COMMUNISM AND ASIA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80B01676R003900070003-2
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 17
• Document Creation Date: December 12, 2016
• Document Release Date: January 11, 2002
• Sequence Number: 3
• Publication Date: November 6, 1958
• Content Type: SPEECH

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231 I Massachsetts Avenue, N.W.
WASHINGTON 8, D. C.
FOR RELEASE
I HEDIA.TELY
CCIAMUNISNI AND ASIA
Speech by d. E. Dr, George K. C. Yeh, Chinese Ambassador
to the United Sta ,e ore ir, Womants Forum,
Richmond, VTir,, inia, 3:15 p.m., November 6, 1958
Madame Chairman, Mr. Governor., Under-Secretary Herter, Congressman
Gary, Representatives of Clubs of Virginia:
I have chosen to speak briefly today on the subject of "Communism and
Asia" because, I am sure, you will want me to tell you something about mr
part of the world which is Asia, And I cannot think of anything in Asia
more important and of more concern to the world as a whole than the expansion
there of international Communism in recent years.
As we all know, almost half of the world's population is in Asia. The
world is so closely knit today that the face of one-half of its -People cannot
but be a hatter of consequence to the other 'h.alfa however far apart t'-Ie,,, may
be. But there are more specific reasons why the events in Asia are as
important particularly to the men and women in this country as those on
other continents.
First, it is on the mainland of China that international Comrnunisrii had
Ilr-ot scored its signal success. The Chinese scene stands toda; r as the
most defiant challenge not only to the rest of Asia but to the entire civilized
world. China is no small country. In terms of population, it is the l.nrgest
country in the world and it is contiguous to Soviet Pussies. For nine y tars
now., the most populous country has been made to serve the interests of
international Coramuni n.
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Second, tie United states more than any other Western Power has
responsibilities and commitrxents in Asia in spite of the fact that it has
no colonial interests t'Zere. It alone of the West is defending the West
Pacific against Communist aggressions although this is often not ru.ffi~ieutlY
appreciated by its NATO allies%
Still another reason is that the United States has a long coast line
bordering upon the Pacific. Its people are geographic a7lly divided between
those who are Pacific minded and those who are Atlantic minded.
Speaking of Asia, I think the most important single factor today Wh ch
is the source of many troubles and w'nich has inadvertently helped the
propagation of Co: aunim is the European colonialism of the past in that
area. In fact, one can say that it is the reaction to European colon ia ._t n
that has precipitated the rise of nationalism in all Asiatic countries,
Nationalism is a historical phase in the development of most European
countries. It noimally takes the form of a -political awakening to its
own rightfLLI position -- a sign of maturity and independence.
the years
But in Asia nationalism, as it began to manifest itself/before World
TrTa..r. TI, had taken almost entirely the anti.-Western line and becoi-ae largely
negative in charactVer. To most of the Asians) who obtained their in-
dependence after the last wars nationalism means mainly a movement against
the West and not only against European colonialism as such.
No doubts a
numbe ref factors had for many decades contributed to this disastrous
state of affairs, for some of which the European Powers were justly
responsible, But I shall not go into details here.
What is iYiiportant for iay present purpose is to point out that this
against
residual bitterness against the West and/colonialism has since the end of
the last war provided a fertile soil on w1u. ch international Corumunism has
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sown its seeds. The circumstances for the growth of Communism had
been so favorable that in many Asian countries it is not possible at the
early stage of its development to distinguish the nationalists from the
international Communists. In .fact) there has come into general use a self-
contradictoryterm known as native Communism. Communism) as we ,now it,
is anything but national; if it is Communism) it must be international in
characters
An interesting, phenomenon in connection with the rise of Coz,}munism in
Asia is the fact that in most Asian countries the founders and leaders of
the Communist movements were practically all intellectuals. They were not
peasants) not laborers, as one rli,;ht have thought. The reason is not far
to seek. For t;re intellectuals in any countr are usually more alert, sore
sensitive to political and social inequality and more vociferous in airing
their objections and discontent. It is chose intellectuals that the
Russians succeeded in capturing in China in the early twenties as their
instruments of propaganda against the established order. The Chinese Com-
munist Party was founded in 1921 by Chinese intellectuals under the close
guidance of Soviet emissaries sent by Stalin and with Soviet funds. Almost
without exception the first institutions to be infiltrated by Communism in
Asia have been the sc`iools, the tea-houses, the newspapers and the small-
scale local labor groups. A significant fact is that though Asia. is predm m y
agricultural, the peasantry has never been an active element in
Cczaununi.ct movements
Another important factor in Asia, which has also helped Communism to
a degree and which is a vital problem in itself, is the economic under-
its
development which is often considered the main cause of/poverty and political
unrest. I shall not spend much time on this point because it i generally
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known that the people in Asia live on a lower standard of material well-
being, and that the colonial Powers in Asia had never tried adequately to
satisfy the desires and aspire.tions of the Asian peoples for a greater
share in the overrment and in the development of their own resources.
