac-
ter in the use of naval power
by the Soviet Union?from
mere defense of the homeland
to politically motivated opera-
tions.
Weinland argues that .if the
Soviets are willing to commit
their own forces to combat in
defense of a client such as
Guinea, and he, seems to be-
lieve they are increasingly
prepared to do so, then there
is the risk of NATO being
dragged into a conflict by Por-
tugal, a member of the Atlan-
tic Alliance. ?
More likely, he suggests, is
that Portugal may wind up
facing the Soviets alone,
should it attempt an attack on
Guinea or back another inva-
sion such as occurred in 1970.
But he warns that such a
Portuguese-Soviet confronta-
tion still would provoke seri- .
ous strains on the NATO alli-
ance and proposes that steps
he taken to insure that such a
situation does not arise.
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Approved For Release 2001/03/04: CIA-RDP80-01610W240001-3
WILMIN3TON, DELA.
NEWS
? 44,027
'44N 2 6 1972
The reign of terror in Guinea
"A blind and wicked vendetta in a
collective explosion of hate and cruel-
ty."
The words were spoken. almost a year
ago. They came from a man not ;. :1 to
such strong words, Pope Paul \ Che
occasion that brought forth thi. out-
burst was the savage repression by
Guinea's President Sekou Toure. 53
prisoners were sentenced to death as
traitors on Jan. 24, 1971; 34 were tried in
absentia and received the same penalty
and 66 defendants were given life im-
prisonment. Among the accused was
Catholic Archbishop Raymond-Marie
Tchidimbo, who, despite strong Vatican
protests and claims of innocence, was
sentenced to jail for life at hard labor.
Four of the condemned, leading
members of the Toure government,
were hanged from a bridge in the
capital, Conakry. The Vatican newspa-
per L'Osservatore Romano deplored
"manifestations of jubilation and in-
sults to the corpses of the victims." The
paper said men and women spat on the
bodies in a carnival atmosphere. The
government radio in Conakry reported
President Toure had written a new
poem, "Goodbye to the Traitors," to
commemorate the executions.
These events came shortly after
Guinea had declared that it had been
invaded by forces from, Portuguese
Guinea, a claim upheld in varying
kdegrees at the United Nations and in
several world capitals but totally de-
nied by Lisbon. Since none of the
government buildings was evidently
attacked, but the headquarters of a
group aiming to liberate Portuguese
Guinea was, it was assumed that the
Portuguese had carried out a limited
operation to eliminate persons who
were making trouble for them from
across the border. The Paris newspaper
Le Monde reported that the invaders
were actually Guinean emigres coming
in from Portuguese Guinea with the
intention of ousting President Toure.
WhateVer it was that actually hap-
pened, Mr. Toure got going on his
clean-up campaign. "Everywhere ? the
.people must cut to pieces, burn and slit
the throats of all fifth-column agents
who harm the Guinean nation," he
declared.
It has been a year since and there
does not seem to be much of a letup.
Virtually every Western-educated Guin-
ean has disappeared from public view.
Those arrested include 16 ministers, 14
of 21 cabinet-level officers, 14 of 29
governors, almost all the top army
officers, several ambassadors and doz-
ens of businessmen and civilians. Tor-
ture is used to get "confessions," which
implicate more people, occasioning
more trials, which in turn bring more
"confes.sions" . and implications. It 1
seems like a never-ending line.
One Guinean is reported as saying he
believes the president has gone insane.
That could be. That's what people said
about Stalin. One puzzling thing, howev- ?
er, is that while those arrested are
usually charged with being Portuguese
collaborators or spies for France (the
former colonial master), West Ger-
many or the United States, President
Toure refrains from accusing the gov-
ernment of the United States.
American officials, even ambassa-
dors, are accused. The CIA, of course,
is always the principal vilrairi. But the
U.S. government as such has escaped
being assigned any role in the drama of
terror. Nor are the two Western consor-
tiums that mine the country's bauxite
deposits feeling any heat. This indicates
not a mad man but a skillful politician.
