JPRS ID: 10082 JAPAN REPORT
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- JPRS L/ 10082
, 29 October 1981
~ Ja~ an Re o~rr
p p
CFOUO 62/81)
.
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JPRS L/10082
29 October 1981
JAPAN REPORT
(FOUO 62/81)
CONTENTS
POLiTICAI~ AND SOCIOLOGICAL
U.S. Protection of Japan Expected
(S. Kurimoto; BUNGEI SHUNJU, Jul 81) 1
Outlook for Administrative Reform Analyzed ~
(YOMIURI SHIM33UN, various datea) 10
Special Diet Sesaion
- Attitude of Parties
Suzuki Strategy
Suzuki, Tanaka Factions
Cammittee Chairmen LDP Nominations
Interview With Kanemaru
LDP's Kanemaru Back Steering Diet
(ASAHI EVENING NEWS, 7 Oct 81) 23
Discussion of Why LDP Membership Declines
(Minoru Shimizu; THE JAPAN TIMES, 8 Oct 81) 25
MILITARY
MSA's Projected Yatrol Boat Would Be Sent to Middle East
(ASAHI SHIMBUN, 2 Oct 81) 27
SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY
Society To Study Thorium Nuclear Reactor To he Formed
(NIKKAN KOGYO SHIMBUN, 24 Aug 81) 29
Shinetsu Chemical To Expand Silicone Productian
(NIHON KOGYO SHI!rIBUN, 28 .~ul 81) 31 ~
Stockpiling of Molybdenum Ore, Oxide To Start in October
(Makiuchi; NIKKEI SANGYO SHIMBUN, 8 Aug 81) 33
~ - a - [III - ASIA - 111 FOUO]
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New Developments in Robot Industry Discusaed
(Various sources, various datea) 35
Color Sensor
S~lenoid Finger
Y.ocation Sensor
Nursing Robots
- L
Dig~.tal Communication System Soon Tn Replace Analog Syetem ~
- (Kitamura; MI~KEI SANGYO SHIMBUN, 5, 7 Aug 81) 41
Government To Promote Opto Electronic Industry
(DENKI SHIMBUN, 16 Sep 81) 47
- b -
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POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL
U.S. PROTECTrON OF JAPAN EXPECTED
Tokyo BUNGEI SHUNJU in Japanese Jul 81 pp 88-96
[Article by S. Kurimoto: "America Will Not Fail To Come To Protect Us; Why?")
[Text] Everyone is talking about America. At the root is the current economic
friction between the United States and Japan. It seems to me there is too much
concern that there are great obstacles to the anti-Soviet defense question be-
cause Japan, an Pconomic superpower, is contributing a mere 1 percent of her GNP
to defense costs at a time when anti-Japanese sentiment is running high in the
United States. Let's analyze the international situation objectively. Yt is
- criminal to frighten the Japanese, who are apt to be frightened, by saying things
like "America will forsake Japan."
At present the Japanese are worri~d about what America's stance will be. With
ill-feeling toward the Soviet Union and North Karea, the Japanese are uneasy on
all sides. F.ven a slipshod book on that subject will ~:nll. But, wait a moment.
If the Japanese begin to view America's intentions with docile eyes and become
nervous, the American governrient will probably be pleased at heart that it can
easily and profitably manipulate Japanese public opinion. Even the Soviet Union,
wh.ich is at a deadlock in world affairs, will sometimes make threats and likewise
scheme at manipulating Japanese public opinion.
It's Senseless for Japan to Reconsider
The effect of Japanese nuclear "allergy" aside--though it is a cultural-
anthropological perception of the Japanese--there is no other country [in the
worldJ whose public opinion is so easy to manipulate than that of Japan. It is
a kind of pose for the leaders of both the United States and the Soviet Union
to try ta exacerbate the emotional uneasiness of the Japanese people and control
- things as it suits them. Thus, it is important for us not to be afraid of child-
like threats and, instead, to understand the other side's true pasition.
It is nonsense to fear that America will not earnestly defend Japan. Histori-
cally, America has never earne~tly defended another country. She has only de-
fended another country to serve her own vision. It is the same now. No matter
what type of survey is used--for example, one carried out by a t.v. station in
America--when one questions the general feeling toward the yelZow-race Japanese,
there is room for only ane choice: America will probably defend Japan for her
own interests.
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Isn't there some aspect lacking in Japan? If there is, it is senseless in terms
of international politics to think that we shoLld reconsider. The reason is,
obviously, that their logi~ is different from ours. Even if Japan does every-
thing it thinks it's supposed to, they will ~et mad. And, conversely, they will
be pleased with unrelated things. We cannot perfectly match their logic. But,
if wP are able to understand what annoys them, it will be a chance to displa~
our friendly feelings toward them. I think it is necessary that Japan be calmer
because currently the relationship between the American and Soviet superpowers,
for their own reasons, are strained.
Be~ause America is the problem, I propose at this point that, by understanding
how to perceive America, we do not overreact to the defense question.
On the matter of the clash of "other vs. other" which he calls international
, politics, I have criticized former MITI member Amaya Naohiro's "merchant-nation
theory" for exacerbating without'foundation the inner community logic, where
"other" does not exist. Furthermore, as opposed to "one-level international
euestion" critics, whose reports, like Defense Minister Sase Masamori, have been
st~fficiently spelled out, I have said that the degree of America's understanding
of.Japan cannot be deepened only with unilateral changes on our side.
Differences Must Exist in the Co~unity
- My words have been quite harsh, I am afraid. To understand another person or
another country, my real intention is to say, as psychia~rist Hideo Kishida does,
that it i, necessary to enter from the psycho-analysis of the community, which
becomes the object, and that that must be the point of departure for compara-
tive cultural study. It is quite dangerous to depart from the relationship of
things, or th.e relationship that concerns things--like the theory of vertical
- and horizontal society that was popular some time ago. In the current Japanese-
American problem, the economic problem is one trigger. It is necessary to pro-
ceed by seeing the ideal form of America's unified vision, which causes discord.
Do we call a community a stable unified vision? When one has a national vision,
one feels oneself ::o be fortunate, and one does not have a violent attitude
toward another country. However, the trouble is that from the foundation sta-
bility is not spiritually possible--na matter what kind of community, what kind
of nation.
To put it in complex terms, whenever dividing lines are made, distinction~s are
necessary in nations and communities. Whether it's wicked, whether it's one who
is discriminated against, an "outsider" is created, attacked, and by that action
individuals and nations are finally stabilized. However, the way to affirm that
identity is after all only through the vision. But, if that is a unified vision,
you obtain a brief stability only for the time being. T say brief, and that is
important.
In other words, the question of "what is a nation" is always clear only through
the existence of a dangerous foreign power which invades or through "outsiders"
who must be criticized internally. It is natural because culture is basically
a system of acknowledgment or value judgment. When international friction
~
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becomes a problein, if it is America, one must st~rt from the point of understand-
ing America's system of understanding and acknowledging Japan. Thus, it is com-
pletely senseless to bring in Japan's value judgme.nts, to reconsider on the basis
of that, and to consult with America on regulation. Just when we think what a
friendly foreign policy it is, they think it is a terrible plan, and isn't that
tiie end of it?
The Automobile Problem Is America's Responsibility
Moreover, there is another problem in that America differs, in a fundamental way,
from other nations. Since her formation she has been a centerless, decentralized
society. America is a country that is basically lacking a unified culture and
history. Therefore, one naturally needs a separate approach from European studies
when dealing with America. In other words, as Japan, France, and other countries
with extensive histories do, America lacks the means to gauge her internal concen-
tration and makes a scapegoa*_ within herself.
However, even in America, in small c.~untry towns, internal concentration occurs.
Like the small southern towns of the nineteenth century, they killed ~he "bad
bldcks." Just recently, as a final move to maintain his authority, Khomeini of '
Iran made former president Bani-Sadr's party the scapegoat.
To repeat, aG a nation America does not have that means within itself. The
Japanese-American friction--playing an the automobile problem--becomes very r~uch
of a problem when tied with moves to make the Japanese people a scapegoat. But,
I have related that there is a danger they will not understand when one argues
from the point of view of things and numbers. It was my intention to have re-
lated that terribly obvious fact in a mild-mannered way.
Well, American specialists know the data better tha~ I do, and trading company
people know it better than the American specialists. If there,is something I can
say, it is that what America fears is not a falling back of th:~ economy, which
is centered on the automobile industry. They are afraid they can no longer keep
up the picture based on the vision of the graat U.S. protecting the world--the
50's vision of America which is in back of it all--~he big cars, big buildings,
- big universities, the big Presley-style guys. That is, to speak frankly, a con-
cern only of the dominant, upper class white people, the WASPS. Outside of them,
one cannot find a s~gn that they hav~ a particular bad feeling or reluctance
toward Japan. While "Revelations of Hell" is insufficient it showed that the
WASPS' worry is rooted in peoples' leaping to the theme of finding salvation in
the eternal paradise predicted by St. John in the Bible.
The reason for America's problem with Japanese cars is that the American auto-
mobile manufacturers began makin; small-size cars too late. The fundamental
reason is not that they failed to forecast the demand for small cars, but it
lies in the vision of the bond between a rich America and the large-size car.
The basic reason is the mental attitude of the leaders of the American automobile
industry--it's not a problem of ability. ~
Half of the deficit in America's balance of paym~nts that frequently became a
problem in the 1970's was for imported Arabian crude oil. That meant desperately
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_ defending America's vision of skyscrapers that light up the night sky and running
- full-size cars that waste g~soline. Now in 1981 people are beginning to buy
small-size--primarily Japanese--cars. They have reached the point where they are
saving oil. Such a situation is neither materially nor econ~mically related to
Japan; the Japanese are not responsible for it.
The Middle Clas~s Is Not Anti-Japanese
I would at this point like to comment on the American situation, based on my
econouiic-anthropological studies. I have said that in America the common vision
of itself as a unified nation--a vision that existed somehow in the 50's--is on
the v~rge of collapsing. Let's take notice of the fact that, as a result, natu-
rally, people aren't buying cars "for America." That the people chose Reagan,
_ seeking to revive a strong America, and that they do not buy big American cars
that frequently break down and that consuma much ~asoline--these facts go together.
Reagan is not a symbol of everyday life for the American people living in the
highly-inflationary American economy. Reagan is a leading WASP, or white western
European. But, even peopl~ besides WASPS must defend their way of life. Even
including black intellectuals, they really have fine middle-class goals.
Japanese and French intellectuals are nothing but surprised at the Americans`
strong feeling toward contemporary individualism. They accept the occult and
mysticism and the flashy new rock group called "Kiss"--which, on the other side,
are like a necessary mild poison in the life of the middle class. All members
= of families rush to see the fire-breathing Kiss Band.
In terms of the aims of that kind of middle class, the devouring of American cars
- by Japanese cars is absolutely not an important matter of general, primary con-
cern. People usually have no resistance now; they seek the highly efficient Japa-
nese cars. Having a Japanese car is becoming a symbol of the middle class.
In Chicago, which I visited this year in April and May, it usually took 6 months
to buy a Japanese car. If you could do it in 3 months, that was considered good.
People seeking Japanese cars would phone Japanese companies with which they'd
had some kind, of dealing in the past trying to make a connection in order to get
a Japanese car. The honest reaction of the American people toward regulating
Japanese automobile imports was--if only they would relax the regulations a bit,
we could buy the cars we wantd
Generally, American car dealers in and around Chicago were rapidly switching to
':1 Japanese car dealerships or they were going bankrupt. The employees in the com-
panies that switched have to sell Japanese cars, but this doesn't seem to have
caused an incr~ase in anti-Japanese feeling. After all, if they can maintain
their ir~dividual livelihoods, it's o.k. If having a Sony or Hitachi t.v.,
rather than a Zenith, is more suitable to middle-class stability, there's no
resistance, only praise. For work they buy Japanese cars, at home they watch
- Japanese t,v.
My mentor, Professor George Dalton (economic-anthropologist), is Jewish. He is
an intelligent person with no need to empathize with WASPS. When I sought his '
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unreserved opinion on the current Japanese-Ameri~an automobile problem, he an-
swered: "The executives of gavernment and industry, who didn~t see the connection
between the w~rld situation and the lives of the Americ~in people and who did not
worry about large-size car production, made a bad mistake. Let them suffer." His
statement is clear ar~d forthright. It's an obvious statEment if one can see, more
or less, the relationship between cause and effect. After all, it was nonsense
to cling to a vision of an America where big cars run qui~tly (while spilling gas),
an America which was the world's party-land--though that was a vision the rest of
the world couldn't share.
America made that vision collapse. It wasn't the fault of Toyota or Nissan. The
success of Toyota, Nissan, and Honda are results. Intellectuals in general per-
ceive this.
Japanese Products Are Symbols of the Middle Class
On the other hand, the general population, including the non-intellectuals, must
preserve their way of life in the aforementioned circumstances, and preserve their
individual vision of middle-class goals. America is the home of the lemon: the
cars break down and the t.v.'s are no good. If one buys a lemon, one cannot de-
fend a middle-class way of life that seems to be pushed around and is collapsing.
In the Chicago suburbs, a house is at least $11d,000. If you don't pay $150,000
you won't get a real middle-class home. Even ~o, you can hardly find a house for
that price. One college teacher, as a side-line, built and started to sell a
15-unit condominium 2 years ago. So fax only one unit has been sold. Of course,
this is the worst case among those I heard. But you can see that both buying
and selling are tough.
There isn't much to indicatP that middle-class Americans--or, the American people
who keenly strive to be middle class--think that the invasion of Japanese goods
is ttie cause of their economic troubles. They break their hearts protecting
their way of life. Japanese goods have become symbols that represent their
middle-class-ness. Among white people, besides WASPS and colored people, one
gets a sense of respect toward Japan--Japan, which economically leads second-rate
white countries like Canada and Australia.
It is not so easy to judge the reaction of the Chinese and Korean people, because
it depends on their respective historical relationships with Japan. Even so,
Japan's economic successes do not have the character of arousing antipathy in
those countries. In conclusion I will say that it is a matter of over-concern
to think that antipathy toward Japan exists among the American people in general.
Why Are the WASPS worried?
Then why, at times, is there a signal in the messages cotning out of the media and
the political world that can be taken as anti-Japanese. Isn't it a cause for
worry? ~
No, it isn't. As Naoki Komuro correctly warns in "America's Counterattack," I
think it is a situation where Japan must be warned regarding the attitude of the
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"nation" of America. If the people i.n general do no+t have that much of an anti-
Japanese attitude, then what is going on? A"state" is actually a controlling
group. The WASPS who had the power to elect Reagan take the economic success of
J~pan very badly. It may be better to broaden our terminology and say they are
t~lestern European whites, rather than WASPS.