When in the past an Asian people became despondent and turned bitter
towards their colonial ruler for being denied the opportunities for realizing
certain hopes and aspire Lions, Soviet Russia often came along holding out
its helping hang; with glittering offers. I recall in this connection ho:r
after the First World War my country was sadly disappointed in the peace
efforts of the Versailles Conference. Instead of getting what they had
hoped, the Chinese were suddenly confronted with the possibility of the
loss of the Province of ShantunL;. They, too, had declared war a=;ainst
Germany, but when victory came, they were to give away rather t'-an to gain
something. Almost at this tine the Russians carne up with an offer to
abrogate her unequal treaties with China. It immediately caught the imc ginatior
of the Chinese people. The Russians were regarded as the only foreign friends
who were tirillin; to step down to an equal plane with the Chinese. The t'us-
sians also made offers of financial and. technical assistance. It was also
under these circumstances that Dr. Sun Yat-sen, head of the them revcclut;iona r
party, the Kuomintang, signed the fa. ,sous joint declaration with Joffe, ra
representative of the Russian Communist Party, for a coalition.
There is yet another factor i-r.i Asia which has furnished op?c'ortuxit:ies for
the ggrovrth of Communism. It is the nsycholoical attitude of superiority on
the. part pf most Westerners in Asia towards the native population in general.
This has fostered on the part of certain Asians an inferiority complex, which
has unfortunately played a vicious part in creating iriisundersta.tidings and
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maladjustment; which otherwise could have been avoided. There is, of course,
a difference in degree among the Asians in their bitterness towards the
West and also in their sense of inferiority. China, which was never con-
quered by the West, although it shared with other Asian countries a number
of colonial features, was able to live through a period of semi-colonialism 11
without much residue of xenophobia, This, however, cannot be said for all
the Asians, some of uhor,i certainly retain to this day a deep-seated resentment
and bitterness towards the West in general,, Americans not excepted. Some
even allow their "inferiority complex" to be sublimated into a superiority
complex, w ich is often a thinly-disguised defense mechanism.
I have so far dealt with the rise of Ccrruiunism in Asia without, honeeverp
telling you what Communism is like in Asia, particularly in China, With
the limited time at my disposal, I should like to say that on the mainland
of China Communism has been practiced with perhaps greater orthodoxy and
rigidity than in Soviet Russia. There is no sign that Mao Tse-tung may
turn a Tito. If he should change at all,, it would be in the direction o:
another Stalin.
People have often asked me if I knew what was going on on the mainland
of China. It is natural thab the question should be asked of me. But I
must tell you that it is not difficult to know what is going on in Coruamueeist
ricor ise the Chinese Ccmmunists, like all other Communists, believe in
propaganda as an instrument of control. They are also proud of any measures,
however brutal,, which they may have adopted to enforce ideological conformity,
and they certainly make it a point to publish all their acts of ,uppression
and regimentation as well as the people rs adverse reactions to them as a
warning to the 'lcoiuiter--revolutionarieslr and deviationists. One can Pet all
kinds of Comrrunist publications and newspapers in Hongkong, and :t is not
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Chinese
difficult;, as I said, to know what is going on under Communism on the/mainland.
The latest measure adopted by the Chinese Communists almost throughout
the mainland is the system of the "communes." It is claimed that 500,0009000
farmers had been inducted into 23,393 people's communes. Each commune,
averaging about 21,000 mEmbers9 is ruled by a committee that controls every-
t'.ing from food distribution to funerals. Organized into work brigades,
the members of the communes can be shunted from farm work to military or
industrial duties on a day-to-day basis. Ultimately, private property is
to be utterly abolished.
