JPRS ID: 9107 LATIN AMERICA REPORT

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• Content Type: REPORTS

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JPRS L/9107 -
27 May t~80
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- Latin America Re ort
p
_ CFOUO 12/80~ ~
FBf $ FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
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JPRS L/9107
27 May 1980
LATIN AMERICA REPORT
(FOUi~ 12/80)
CONTENTS _
INTER-AMLRICAN AFFAIRS
Communiet Parties Denounce U.S. Actiona ~
(PRELA, 4 May 80) 1
Venezuela President ~oa~ents on Ca~tro's Attacka
(PRELA, 7 May 80) 3
COLOMBIA
Bogota Revolu tionariea Justify Reepone~ to 'Official Terror'
(Jose Fgjardo; CAMBIO 16, 27 Apr 80) 5
~riefa
Book on Embaesy Occupation g
CUBA
Peruvian Embassy Situation; Life Under Caetro
(PARIS MATCH, 25 Apr 80) 10
Refugeea: Waiting for Freedom
" Castro's Only Reply: Insulta
Caetro ;tyth Collapse~
Journalist Finda ~!ood of Country Sullen
Spaniah Presa, Carlos Franqui on Country's Political Situation
(CAMBIO 16, 20 Apr SO) 19
The Great Stampede
Fidel Castro's Secret Speech
Franqui Sees 'Pestilential Situation'
Solid Shield 80 Maneuvers Linked to Paet
(Gerard Pierre Charlea; FRELA, 9 May 80) 26
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CONTENTS (Continued)
'PRELA' Commenta on Meeting of Air Force Chiefe in Chile
(Ivor.ne Paetor Parra; PRELA, 7 May 80) 29
- Foreign Minieter Diseusaee Visi~ to Czechoslovakia
(PREL~, 1 May 80) 31
EL SALVADOR
Top FPL Leader Urgea U.S.-Canadian Solidar~ty
(PRELA, 6 May 80) 33 ~
Majano May Agree To Release of d'Aubuisson
(PRELA, 12 May 80) 34
GIIATSMALA
DemocraCic Front Delegation Viaits Italy. ~
(Nancy Leacaille; PRELA, I May 80) 35
I
HONDURAS i.
_i Briefe ~
Studenics Denounce U.S. Influence 37 ~
i
PERU ~
UDI Candidate Rejecta U.S. Maneuvere Against Cuba I
(PRELIi, 10 May 80) 38
PAP Leader Denouncea Press Partiality
(Px~~, 7 May 8a) 39
Briefs
Solidarity With Cuba 41 '
VENEZUELA ~
Edit~rial Says Cuba Promoting Break in Relations
(Editorial; PRELA~ 6 May 80) 42 ,
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INTER-AMERICAN AFFAIRS
COMM'JNIST PARTIES DENOUNCE U.S. ACTIONS
PA071754 Havana PRELA in Spanish 1640 GMT 4 May 80
[Text] San Jose, 4 May (.PL)--The communist partiES of Central America,
Mexico and Panama have ex~ressed their complete support for the national
revolutionary coordinating board of the masses of E1 Salvador as the only
and indisputabl2 leader of the Salvadoran people. A communique published
in the latest number of the weekly LIBERTAD stated that the co~unist par-
~ ties also support the democratic revolutionary front as the only organiza-
tion which represents all the revolutionary, democratic, progressive and
patriatic people of E1 Salvador.
They rejected the interventionist policy of the United States and of the
reactionary governments oi the region and repudiated the "criminal policy �
of ext~rmination of the civilian population, labor leader~, peasants and
religious persons." They emphasized that "the treacherous murder of Mon-
signor Arnulfo Romero was the culmination of the criminal policy with which
the Salvadoran oligarchy wants to stop the struggle of the Salvadoran people."
The declaration urged all nations of the world to declare their solidarity
with all forms of ~truggle of the Salvadoran people r_o isolate and defeat .
the government ~unta, to save the lives of those who clie every day, to stop -
the interventionist plans of the Uni.ted States and to help in the inevitable
victory of the people. "The fascist and reactionary sectors of the army, the -
- government junta and righ.tist sectors of the Sal.vadoran Christian Democratic
Party have unleashed a campaign of savage extermination against the popular
movement and against the civilian population," said the coimnunist parttes of
_ Central America, Mexico and Panama.
They added that this repression is being waged with the most modern counter-
insurgency measures provided by U.S. imperialism, whieh is threatening open
military intervention to prevent the establishment of a democratic and revolu-
tionary government. They claim that "this policy is part of the return to the
- cold war and a policy of military blackmail pramoted by the U.S. Government
which is threatening the democratic and revolutionary progress made in Central
America and the Caribbean."
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The communist parties d~nounced the complicity of "tiie most resctionary
aectors of Venezuela's Christian Democratic Party and the governments of
Guatemala and Honduras. They also denounced (U.S.) preparations to use the
military resources of ita bases in Panama and Puerto Rico" in this planned
intervention.
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COLOMBIA
SOGOTA REVOLUTIONARIES JUSTIFY RESPONSE TO 'OFFICIAL TERROR'
LD081121 Madrid CAI~IO 16 in Spanish 27 Apr 80 pp 83-89
[Interview with ?9 Apr31 Movement (M-19) leaders, by Jose Fa~ardo, in
Bogota: "Terror and Revolution"--date not specified]
[Excerpt] But what is the opinion of M-19 itself about all this? In the -
La Picota Central Penintentiary in Bogota, we have met with several members
of M-19's national leadership: Ivan Marino Ospina, Alvaro Fayad Delgado, ~
Carloa Pizarro Leongomez, Israel Santamaria Rendon, Andres Alrales Manga,
HeLner Marin and Afrani~ Parra. Previously authorized by the entire
national leadership~ they answered the questions put by CAMBIO 16 corres-
pondent Jose Fa~ ardo. .