That, of course, is little consolation to
those who are in jail, in exile, being
hunted, facing execution, or dead. If
President Toure keeps going the way he
has, he may find there are not many
left for him to accuse, nor to cheer him.
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Approved For Ritnesetalt9 1itiO/O4Draalth463880 -01601R65Tdb940001-3
26 Jan 1972
Wilmington, Delaware, Wednesday, January 26, 1972 * * * Page 22
The reign of terror in Guinea
"A blind and wicked vendetta in a
collective explosion of hate and cruel-
The words were spoken almost a year
ago. They came from a man not given to
such strong words, Pope Paul VI. The
occasion that brought forth this out-
burst was the savage repression by
Guinea's President Sekou Toure. 53
prisoners were sentenced to death as
traitors on Jan. 24, 1971; 34 were tried in
absentia and received the same penalty
and 66 defendants were given life im-
prisonment. Among the accused was
Catholic Archbishop Raymond-Marie
Tchidimbo, who, despite strong Vatican
protests and claims of innocence, was
sentenced to jail for life at hard labor.
Four of the condemned, leading
members of the Toure government,
were hanged from a bridge in the
capital, Conakry. The Vatican newspa-
per L'Osservatore Romano deplored
"manifestations of jubilation and in-
sults to the corpses of the victims." The
paper said men and women spat on the
bodies in a carnival atmosphere. The
government radio in Conakry reported
President Toure had written a new
poem, "Goodbye to the Traitors," to
commemorate the executions.
These events came shortly after
Guinea had declared that it had been
invaded by forces from Portuguese
Guinea, a claim upheld in varying
degrees at the United Nations and in
several world capitals but totally de-
nied by Lisbon. Since none of the
government buildings was evidently
attacked, but the headquarters of a
group aiming to liberate Portuguese
Guinea was, it was assumed that the
Portuguese had carried out a limited
operation to eliminate persons who
were making trouble for them from
across the border. The Paris newspaper
Le Monde reported that the invaders
were actually Guinean emigres coming
in from Portuguese Guinea with the
intention of ousting President Toure.
Whatever it was that actually hap-
pened, Mr. Toure got going on his
clean-up campaign. "Everywhere the
people must cut to pieces, burn and slit
the throats of all fifth-column agents
who harm the Guinean nation," he
declared.
It has been a year since and there
does not seem to be much of a letup.
Virtually every Westem-educated Guin-
ean has disappeared from public view.
Those arrested include 16 ministers, 14
of 21 cabinet-level officers, 14 of 29
governors, almost all the top army
officers, several ambassadors and doz-
ens of businessmen and civilians. Tor-
ture is used to get "confessions," which
implicate more people, occasioning
more trials, which in turn bring more
"confessions" and implications. It
seems like a never-ending line.
One Guinean is reported as saying he
11.111?1111MIIMI?
believes the president has gone insane.
That could be. That's What people said
about- Stalin. One puzzling thing, howev-
er, is that while those arrested are
usually charged with being Portuguese
collaborators or spies for France (the
former colonial master), West Ger-
many or the United States, President
Toure refrains from accusing the gov-
ernment of the. United States.
American officials, even ambassa-
dors, are accused. The CIA of course,i_
Ls always the painaLyillain. But. the
U.S. government as such has escaped
being assigned any role in the drama of
terror. Nor are the two Western consor-
tiums that mine the country's bauxite
deposits feeling any beat. This indicates
not a mad man but a skillful politician.'
That, of course, is little consolation to
those who are in jail, in exile, being
hunted, facing execution, or dead. If
President Toure keeps going the way he
has, he may find there are not many
left for him to accuse, nor to cheer him.
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STATI NTL
NEWSWEEK
Approved For Release 2002143j,Q4 igPA-RDP80-016011111M
'GUINEA:
The Great Purge
? In the Guinean capital of Conakry, civ-
il servants are expected to answer their
telephones with a snappy "Pret pour la
revolution [Ready for the revolution]!"