They came to enjoy the privileged position of America, which has been leading the
world economically since World War I and through the period of the great depres-
sion. America's war and pcst war hero role has been dissolved.
Those who were in a weak position in the United States were able to maintain
their identity as Americans, seeing the pitiful conditions of European and Asian
countries when they were statioaed abroad as soldiers. And the white leadership,
backed by the strength of being able to supply the American dream to the world
and even to black people, was able to hold onto the stable structure outside and
_ in.
But, maintaining that had already become difficult. When the people begin un-
consciously demanding and the united vision of a couatry trembles, it's not a
general stability but an eternal paradise with a basically different dimension.
_ An eternal paradise where bliss and tranquility reign for a thousand years after
Christ's second coming--as John's Revelations in the new testament shows--this
thought is not limI.ted to Christianity but is a dream a11 people deeply share.
The search for eternal paradise is born out of cultural crisis. The very emer-
gence of a sense of eternal paradise is proof of cultural leadership crisis. What
I have cited in "Revelations of Hell" shows that.
The WASPS are in a position where they should worry about that situation the
most--or, rather, it's their only worry. For others, America as a whole is a
kind of sick modern society. Just sustaining life is a goal. Whatever the case,
I don't think there's any basis for a particularly negative feeling toward Jagan.
There's No Country as Easy to Manipulate as Japan
Despite that, for books like "America's Counterattack" by Naoki Komuro and "The
Day America Abandans Japan" by Nobuhiko Ochiai to be published and which stimulate
a sense of crisis, this means a zremendous growth of the Japan vs. worried WASPS
- problem.
Mr Komuro's book, leaving out the fact that it doesn't touch on America's unified
vision, has numerous points that are unique and that one can agree with. It is
particularly helpful in breaking down the fixed idea of America. But Mr Ochiai
intended to seek sensationalism. In the current international situation America
can't abandon Japan, can it? For a very long time up to now she has been invest-
ing her money and building up her pride here; it would all revert to bubbles.
Even so, for America to abandon Japan is shocking--and it is a theme that will
sell. There is, however, no foundation for it anywhere. They can''t do that
kind of thing; it will be a loss for America. China, a large country ia Asia,
does not have that much power. Rather, America should know that internally
China's entropy has greatly increased, and no matter what is said it is not as
easy to handle as Japan.
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- If we reflect on it, it is clear eaen in tiie example cited h~ ~ormer Ambassador
Reischauer, who recently caused a great stir, that Japan is easy to control. I
see his words as a splendid cooperative play by the Japaa
A:uerica ruling classe~~.
It was originally the same thing, but they caused opposition for the sake of o~-
posing one or two anti-war groups, made of simple-mind~ed colle~e students, anct
cit~zen groups and revolutionary parties who could b~e expected to react in a
predictable way. It was their way of making themselves immune from the whole
thing. As for the Japanese Government, if the Cabinet members fro4~n and show
their displeasure, that will acquit them. Troublesome it may be, ~iut I think
that if we understand the process, nothing is so simple and easy as (taking)
this (kind of stanc?).
Reischauer knows his politics. He is famous as a Japanologist, but we give too
little credit to his abilities in the sphere of inf4rmation gathering.
The Fear of 'Yellow' Business
It may be a bit harsh to say that in American univ~rsities Japanese studies are
a third-rate field of study done by third-rate scholars, but it is essentially
true. Using Reischauer, who is the exception, the American Government carries
out its cooperative play with the Japanese Government. This is probably not done
in China. In other words, Japan is expected to be a partner that politiCally is
= absolutely easy to do business with. The Americans have made quite a few invest�
ments here, and thus it's o.k. n~t to worry about them suddenly doing an ataout-
face.
However, the feelings of America's leading whites toward Japan are subtle. Their
hidden antipathy is a problem for us. They car.'t abandon Japan, but they fear
the Japanese business that is inva:ding America. As I have already pointed out,
Japan has no responsibility, besause America's retreat is her own fault. But the
ruling whites in general--the WASPS--want a scapegoat to take the blame for Amer-
ica's presblems.
Japan and the Japanese are cert~inly in that role. The Soviet Union and the Rus-
sians are of course the enemy, but they cannot be blamed for America's domestic
economic retreat. It is difficult to get a consistent image v~ China and the
Chinese, but they aren't much of an economic threat. In ~ sense, the image of
Korea and the Koreans is worse than that of Japan, but, since the Vietnam war,
the American government and its leaders have felt a sense of debt toward Korea.
Thus, they have shown a much more lenient attitude toward immigrants from Korea
than toward the Japanese. Outside these groupsr there is no strong group image.
Whatever one thinks, Japan is now in that position of being blamed.
_ It seems unexYected but the campaign to stop whale hunting and the movement to
protect dolphins have very dangerous and dubious features, absolutely contrary
to the intellectual mood that appeared on the surface. They say we shouldn't
catch whales because they are mammals, but it is a well-known fact that Japan
used to be far behind as a whale-hunting country--for a long time far behind
Europe and America. This campaign has quite a bit of strength even in American
universities. What is dangerous about it is that, rather th3n a simple anti-
Japanese agitation, it plays on the heartstrings of the white peoples' spiritual
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outlo~k. Even those who think of themselves as pra-Japan suddenly puz on serious
expressi.ons. In conclusion, as countries that hunt whales, tfie Soviet Union and
Japan are villains, and, moreover, the Japanese fishermen who kill many dolphins
are villains. Although in the nineteenth century, the American whalers were most
violent....
Probably, the aim of a portion of the white upper class behind this is not to
cause America to abandon Japan. It is, by making the results unpleasant, to add
to the mood that makes Japan as a whole cooperate with and be conciliatory toward
America. But the by-product of this tendency will be to raise potential and un-
necessary fears over cooperation between the two nations. America has assumed a
fearful attitude. We must clearly recognize the problem and confront it by making
clear our own intentions. That's aIl we can do.
I am of the opinion that Japan's mass media and her intellectuals must all together
- confront the cunning and, in conclusion, anti-Japanese campaign that runs through
- the whale and dolphin problem--and eradicate it. Their love of whales and dol-
- phins takes the form of a personification of whales and dolphins--thus they cry
"extinction" etc. Compared to squid, octopus, and shrimp, whales and dolphins
are personifiable. Thus, Americans "love" them. What we mean here by whale is
_ "killer" whale. Those killer whalas, with their circus show, raise the image of
fri,sndly whales .
On the other hand, they don't have the same special feeling for cows, which are
mammals. Five years ago I toured a cattle ranch in Idaho for a research project.
On the third day of my daily inspection of the ranch, suddenly the manager of
animal husbandry in a country town in Japan got angry.
He said: "Americans are cruel to cattle." Cruel or not, I thought, after raising
the cattle people eat it and it's the same--whether America or Japan. But I
listened to him: they were rai.sing cows in the muddy ground on several ranches
in Idaho. For cows that can'~ move around, it's pitiful, he said.
What Is Behind the Whale Campaign?
In other words, the Americans themselve~ feel no kindness toward cows and pigs,
but as self-appointed 3efenders of the sea, they feel kindness toward killer
whales. This is based on a cultural difference; it is, in short, a simple prob-
_ lem of taste. Ttte campaign against killing whales and dolphins is, in a sense,
basically nonsense. It is nat at all an intellectual movement. It is completely
ridiculous to identify it with part of Japan's citizen movement. But the definite
love of animals and whales and dolphi.ns is common not just to WASPS but to those
of European descent in general. In othex words, we are talking about the American
middle class in general. Because it sounds intellectual, therefore, it attracts
intellectuals also. Consequently, it becomes an anti-Japanese movement. Even
though the movement isn't that pervasive, it is a very convenient theme for Am~r-
ican leaders, who think they want to force Japan as much as possible to cooperate
and make Iarge conciliations.
The whole problem, and which is something we have to look into deeply, is Ameri-
ca's internal and external retreat and WASP fear within the United States, Apart
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~ from the whale an~ dolphin problem, won't it be all right if we oppos~ them
clearly and in a friendly way, without worrying too much? Luckily, what Japan
now can do is to explain the reasons for its act~ons and take a direct stand
with the American peo~le. The Japanese Government can financially afford to
wage such a campaign.
The people are a blank slate and can begin all over again. We can probably sell
"friendly Japan" in a nice way, clearly, without an inferiority complex. If we
do, the purpose is not to exclude Japan as leader, but the goal is to maintain
our foundation and to preserve our identity. Thus, they should find a scape-
goat themselves somewhere else.
Of course, the old-line white leaders will be excluded from the group of middle-
class people, which incidentally is formed by the weaker classes. I feel that
a new mood may be emerging in the ~Jnited States and a new American society is
possible. For us this may be a problem we cannot, for the present, tackle.
COPYRIGHT: 1981 Bungei Shunju Ltd.
9391
CSO: 41~5/253
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POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL
OUTLOOK FOR ADMINISTRATIVE REFORM ANALYZED
- Special Diet Session ~
Tokyo YOMIURT SHIMBUN in Japanese 19 Sep 81 p 2
[Excerpt] With the opening of the extraordinary Diet close at hand, the prime
minister's official residence has been unusually active for the past several days.
Whether the prime minister will be able to lay the basis for the consolidation of
his regime and the Liberal Democratic Party's presidential election next fall will
be an acid test for him. The prime minister is therefore showing great interest
in the upcoming Diet session.
Bullishness and Confidence .
- The prime minister declared: "Administrative reform is mandated from heaven.
_ Despite countermoves by some opposition parties, I expect to fully implement it."
He indicated that he is ready to force a breakthrough of the comprehensive bill on
administrative reform. He also appeared highly confident when he said: "The
opposition parties would not dare to place a frontal block."
The minister in charge of the reform bill, director Nakasone of the Administrative
Management Agency, said: "The special committee for administrative reform will be
for several days in succession. Compaxed to the struggles I experienced as MITI
- minister in pushing through bills in the special committee he3rings on tfie oil crisis
while surrounded by crowds of demonstrators, it is nothing this time around." He
smiled confidently as he continued: "If we break through the middle, fair and
- square, we will get our way." His attitude gives the i~mpression of a defiant dirac-
tor fully immersed in Suzuki's reform policy, but he does appear to be fully confident.
- Actually, beneath his bullishness there lurk traces of anxiety. The government
indecision regarding the title of the bill is one indication. At one point, the
bill was designated an "extraordinary measures bill pertaining to the reduction of
national subsidies," but it met strong protests from the party in power (LDP) at
- the liaison meeting between the government and the LDP. Because it would leave "a
bad taste of administrative reform," cosmetic changes were made, and the title was
amended to a"special measures bi11 to promote administrative reform."
Despite its content, which had a strong coloring of financial restructuring, it was
considered an "administrative reform-related bill." This is an expression used by
the government and the LDP, which is seeking to forcefully establisfi a special
committee on administrative reform, concealing the actual content under heavy makeup.
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Bullying and the Opposition Parties
If brought into question, the weak point of the government/LDP is "whether the
- upcoming Diet could properly be called an 'administrative reform Diet'." The
~ opposition camp has strongly criticized the comprehensive bill on reform which is
about to be submitted as "nothing but a subsidy-cutting bill which picks on the
weak under the cloak of administrative reform. It is actually like using a better
brand name to sell inferior goods."
It is true that the comprehensive bill drafted by the government is limited to a
revision of financial laws and to cutting s;ibsidies, including "a lower national
burden for welfare pensions," "a lower pubZic burden for child allowance," and
cuts in spending by "~urbing the plan for a 40-student class-unit system" and
"abolishing or reducing the number of special regional public works projects." It
is in fact ''aimed at the formulation of next year's fiscal budget on financial
reconstruction, rather than at administrative�reform." (LDP source)
There are subsidies totalling some 250 billion yen which could be cut through the
36 legislative items up for revision. They include a 196-billion-yen, or $0 percent,
reduction in the public burden for welfare pensions, child allowances, etc. ,The
opposition is certain to question the government by focusing on the welfare issue
and to accuse the bill, as "a result of the welfare-cutting philosophy" of the
government, of being "intended as a breakthrough to reducing the future welfare
budget."
"Carrot and Stick" Policy
To counter this, the government is prepared to use the "carrot and stick" approach
_ and say: With regard to easing the national burden for welfare pensions, we plan
to add interest and return the money to the related agencies, after rinancial
reconstruction has been achieved. We do not intend to reduce the budget permanently."
_ However, despite the contention of the government and the LDP that "the comprehensive
bill faithfully complies with the interpellations in the second extraordinary
- investigat?.ve hearings," the bill has not promised a second look at the special
tax measures--a step whir_h could cause "inconvenience to financial circles."
Therefore, the focus of the debate will probably be placed on the "posture of Suzuki
politics, rather than on the finer details of the bill. The first issue to come
up for debate is the defense issue. Wh31e severe questioning has been directed
toward the welfare and education aspects of administrative reform, the rough estimate
budget request for the next fiscal year gives "special treatment" to defense sp~nding.
Moreover, in view of the Reagan administration's midterm reduction of its "sacrosanct"
defense budget, there is a popular view that "the heating up of Japan's own defense
debate is unavoidable." (A source in the prime minister's office)
Sensing that foreign affairs issues such as the questions of economic aid to South
Korea and Japan-Soviet relations are certain to become a focal point of debate, the
prime minister's advisers are busily preparing interpellation data and "carefully
preparing every detail so that the prime minister will not be caught in a bind
- by unexpected questions." (A close prime minister adviser)
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Concurr~:.tly, key issues in the confrontation between the LDP and the opposition
are: the Personnel Authority recommendation (pay increase for national government
employees) and the arbitration case before the public employees labor cou~.ittee
(wage increa~;e for employees of three public corporations and two field offices).
Especially regarding the Personnel Authurity (PA) recommendation, the government,
in its general principles on administrative reform, clarified its policy of refusing
full implementation, saying: "We will take proper control measures concerning
salaries for national government employees." This was in accordance with its reply
in the extraordinary investigative hearings. However, because it involves the
question of the right to strike by public employees and also constitutional questions,
it will be difficult to handle.