Some communes are already planning to tear clown the houses of their
members and to use the salvaged brick, -tile and timber to build communal
barracks. In Ronan alone, over 6,000,000 children are now bein; cared for
in communal nurseries. In some of the communes, "people rs mess halls,"
the Communists boast, have already become the only places to eat. Instead
of turning to his wife when his trousers need mending, the commune member
"s
now takes his problem to bri?ade." The result, PeiPink; declares,
the Neain_,
is that 20,000,000 women in seven provinces now wind themselves "freed" Lo
contribute their-family pots and pans to a scrap-metal drive and turn their
attention from humdrum housework to such progressive tasks as "road briil+.ding,
tree planting and ditch.-digging."
This development cannot but lead to the complete breakup of the far,1 hly
a mainstay of China. Out of this development, for instance, has come
the " aturday night" system,. Under that system, all but one of the married
women workers who live in a dormitory i3leep elsewhere on Saturday nia`it
so that each treek one of them by turn may have some privacy with her husband"
The director of a cc.^ununc, almost certairia.y to be a die--hard Comrtiunist
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agent,, wields absolute control over everybody in his area, According to
regulations, the Party organizations shall at all times have under their
control she way of thinking of all commune members," It may therefore btu
deduced that the aim of setting up the communes is to reduce one-quarter
of the world's population to the stain's of slaves. By November, so the
Peiping regime predicted, 500,000,000 peasants on the mainland will own
nothing except the clothes on their backs?
This system is significant because it is in actual fact a form of war
mobilization, for the communes are militar`r, political and social units
by themselves. In a period of allaost nine years the Chinese Communists
have practically done awa;r with the family as a basic social unit. They
have sup.?ressed all personal liberties including that of religious faith,
and have redoubled their intransigence and defiance as an aggressor.
I would like to say that afuer having lived and dealt wish she Com-
munists in China for over 30 years, we have come to the firm belief that
Communism can only thrive on suppression at dome and aggression abroad,
because the Communist ideology is such as to ri ,ace expansion al acst a or Aition
of its surv-ivaiy, We have also laarnr~d that oiice a pe~oso:a tec mss a
Communist,, he ceases to value the qualities and attributes in which his
ancestors were taught to revere. It is for this reason that the Chinese
Communists often seem to me so un..Chinese, and the people who assume that
you can deal with the Chinese Communists now on the mainland with almost
the same trust and confidence that you used to deal TAth a Chinese silk
Communist
or tea dealer before the/occupation can and will be sadly disappointed,
I thank you.
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231 I Massachusetts Avenue, N.W.
WASHINGTON 8, D. C.
7 p.m., ibov. 11
FRU, CHINA I S SAC1F-D MI;i ION
An address delivered by 11.E, Dr. George K.C. Yeh,
Cizinese Ambassador to the United States, at the
Veterans Day Dinner, at American Legion Post #2,
Peoria, Illinois, on November 11, 19589
Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen:
I deem it a 'great honor to address you on this memorable occasion
of Veterans Day, The American Legion is well known in my country- for its
resolute stand in defense of freedom and justice. Apart from the fact
that we were allies in the two world wars, the relationship betw-en your
servicemen and ours has always been one of friendliness and mutual re's e~-t.
Thousands of our veterans who had fought with American troops in the G'hina
Theatre during the last war will be delighted to learn that I am addressing
American veterans here in Peoria this evening.
All of you who have lived through the scourge of wars in the past and
who understand perhaps better than others what war would mean it the
future will naturally want to guard jealously that peace and freedom for
you had fought and won. The Chinese people, too, had fought, end
for eight long years, against the Japanese militarists and had :Finally
emerged victorious with their allies. But no sooner had they seen the
light of peace and freedom than the fruits of their victory were lost to
the treachery and subversion of international Communism. For, in 1949, the
Chinese Communists, 'aving taken advantage of t'ie state of near-exhaustion
into which the country had fallen, were able to establish a Marxist regime
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on the mainland with the backing of Soviet Russia. The Government was
forced to move to Taiwan, or Formosa, where it has continued to function
under its constitution and has become the rallying point of free Chinese
the world over,
It is my purpose this evenirt to tell you sarrething of the C ur_ist. rule
on the mainland,, its ruthless oppression at home and its aggressive desi:;ns
abroad. I shall also try to explain to you the political goal of my Gov=:=rn-
ment which is to restore freedom to its people on the mainland. This to all
f`Cee Chinese is a sacred mission to which they are dedicated,
The people on mainland China today live and work under conditions of
abject slavery and mortal fear. It is obvious from the statements of
Chinese Communists themselves that unrest is widespread and opposition
mounting. This has been so ever since the Communists occupied the mainland.