But nowadays, they do so with sinking
hearts. For on the other end of the phone
a caller might be measuring the revolu-
tionary timbre of their voices?and if it is
judged insincere, they can be denounced,
jailed and even sentenced to death. Such,
in fact, is the calculated reign of terror
conducted by the West African nation's
Marxist President, Sekou Tome, that vir-
tually every Western-educated Guinean
has disappeared from public view in the
last fourteen months. "Sekou Toure has
gone mad," says one alarmed observer.
"He is taking a whole generation of his
country's elite and wiping it out The rev-
olution is feeding on its own."
The reign of terror began with a series
of arrests and a massive show trial last
January. In the wake of an abortive inva-
sion by Portuguese mercenaries, Presi-
dent Toure exhorted his National Assem-
bly that "everywhere the people must
eut to pieces, burn and slit the throats of
all fifth-column agents who harm the
Guinean nation." The Assembly took the
cue and condemned 58 political prisoners
to death and 66 to life imprisonment.
At least four of the condemned?a police
commissioner and three Cabinet secre-
taries?were executed right away and
their bodies hung from a highway over-
pass near one of Conakry's gentle, palm-
fringed beaches.
Charges: But the worst was yet to
come. In June, Toure began a purge that
persists even now. Among others, he has
arrested sixteen ministers, fourteen of 21
Cabinet-level officers, the governors of
fourteen of Guinea's 29 regions, scores of
businessmen and civil servants, almost all
of the top army officers and several am-
bassadors, including two former ambassa-
dors to the U.S., Karim Bangoura and
Fadiala Keita. Moreover, Toure has
vowed that "the people are determined
once and for all to overwhelm the forces
of counterrevolution," and his special
people's trial" is still going on. The
charges made are invariably grave ones,
ranging from collaboration with the
1970 invaders to espionage on behalf of
France, West Germany or the U.S. All
carry possible death sentences.
Getting confessions has proved easy.
As one Guinean recently told a reporter
for The New York Times: "They put you
in a little kennel where there's no room
to stand, and nobody pays any attention
to you for five or six days. No water, no
food, nothing. Then, they take you to
the interrogation room, where there's a
glass of water you can have if you say
what they want to hear. It's not too long
before you start saying, yes, I was spying
for the French, and for the Germans and
ing it, too." (It was not only the Guinean
opponents of Sekou Toure who made
such accusations. In a report this month,
the Geneva-based International Commis-
sion of Jurists charged that "arbitrary
arrests, detention without judgment
sometimes for years, mistreatment of pris-
oners and torturing of detainees have
become daily practices.")
Tapes of "confessions" are broadcast
daily over Radio Conakry or published
in the party newspaper, Horoya. Each
confession ends with a list of supposed
co-conspirators, which in turn sparks new
arrests. Consequently, the whole of
Guinea has, in effect, become a prison.
A curfew shuts down the country as soon
as darkness falls. Each comite, or party
cell, seals off its own district. Armed citi-
zen groups set up roadblocks every
being a CIA recruiter who enlisted Ban-
goura as an agent. Bangoura also charged
that money from the CIA was deposited
for him in the American Security and
Trust Co. of Washington, D.C. (account
number 01 124 86 726) by Thomas H.
Wright Jr., an assistant general counsel
for the Ford Foundation.
Accusation: Both Attwood and Wright
have denied that they performed any
services for the CIA. And Wright, whose
law firm was retained by the Guinean
Government while Bangoura was ambas-
sador to Washington, harbors no ill feel-
ings toward Bangoura because of the
accusation. "Bangoura," Wright said last
week, "was a superb man who -worked
night and day for his country." As for the
alleged bribes, Wright said that he oc-
casionally as a personal favor deposited
"$20 or so" into the account
mentioned in the alleged con-
fession?but that the money was
for Bangoura's two children,
both of whom were in American
colleges at the time.
Though few people take the
confessions seriously, no one
doubts Tome's determination to
continue with his purge. Re-
cently, the President has been
sending the names of accused
Guineans to local party commit-
tees for both judgment and sen-
tencing. Given the tension in
the country, these committees
may well decide to dispense
large numbers of death penal-
ties. Exile sources in France and
in other African countries say
that each of the 29 regions of
Guinea have already ordered
two or three executions.