~ Moreover, there is no consensus within the LDP, and if a single mistake occurs in
its handling, it could shake the government to its foundation. 'Tiie government is
tiherefore extremely cautious. "The content of a revised pay scale bill presented
to the PA and the ti.ming in submitting it to the Diet must be based on an extremely
careful look at the direction of the debate in the special committee on administrative
reform." (A close adviser to the prime mi.~iister) ~
Faced with such complex issues, the prime minister is secretly honing his strategy
"to prevent the debate from digressing into administrative reform." His aim is to
invite debate which will bring the "total image" of the Suzuki reform into relief
through the debate in the special committee, and to pass the bill in the Diet with
the backing of "national support." How will the opposition penetrate the shrewd
hand of the prime minister, who seeks to solidify the regime's foundation? Much
controversy is anticipated from the start in the extraordinary Diet.
COPYRIGHT: Yomiuri Shimbunsha 1481
Attitude of Partieb
Tokyo YOMIURI SHIN~,BUN in Japanese 20 Sep 81 p 2
[Text] May Not Proceed According to Schedule
.
A cadre of the Japan Socialist Party (JSP) termed the administrative reform Diet
"a dense fog Diet."
"They are selfishly setting a date for a cabinet reshuffle after the Diet ends, but
the Diet does not exist for the LDP alone. We cannot condone the unwarranted
attitude of the LDP. We will disrupt the schedule of the self-seeking LDP."
Tsuruo Yamaguchi, deputy chairman of the JSP Diet policy committee, cited the
example of the fall of 1975 during the Miki cabinet, when fruitless deliberations
on the bill to hike the prices of a1coY~olic beverages, tobacco and postal rates
continued for 1 month after the opening of the Diet, and resolved to wage all-out
opposition.
Because the administrative reform Diet, which Pri.me Minister Suzuki is determined
to face with "indominate resolve," will be followed by a schedule of political tasks
including a cabinet reshuff.le and the drafting of a budget, the Diet session must
be ended by mid-Ncvember. However, the early schedule for the extracrdinary Diet--
which calls for its opening on 24 September, the prime minister's speech outlining
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his views on 25 September, and interpellations by delegates in the Upper and Lower
Houses in a joint assembly on the 28th--is already being resisted by opposition
parties and may be delayed by 3-4 days.
It will be followed by the difficult problem of forming a special committee on
administrative reform to deliberate the comprehensive reform bill, and this will
also face rough sailing because of resistance by the JSP. Although JSP Secretary
General Sakurauchi says: "Within 10 days of the Diet opening, we will start delibera-
ting the bill, and if we deliberate intensively for 20 days each in the Upper and
Lower Houses, the opposition parties will not have any more interpellations left."
But it is questionable whether the debate will proceed as smoothly as he hopes.
Of course, the Komeito, Democratic Socialist Party (DSP), New Liberal Club (NLC)
and the United Social Democratic Party (USDP), which expressed the view that the
formation of a special coffinittee and the cnmprehensive bill were "unavoidable,"
criticized *he JSP and the Japan Communist Party (JCP), saying: "A confrontation
from the beginning of the Diet would be tantamount to crushing the comprehensive
bill. "(Komeito political deliberation committee chairman Masaki) In such circ~-
stances, the JSP and the JCP probably would not be able to continue their monotonous
shouting in opposition.
At the Opening or Closing of the Diet?
The handling of both the PA recommendati~n for a pay raise for public employees and
the public workers labor arbitration committee case, submitted by the workers of
three public corporations and two field offices will have a close bearing on the
passage of the comprehensive bill.
A debate is continuing in the Lower House Steering Committee directors meeting,
beeween the government and the LDP versus ~he opposition, regarding the Diet schedule
and the pay raise for public workers. The opposition is telling chief cabinet
secretary Miyazawa: "The government is leaving the arbitration case in the hands
of the cabinet, but you should decide on full implementation of the recommendation
and remove the arbitration resolution from the agenda."
The opposition also asks: "How do you plan to deal w1_th the PA recommendation?
It is strange that you should say the goverr.ment's decision will be delayed until
October or later."
_ Chief cabinet secretary Miyazawa, with the argument for control of pay raises for
public employees as a backdrop, is evasive in his replies to oppositian demands:
"We have no intention of withdrawing the arbitration resolution." "A budget measure
is necessary to implement the PA recommendation, but w~ do not intend to submit
any supplemental budget to the Diet." It seems likely that the fruitless dialogue
between the chief cabinet secretary and the oppos3tion will continue.
According to the tactics of the goverriment/LDP forces: "We will separate tt~~e PA
recommendation and labor arbitration from the administrative reform bill, and ~
abstain from any debate, at least in the opening stage of the Diet. We will make
a judgment during the last stage of the Diet, but we may pass the PA recommendation
to the regular Diet session, depending on the circumstances." The intention is ~o
curb the opposition's attack by reviewing the PA reco~nendat~on and axbitr~tfon
case in the closing stage of the Diet, in order to prevent the opposition from
limiting discussion to the two items.
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Meanwhile, the oppasition, especially the JSP, says: "We will not permit that.
' The pay raise for public employeas is a prerequisite for administrative reform.
Unless that point is clarified, deYiberation on the reform bill would be meaningless."
(A JSP Diet policy co~ittee member) The JSP demands that the questions be dealt
with at the opening of the Diet, and its plans to obtain cooperation from the Komeito
_ and the DSP, which agree in principle with administrative ancl financial reform, but
demand a pay raise for public employees. The administrative reform Diet is likely
to become a complicated one over these issues.
- Four-Party Solidarity App~ars Difficult
- Another facal p~in~ in the upcomf~ng Diet is ~he movement to form a united faction
_ within the Diet among the so-called four centrist parties. A new faction raill be
iormed on 21 September between the NLC and the USDP, but the Komeito a.nd the DSP
both regard this as only a forerunner to a four-party consolidation. A meeting
of the Diet policy co~nittees of the four parzies which seek such~solidarity may
become the subject of further discussion.
DSP political deliberation committee ~hairman Ouchi emphasizes: "The coming Diet
gives the centrist parties a chancz to grab control of Diet operations." Komeito
political deliberation chairman Masak~C also says: "The four parties will join
efforts insofar as is possible." A demarcation line between the four parties and
the JSP-JCP is thus indicated.
The iour pa~rties have already drafted a joint demand resolution, saying: "The
government pasture on administrative reform is understandable, but the burden wi11
- fall largely on the socially underprivileged." In particular, they are demanding
a compromise frQn: the government/LDP on welfare and education issues.
However, relations are also complex among the four parties. For instance, the
= defense policy issue. At the regular meeting of the Federation of Textile Workers
Unions on 16 September attended by the leaders of the four parties, Komeito Secre-
tary General Yanfl and DSP Chairman Sasaki stressed the need for "solidarity among
r_he four parties." Whereupon NLC acting representative Kono criticized the rightest
trend of the Komeito and DSP defense policy, sayir~g: "It is wrong to cbntinue lean-
ing closer to the LDP." The NLC and United Social Democratic Party plan to draft
their own security and defense policy.
, The JSP, which has~ been quietly observing the moves by the four parties regarding
= such defense questions as the clarfication of the "consensus on the Self Defense
Force," is also demanding collaboration from the Komeito. "While discussing
administrative reform, an attempt is being made to transfer the money saved t~
- defense. In the administrative reform Diet, we should be looking into the covert
line of military expansion." (Director of education and propaganda Ueda) There
are apparently still many problems to be solved before the four parties can be
consolidated.
. The administrative reform is already entering a dense fog at the Diet "entrance."
In the view of all the parties, there is no clear perspective as far as the Diet
outlook is concerned, and they are all groping as they move forward in the fog.
C~PYRIGHT: Yomiuri Shi.mbunsha 1981
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Suzuki Strategy
Tokyo YOMIURI SHIMBUN in Japanese 21 Sep 81 p 2
[TextJ Strong Determination and Tenacity of Purpose
"How would you deal with the administrative reform Diet? It will not be simple,
but tough."
It was 19 August on a golf course in Karuizawa, Nagano Prefecture. It had been
arranged to have former Prime Minister Tanaka meet Prime Minister Suzuki in a feigned
chance meeting, because of various considerations. The prime minister bowed as
he said: "I would like to ask fcr your cooperation." Whereupon former Prime Minister
, Tanaka replied: "Well, as far as the chairman of the administrative reform comanittee
is concerned, I think our man, Shin Kanemaru (former defense secretary general),
would be the one."
It was Prime Minister 5uzuki who, well aware that the "Tanaka influence" was the
strongest pillar supporting the Suzuki administration, nonetheless was trying to
strengthen cooperation with former Prime Minister Fukuda--the other pillar--in
order to ease awa,y from Tanaka's influence. The fact that the prime minister, who
since his inauguration ha3 maintained that he would "not meet publicly with former
Prime Minister Tanaka," broke his ~ow to save Tanaka's face indicates the degree
of his determination and tenacity of purpose regarding administrative reform.
It may be that Prime Minister Suzuki's basic strategy is to bring the reform-related
bill to a solutiun, recover his prestige which has been in limbo since the Japan-
U.S. summit meeting, and carry out his hoped-for cabinet change and restructuring
of the LDP leadership during the 55-day Diet session. And, further, to win reelection
in the party presidential election next year. A senior cadre of the Suzuki faction
admits: "The administrative reform Diet will be the severest test for Prime Minister
- Suzuki. We are resolved to win, but if the going gets tough, we can always count
on support from former Prime Min~ster Tanaka."
Concesning the Suzuki strategy, there is no group within the LDP that would openly
object to the promotion of administrative reform, on which the prime minister
is staking his political life. The two leaders supporting the Suzuki Cabinet- Messrs
Tanaka and Fuicuda--have not altered their posture of full cooperation. Even Adminis-
trative Management Agency Director Nakasone and Economic Planning tigency Dire~tor
Komoto, who are keenly eyeing the "post-Suzuki" premiership, are locked into the
ca~inet and cannot help but cooperate. Especially Nakasone himself, who is said to
be the shortest distance from the post-Suzuki position, remarked: "Unless the
prime minister says he will quit, I will cooperate to the end. I plan to commit
suicide with the administrative reform." There is the dilemma that, "even if
Mr Suzuki fails, at least he has been prime minister. But, if Nakasone fails, he
- is finished. However, if he succeeds, we will be helping to extend Prime Minister
Suzuki's political life." (a Nakasone faction cadre) Nonetheless, all-out efforts
are being made to nass the reform bill.
Suzuki Faction Is Too Naive
However, there is no change in the fact that the immediate political situation,
facing administrative reform and a cabinet change, is fraught with seeds for turmoil.
Former Prime Minister Fukuda does not hide his anxiety when he says: "The
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administrative reform Diet is r.ot so difficult, but it may not be over by mid-November.
Based on my own experience, one can never tell wriat will happen." ~en the Tanaka
faction cadres, who are well-informed in Diet policy, are pessimistic about the
Suzuki clique's optimism in planning a"brief and decisive battle." "To begin
with, the Suzuki. faction is too naive. Do they think they can railroad every bill
through...the arbitration issue, the unfinished bills and the comprehensive bill
on administrative reform? Failures are co~on in any Diet se,ssion.
Meanwhile, the Komoto faction, which takes a slightly different tack in stressing
full implementation of the PA reconunendation and which points out the need for a
business stimulant measure tied to administrative reform, reveals a subtle difference.
"It is commonsense to force through passage of a bill in the Upper House. That is
the way we also understand it. However, it is questionable whether matters will go
according to the script. They could change completely, depending on how the PA
recommendation is handled." (A cadre of the Komoto faction)
The greatest relief from Prime Minister Suzuki's standpoint is the fact that, although
the various LDP factions entertain ambi~ions regarding the "post-Suzuki" premiership,
a strong centripetal force is working at this time to avoid the collapse of the
party's internal balance. Supposing, for instance, that Prime Minister Suzuki should
fail in the Diet and be forced to the brink of resignation--there is absolutelv no
consensus regarding his successor. Lven the Tanaka faction, which is headed by a
so-called "`tcingmaker," is at a loss, saying: "Nakasone cannot be trusted. Komoto,
wlio is still somewhat under the Miki influence, is also unacceptable. Mr Nikaido
(chairman of the LDP general affairs council), ~o has secret ambitions, may lack
- the power to win. We don't know about Mr Fukuda, who may wish to slip into the open
slot." (A Tanaka faction cadre)
_ The Fukuda faction, which gives signs of "putting its hopes on Fukuda," actually has
no card up its sleeve to field h~.m as their presidential candidate. Prime Minister
Suzuki, who perceived such a stalemate, is said to have remarked: "You say I am
not qualified, but is there anyone who is? I don't intend to hang on desperately
to the government, but I would not want the party to fall into disarray, you know."
Rumors Are Flying
Despite the atmosphere of "negating any possibility of a Suzuki reelection" (a Fukuda
faction cadre) because of a series of faux pas since t~e Japan-U.S, communique, the
outlook is that, lacking a prominent presidential candidate, there is no alternative
except for Tanaka and Fukuda to continue to support Suzu.ki. Herein lies the key to
Suzuki's toughness which permits him to maintain a strong posture in f~ce of the
upcoming reform Diet.
Nonetheless, if the comprehensive bill should result in failure, or if he should
err in the handling of such important issues as the PA reco~mnendation and the labor
arbitration, criticism will come not only from the opposition, but also from within
the LDP itself, in connection with the political situation. As a result, the cabinet
change, the purpose of which is to strengthen the regime, wlll be meaningless, and
the next regular Diet will be faced with an enormous task.
As for the cabinet change, some circles forecast that "Nakasone and Knmot will remain
and Finance Minister Watanabe will also be retained to deal with administrative reform.
It would be difficult to cut Foreign Minister Sonoda, who has only recently been
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appointed, and the removal of MITI Minister Tanaka would also be difficult." (An
LDP elder) There is also talk of Nikaido as a candidate ror party secretary general
and Policy Research Council Chairman Abe as a candidat~e for foreign minister. These
rumors are already having a subtle effect on the party's internal balance.
The administrative reform Diet is anticipated with a mixture of optimism and anxiety.
How Prime Minister Suzuki will dQal with these difficult problems, and what their
outcome will be, are questions directly linked to the future political situation
- and to.the post-Suzuki direction. The administrative reform Diet therefore demands
close attention.