Lo Jui-ching, the Minister of Public Safety of the Chinese Communist regiri.e,
claimed in January this year as an achievement that in 1956 and 1957 h13
men had found it necessary to investigate 18,000,000 workers for "counter-
revolutionary" thinking, had smashed 3,000 "reactionary groups, and uncovered
100,000 "active counter-.revolutionaries," of whom 5,000 are mEmbe rsof the
Communist Party itself. On a daily basis, this means that durin_; the past
two years, among workers alone there were more than 259000 anti- roarinunist
cases investigated. The active anti-Communist elements arrested averaged
to about 140 a day. He could not know, of course, how many had ,luded his
snares,
Let us remember that the figures I have just cited cover only the years
1956 and 1957. This was seven or eight years after the Chinese Communists
had overrun the mainland and after a long period of liquidation during which
they had put to death over 20,OC0,CO0 so-called "reactionaries a--,d counter-
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revolutionaries," herded another 30?000.*00Q into concentration cemps and
thoroug'-Lly brainwashed the young and the aged. In spite of these severe
measures,, anti-Cornnunist cases continue to be reported in the Comrnuni:ats
own press. That the Peiping regime does not enjoy popular suppo-t is
evident from these facts.
In February, 1957, it will be recalled, Rao Tse-tung suddenly announced
what appeared to be a new departure in policy,* Using an old Chinese poetic
phrase, he declared that he would let "a hundred flowers bloom and a hundred
schools of thought contend." In the speech in which he proclaimed this no-a
mandate) he paid lip service to democracy and he made it appear as if his
regime would welcome any constructive criticism, It is significant that
this should have come some time after the Hungarian uprisings. which Mao
had condemned only after a ratherl-)ng period of silence. There was no
question that the Chinese Communist leaders had felt the impact of the
Huzigarian revolution upon the people. Mao admitted in his speech on
February 27, 19571
"Certain people in our country were excited when the
Hungarian events took place. They hoped that something
similar would happen in China, that thousands upon thousands
of people would demonstrate in the streets and oppose the
People's Government."
It is highly probable that the "hundred flowers" statement was in-
tended as a safety-valve to ease off the growing popular discontent and
also as a means to smoke out the opposition elements from their foxholes.
Whatever may have been the motive' the movement set off an avaLnche of
savage criticisms against the Ccmmt nist party and its goverrnnent. Riots,
and demonstrations broke out in many cities, Even members of t!e Communist
party came out with grievances and charges against their fellow-members.
Among these critics were a number of well-known professors, Journalists$
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writers, party and goverment officials, scientists and industrialists.
By May it was obvious that Mao had found out that the very foundation of
his regime was being rocked by the blooming flowers.. In June a movement
within t?: Chinese Communist party was set afoot to counter the c,-iticims
made against the party. This was quickly followed by the publication of one
list after another of names of people who were branded "rightists." It
appeared that all those who dared "contend" were publicly blacklisted.
Then followed a period when all these "rightists" were given a chance to
recant or to confess in order to escape the official stigmatization and
punishment. Many Communist party officials were expelled from membership.,
The New China News Agency in Peiping reported on November 11, 1957, the miss
"relocation" of about 3,000,000 students to rural areas to become farm
laborers. As you know, the farmers in China constitute almost 811 per cent
of the population. The Mao regime, in its effort to tighten its grip on
the people, first started organizing the so-called "mutual aid teams" and
later the "farmers cooperatives." But both these measures proved inadequate.
Since May this year these cooperatives have been re-grouped into larger
"people's communes," which is the most rigid form of control yet inst:itu-s~ed
by the Communists over the Chinese people. Peiping now claims that 9u4
per cent of Chinats S00,000,000 farmers have been organized into 23,3Y3
communes, each averaging about 21,000 farmers. Bach commune is ruled by a
committee of die'iard Communists which. controls practically every activit.'T
Organized into what is called "work brigades," members of
the communes can be transferred from farm work to military or industrial
duties on a day-to-day basis, Some communes are tearing down houses in
order to build communal barracks.