Remarkably, the reasons for
thp purge and terror remain
obscure. One Guinean exile in
Paris argues that "President
Toure is simply insane." Less in-
volved observers believe Toure
may be motivated by a desire
to punish incompetent officials
who responded slowly to the
1970 invasion. But there are puzzles: al-
though Toure's purge is allegedly direct-
ed against "imperialist plotters," he has
carefully avoided any accusation against
the U.S. Government as a whole. Nor has
he moved against the two Western con-
sortiums?one of them largely American-
owned?that exploit Guinea's bauxite
deposits. But whatever the reasons,
Guinea's reign of terror continues. And
before it ends, Toure may eradicate the
best human resources of his nation.
Uhotol eporters
Sekou Toure: Wiping out a whole generation
night, searching cars and checking iden-
tification papers. "Everyone, even 14-
year-olds, carries a gun," says a Euro-
pean newly returned from Conakry. And
a Guinean exile told NEWSWEEK'S An-
drew Jaffe: "A man no longer dares un-
burden himself to his wife. Children
denounce their own fathers to the party.
Everyone is very tense."
No arrests and confessions have stirred.
more controversy than those of former
ambassadors Bangoura and Keita. In their
confessions, read over the Conakry ra-
dio in flat, listless tones, they said they
had been recruited by the CIA and
paid monthly stipends of $5,000 and
$2,000, respectively. Bangoura's confes-
sion?in which he -claimed that he had
received a total of $1.3 million from
France, West Germany and the CIA?
accused William Attwood, U.S. ambas-
for the tre ric ai ic4here,sasoftAth44 lara
esnactOalttMtgeer OragMp -0 1 6 1 R000500240001-3
iirLtir-rj
STATI NTL
Approved For RftlEsfaiNAR,O. 1?,,CIA.-RDP80
21 Jan 1972
r-I
ILadlk
AS British influence in Africa declined, so did British secret serv
, sending hundreds of agents to African capitals like Accra, Lag
to buttress "sensitive" states against communism and protect
E. H. Cookndge continues his exclusive series on the CIA
HE adventurous operations
often bordering on the bizarre
Which the Central Intelligence
Agency pursued in many parts
of the world are usually
ascribed to one man: Allen Dulles.
'They culminated in the abortive in-
Vasion of Cuba in 1961. When Dulles
departed from the directorship of CIA
after the Bay of Pigs debacle, he
Certainly left an indelible stamp of his
influence as the architect of the mighty
tIA edifice and its worldwide rami-
fications.
The policy of his successors has,
hOwever, been no less forceful. CIA
activities under its present director,
itichard MciIirrah Helms, may
Op= leas aggressive because they are
? being conduced with greater caution
aid less publicity, and because they
have been adroitly adjusted to the
thanging climate in international poli-
tics. In the past CIA gained notoriety
by promoting revolutions in Latin
American banana republics, and sup-
tkarting anti-communist regimes in
South-East Asia. Its operations in
Africa were more skilfully camou-
flaged. For many years they had been
a limited scale because the CIA had
t'elied on the British secret service to
iiiitivide intelligence from an area
Where the British had unsurpassed ex-
perience and long-established sources
of information. But with the emergence
tof the many African independent
tountries, the wave of "anti-colonial-
.i.st" emotions, and the growing in-
Ttlfration of Africa by Soviet and
"hinese "advisers". British influence
*dined. Washington forcefully
stepped, through CIA, into the breach;
'with the avowed aim of containing
ceOmmunist expansion.
Financial investments in new
4teitria1 and mining enterprises, and
hvhh 'economic aid to the emerging
riOvernments of the "underdeveloped"
citotinnies, paved the road for the influx
of hundreds of CIA agents. Some com-
tined their intelligence . assignments
\Vih genuine jobs as technical, agri-
cultural and scientific advisers.