COPYRIGHT: Yomiuri Shimbunsha 1981
Suzuki, Tanaka Factions
Tokyo YOMIURI SHIMBUN in Japanese 25 Sep 81 p 3
[Excerpt] Suzuki Faction Wary of Tanaka Faction's Pace: Liberal Democratic Party
(LDP)
The LDP has already decided unofficially to name its new "star" candidates for the
two chairmanships of the special committee on administrative reform: Shin Kanemaru
of the Lower House and Kazuo Tamach~ of the Upper House. Shin Kanemaru is a senior
veteran on Diet policy who has served as secretary general of the Defense Agency
and party Diet policy chairman. As a cadre of the Tanaka faction, he commands great
~ respect among the various LDP factions and has wide connections among the opposition
parties. On the other hand, Tamachi is a man of a different stripe, who has boasted
that he would "never become a cabinet member or serve on a Diet committee." But
as president of a religious and political study grnup of some 100 members, he holds
considerable latent influence. Moreover, the two men have a close z~utual relationship.
Fox the director cf the committee to assist the chairman, Kanemaru is seeking a man
of his own feather from among such talents as Keizo Kobuchi (Tanaka faction),
Hiroshi Mizuka (Fukuda faction), Mitsuharu Amano (Nakasone factionj and Toshik~
Kaibe (Komoto faction). His posture is like that of a party whip who takes the
initiative in pushing the reform bill. The choices for the "executive staff" thus
appear to be solid ones.
However, there is strong resentment within the LDP concerning th~ manner in which
the "Kanemaru-Tamachi team" was picked chiefly by the Tanaka faction.
One day in late July, the tap echelon of the Tanaka faction, including former
Prime ~Iinister Tar.aka, General Affairs Council Chairman Nikaido, Noboru Takeshita
and Shin Kanemaru, invited the chairman of the extraordinary investigating co~itt~e
Toshio Do~o, and coimnittee member Sejima, who had just ended their interpellations,
to a party in appreciation. of their services. The Kanemaru c~andidacy concept was
born at this time. Ni.kaido talked to LDP party members and buttonholed Prime Minister
Suzuki and Secretary General Sakurauchi to push the idea. After a general consensus
was reached, former Prime Minister Tanaka remarked at a Tanaka faction cadre meeting
. early this month (September): The Suzuki and Nakasone factions don't have a likely
candidate. If the prime minister comes begging, I might lend him Kanemaru."
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The moves by the Tanaka forces to form a party consensus resulted so quickly in a
"de facto decision" that the cadres of the Suzuki faction were infuriated. In the
Upper House, such names as Tokutaro Higaki, Yuichi Ogori, Juichiro Tsukada and Takenori
Kato were suggested, but it was decided to fiel.d Tamachi solely on the basis of
Kanemaru's recom~endation.
~e intention of the Tanaka faction probably was to offer continued support to the
Suzuki administration and to obligate the prime minister by helping him with adminis-
trative reform, on which he vows to stake his political life, and thus to build a
solid advantage vis-a-vis the cabinet reshuffle and party presidential election.
The forceful persuasion by the Tanaka faction is said to have "caused Secretary
General Sakurauchi to feel bitterness in his heart." (A Suzuki faction cadre)
Despzte the fact that the moves hy the Tanaka faction were made at an early stage,
it was only on 18 September that the secretary general unofficially accepted the
"Kanemaru-Tamachi slate," which underscores the foregoing circumstances.
Prime Minister Suzuki's repeated emphasis of hi.s basic approach, denying any linkage
between the administrative reform bill and the ?'A recommendation, is construed as
a constraint on any '�runaway monopoly" b~� the Kanemaru-Tamachi team.
There is some concern within the party that "the two might take over the party" (a
_ Suzuki faction cadre), but on the opening day of the Diet (24 September), there were
quite ogenly expressed views that "things will go smoothly, no matter who become
the chairmen."
- Centrist Parties Cannot Afford Slow-Paced Consolidation
The situatior. is also complex within the opposition camp. Regarding the establishment
of a special coimnittee on reform, three of the centrist association factions are
ready to approve it, but the JSP and JCP are opposing it. However, when the JSP
says, "when we are against forming the committee, how can we select any cand~dates?",
it is merely expressing a principle. It could very we.ll find itself in a situation
where it would ~ush forward with ~he banner of opposition held high, but find on
looking back that there was no one following behind. Therefore, it r,iust sometimes
_ resort to more fle;cible taczics. For example, it was the JSP whicti made "early prep-
arations for battle" vis-a-vis the ~pecia~.. committee. JSP political deliberation
chairman Muto says: "We will send Yoshinori Yasui and our experts on security
and defense." Apparently, its main forces will ostensibly have nothing to so with
_ administrative reform, This could be interpreted as a tactic for setting its sights
on a"comprehensive deliberation" schedule for the opening of the special committee,
~aith the aim of linking the reform bill to next year's fiscal budget.
In other words, as seen from the JSP's perspective, the government is saying it
will push only for administrative reform, but it exempts the defense budget as
"sacrosanct" and intends to transfer the money saved through administrative reform
to the defense budget. The JSP takes the view that "administrative reform is tant:~-
mount to arms expansi~on," and it plans to link the debate on reform to tlie issues
of security and defense.
~ieanwnile, compar2d to the JSP, the three centrist association parties are taking
their time in selecting candidates for the special committee. Thinking that "after
all, the special committee will be formed next month," the Komeito says: "We are
. 18
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I~UR Uf~N'I('I:U. l1tiN: ONl.l'
not ready to pick." (Komeito Diet policy chairman Okubo) The DSP says: "Perhaps
the members of the education and social/labor committees will provide the chief
candidates." (DSP Diet policy chairman Nagamatsu) Also,in the case of the NLC and
United SDP, which rzcently formed a united faction, only one committee seat wil.l
be allocated. Soon after its conslidation, some confusion occurred due to Koji
Kakizawa's withdrawal from membership and Toshio Yamaguchi, the faction's chief
delegate, stated: "Since the full deliberation is ahead of us, we may let the United
SDP have our committee seat." Apparently bound by a spirit of mutual accommodation,
the unity of the faction seems to be quite secure.
Because of the lack of cohesiveness within the opposition camp and speculation
concerning a united association faction of the centrist parties, there does not
seem to be smooth sailing for the formation of a solid opposition front. How will
this affect the deliberation on administrative reform? It is a question which bears
close attention.
Prime Minister
On the morning of 24 September, when the extraordinary Diet was convened, Prime
Minister Suzuki spoke of his expectations in the Diet: "The national opinion regard-
ing administrative reform has risen to a level never seen before. There will be
further answers forthcoming f rom the extraordinary investigating committee, but
as a breakthrough I am determined to see the reform bill pass." His strong stand
in declaring that the special bill is "a project which must be imple_nented for the
future of the country and the people" was apparently in his own view not at all
exaggerated.
Stimulated by the prime minister's "fervor," Administrative Management Agency
Director Nakasone's campaign of persuasion in various quarters took on an unusual
dimension. He not only repeatedly made secret contacts with Shin Kanemaru and
Kazuo Tamachi, the candidates for special committee chairmen, but he also went
personally to the opposition and asked for cooperation. Perhaps boZstered by such
~ efforts, he is full of confidence, saying: "We will show you the kind of politics
on which we will stake our political life."
The prime minister has already issued an unusual directive stipulating that "all
government agencies not directly associ~t~d with the reform bill should also make
preparations to cope with any kind of situation." 'I'he government side thus appears
to be ready for the final countdown befare the inain event.
_ COPYRIGHT: Yomiuri Shimbunsha 1981
Committee Chairmen LDP Nominations
- Tokyo YOMIURI SHI1~iBUN in Japanese 21 Sep 81 p 2
[Text] Shin K3nemaru (former Defense Agency secretary general; Tanka faction) of
the Lower House and Kazuo Tamachi (LDP general affairs council of ~.hairman; non-
factional) of the Upper Iiouse have been nominated for the posts of "chairmen of ~he
special committee" which will handle the comprehensive bill on administrative reform,
the focal issue of the extraordinary Diet session, and an announcement will be made
19
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Eok oFFic�i.a~ ~ts~ o~vL~~
on 24 Segtember. Mr Kanemaru, who is a cadre of the Tanaka faction and yet is close
to former Prime Minister Fukuda and the new leaders, and also has "personal connec-
tions" among the opposition parties, has been picked in a team with Mr Tamachi,
who was once a young Turk member of the hawkish SEIRANKAI (Blue Storm Society).
This fact has a bearing not only on the direction of the extraordinary Diet which
may decide the fate of the Suzuki regime, but also on the general political situation.
As a result, the LDP is undergoing a mixture of anticipation and uncertainty.
Speaking of Mr Kanemaru, he is at loggerheads with Administrative Management Agency
Director Nakasone, who is responsible for administrative reform and a powerful can-
didate for the post-Suzuki premiership. In last year's contest to pick a ssccessor
following the prime minister's death, he said caustically to former Prime Minister
~ Tanaka: "If you recommend Nakasone, I will withdraw from the Tanaka faction, even
if I am alone~" Nonetheless, Kanemaru and Nakasone suddenly met for top secret
- talks on 1? September, inviting speculation within the LDP. In summarizing the
conversation among tight-lipped insiders, the apparent truth is that Nakasone sought
to approach Kanemaru, the leader of the anti-IVakasone elements within the Tanaka
faction, to express appreciation in advance for his pending efforts in the reform
Diet.
- It was Director Nakasone who publicly boasted that he would "take over the government
with the cooperation of the Tanaica faction and who has been meeting regularly with
former Prime Minister Tanaka, General Affairs Council Chairman Nikaido and Masaharu
Gotoda. However, it is safe to assume that his ambition of "conquering the Kanemaru
castl.e of Kai Province" changed to t.houghts of "carrying the imperial standard of
administrative reform" resulting in the secret talks.
rieanwhile, Tamachi will jump ahead of Diet operations committee chairman Higaki
and other candidates to grab the chairmanship candidacy. Behind the scenes was
reportedly a strong recommendntion by Kanemaru, who ignored the warning that "with
Tamachi~ there's no telling what he might do." (A Prime Minister Suzuki follower)
Early this summer a flash rumor of a"November cris~s" concerning Prime Minister
Suzuki spread through the LDP. Among the new leaders, some talked of an "uprising"
in November, possibly in anticipation of a change in the government. Tamachi is in
cl~arge of the new leaders group, and there is one view that thP seLection of Tamachi
was a typical Suzuki personnel tactic to tie him down. One new leader said: "Yeople
- are saying many things, but since both Mr Kanemaru and Mr Tamachi are highly respon-
- sible men, the reform bill will pass despite the confusio~n." With each player
holding his secret thoughts close to his chest, the "Ka:zemaru-Tamachi theater" is
about to raise the curtain.
COPIRIGHT: Yomiuri Shimbunsha 1981
Interview With Kanemaru
Tokyo YOrfIURI SHIMBUN in Japanese 25 Sep E1 p 2
_ [Interview with Shin Kanemaru, former Defense Agency secretary general, who i.s the
LDP cand=.dc~te as one of the two chairmen of the special Diet co~nittee on administra-
tive reform--date and place not given]
['I'ext] Steamroller Tactics Not Excluded if Opposition Resists
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~
~ Reporter: It is a difficult test, isn't it? What are your aspirations?
Kanemaru: I am still just a candidatP. When it is decided to form the committee,
the party in power and the opposition will have a full discussion. I do not intend
to swallow a bill in its original form and push it through. That would make the
Diet unnecessary. I believe that regardless of whether it is the party in power or
the opposition, what should be amended must be amended for the sake of the nation.
Reporter: In that case, would you listen to the demands for amendment submitted
by the four centrist parties?
Kanemaru: Of course. There is no sense in refusing to listen to other opinions.
Reporter: Following the extraordinary Diet, a cabinet change is planned. Would
that mean a speedup in the Diet deliberation?
- hanemaru: I have my own schedule in mind. The opposition may think otherwise,
saying ttie time period would be too short. I don't intend to steamroller the bill
toward adoption, but will take a moderate stance. (He grins knowingly)
Reporter: There are strong opinions within the government/LDP for a forceful
solution.
Kanemaru: If the opposition takes a sensible attitude, it would be nonsensical to
force the bill through. However, the fact that the LDP was given such a large number
of seats in the previou~ election means we have the mandate to do it our way. If
the opposition ignores this and becomes unmanageable, we might refuse to listen to
them. But using sheer force is tantamount to dictatorship politics. (He changes
at will-now hinting a possible change in his psution, now indicating a possible
use of force.)
Reporter: What at~out the important point of Mr Nakasone's posture on administrative
reforrn?
Kanemaru: The ~ther day I talked with him over lunch. He seemed intent on staking
his life on iC.
,
Reporter: rt seems there is still a strong ant;i-I~akasone sentiment in the Tanaka
~ faction. Among them you, Mr Kanemaru, are reported to have told former Prime
Minister Tanaka last year: "If Nakasone is recommended as party presidential
candidate, succeeding Mr Ohira, I will leave the Tanaka faction, even if I am alone."
Do you think you can get along with him?
Kanemaru: Any politician who switches from left to right at his convenience (to
find a sauare meal) is not a man of taste. With that in mind, I did point him out,
saying :"How about Mr Nakasone?" But I never said I would leave the Tanaka faction.
- One morning, I went to the Tanaka residence and asked: "Is Nakasone really being
' set up as the successor?" The reply was: "In the present circumstances, I don't
think he stands a chance." It was that simple.
Reporter: The handling of the PA recommendation and the wage arbitration case are
both focal. Are you for full implementation of both issues?
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Fc~K ~NF~tct.at. usH. o~t.ti~ .
_ Kanemaru: I don't have any opinion one way or the other, but as a politician I
do think the handling of these issues is very important. (A very significant reply
in view of Pri~ee Minister Suzuki's statement tfiat "I will not compromise in an
unprincipled way.")
Reporter: In other words, you think it would be a big tradeoff point between the
oppositio~ in connection with the reform bill?
- Kanemaru: I will leave that to your interpretation.
Report: As for the Kanemaru-Tamachi (Upper House Candidate for the special committee)
team, there are some who are concerned that you might be taken advantage of.
Kanemaru: Nothing of the sort. A basic line of approach will be established in
tlle Upper House, so there is no possibility of Mr Tamachi running ahead alone with
talk of amendments.
Keporter: How do you see the post-Suzuki era?
~
Kanemaru: If the reform bill is passed, the Suzuki government will naturally be
stabilized. Since r1r Suzuki is staking his political life, we should also stake
our political lives on passage of the bill. That is the right thing to do.
Reporter: There are some in the Tanaka faction who say General Affairs Council
Chairman Nikaido should be fielded in the party presidential election in November
ne:~t year. If you serve as special committee chairman and succeed in passing the
reform bill, which would help to solidify the foundation of the Suzuki regime,
wouldn't it put you at a disadvantage?