The Com;aunists boast that in some
communes the only places to eat are the ")cople is mess halls," with the
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result that privately-owned pots, pars and kitchen utensils are contributed
to the Communist scrap-metal campaign, Thus,, women need no longer stay aL
home but can be mobilized to undertake -what the Communists claim to be
more progressive tasks, such as building roads, planting trees, diggir
ditches, and the like.
It is important to note that this system of communes is in actual
practice a form of war mobilization. If one were to study the system in
detail, one would discover that the entire system is aimed at increasing
industrial output, eliminating voluntary labor and private property, and
finally uprooting the Chinese family system?
One interesting fact in connection with the rise of Communism in C.i:i.na
is that the Communist party was founded, as is usually the case in Asia,
not by peasants or farmers, but by a small group of intellectuals. These
intellectuals were able, however, to make use of the peasants and workers
to create disturbances and revolts. but today on the Chinese mainland, by
far the most intensive opposition az;ainst Cormiunism has come from the
intellectuals are: the farmers. The Peiping; regime has directed most of its
control towards these two class^.s, particularly the university students:,
It is therefore absolutely untrue that the Communist regime in China has won
over the minds and hearts of the younger generation. What happened in
Hungary has proved beyond doubt that the young students and workers of
Hungary had not been subdued by nearly ten years of Communist control and
indoctrination. The student demonstrations in China in 1957 durirQ, the
"hundred flowers bloom" period gives us another proof that after eight :years
of ideological rule, the students of China, at least a large number of them,,
are still in opposition to the Corununist regime..
Let me recall an episode in the student revolt to which I have just
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referred, On the evening of May i, 1957, in Peiping, 8,000 students gathered
at a meeting, at which 19 student leaders made fiery speeches, openly at-
tacking the Communist regime for suppressing freedom and democracy in the
schools and in the country. The wail-newspapers of the Peking University
became a free forum of the students. The Peking University student leaders
edited and printed a periodicals,entitled The Relay Baton of Democracy,"
which they mailed to all colleges and schools throughout China as a clarion
call to other students to join the common fight for freedom. They also set
their representatives to contact the students in the thirty-odd universities
and colleges in the Peiping and Tientsin area.,
As one of the student leaders put its
"The call is for the mobilization of an army of one
million youths to fight Communism, to oppose the so-called
revolution, and to overthrow the real enemies of the people.
We must fight for democracy, for freedom., and for the rights
of man,"
The response was unanimous from all student bodies in every part of
China -- from Mukden in the north, to Canton in the south, from Shanghai
and Nanking in the east, to Chungking and Chengtu in the west.
By the first week of June,,, the student movement threatened to break
out into a popular uprising of the Hungarian type, On the evening of June 6,
a few university professors and "democratic" politicians met and talked over
the situation,, and their general impression was that the students in Peiping
and Shanghai -- the two most important and largest centers of student
population - were on the verge of declaring a strike and going into the
streets to demonstrate against the Communist regime. One of the professors
saids "This situation resembles that on the eve of the Hungarian revolution,"
But the Commmunist regime., realizing the gravity of the situation, took
repressive measures in all the large centers of student population to isolate
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the student groups: arrest the ringleaders and forbid all street demonstrationsf
Of course, China is a vast country. It is not easy to consolidate all
the anti-Communist forces on the mainland into one powerful movement. But
the above description of the student demonstration, taken entirely from Com-
munist sources, illustrates not only that anti-Communist movements exist
but that it is also possible for these movements to gather quick momentum
under favorable circumstances, The Communists will no doubt adopt all pos-
sible precautions and suppressive measures to forestall such movements but:
I am sure: anti-Communist moveraerrts will continue to grow. The truth is
that no regime can afford and can expect to maintain itself by the use of
suppressive measures forever, I have every reason to believe that the
stronger the suppression is: the greater will be the reactions
In these circumstances, my Government in Taiwan has a vital role to
play. There are lO OOO,COO people on Taiwan. There are another 13,000,000
Chinese overseas, the overwhelming number of whom are strongly anti-Commtn_ist.