The British Government - parti-
cpularly after the Labour Party had
'tome to power in 1964 - withdrew
:most of their SIS and MIS officials
:from African capitals, though some
'remained, at the request of the new
'rulers, to organise their own new in-
*-telligenCe and securiANDEffi(tECIAF
A bloodless coup in Uganda in January last
and installed Major-General Idi Amin as milli
a section of his troops). How far was the C
protest in Santa Domingo. A pro-rebel poster attacks American mrervennon
men began hurriedly to establish their
"stations" in Accra, Lagos, Nairobi
Kampala, Dar-es-Salaam, Lusaka, the
"sensitive areas- in danger of slipping
under communist say.
By the mid-1960s several senior CIA
officials, such as Thomas J. Gunning
and Edward Foy, both former U.S.
Army Intelligence officers, were firmly
established at Accra. They were later
joined by William B. Edmondson, who
had already gained his spurs in East
Afiko and tittplykiksla
'ng served for many years as a skilful
FBI agent before joining CIA and
being employed at Addis Ababa,
Nairobi, and Dar-es-Salaam, acquir-
ing fluency in Swahili. By 1965 the
Accra CIA Station had two-score
active operators, distributing largesse
among President Nkrumah's secret
adversaries.
The Americans had every intention
of helping Ghana's economy by build-
ing, in co-operation with a British con-
STATINTL
sart 'VASA Q As-9Vbir ro-e g(59'15cPiltotortrpe000l 3
mg y ectric power
no one would have suspected of hay-
_ r-t,qa-t
!JW YOX
Approved For Release 2001/03/Q4; CIA-RDP80-01601
14 DEC
PP ? P
cirAr.,4
a0 Acts 01 L).L.,;)0..Arit.
By WILLIAM ATI1V0011
.and JAMES I. LOEB
WASHINGTON?We were the only
vo -ambassadors named by President
ennedy to represent him in the young
epublic of Guinea in West Africa. We
ecepted these assignments in part
ecause of his keen interest in Guinea
nd iiis personal relationship with the
x:ou.ntry's President, Sdkou Tour.
We went to Guinea to help the coun-
try which, at that time, was the sym-
Dot of African independence, especial-
ly in West Africa. During our succes-
sive missions, covering a period from
early 1961 through most of 1965, the
First of us initiated and the second
carried on a substantial program of
economic assistance to Guinea, indeed
ane of the largest per capita aid pro-
grams this country had in all of Africa.
? What is especially noteworthy is
that at no time did the United States
lay down any political conditions for
our economic assistance despite the
fact that PreSident Toure's generally
Marxist ?political pronouncements
seemed hardly in accord with Amer-
ican thinking. But it should be added
that Mr. Tour's proclaimed neutralism
was usually genuine in practice, nota-
bly in the case of his courageous re-
fusal to permit Soviet planes to -land at
the Conakry airport (whose jet airstrip
was constructed by the Russians) on
the way to Havana daring the Cuban
missile crisis of October 1962. Obvious-
ly a number of other African leaders,
more outwardly sympathetic to. Amer- .
ican policies, were unhappy about the
extent of our aid to Guinea.
However, even with economic as-
sistance from the United States and
ather countries on both sides of what.
ised to he called the Iron Curtain,
Ind despite the substantial natural re-
murces of Guinea and considerable
arivate investment, Guinea's economy
las steadily declined, especially in
:..omparison with that of other African
....ountries. Many African chiefs of state,
levoted friends of Guinea and of Pres-
ident Toure, have been shocked to
)bserve this decline over the past ten
rears.
We would not presume to analyze
Oil the reasons for Guinea's economic
failure, except tn_sugges-t that Presi-
lent Toure's concept of independence
was so total?even Guinea's currency
aecame "independent? and consequent-
y worthiess?that it became both un-
Talistic and artificial in this modern
world of interdependence. No country
?surely not the United States or the
'eople's Republic of China or the So-
viet Union--can afford to act within
the context of Sdkou Toure's concept
)f independence..