Kanemaru: In politics, }�ou can never tell what will happen until the time comes.
Gathering from what you have heard, Mr Tanaka believes that it is better at this
time for the nation to go along with the Suzuki government, and that it is inadvisable
for the LDP to fall into turmoil. (He is a veteran of Diet policy affairs and a
cadre of the Tanaka faction, who has wide connections with the opposition parties.
Despite his acknowledgement that he is "open-handed," he is pretty shrewd. He is
mischiev.ous enough to deliberately drop a copy of the Diet dissolution schedule
in the hall of the Diet. If hE should be appointed with Mr Tamachi of the Upper
House as a team of chairmen for the special committee, he will. probably hardle both
the party in power and the opposition adroitly.)
' COPYRIGHT: Yomyuri Shimbunsha 1981
5854
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POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL
LDP'S KANEMARU BACK STEERING DIET
_ Tokyo ASAHI EVENING NEWS in English i Oct 81 p 3
[Article from "Politics & Politicians" column by Michisada Hirose]
[Text]
Shin Kanemaru was named �'There must ~be trust among two kinds of LDP-Opposition
- to head the Lower Hoi~te spe- ~the steering officia~s of ~ the clashes. Last spring, the ruling
- cial comrrrittee on administra- Government and Opposition party railroaded the fiscal
tive reform when it was in- pazties," Kanemaru says, "i~ 1981 aateonal b~idget through
- augurated Tuesday. This the Diet is to be rua smooth- tbe Lower House Budget .
ranking member of the Lib- ly." Hiunan relations are im- Committee, and, in'the f~ace of
eral-Democratic Party faction portant in fostering tnist;' he a public outcry, entrusted the
ied by former Prime Miuis- adds, "so I have come to as- resolutioa of the dispute #o
ter Kakuei Tanaka }ras held sociate with n~od oaly Opposi- Lower Hauge Spe~ker HajiTne
such ministerial posts as direc- tion steering officials but Fukuda. Kanemani, who was
tor - general of the Defense theer fam'rlies." removed from responsibility
Agency, Construction Minis- '~The Japan Comanunist Par- far Diet sceering ax that time,
- ter, and director-genera~l of. ;y is an eacception," he says. �ategorizes Uhe row as one
the National Land Agency, but ~,JCp met mem~ers keap to "lacking in wisdom."
for the past year, he has held .hemselves. Since they seem to Thg qther kind of clashes,
no key posts on account of ~onsider private associatioa "calculated clashes," are dis-
his incurring 'd'anaka's wrath. w~h lavvmak~rs af other par- putes ~tliat follow a scenario
There are two reasons for a bad thing, I dan't make worked out.beforehand by the
7Canemani s appointment as overtures to them:' steem~rg officials of the Gov-
the chairman af the special Will a persouai 'moai.is '~p- ernmcmt and Opposition par-
committee. The Governmern erandi like ti~is really guaran- ~
and the ruling partcy need his tee smooth Iliet proceedings? The Opposition parties
Diet steering ability as dif- There have often been clash- sometimes have to boycott .
ficulties are expected in the ~,~t~,~,~ ~e Governmeart pro~eedings to demonstrate
current extraordinary Diet ses- and Opposition parties in 2he
sion. And Tanaka s anger ~as Diet sessions far which Kane- their opposition to a Govem-
waned. ma~ of the ment proposal in the eyes of
- Kanemani s Diet stecring LDP steering ce~mndt,~ee. the people. There are also
mcthoJ is unique. Hc says he cases where it is to their ad-
u~,cratcs on the basis vf 'tn~.st "Makiag caanpromises is vantage to give the impression
and friendship among the different from being trustfua," that they have lost to the
steering specialists of the Gov- Kanemaru says. "We do our LDP's overwhelming numeri-
zcnment and Opposition par- best to explore the ~oin~ we cal strength than to get mea-
ties. The professionals he rc- can agree on. But th~'e are ger concassions from the ruling
fers to as "kokutai zoku"- often bills on ahich ttie Gov- party. Kanemaru seems to feel
stecring tribe-are the rank- ernment and Qpposition par- that, given these circum-
ing members of the parties' ties can't comprotn~se. Sharp stances, even sharp clashes
lliet steering committces. He clashes occur at su~vh times. can be orchestrated if therc
served as the LDP's chief Dict But there are no hard feel- is a bond of trust among the
steering official for the first ings involved in `calculuted steering professionals of the
tiinc 10 ycars ago, and he has clashc;s: " Government and Opposition
since been appointed to the Kanematu says there are parties.
slme post several tim~s.
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Kanemaru is optimistic that the faction's desire to strength-
he w;ll be able to get through en its unity before the reshuf-
the Government's focal bill, fle of the Cabinet and pazty
the lcgislation on administra- executives-a reshuffle is tbe
tivc reform, with almost no thing tbat most excites LDP
confusion by using the ques- members~--which will iaJce
!ion of implementing the Na- place after the current Diet
- tional Personnel Authority's session draws to a close.
pay raise recommendation for For another, the intra-fac-
public servants as a card to tional influence of Kanemaru
bargain with the Japan 5ocial- and Takeshita has declined "as
ist Party. a result of an increase in the
Kanemaru incucred Tanaka's faction's membership during
wrath for advocating leader- the past year, and the need to
ship changes in the LDP fac- be on guard against them has
tions during the campaigns for diminished.
last year's double Diet elec- Kanemaru and Foreign
tions. He asserted that the fa~ Minister Sunao Sonoda are
tional bosses should hand over being mentioned in some .
power to the next generation LDP quarters as men who
as the successive intraparty may be given the coveted post
disputes were largely due to. of party secretary-general in
the personal conflicts among the coming reshuffle. Ap-
them. parently conscious of thia,
Kanemaru often says these
If the ruling party had lost ctays, "If I am to say anything
the elections, the factional about the reshuffle, it is that
bosses might well have been I believe a person who does
supplanted by junior leaders, not . command international
as called for by Kanemaru, firi~aC ~ould not be appointed
But things developed entirely to a key post:'
to the contrary, and Kane- Kanemaru believes that So-
maru and his closest.associate, noda's controversial statement
former Finance Minister No- about the Suwki-I~eagan joint
_ boru Takeshita, came in communique-that it .had no
for cold treatment within the binding power - greatly
Tanaka faction. ,harmed' international tru~t �in
Why has the Tanaka group .,J~p '~ut~_.�i~._, j{anem~u
approved Kanemaru's nomina- fhin~cs that Sonoda is his only
tion as the chairman of rival in his bid for the secro-
the administrative reform pa- tary-generalship, he is being
nel'? For one thing, it r~flects overly optimistic.
COPYRIGHT: ASAHI EVENING NEWS 1981
- CSO: 4120/27
- 24
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PULI'1'ICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL .
DISCUSSION OF WHY LDP MEPiBERSHIP DECLINES ,
Tokyo THE JAPAN TIMES in English 8 Oct 81 p 10
[Article from "Politics Today and Tomorrow" column by Minoru Shimizu]
[Text] There is a matter that is whole is not showing its usual
causing a great deal of worry strong interest 1n recruiting Catchphrase
to several leaders of the Liber- members, and so the efforts of The catchphrase "Even you
al Democratic Party (LDF~) Tamura and his cohorts seem can choose the prlme minister
and especially to Hajime Ta- uNlkely to bear fruit. and party president" apparent-
mura, chairman of the party's Ironically, Tamura hlmself ly had the right effect, for in
National Organization Com- 1s one of the persons respon- the following year (1978) mem-
mittee. This is the ques[ion of sible for caus!ng LDP member- ~'ship showed a tremendous
what will be the final tally ot ship this year to shrink like a increase, exceeding 1,300,000.
the LDP membership for this p~ctured balloon. � Up to the previous year the
year when the registration LDP had clatmed a member-
lists are closed at the end of ~SWationRevision ~jp of about 450,000.
this month. 'i'his spring the LDP revised ~is huge increase in mem-
ln view ot the situation pre- ~e party regulations govern- bership was said to be due ta
vailing to ciate. Tamura and ing the election of the party s the efforts of presidential can-
- other LDP otticials concerned President, and the man who didates to secure as many sup-
?car that this year's member- drafted the amendments was ~~ers as possible so as to en-
~hip may turn out to be only none other than Tamura. sure victory ln the primary,
about 400,Or10, or one-quarter Because o[ this revision rather than to any spontaneous
of last year's tigure. there was little likellhood of a participat(on by the man in the
According to the LDP head= P~mary being held in the LDP street. One gimmick was [or
quarters office, membership p~idential election scheduled ~e presidential candidate to
as of the end ot September ~or November next year and pay the party dues of would-be
stood at about 300,cxN). cLDP this resulted in a loss of moti-, members (Y1,500 a year at that
~ members ~~ho have paid their vatlon to register among the time) out of kiis own pocket.
annual dues 1:3.000 [or 19R1 rank-and-file party members.
b the end ot Oclober cach In 1977the LDP decided on a In the first primary held in
y new system for electing the November 1978, Masayoshi Oh-
vcar are rc~islered at party ira, then art secretar - en-
hranches in citics, towns and Party president as one ot the eral, defeafedyTakeo F kuda,
,i~~~,~~,s ~ party retorms aimed at rem- the art resident of the
'fhus, Tamura and other par- ~Ying the decline of the par- timepb a w de margin. After �
ty leaders ~re pi�odding the ot- tY s strength, whlch was appar- this crushin defeat in the pri-
fice staff to do theU~ utmost ent at that tlme. g
The new formula adopted a mary, Fukuda declined to run
during the nmaining month to ln the t(nal elec:tiorl with lhe rc-
ensure lhal total membership Prtmary system enabling sull that Ohira was elected
�~ill reach at icast a million. rank-and-file parly members
to take part ln the presldential president. Ohlra's victory was
in normal ycars il is custo- election. The election was to Put down to his hpving secret-
- mary tor lar~!c numbers of reg- ~ a two-stage aftalr in which ly recrufted a large number of
istrations to I>e reported to par- the top two candidates elected Party members to support
ty hcadquart~~cs just before the ~n the primary wQUid run In a him.
rlosing of registration. This ~inal electlon by Dfet members As a result, there developed
year, howevcr, the party as a ~longing to the LDP. under the Ohira administration
25
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~~c~H c~;~F'tc't,~~, t~~~�: c~h~.ti
a competition among hopetuls MainPo[ntsotRevislon over, presidential candidates
with an eye on the next presi- The main points of the revi- like Komoto teel there is no
dential election tn secure as slon were that presldential can- longer any need to go out o[
many suppor[ing party mem- didates must have the recom- thelr way to recruit part
bers as possible. ]n particular, mendation of 50 or more Diet y
Toshio Komoto c resent direc- members since there is vir-
P members belonging to the tually no possIbility o[ a pri-
tor general of the Economic LDP (previously the number mary being held.
Planning Agencyi made tre- had been 20); that when the
mendous efforts to recruit par- number of candidates did not SharpDecline
- ty members in order to make exceed three, the primary in- Such is the background to
up for his lack of tactiun volving all party mernbers the recent sharp decline in
strength based on Diet mem- would be dispensed witlr, and LDP membershIp. And it can
bers only. that party dues would be' ~ said that, ~nder the clrcum-
Consequently LDY member- raised from Y2,000 to Y3,(100, stances, this decrease was
_ s h i p f o r 19 7 9 s h o t u p t o From a' practical p~~int of only to be expected.
;;,100,000. Of this number Ko- vtew, 1t is inconceivable that At the same rime, it seems
moto is said to have recruited there could be four candldates strange that there should be a
about t million. It ~vas thus ex- with 50 recommendatSons or Polltical party whose member-
pected in the LDP that i( a pri- more. Thus, this revlsion can ship has increased to 3 million
mary ~�cre to be held under be said to have been aimed at and then dropped to a mere
such rircumstances, the top- virtually abolishing I:he pr[- ?n the space ot only a
placc ~vinner would be Komoto maY.~, tew years.
even thotigh his faction was nu- The Komoto [action, tor in- And the blg problem is that
mcricaqy inferior to the oth- stanse, has a strength of ~12 nefther Prime Minister Suzuki,
ers. members, whfch means it ~e party president, nor most
7'his gave rise to moves by would be impossible tor Ko- of the other LDP leaders are
the tactions of former prime moto to :vn tor the presidency taking this sharp decrease in
tninisters Takeo F'ukuda and with the support ot his taction party membershlp at all se-
E:ahuei Tanaka as ~vell as that alone. Accordingly, the opinion riously.
of Prime i~Tinister Zenko Suzu- has been expressed that this According to observers, this
ki to carry out a revision of revision was afined at pre- is because, since gaining a
party regulations concerning venting new leaders from stable ~majority in the Diet in .
the presidential election tor emerging as a resWt ot elec- last summer's double election,
the ostensible pui~pose of pre- tion by party members and ~ey have lost all motivation to
venting an overheating of par- maintainirrg the existing blg- tackle improvement of the par-
ty member recruitment. And ty structure.
party setup.
chis spring these factions car- It is only natural, therefore, In thts matter of recruiting
ricd out a very arbitrary revi- that the party members who Party members, the LDP ap-
sion ot lhese reguialions under had rallied under the slogan Pears as a collection of people
the name o[ promoting party ~~Even you can choose the N'ha arbltrarily tune their
- rcform. prime minister and party pres- Words and actions to suIt the
ident" should have all turned occaslon and their own conve-
away in disappointment. More- njence. .
COPYRIGHT: The Japan Times 1981
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MILITARY
- MSA'S PROJECTFD PATROL BOAT WOULD BE SENT TO MIDDLE EAST
Tokyo ASAHI SHIMBUN in Japanese 2 Oct 81 p 1
[Excerpt] The Maritime Safety Agency (~tSA) announced on 1 October th~t the plans
~ for a 6,600-ton patrol boat, which MSA intends to order in fiscal 1982, include
sending the boat to ~istant areas of conflict such as the Persian Gulf, to pro-
tect Japanese merchant ships and rescue Japanese nationals.
The planned patrol boat will carry 2 type-212 Bell helicopters (15-person
capacity), and will be equipped with 35 mm and 20~mm cannon each. It will
also have a sonar system. This patrol boat will be larger than Maritime Self-
Defense Force's (MSDF) largest escort boat 'Shirane' (5,200-ton). It will have
a range of 14,500 nautical miles which is long enough for the boat to make a
round trip to any point in the Pacific and the Indian Ocean without making a stop
to refuel.