My Government not only serves as a rallying point for all the free Chinese
outside the Iron Curtain but also constitutes the greatest challenge to
the Communist regime on the mainland, So long as we continue to exist, the
cause of freedom in China will be kept aliveo
But we must strive to assume an. active rather than a passive role, t
is for this reason that we have dedicated ourselves to the task of restoring
freedom to our people. For the past nine years we have succeeded in setting
up in Taiwan an example of the type of government and society in sharp
contrast to what e:.ists on the mainland today. Where the Communists have
deprived every farmer of his land, we in Taiwan have introduced a system
of land reform by which every tiller of the soil is enabled to ovm the land
he tills. Where the Communists have subjected the younger generation to a
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Marxist educational program which destroys the family system, we seek to
preserve the best features of our traditional culture. It is our resolve
to preserve in Taiwan the continuity of our civilization and our Form of
government so that we may continue to be the repository of hope and trust
of our people on the mainland.
I have often been asked whether we really believe that we can recover
the mainland by the use of force in view of the enormous disparity in
armed strength and manpower between us in Taiwan and the Communis-~t regime
on the mainland. My reply is that we shall achieve our mission not by
relying on force alone but principally by relying on the continuing grotith
of the anti-Communist forces on the mainland, on the one hand, and our
capacity to sustain such movements on the mainland by what moral and material
support we could-;ive them, on the other. In other words, there is already
an anti-Communist base in the hearts and minds of the people on the mainland,
That base cannot,, however, sustain itself unless we in Taiwan stand ready
to give it support when the situation ripens.
In this connection, you will recall that about three weeks a;o there
was issued in Taipei a joint Sino American communique, in which it was made
clear that the Chinese Government in Taiwan will continue to pursue its high
mission of restoring freedom to the people of China on the mainland.
There has, however, been some misunderstanding concerning the use of
force in the joint communique. Let me clarif r it by saying, that the Chinese
and United States Governments are in full agreement that any attempt to
interpret the communique as havin; committed the Republic of China not to
use force in any circumstances is wholly inconsistent with its context.
fact, the communique does in no way prevent the Republic of China from using its
forces in the exercise of its inherent right of self-defense or in case o
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My Government has always believed that
large-scale uprisings on the mainland,
in fighting Coxrar,unism it is necessary to use simultaneously political,
economic and cultural means rather than to rely on the mere use of force.
In a sense our task of regaininE, freedom for the people on the Chinese
mainland is part and parcel of the fight for freedom throughout the world.
I am firxtl.y of the opinion that it is not possible to co-exist in peace with
the Communist world unless the Communist bloc of nations should, by some
miraculous metar;ox+p1ns13$ drop Ccanmunism altogether, The ultimate aim of
Communism is to conquer the world by means of direct and indirect. aggrecsion,
As Khrushchev put it so picturesquely, not until "the shrimps learn to
whistle" shall the Communists abandon their aim,,
Let us bear in mind that nearly one-third of the world's population is
now shut in behind the Iron Curtain. Of the two.-fthirds that remain free,
almost sixty per cent of the people are watching to see which side may :yin
in the end. The United States alone has world-wide commitments in defense
of freedom and justice. She one has a series of bilateral treaties with a
number of Asian countries based on the .principle of collective security. The
United States is also regarded by both Soviet Russia and Conmum,st China
as the arch foe of international Corai-nism, To the millions who have fallen
behind the Iron Curtain, the United States stands as a symbol of hope for
freedom. Hundreds of escapees from Communist China now in Taiwan have told
me that the people on the Chinese mainland continue to listen to the Voice of
America. They are disheartened when they hear of any news which may suggest
appeasement or compromise on the part of the United States tow~lyds Soviet
Russia;, for they know that their hope for eventual liberation depends :largely
on the active efforts of the United States and her allies in deterring further
Communist advance.
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 Approved For Release 2002/01/30 CIA-RDP80BO1676R003900070003-2
- 10 -
It has often been said that the peace of Asia hinges principally on a
free and united China. So long as the mainland of China remains in Com-
munist hands, the whole of Asia will always be threatened by Communism.
If the mainland of China had not been lost to international Communism,
there would not have been the wars in Korea, in Indo-China, in Indonesia
and in Malaya.
Mr. Chairman, I have tried in the limited time allowed me to gi-~Te a
general picture of the conditions on the Chinese mainland under Communist
rule and of the hopes and aspirations of the Chinese people outside as well
as behind the Iron Curtain.
May I conclude my talk this evening; by expressing the hope that we who
live in freedom shall not forsake those who live under Communist enslaveient
and that, in the interest of freedom and justice, we shall all hasten the
day of their eventual deliverance.
I thank you.
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