Some dissent from the present poli-
cies of the Government exists within
Guinea. But the question that con-
ce'rns us, and should concern all those .
who have an affection for Africa in
general and for Guinea in particular,
is: How is this dissent dealt with? ?
We have, been appalled to hear of
the continued executions that are tak-
ing place in Guinea, and to learn of
"another round of executions" ex-
pected momentarily. The brutality?
with which these -executions have been
carried out, with public hangings in
Conakry and in the villages, only adds .
to our sense of shock.
Guinean Government leaders with
whom we worked and whom we knew
as honest patriots have been executed;
others are still in jail but condemned
to death; others, more fortunate, are in
exile but condemned to death in ab-
sentia. It would appear that a whole
generation of the best-trained Gum-
cans has has been marked for extinction.
Recently those jailed have recited
endless and fantastic confessions of
their "acts of treason" over the Gov-
ernment radio station, and these con-
fessions have been printed in the only
daily paper in Guinea, Horoya. We
are hardly encouraged to believe these
"confessions" when we read, in the
confession of Karim Bangoura, whom
we both knew as the very effective
Guinean Ambassador to the United /
States, that "my joining the C.I.A.
took place in 1964 in Washington"
and that "my final recruiting was ef-
fected with the latter [former, Am-
bassadom to Guinea Attwood] and it
was with him that we worked out
the question of financial and material
benefits." There follows a long list
of services and financial pay-offs
amounting. to literally millions of dol-
lars. In point of fact, Ambassador
Bangoura at no time asked for nor
was offered a pay-off of any kind by
either of us nor was he ever "re-
cruited" to our knowledge by or for
any U. S. agency.
. .
Where is all this going to lead?
The estimates of those executed or
jailed run as high as 6,000. Is it too
much to urge, at the very least, that
those Guineans; along with their fami-
lies, whose dissent the Guinean Gov-
ernment cannot tolerate within Guinea,
be exiled? - -
Meanwhile, we would suggest that
the attempt to eliminate dissent by
brutal execution will be no more ef-
fective in Guinea in the long -run than
it has in so many other countries in ?
both the Communist' orbit and the so-
called free world.
William Attwood is publisher of News-
day. James I. Loeb works for Senator
Muskie.
Approved For Release 2001/03/04: CIA-RDP80-01601R000500240001-3
STATI NTL
STAT'INTL
Approved For Release 2001/03/04: CIA-RDP80-016&1TFabli60240001-3
Va.}1.111_TD.11I.O35,1
2 9 NOV 1971 ?
trraN tni 0
4---) 7
1;1 0.? t?
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.jL-i LIC.% tl
By David B. Ottaway
Wushin;tori Post Staff Writer
-A sweeping investigation of
internal -Opposition to the re-
gime , of President Sekou
Tour? of Guinea has resulted
In what are alleged to be 'con-
fessions" by two former Gui-
-nean ambassadors to the
United States that they were
working for the Central Intel-
ligence Agency.
ress.'
and his, successor, Fadia
The alleged confessions
. ? la
Keita, who returned to Guinea 'came in the form of deposi-
last April, said in their con fes- tions given to "revolutionary
courts" ? that are currently
probing the connection be- My adherence to the CIA
twee place internal foes of the no? ace in 1051 in Washing-.
Toure re"ainie and the attempt- ton, where I was Posted as am-
-? , , ?
served ere from 1963 to 19G0
As is its policy in all sue s
disclosures, the CIA refuses to
make any comment on the
confession. But the State De-
partment says they are "false
and totally unfounded."
Askedaabout his alleged role
in hiring Bangoura as a CIA
agent, Attwood commented
that the confession was "so
faniastic" that he could "only
. be telling his friends abroad
that it was obtained under du-
Bangoura Karim, who
?sions that they had been ye-
? cruited here and paid monthly
stipends of $5,050 and $2,000
respectively.
In addition Banantira al-
leged that final ari.,:alne gaemezndt
/for his luring were made
Guinean exiles one 3-ear ago.