- The MSA plan is most likely to trigger a barrage of criticism over whether the
sending of an armed patrol boat to areas like the Persian Gulf will be inter-
preted as the dispatch "sending of troops abroad," which is naturally considered
by t}ie government "unconstitutional." However, the sending of the planned MSA
patrol boat to an area of conflict is bound to be taken as a"troop dispatch."
Also it is possible that while being engaged in the rescue of Japanese nationals
and the protection of Japanese merchant ships, the men on the patrol boat will
be forced to fire in self-defense. The MSA boat will be about the size of the
cruiser of the defunct Imperial Japanese Navy. No other country owns such a
large patrol boat. Even the la~gest ships the LT.S. Coast Guard have are the
3.500-ton "Hamilton class" vessels.
During the past 3 years, the MSA fleet has grown by nearly 60 percent in tonnage,
- particularly since the 200-mile Japanese economic waters was established. The
~ MSA ras 36 ships of more than 1,000 tons in operation or under construction
while MSDF possesses only 4$ such vessels.
The MSA's 7-year project will begin in FY 1982 and the project calls for con-
struction of two (2) 6,600-ton boats and tive (5) 3,800-ton boats. By the
time the plan is completed, the MSA fleet will= more or less, equal the present
MSDF strength.~ Tt~e task of the patrol boat will include "securing the safety
of oil routes, which is similar to the MSDF's task of "protecting the sealanes."
For this reason the Agency decided to equip its patrol boats with sonar surveil-
lance system.
27
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The Cabinet Legislation Bureau commented that "the use of a patrol boat, whose
mission (duty, task) is not to use offensive force, is constitutionally possi-
ble. However, the "sending of troops abroad" would mean for men to go into
foreign countries and territorial waters for the use af force."
MSA Director General Hiroto Senoo said that sending a patrol boat to the Persian
Gulf is not what the Agency has particularly in mind. However, he said that
having a helicopter aboard will be useful when the government decides to send
a rescue helicopter to a Japanese Embassy in a foreign country, and also having
patrol boats capable of protecting merchant ships and rescuing Japanese nationals
will widen the range of options for Japan in times of emergency.
- ;~~-;'~r~fi~iLZ~~~a ~
~7�9-~~S`c~+~t3 ~
~ , ~
~
�
s's't"'~ ~ ~
_
~ . . .
5
COP'~'rtIGHT: Asahi Shimbun Tokyo Honsha, 1981
cso: 4105!l0
i
�
8
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SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY
SOCIETY TO STUDY THORIUM NUCLEAR REACTOR TO BE FORMED
Tokyo NIKKAN KOGYO SHIMBUN in Japanese 24 Aug 81 p 1
[Text] A movement is growing to develop a thorium system nuclear reactor by strict-
ly Japanese efforts to replace the uranium and plutonium reactors. The movement is
centered on Easter~: and Western financial circles and on academia, and preparations
are underway tc form a"Thorium Energy Research Association (provisional name) as
an incorporated body this fall, centered on the Sumitomo group, with the hope of
initiating activity next spring.
Toshio Doko, former president of the Federation of Economic Organizations; Presi-
dent Saikan Himukaigata of the Federation of Economic Organizations; and Seishi Kaya,
former president of the University of Tokyo, are expected to be sponsors, and the
initial funding is expected to be 5A0 million yen. Compared to the classical
nuclear reactor, the thorium nuclear ractor: 1) is safer, 2) has four times as many
resources as uranium, and 3) cannot be used to produce atomic bombs. With these
features, it is sometimes referred to as the "dream reactor." Because of the esca-
- lating cost of uranium and the Three Mi1e Island nuclear incident, a move to re-
assess the thorium reactor has swelled within government, financial, and academic
circles because of the safety, assurance of stable sources, and the prevention of
nuclear proliferation. One hundred members of the Liberal Democratic Party banded
together to form an "independent energy group," which then formed a"thorium energy
development promotional representatives group" to which people interested in basic
- research on thorium applications are being attracted, mostly from the University of
Tokyo, Kyoto University, and the Tokyo Institute of Technology.
- In the industrial area, Sumitomo Shoji Kaistia is the window which is expected to
introduce the basic technology for the molten salt reactor (researched at the Oak
Ridge National Laboratory in the United States) from the Ebasco Company of the United
States. This is a sharp contrast to previous attitudes. The reason here is that
the great majority of the world's nuclear reactors are light water reactors using
uranium, and future plans envision the use of fast breeder reactors to provide the
uranium-plutonium cycle which will be the mainstream according to the plans of the
Ministry of International Trade and Industry and the Science and Technology Agency.
- The actual situation is that research on thorium family reactors has been suspended
in the United States, and there is a lengthy time gap between this type reactor and
the already perfected light water reactor.
_ 29
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In the midst of such a background, the Sumitomo group, comprised of companies such
as Sumitomo Shoji, Sumitomo Metal Industries, and Sumitomo Electric Industries, made
a proposal that research be carried out on thorium family reactors, based on the
development of an independent technology and the assurance of stable resources,
which was presented to the Kwansai Combined Meeting of Economic Organizations. The
meeting judged this subject to be one for the national Council of Economic Organiza-
tions and made informal inquiries of former President Doko, as a result of which it
was decided to form a corporation with the participation of Eastern and Western
financial circles and academic members, and tentative approval of the Science and
- Technology Agency was obtained. This association will play a promotional role to
make this a national project as well as to promote research on conceptual design
and on materials for use as the container, in particular, Hastalloy N(nickel base
alloy to which molybdenum and chromium are allayed).
COPYRIGHT: Nikkan Kogyo Shimbunsha 1981
2267
CSO: 4105/235
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, SCIENCE AND TFCHNOLOGY
SHINETSU CHEMICAL TO EXPAND SILICONE PRODUCTION
Tokyo NIHON KOGYO SHIMBUN in Japanese 28 Jul 81 p 14
[Excerpt) Shinetsu Chemical (president, Shintaro Odagiri) announced on the 27th
that it will construct a large silicone m~nomer plant at its Naoezu plant (Joetsu-
shi, Niigata-ken) in order to reinforce its silicone (silica resin) industry; effect
a 40-percent increase in the monomer capacity of its Isobe plant (Yasunaka-shi,
Gunma-ken); and construct a plant for RTV (room temperature vulcanizing) rubber,
which is a derivative of silicone, at the Gohara plant located within the Yasunaka
industrial park, and thereby triple its monthly production to 600 tons per month.
These are part of the series of expansions to be carried out up to the end of 1983.
The company has a SO-percent share of this country's sil~cone production, which
makes it tops in this country, and these expansions will place this company in
third rank in the world, following the Dow Corning Company and General Electric (GE)
of the United States.
To Assure Itself Third Rank in the World
Silicones are in demand in Japan for insulation and coatings of electrically insu-
lated materials and moldings for electrical and electronic equipment, packing and
sealings for automobile related applications, and sealing materials for engineering
and construction projects, where the demand keeps increasing. It has an annual
mark~t on the scale of 50-60 billion yen, double the volume of 5 years ago.
- It is expected that there will be further increase in demand in the automobile and
construction areas, and an annual gr.owth of about 25 percent is anticipated. This
is why this company considers silicones to have a promising future and decided to
expand its production foundation.
According to the expansion plans drawn up by the company, the first item is the con-
struction of an integrated plant to produce silicone monomer at the Naoetsu plant
(annual production 14,000 tons of siloxane), which it hopes to start operating by
the end of 1983. This is a large plant pursuing the scale merit concept, and the
first-phase construction is expected to cost about 20 billion yen.
At the same time, silicone monomer production at the Isobe plant will be increased
from the present annual production of 10,000 tons (siloxane equivalent) to 14,000
tons or a 40-percent increase. Expanded operation at this plant is expected to
~ start next summer. This new production combined with the Naoetsu plant production
will complete this system.
31
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In addition, there is the production of the derived product. Following the doubling
in capacity of the thermally vulcanized rubber facility at the Takefu plant (Takefu-
shi, Fukui-ken) this March, the new plant to produce RTV rubber (Gohara plant) is
expected to be completed by the end of the year, and this will increase monthly
production from 400 tons to 600 tons acc~rding to the plan. The increased monomer
capacity of the Isobe plant and the new construction of the RTV rubber plant are
expected to require an investment of about 6 billion yen.
Parall~l with this plan to reinforce production capacity, the company is establish-
ing a developmental survey department in order to enhance its new applications
development capability and thereby place more emphasis on market development.
COPYRIGHT: Nihon Kogyo Shimbunsha 1981
2267
CSO: 4105/226
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SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY
STOCKPILING OF MOLYBDENUM ORE, OXIDE TO START IN OCTOBER
Tokyo NIK~EI SANGYO SHIMBUN in Japanese 8 Aug 81 p 3
[A~ticle by reporter Makiuchi]
(Text] The stockpiling cf molybdenum ore and molybdenum oxide produced in the
United States will be formally initiated in October by the nine ferroalloy maker
companies such as the Japan Metals and Chemicals Co Ltd, and this move is attract-
ing the attention of parties interested in steel raw materials. This is a new
system set up by the Japan Molybdenum Roundtable (chairman, Shigeo Takeyama, con-
sultant to Nippon Metals and Chemicals) and the Climax Molybdenum Company of the
United States, and "this is a method in which no one is the loser" (Chairman Takeyama).
Painful Interest and Storage Charges
Molybdenum is an alloy component used in stainless steels, high-speed steels,
heat-resistant steels, and structural steels. Ferroalloy makers ref ine i.mported
ore to produce ferromolybdenum, which they sell to the steel makers. In some cases
the steel makers import molybdenum oxide, which they use directly. There are only
- a few producing sources, and price fluctuations are severe.
This is why the steel and ferroalloy industries voiced the need for stockpili.ng
i.n the past, but interest and storage charges presented a major obstacle. Accord-
ing to the present plan, the nine companies will stockpile a 3-month supply of
material imported f rom Climax at designated storage sites at the ports of Yokohama,
Nagoya, and Kobe, and the expenses in the interim wi.ll be borne by Climax, so this
is a"good deal" for the buyer.
Climax is the world's largest supplier of molybdenum, and its share of the Japanese
market was about SO percent in the past, but this has recently dropped to about 30
percent because of the emergence of newly developed mines. The development of new
mines and the increase in demand have become a worldwide problem, and an oversupply
of ore has resulted. This is the reason for a new trade strategy aimed at obtain-
ing a greater share of the Japanese market.
As far as Climax is concerned: 1) interest charges will accrue even when the material
- is stored in the United States, and 2) spot export to steel makers is not a stable
approach. As a result, it appears that the strategy of this company is to assist
the stockpiling by the Japanese ferroalloy makers and even route molybdenum oxide
through the ferroalloy makers to the steel makers and thereby expand its share.
- 33
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Aim at 45 Percent Share
The ferroalloy makers see the advantages of a stabiliz ed source of molybdenum raw
- material as well as the reduction in the direct import of molybdenum oxide by th~
steel makers. At the same time, the steel makers realize that the acquisition time
by tliis new approach will be much quicker than direct import, and since Climax
will bear the storage charges, the cost to them may actually be less.
- If this comes to pass, it may truly be a situation in which no one suffers....
Climax hopes by this new sales strategy to increase its share of the Japanese mar-
ket up to 45 percent by next year. This means that the share of other mines would
decrease. The other mines cannot stand idly by. The Canadian Endago Company is
now conducting a similar series of talks with the Japanese Molybdenum Roundtable.
Even a Climax official comment~d that "the sales compet ition on the Japanese front
will become much more f ierce."
Possibility of Price War
It is clear that a stockpiling system is itself desirable, but there is some concern
that this might be a prelude to a price war. The steel industry said at an early
stage that "a price war in the long run would lessen the will to develop new mines
and might result in an insuff icient supply and trigger sudden price inereases,
thereby repeati.ng patterns experienced in the past" as one way of viewing the pre-
sent situation. There may be a need to establish a well-defined stockpiling system
- and a system of operation based on reliable demand and supply predictions in order
to realize the objective of st3bilized demand and supply.
COPYRIGHT: Nihon Keizai Shimbunsha 1981
2267
CSO: 4105/225
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SCIENCE AI~ID TECHNOLOGY
NE1J DEVELOPMENTS IN ROBOT INDUSTRY DISCUSSID
Color Sen~or
Tokyo NIKKEI SANGYO SHIMBUN in Japanese 17 Jul 81 p 14
[Text~ The Nagoya City Technological Research Laboratory and
the Nagoya University Department of Technology, Professor
riinoru Ueda's Group, have developed a color sensor that can
easily differentiate 10 colors. This sensor is composed of
three photodiodes, which are sensitive to components of the
_ three primary colors, mounted on a small semiconductor chip.
_ Although small, it is unique in that itcan differentiate many
colors. The research laboratory claims that its potential
application--in painting, checking commodities, as "eyes" for.
industrial robots and so on--is extensive. The laboratory
hopes to promote industrial utilization of this technology
and at the same time to involve itself directly in its appli-
cation.
It Is Small and Its Industrial Use Is Being Promoted
This sensor is made up of three photodiodes on a 7-millimeter-square silicone
semiconductor chip. Each photodiode is topped with red, green and blue filters.
The color differentiation is processed as follows: The three primary color
signals from this sensor are put through a signal processing unit, and by com-
paring the color component ratio, a given ob~ect's pigment is determined.
The laboratory anci Nagoya University emphasized the functional validation in
sensor development and they did not pay much attention to the size of the semi-
conductor chip, but in actual application, a very small--3-millimeter-square--
chip may ~e used as an accumulator base. Moreover, while the test sample uses
a commercially available three primary color filter that is pasted onto the
semiconductor baseboard, at a mass production stage, photoetching technology can
be employed as a labor--saving manufacturing process.
� This sensor has been successful in distinguishing a maximum of 12 colors. If a
- slight mo~?f ication is made in the signal processing format, it could differen-
tiate a greater number of colors. It is said that its differentiation capability
could equal that of the human eye.
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The laboratory claims that possible applica~tion of this sensor covers a wide
range of fields--for example, sorting of color differentiated manufactured
goods, checking painting jobs or painting error, differentiation and grading
of vegetables, and color coding the bar code (differentiatio~l cf mrr~�li:~ncli::~~
relying on widths of black and white lines) used in POS (processing on salc).
In addition, it is possible to substitute sound for color data tio enable
sight-impaired or color-blind persor.s to ~;erform color checks on products.
In nther words, the ripple effect ~rom this development may take surprising
_ turns.
Since the fields of application of this invention are so extensive, the labora-
tory and Nagoya University are prepared to transfer this technology to dire~t
co~ercial operations should there be such requests from businesses. They
also intend to tackle several industrial applications on their own to promote
utilization of the technology they have developed.
COPYRIGHT: Nihon Keizai Shimbunsha 1981
Solenoid Finger
Tokyo NIKKAN KOGYO SHIMBUN in Japanese 22 Jul 81 p 10
[Text] Nagoa--Maruha Electric Company (12-33 Fujimi-cho, Naka-ku, Nagoya;
president: Kanae Bando; Telephone: 052--331--1231) has commercialized three
types of solenoid finger ("embracer") for industrial robots. Each is composed
of a round hand section which can grasp soft goods without breaking. They will
be marketed starting in August.
The implement functions as follows. An item is placed within the belt arc and
when an electrical message is sent, a belt connected to the mobile steel core
is drawn to the right around the item's diameter (outer shape), tightening
gently until the item i.s t~eld firmly. T~Ihen the electrical source is cu.*_ off,
t}~e coil spring within the mobile steel core pushes th~ ~Qre to the left and
the belt opens along the guide ring and releases the item (solenoid operates
the running gear).
'T}~e instrument's character~stics are: 1) grasping is performed gently so there �
is little danger of damagi;?g the object grasped; 2) odd shaped objects can be
handled; and 3) it is structurally simple and so it is easy to operate and
maintain. Deformation of the shape of items such as canned goods, paper con-
tainers, toothpaste tubes which are pliable and easily deformed, can be avoided
by lowering the input electric voltage. Likewise, when the weight of the ob-
_ ject grasped is lighter than the specified value, it is possible to enlarge
the belt diameter.
36
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There are three machine types: SF-1600A, which can accommodate the grasped
object diameter range of 35 to 45 millimeters with 1 kilogram optimum weight;
SF-1800A, which can handle a d iameter range of 35 tb~50 millimeters and 3
kilogram optimum weight; and SF-1800B, which can accoffinodate a 50 to 60 milli-
meter diameter range and 3 kilogram optimum weight.
(SF-1500A specifications): voltage rating--DC 24 volts; electric current
rating--2.6 amperes; length---264 millimeters; diameter--42 millimeters;
volume--1.7 kilogram.
COPYRIGHT: Nikkan Kogyo Shimbunsha 1981
Location Sensor
Tokyo NIKKEI SANGYO SHI1~iBUN in Japanese 7 Aug 81 p 15
[Text] The Agency for Industrial Science and Technology,
Mechanical Technology Research Laboratory, has developed a
loading type location/direction measurement device which can
measure the mobile ro~ot's location and direction in terms
_ of real time. This facility--called "MELODI"---uses a super-
sonic wave transmitter situated at a predetermined location
to pinpoint the spot. It has yielded good test results and
it would appear that it can be used as the "eyes" for the
unmanned conveyor vehicle used ir~ factories and hospitals.
The newly developed location/direction measurement device is made up of an
antenna which has a sensor for receiving supersonic waves, a supersonic wave
detector device and an operation control facility. For each attachment to
mobile robots, its size is small. The antenna's height is approximately 20
centimeters, a.nd three pairs of supersonic wave sensors (six in all) are
affixed.
These three pairs of sensors can independently revolve on their respective
axes via a motor. While rotating, it seeks out the supersonic wave trans-
mitter. The transmitters are situated at three prefixed locations and they
emit 20 kilohertz, 32 kilohertz and 40 kilohertz frequency waves. The three
~ pairs of sensors receive these signals and the supersonic wave transmitter's
direction is determined therefrom. The rest is a matter of ineasurement fun-
damentals and the exact position can be calculated accurately.
One kilohertz low-frequency signal is emitted from the source of supersonic
wave in addition to the supersonic wave. This is caught by the left/right
pair af sensors and through frequency demodulation and a comparison of the
two low-frequency signal's phases, the sensor is able to pursue the supersonic
wave transmitter accurately even when the mobile robot is moving. Using this
as the case, the direction can be tabulated. .
The Mechanical Technology Research Laboratory has mounted this loading type
lacation/direction measurement device onto a multidirectional mobile vehicle
37
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and is in the process of testing its capability. It is said that in the indoor
experiment, the sensor was able to pinpoint the supersonic wave transmitter's
location with accuracy; and though there was some blurring [bure?], it was able
to track the transmitter while moving.
There is a demand for unmanned transport systems in factories, warehouses and
hospitals. Moreover, when assembly line robots are able to move freely, the
operational efficiency will be increased tremendously. Practieal utilizaCion
of such robots requires a technology which will guide the transport vehicle
- and/or robot accurately to the intended spot. This new method using a super-
- sonic wave presents possibilities for application in this sector.
~la`t 0~{}~
~~r~5)~,t_ '.:~.t~ ~7)
(4)~~ (3) (6) ~i~~a
(3) ~ :~s:a~ ~ r~ae~
~ ~ ~~a� ~ 9 ~
r, ~
~ (1 ~ ~
~i '(~11)~6~ ~ ~
vi;~~ ~ ~~~a ~ (8) ~ ~
~
_ t~ .
( ? 7~c~5~
~
~'a ~~aaeta~~~~( 2)
Key:
(1) Signal transmitter (8) Frequency demodulator
(2) Signal receiver (9) '~abulation/control unit
- (3) Amplifier (10) Phase differentiation detector
(4) Ultrasonic wave transmission (11) Motor
device (12) Supersonic wave signal generator
(5) Supersonic wave sensor (13) Frequency modulator
(6) Zonal wave filter (14) Low-frequency signal generator
(7) Amplified vibration discrimination
circuit
COT'YRICHT: Nihon Keizai Shimbunsha 1981
38
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Nursing Robots
Tokyo TOKYO SHIMBUN in Japanese 24 Aug 81 p 1
[Text] On 23 August the Ministry of International Tra3e
and Industry Agency for Industrial Science and Technology,
Mechanical Technology Research Laboratory (director; Sane-
toku Kanai), announced the successful development of a nurs-
ing/helper robot which can lift bedridden old people and
otherwise immobile patients and take them to bathing and
toilet facilities. A report on this new development will
be presented at the llth International Industrial Robot
Symposium to be held in Tokyo in early October. The suc-
- cessful development of a robot with a built-in system for
handling the human body ~iirectly is the world's first.
Lifting of nursing and retirement home patients ~:o care
for them is quite a hard task, and many cases of ~.ower
- back pain are reported as an occupational ailment among
attendants who work in such facilities. It is one reason
for the shortage of nurse attendants. The new discovery
is good news for both patients and nursing home operators.
~ World's First: Bright News To Ease Shortage of Nurse Attendants
This helper robot was developed by a staff of six, led by section chief Eizo
- Nakano of the laboratory's Production Engineering Division, Robot Technology
Section. The robot is 1.8 meters long, 1 meter wide and 1.5 meters high. It
weighs 400 kilograms.
_ During the afternoon hours when there is an attending nurse, he or she operates
this robot to perform such strength-requiring chores as lifting the patient and
transporting him to a bath and bathing him. But its real utility as an intel-
ligent robot is fully demonstrated at night when there is a shortage of atten-
dants. Its greatest feature is the fact that the patient may direct the robot
from his bed. ~The robot is taught bathroom and toilet routes and when the
pa~ient wishes to go to the toilet, he may be taken there without a human
attendant.
The difficulty in this helper robot development had been the element of danger
accompanying the operation because human beings are the ob3ect to be handled
and the fact that the robot size was cumbersome because a dozen or so ordinary
automobile batteries were required for lifting and transporting a human being.
The Robot Technology Section, first of all, made the leg wheels multidirectional--
unlike automobile wheels. That is, the leg wheels can be turned in every con-
_ ceivable direction. Not only can the robot make small turns, but it can also
stop right beside the patient as instructed. The section also implemented
energy-saving features in the oil pressure system, and only two b~tteries were
used, thereby eliminating the size problem. Section chief Nakano and others
are currently working on finishing off the test commodity. "Consideration has
39
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been given to safety features within the range of practicability--such as
preventing the robot from hitting the wall while moving."
The unit cost of constructing this robot at the test production stage is ap-
proximately 10,000 yen. When the mass production phase is well underway, its
manufacture is expected to be managed at a relatively low cost.
The section began this development 7 years ago when the difficulty in lifting
bedridden patients and handicapped in nursing homes and the attendant's lower
back problems as an occupational disedse were given a close look. The situ-
ation was causing a shortage of nurse attendants and it had become a grave
- social problem. Section chief Nakano states that, "utilization of this robot
will come quite quick~.y as soon as hospital corridors and so on are modified to
receive the new invention. By using this, we can get rid of adverse working
conditions such as lower backaches and so forth, and the nurse-patient contact
will be less harried, so as to allow for more conversation between the two."
High Evaluation
Comments by Assistant Professor Shigeo Hirose, Tokyo College of Engineering:
"Indeed, this is the first robot that has a system for handling humans. I think
we can give this invention a very high rating. The robot's undercarriage can
go any direction and it is energy efficient."
_
(1)
" 7~~~Jl~~i;~ ~r .
A
(4)-~ ~3~ . -
p
+
~5)
n~F .
�
~ ~~/NJ . ,r,~ ~
rr... .
~
Key:
(1) Nurse (4) Antenna
(2} Helper robot (5) Bed
(3) Patient (6) Command button
COPYRIGHT: Chu-Nichi Shimbun Tokyo Honsha 1981
11460
CSO: 4105/231
40
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SCIENCE APJD TECHN~DLOGY
DIGITAL COMMUNICATION SYSTEM SOON TO REPLACE ANALQG SYSTEM
Tokyo MIKKEI SANGYO SHIMBUN in Japanese 5, 7 Aug 81
[Article by reporter Kitamura]
[SAug81p5]
[Text] "Digital innovation" is taking place in the field of electrical communica-
tions. During the hundred or so years since Graham Bell invented the telephone in
18E~7, analog communication m3de up the ma~tnstream of electrical communication, but
with the emergence of a new method of communication in the form of ciata communica-
tion, representing a marriage of electrical com~unication and information handling,
the introduction of digital communication is seeing rapid movement. As information
oriented companies reach high levels of sophistication and various forms of informa-
tion are ha:~dled through the medium of electrical communication, it is believed
that e3ectrical communication will become entirely digital. Related industr.ies
~ such as the communication equipment makers are putting forth their best efforts to
grasp the business opportunities offered by the "innovations" which are being pro-
duced.
Japan Tel and Tel Has Role of Promoting Domestic Efforts
Japan, which is the world's second biggest user of telephones, is rioing its best
to speed along the digitalization of electrical communications. The organ to pro-
mote this movement is the Japan Telegraph and Telephone Public Corporation., This
corporation dubbed FY-81 as the "f irst ~ear of digitalization," and initiated an
all-out effort to digitalize its co~unication network.
Specif ic actions include the introduction of digital electronic exchanges in the
suburbs and the initiation of commercial tests for actual introduction. In addi-
tion, the optical fiber cable transmission network, which is considered to be the
"ace" of communication pathways, has already been extended for more than 110 kilo-
meters, encompassing 12 sectors throughout the country, and will go into actual use
for the f irst time.
The actual introduction of commercial digital electronic exchanges is expected to
begin in FY-83� It is expected that introduction of digital exchan.ges for intra-
urban use will come 2 years later, about 1985. The public corporation presently
has 5,800 urban exchanges and 840 suburban units, along with 400 joint urban and
~
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suburban units, for a total of 7,040 units. Considerable time will be required for
all of these units to be replaced by digital electronic exchange units, but the
introduction of digital electronic exchanges start~ng about 1985 is being promoted
at a feverish pitch.
Optical fiber cables which will be installed starting this year will have trans-
mission speeds of 32 million bits (a bit is the smallest ~iformation unit) per second
and a 100-million-bit intermediate capacity cable. In addition, tests will be ini-
tiated in FY-85 on high-capacity optical f iber cables which can handle 400 million
bits per second.
By the end of 1980, the public corporation had installed 90,000 kilometer5 of co-
axial cables (wires) in its transmission pathway and 150,000 kilometers of microwave
- lines (wireless), for a*otal of 240,000 kilometers. Within this total, the two
digital transmission networks account for 3,000 kilometers, or 1.3 percent of the
total. Hereafter digital transmission through wires will be by the optical fiber
route, and great activity is underway to introduce optical fiber cables into the
transmission network.
In order to respond to this digitalization trend in the communication network, the
industry is engaged in all-out research in this area of technology. Among the 18
items listed in the FY-81 technology survey research practical application plan
which were considered important were: studies on a comprehensive digital service
network, digital exchange mode, digital terminal mode, high-eff iciency digital
radio mode, and optical fiber cable transmission modes--for a total of f ive digi-
talization-related subjects. This should be evidence of the importance the public
~orporation is placing on digital communication.
Large Volume Orders From Developing Countries
The public corporation is not alone. AwarenQSS of the usefulness of digital com-
munication is growing throughout the world. The developing countries, which unlike
the advanced countries have no accumulation of electrical communication networks
of the past, do not have to worry about compatibility with existing systems and can
enter directly into the introduction of digital networks. The reason this country
is receiving a series of orders for digital communication systems from developing
countries stems from this background.
Director Etsutoshi Hosokawa of Nippon Electric, which is said to lead the world in
the volume of orders received for electronic exchange equipment, said: "At present
there is no instrument except digital electronic exchanges where exchanges are con-
sidered on an international level. It may be safe to say that a 100-percent digi-
talized unit is the ticket."
It was starting about 1978 that digital electronic exchanges became the international
ticket for exchanges. Before that time, the close bar exchange or the analog
electronic exchange was the main line. Digitalization exceeded the expectations
of the exchange industrial group during 1979 and 1980, and iz was said that "the
international ticket for 1980 was 90 percent digital electronic exchanges" (Director
Hosokawa).
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According to the Dietburner Ansheit [phonetic] Company of the United States, which
_ has a reputation for market analysis in the electronic communication area, the
cumulative orders for digital electronic exchanges as of the end of March totaled
27 million circu3ts. This is equivalent to about 10 percent of the exchanges al-
ready installed in this world. This is what has transpired in the 3 years since
1978.
Large Advance to an Information Oriented Soviety
When construction costs are compared at this point, the cost of a di.gital communica-
tion network is roughly 10 or more percen.t higher than an analog communication net-
work. Specialists estimate that it will be at least 2 years before the costs of
digital and analog communication networks are on the same level. Despite the pre-
sent situation, the world is looking toward digital communication, and this is be-
cause many believe that digital ~ommunication is going to bring about the second
electrical communication revoluti~n.