/. .through William Attwood, U.S. The invading force, report-
ambassador to Guinan ferriedPresident Kennedy and ci'- in World War II
' under edlY
LST landing craft from neigh-
? rentlY. publisher of ilia Lona-
boring Portuguese Guinea,
Island newspaper New,clav.?
stormed the capital of Con-
Both men now face death alny early on the morning or
sentences as a result of their '
Nov.. 22, destroying the pi csi-
:
dent s summer villa, killing
. Bangoura's case has aroused
confe=.sions.
300 Guincans, and nearly top-
sP:
ecial interest and concern at P;ling Toure's 13-year-old "so-
the State ,Departninet, as well "list" regime'
,
.as within -the African diPle-
Since that time the govern-
-matic community, because
ment has arrested over 250 top
Is he
Widely regarded as having party, army, and governmenttItem
nd energetic African ambas-
teen One of the most effective
officials and charged
with complicity in what Toure
a ,a
sa7dors. ever , ha calls an "imperilistic-Portn-
ve served
here. a., .
U.S.. officials are worried
that the .alleged confessions
could lead- to' complications in
relations with Guiena at a
STATI NTL
state-run radio, and published
in Foroya, the daily newspa-
per of the ruling Democratic
Party of Guinea.
The precise conditions
under which the confessions
were extracted remains a mys-
tery,, but according to some
press reports from Conakry
the, accused we-re deprived of
all food and water for days be-
fore being interrogated. ?
In his deposition, printed in
Horoya on Aug. 31, Bangoura
gave the following details
about how and when he was
recruited by the CIA:
ecinvasion o b the country 3
300 Portuguese-trained and led
tuno nwo,vement
by American companies in the
mining of huge bauxite depos-
its there. '?-- ?
A, small. nation about time
siae of, GiAgen annvith Pop-
ulation. of .3.7 million, Guinea
contal rei' one-third ' of the
world's knea,ai 'reserves "of
high-gr'acie bauxite; .Tourc has
tried to Carry out a "socialist
revolution" and to be.conie. a
revolutionary pacesetter in Al-
, 'rn
cfl C./
Bangoura said that the tasks
assigned to him by the CIA in-
cluded the following: develop-
ing close, preferential .rela-
tions between Guinea and the
United States; facilitating
American. investments in the
country; promoting economic
exchanges between the two
States; and encouraging the
visits .of Guineans to this
country and of Americans to
Guinea. .
. .
. . .
lie also stated in his confes-
sion that he had been* In-
formed of last November's in-
vasion -plan ahnost a month
ahead Of time and assigned
the task of looking .for, .minis-
tyro willing to serve in a new
! government,' presumably after
Feb. 4, 1963. The intermediary 'Toure's mister. i - ? :.
was Diallo Sory, a native of , - Ile ' singled' out West Ger-.
Guinea living in New. York as many,. France; and Portugal as
a restaurant owner for 30 the principal countries back-
years. This man, well-known' ing the 'invasion and made no
in American circles even mention of direct U.S. involve-
within the State Department, ment. This fits neatly the gov-
made use of his relations with ernment's official ,thesis re-
one of my personal friends, garding the invasion and .its
Attwood, the former (U.S.) am- foreign supporters.
bassador to Guinea. . , .
. According. to . ,Bangouaa's
"In fact, my recruitment was confession, the money 11....i re-
ultimately arrangedthrough ceived from the . CIA and
this latter person (Attwood),
American mining companies
and it was with him that we
was deposited ifs an aceount
settled the question of finan- . - , . . .