This revolution cannot be realized unless a digital mode, which has a capacity far
beyond that attainable by an analog system, is adopted. It is only after large
volume information communication becomes possible that the rea.lization of an infor-
mation oriented society can be expected. The fate of communication equipment makers
greatly depends on whether it will be possible to cope with tihe electrical communi-
cation revolution brought about by digital coffinunication.
Orders Received for Digital Communication Equipment
During the Last 6 Months
Maker, Product Customer Monetary Value
Nippon Electric
Digital electronic exchange Malasia Communication about 1 billion
system Ministry dollars
Digital pocket bell system Singapore Commun3cation about 600 million
~ yen
- Optical communication system Argentina Communication about 8 billion
for digital telephone network Public Corp y~
Optical communication system ARAMCO about 300 million
y~
Fu j it su
Digital electronic exchange Chinese Ministry of not released
Welfare, Electrical
Mail Bureau
Digital electronic equipment Hong Kong Telephone Co about 10 million
yen
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- Digital electronic equipment Singapore Communication not released
Co
Digital communication system Dominica about 3 billion
. yen
[7 Aug 81 p 5]
[TextJ Will the wave from analog to digital revolution develop in the electrical
communication area? It is not overstating the case to say that the future of the
communication equipment makers depends on this trend. This is why the different
makers are engaged in do-or-die efforts to develop their digitalizing strategy.
It was the Canadian Northern Telecom Co which f irst commercialized digital elect-
ronic exchanges. That was back in 1976. This new product elicited explosive in-
terest in the market and ~xpanded its share in the North American market in no time.
This feat left this company firmly fixed at the top of the world's communication
equipment makers. It succeeded in breaking the ice and riding the wave of digi-
talization.
Nippon Electric Gets into the Game Early
Nippon Electric is also one of the industries which rQde this digitalization wave.
The cumulative orders for digital electronic exchanges received by this company were
more than 32.6 million circuits as of the end of this March. This total exceeds
those of. Sweden's LM Ericson Co and the Northern Telecom Co, making this the largest
in the world.
This company started sales of its digital electronic exchanges to the North Ameri-
can sector in October 1977. It was about a year behind Northern Telecom, but it
timed its entry just at the moment the independent telephone networks in the United
Stated switched over to digital electronic exchan.ges, and this company became the
third largest supplier in the United States. This pertormance was the background
for participation in trade talks on digital electronic exchanges with the developing
countries, and this was the route whic.h made this company the top in the world.
The reason Nippon Electric was able to assume this dominant position in the digital
communication area was that it had realized early that the time would come when in-
formation handli.ng and electrical communications would merge, and this is why it
promoted develop~ent of digital technology to the utmost. At the same ti.me, it
made all-out efforts to develop its overseas business activities. It is in the en-
viable position of being the second largest semiconductor maker in the world as
well as being among the world's top-1eve1 developers of optical communication tech-
~ nology, and it is thought that its all-out assault in the digital communication
area will continue in the future.
Conti.nuous Orders Are Key to ~jitsu
Fujitsu is a company which is trying its best to overtake Nippon Electric. As a
result of this company's business efforts during the past 2-3 years, it received an
order this year from the Electrical postal Bureau of the Chinese Ministry of
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Health and Welfare for digital electronic exchanges, th~ first of its kind. Since
then it has received a total of four orders, and the statement was made that "we
have f inally broken the ice in ~the digital electronic equipment area" (Director
Tsunehiko Hashimoto).
- Since softward development cost for digital electronic equipment is tremendous, it
does not pay unless a considerable number of orders is received. Thus the state-
ment: "We would like to see a few more ord~rs come in succession" (Director Hashi-
moto). This company is also involved in optical communication systems, and it is
introducing digital electronic exchanges, PCM, and an optical communication system
to the Hong Kong Telephone Co. Following up on this sale, it is developing sales
activity with Singapore for digital communication systems.
President Takuma Yamamoto of this company set out to reinforce the communications
area as soon as he took office. What he was aiming at naturally was digit~l com-
munications, and his policy is reflected in the statement: "We will reinforce our
- business activities in foreign markets and try to expand our share of orders for
digital communication systems" (Director Hashimoto).
Hitachi Limited, which is one of the four large makers 3n the communication equip-
- ment field, is also using digital communication as the lever with which it hopes to
make spectacular advances in the communi.^.atic~n area. Similar to Nippon El.ectric
- and Fujitsu, this company is engaged in all-aut participation in digital communica-
tion systems trade talks throughout the world, but it has yet to chalk up any real
record of sales. In this sense if is following the same pattern as associated with
~jitsu up through last year.
On the other hand, it says: "We will develop the most advanced completely digitalized
electronic exchanges on the technology front, and we will never fall behind the
other makers" (chief Koichi Sato of the Communications Equipment Department), and
it believes that once it has made a sale, things will quickly fall into place.
This company's strength lies in the depth of its technology staff because of its
- role as an integrated electric equipment maker, its semiconductor production tech-
nology, and the optical communication systems technology which has been accujulated
_ within the company, and this is an area in which it need not play second fiddle to
Nippon Electric or Fujitsu. "We are aiming �or a completely digitalized age as
the standard within our plants." (Sato)
Oki Electric Specializes in Small Devices
Compared to the aforementioned threQ compani.QS, Oki Electric Industry is somewhat
behind in its activities on digitalization. This is because this company was behi.nd
in its engagement with semiconductor technology and optical communication system
technology, which are considered the backbone of digital technology. This is why
- this company says: "If we fall behind in this semiconductor technol.ogy revolu-
tion, it will be difficult for us to survive as a communication eq~iipment maker"
(President Masao Miyake), indicating his will to put an all-out effort into expan-
sion and strengthening of the semiconductor area.
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On the other hand, at present this company has no thoughts of participating in
trade talks on digital communication systems with other countries. If we receive
orders for digital exchanges from foreign countries, we will have to send a large
number of software personnel and maintenance personnel overseas" (President Miyake).
It has decided to forgo seeking orders for large-scale systems directed at ~oint
use situations where eptical communication systems are concerned, and plans to
specialize in snall-scale systems to be used in plants and buildings.
What this company is expecting in the way of spectacular development is the actual
introduction of digital electronic exchanges by the public corporation. It is
reinforcing its software personnel in anticipation of this event.
At.present, advances in digi~alization of the communication field centered on ex-
�change systems and transmission pathways. It will be a few years be~ore digitaliza-
tion of terminals takes place. This is why the communication equipment makers
which account for most of the terminal equipment other than the four large inte-
grated communication equipment makers have accepted the fact that digitalization
of terminals lies somewhere in the future.
COPYRIGHT: Nihon Keizai Shimbunsha 1981
2267
~ CSO: 4105/223
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SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY
GOVERNMENT TO PROMOTE OPTO ELECTRONIC INDUSTRY
Tokyo DENKI SHIMBUN in Japanese 16 Sep 81 p 5
[Text] Promotion of Development, Stimulation of Demand; Joint
Research Organization Combining Goverinnent, Academia, and In-
dustry
MITI has affirmed new basic measures to be carried out to
promote the optoelectronic industry. This industry is based
on optoelectronics technology which is expected to play an
important role in information-related �ields. The opto-
electronics industry is expected to develop into a complet~ely
ne~r industrial form and NITI's basic policy is to direct it
with goverrunent guidance. Spceifically: 1} because there is
a great risk for companies in carrying out technological
development alone, the govertnnent wlll formulate measures to
promote technological development; 2) necessary measures will
be taken to stimulate demand so that this industry can quickly
grow into a major industry; and 3) the necessary environment
will be prepared to encourage the healthy growth of the in-
_ dustry. With respect to technological development, the share
of responsibility to be taken by government, academia, and
3ndustry will be clearly delineated and a close association
will be formed for overall advancement. In particular, con-
sideration is being given to the establishment of a joint '
research organization made up of representatives from govern-
ment, academia, and industry for basic technological develop-
ment. These ideas are expected to be used in measures to be
put into effect from 1983 on.
- Included in Measures Effective in 1983
MITI is rushing to take measures to promate the growth of a new industry (the opto-
electronics/industry) based on optoelecti~aics/technology such as lasers and optic
f ibers. This is because optoelectronics technology is expected to spread into many
different fields, bring about a large demand, and grow into a major Japar_ese indus-
try. Also, as a systems industry and a technology-intensive industry, it has a
great deal of potential.
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In spite of such eYpectations, we are presently behind the United States in every-
_ thing from the basics of optoelectronics technology itself to overall strength in
development and application. MITI believes that in consideration of the future
progress of optoelectronics technology, such as optical IC's and optical ener~;y
transmission, we must make more pr4gress in technological development.
In short, MITI has great expectations for the optoelectronics industry, but it
believes that it is necessary for the government, and MITI in particular, to provide
backing through the promotion of technological development in order to establish
optoelectronics as an industry.
On the basis of this view, MITI organized an optoelectronics discussion group as a
private discussion group under the director of the Machinery and Information Indus-
tries Bureau. Through this, it has heard the views of companies and men of leasning
- and experience related to optoelectronics and has set the direction of needed
measures.
The essential aim is to raise Japanese optoelectronics technology to the highest
world level and cultivate an ogtoelectronics industry based on the very best
technology. For this purpose, the government will take the lead and provide
direction for the optoelectronics industry.
The following measures will be taken in accordance with this basic policy: 1) Opto-
electronics/technology contains many revolutionary elements, so there are great
risks for industry in developing it alone. Therefore, the government will carry out
measures to promote technological development. 2) The necessary demand will be
stimulated to enable the industry to take off as soon as possible. 3) Other necessary
preparation of the environment will be made to proa~ote and cultivate the opto-
electronics industry.
On this occasion, additions will be made to th e equipment (communications equipment
using optoelectronics technology, measuring instruments using lasers, industrial
processing equipment, information processing equipment, materials using light-emit-
ting photoelectronic cell~ and optoelectronic devices) listed as related to the
present optoelectronics industry in the Special Machinery and Information Industries
Promotion Texiporary Measures Act (Information Act), in which the optoelectronics
industry is specified as a major industry. Also, preparations are being made to
review the specific provisions of the act.
The measures to promote technological development are a major part of the policy,
and MITI would like to combine the technological development efforts being made
by each sector.
For this purpose, it intends to delineate the share of responsibility of government,
academia, and industry with respect to the purpose, content, and development level
of ~ach kind of technology to be developed and cooperate closely to reach the
ultimate goals of practical application.
For example, basic research with a long-range orientation will be carried out at
the Electrotechnical Taboratory. Practical application development of important
elements of technology will be carried out by private industry. Overall verifica-
tion and development of all types of applied systems will be carried out by private
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Technological Subject Chart (Optoelectronics Industry Discussion Group)
Subject Content (Examples) Remarks
Research Measurement control Optic semiconductor materials, opto- 180 billion
and systems using light electronic hybrid IC's, sensors, ultra- yen in large ~
Develop- high-performance optic information projects for ~
ment systems the period
1979-1986
Composite produc- High output lasers
, tion systems using
ultra-high-perfor-
- mance lasers
New devices, Optic IC's, visible and ultraviolet, 130 billion
materials ultra-precise light sensors yen in large
projects for
the period
1977-1983
Processing tech- Manufacturing equipment for ogto-
nology electronic devices, measur~ment and
testing equipment
� Optoelectronic Optoelectronic digital computers
computers (optoelectronic logic, memory),
optoelectronic analog computers
(graphic parallel processing), input
and output devices
Optoelectronic Optoelectronic energy transmission
" energy trans- via low-loss optic fibers (infrared),
_ mission aerial propagation system; opto-
electronic energy conversion ,
Optic information Optoelectronic image communication,
transmission undersea cable
Optoelectronic Laser chemistry, isotope separation
synthetic chemical
plants
Applied Image inf~rmation High precision CATV broa~casting
Develop- systems networks, school education
~uen t
Systems for places Lighting for buildings and underground
of business shopping areas, energy control, disaster
prevention, crime prevention, etc
Traffic control Coffinunications control for railroads,
systems highways, and city streets
Means of trans- Optaelectronics for cars, tankers,
portation and aircraft
Power plants Power plant facilities measurement
and substations control, inspection of nuclear reactors,
radiation measurement
Medical systems Optic diagnosis, hospital automation
Plant systems Steel (shaft furnace, converter, rolling),
petrochemicals, mining, machinery
Consumer equipment Display,~],~ghting
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utilities. Also, a joint research organization combining government, academia, and
industry could be established to carry out basic technological development for opto-
electronics technology.
These measures to promote technological development are a major part of the policy,
and MITI would like to combine the technological development efforts being made by
each sector.
For this purpose, it intends to delineate the share of responsibility of government,
academia, and industry with respect to the purpose, content, and development level
_ of each kind of technology to be developed and cooperate closely to reach the ulti-
mate goals of practical application.
For example, basic research with a long-range orientation will be carried out at
- the Electrotechnical Laboratory. Practical application development of important
elements of technology will be carried out by private industry. Overall verifica-
tion and development of all types of applied systems will be carried out by private
utilities. Also, a joint research organization combining government, academia, and
industry could be established to carry out basic technological development for opto-
electronics technology.
_ These measures are concerned with the following areas where technological develop-
ment is especially needed: 1) information transmission (communications); 2) infor-
m~tion processing (computers); 3) measurement control; 4) pattern recognition; and
5) energy transmission.
The following seeds of development are also matters of concern: 1) light-emitting
and r~ceiving cells and their materials for a wide range of light, including visible
light and ultraviolet light; 2) optic IC technology centering on super-fine pro-
cessing up to 1 micron; 3) light transmission route technology including infrared
fibers, high-performance i.mage fibers, and functional fibers; 4) optical sensor
technology for such items as measurement fibers and functional sensors; 5) photo-
actuator technology; and 6) technology for optical energy transmission devices.
Necessary measures will be taken, in addition to technological development measures,
to,stimulate public investment demand (government and public corporation demand)
and promote exports (external demand). Also, in the area of stimulating demand, it
is necessary to stimulate public and private inventiveness in developing inexpensive
optical fibers, light-emitting and receiving cells, and light sensors in order to
increase private demand.
In addition, it will be necessary to make basic preparations for the industry, such
as seeking international cooperation, training human resources, conducting surveys
through the related gQVernment ministries and agencies, carrying out standardiza-
tion, and compiling statistics.
COPYRIGHT: Nihor. Denki Kyokai 1981
9651
CSO: 4105/268 END
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