With the. 'American Security
cial and material rewards." -
, In addition to the initial Bank Of . Washingten". bearing;
$50,000 payment and monthly. the munber 01-121-86-725. All
'stipend of $5.000, he said he
these ?financial transactions
guese aggression" aimed at his was paid- $151,000 for "excel*
overthrow. Seventeen out of tional services" by the CIA ancZ/
35 ministers and nine-tenths of American mining companies
the offices's in the top army seeking to gain access to GtfiL
command have been arrested. ? nem'. bauxite and iron ore de-
Beginning in .late July vlien ?sits'? -
- ? ? Altogether, he received a to
time- government began a "peo,- $--
tal of uo7,000 from the CIA
pie's trial" of accused-. "fifth and Various American :coat:
colunmists," between 100 and panies, according to his state
-
120 . Guineans--army aara. ment. Among ,the companies
manders, ministers, party offi:' he mentioned specifically are
dai and mba.ssadors?liave
HarVey Aluminum, Alcan, Al- they said Bangoura's confes:
s, a
made long, detailed confes-. coa, and U. S. Steel. - sion contained regarena their
The first three companies alleged roles.
sions in which many have ad-
mitted being agenta for either are all. involvcd in an interna- Attwood said he could not
the French, West German, or liana' consortium that has a possibly have been involved in
American secret intelligence. $185 million bauxite-musing -
; recruiting the Guinean ambas-
ere , allegedly carried put'
"under the cover" of 'Mamas'
H. , Wright .Jr., whose addreSs
Bangoura gave as time Ford
Foundation in New York. ?
In telephone interviews, Att.-
wood and, Wright, both of
whom vehemently denied the
allegations, pointed to a num-
ber of. factual errors which
ma, while depe 04
rvices project under way at Poke in:,
11
sador in 1961 because at that
lease
or depositions, b c 1 7
l'aVe SII SC- (4141R000500240001.-3 U.S.
"ambassador to Kenya.
FOrfte
0 20111103/0k- CIA Apc154
iron ore depbsits located on .
ries to exploit the country's
quail y J d ben p aye over toe
I -
vast-mineral resources. Mount Nim th
ba along e Li-
cit
; "Voice of the Revolutior " the
.3111(!i
On private Am
Approved For Release 2001/03/04: CIA-RDP80-0160
CHICAGO, ILL.
DEFENDER
DAILY - 37,506
Puss 21J
. o
r-1-1
"i?
*41.1
Following President Seicou Tome's urgent request
for help, a UN fact-finding mission is now, in Guinea
to investigate the extent to which the former French
African colony is being invaded_ and the national iden-
tity of the invaders.
President Toure's plea for military assistance was
accompained by a charge that Portuguese-backed
mercenaries were mounting the invasion. Portugal has
denied the charges.
There is suspicion in some inforhyed circles that
the financing the plot to overthrow Toure
and his leftist-oriel;ted regime. The same American
Agency is believed to have had a hand in the clan-
destine coup that ci-lapolted Dr. Nkrumah out of the
presidency of the Republic of Ghana. 1\lkrumah has
taken refuge in Guinea where he lives as guest of
? his friend President Toure. The .two African leaders
are persona non f.r,rata in Woshingion. Mat American
interestEi 'would like to. get bodi of them out of ilia 11
way is not an improbable assumption.
t
Approved For Release 2001/03/04: CIA-RDP80-01601R000500240001-3
STATINTL
Approved For Releast-MyROLSIA-RDP80
Z-8 Nov1970
'Mercenaries''
Invade _Again,
Guinea Says
ABIDJAN, Ivory .Coast'
(UPI)?Conakry ' radio said to-
day a new group of "mercenar-
ies" had invaded _Guinea from
neighboring Portuguese Guinea..
The radio said 200 "mercenar-
ies" advanced near Koundara
but were surrounded by Guinean
soldiers. "Ten mercenaries have
been put out of action," the'ra-
dio said.
It again accused Portugal of
being behind the invasion, the
fourth one the radio has an-
nounced in a week. As usual, the
radio gave no details of fighting
but called on the people to be
"continuously vigilant."
What was going on in Guinea
remained a mystery as the gov-
ernment refused to allow any
foreign journalists from East or Westinto the country.
In Moscow, a Defense Minis-
try commentator said the Unitecj
States "pushed" Portugal into
an invasion of Guinea and ac-%
cused the Central Intelligence'
Agency of organizing coups
against five other African gov-
ernments this year.
1-3
Approved For Release 2001/03/04 : CIA-RDP80-01601R000500240001-3 ?