_ [Question] What ie M-19? What is it~ ideology?
[Answer] "M-19 is a democratic, natioaalist, revolutibnary and patriotic
org~nization," Ivan Marino Ospina explained. "D~:mocratic inasmuch as it -
ia a response of the revolutionary state to the oligarchic and militarist
- ~conduct of the traditional parties. Democratic, because it advoc~tes
real and thorough participation by all Colombians in determining their
_ destiny--parCicipation in the country's economic, political, cultvral
- mnd social life. Nationaliat, becauae it aspires to an economic develop-
ment whosP central aim will be to satisfy the Colombian nation's needa,
contrary to what is happening a~ present, when we have an economy which is
- being managed in accordance with the interests of the monopolies and the
mul,tinatianals. Nationalis* because it aspires to replacing the cu3rent
dependence by an independent and autonomous management of our economy
and of our life as a sovereign and free :~ation. Revolutionary in the
sense that it believes that democracy, f reedom and independence for our
country will not be possible without a radical change in economic and
political relations inside and outside the country. Last, our M-19 is
patriotic inasmuch as it is inspired by our own people's struggles, sinking
- its roots in CoZombian history."
[Queation] What changes has M-19 experienced from its foundation to the
present? What is its "prehistory?" _
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[Answer] We have experienced the characteristic and natural changes of
_ an organization immersed in a society which is as changing, as rapidly
changing, as ours," Alvaro Fayad replied. "Our 'prehistory' is our
country's hiatory. Lde are a young organization, but note in what historical v
_ situation we originated; we emerged precisely at the end of the national
front (a 20-year alliance of liberals and conservatives to share out the
- government and administration),and ot�.r name recalls 20 April 1970, when
the opposition won the electiona but, as a result of the absence of a
poli tical leadership and of a milit~ary force, the oligarchy rigged the _
electio*is with impunity. This means that we are the outcome of and at
the same time embody the last few years of political and social struggle
in our country. We stand between two events which characterize the
Colombian oligarchy's highly individual way of resolvir.g social and
political problescs. When popular liberal leader Jorge Eliecer Gaitan
- emb odied the antioligarchic feeling and was the certain electoxal victor,
- he was aseasainated 9 April 1948, and the oligarchy then unleashed la
violencia, with ita 300,000 deaths. Years later, when the national popular
alliance embodied all the antioligarchic feeling and triumphed electorally,
the monopoly oligarchy rigged the election. Between these tk*o events and
in the last few years, Colombia underwent la violencia and its 300,000
death6, endured the national front, as an antidemocratic collusion between
the two pErties, and the revolutionary movement--the comanunist guerrillas -
of the Colombian revolutionary armed forces and the national liberation
army, inspired by the Sierra Maestra--came into being. The monopolists
always wish to imitate a foreign model; they are antinational. But our
attention is drawn to the denationalized nature of certain revolutionary _
ana lysts, whv are always seeking a foreign model--sometimes the model of -
Cuba, then that of Al?.~~ de in Chile, and at other times the trend is
Venezuela and ~he movenent to socialism; suddenly iG is the path of
Uruguayanization, when it is not the Argentine model. Now the Montoneros,
or the Tupamaros or the Sandinistas are the yardstick...and so ad infinitum.
Anything, provided that they do not look at our conditions, our realities,
our forces, our solutions, our paths. Certainly in somp people's opinion,
the best thing is no~ to be Macondo [allusion unknown]. On the other hand,
ae far as we are concerned, '100 Years of Solitude' remains one of our
bedaide booka. We are a country called Colombia, with a cultural _
identity, a history and a development of its own. That is what our solu-
tions will be: our own." ~
[Question] When you speak, you exude nationalism through every pore.
However, President Turbay assured ~HE WASHINGTON POST that the attack on
the embassy forms part of the sequence of terrorist attacks against the
ruZe of law throughout the world. Are you acting in con~unction with
atibver~?ive groups in other countries? _
[Answer] "I repeat," Israel Santamaria replied, "that M-19 originated from _
our hiatory, our people, our mi.series and our hopes. The fact is that
Turbay, the v~iolator of all laws and codes, is seeking international _
aupport, ~uat as he sought it with his absurd visit to Europe almost a
year ago. And the reply has bPen the same--isolation. Today he is
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supported by others like him on the continent: Chile, Argentina, Uruguay,
Honduras, Haiti, E1 Salvador...; wherever there 3s a torturer ir. power, -
there Turbay has been suppor~ed. It is the historical destiny of injustice.
[Question] Could not acti~ns such as that at the embassy provoke an un-
f avorable resction on the part of th~e people whom you claim to represent
and d ef end?
' [Anawer] "In the first place," Ivan Marino Ospina .r.eplied, "we do not
repres ent the pecple; we are the p~ople. Zt is no accident that in the
opinion poll conducted by the Incoa Univeraity of Bogota (among people of
differ ing positions, levels of education and so�ial origin), 70 percent
~ stated that rF-19 is a nationalist and revolutionary f orce, rebutting the
government, which seeka to present M-19 to the public as a terrarist move-
ment. It is highly significant that in this opinion poll another 70 ~er-
~ cent replied that the people who are imprisoned and being tried for
rebellion are political prisoners and not common law criminals, as the -
government currently wishes to demonstrate.
[QuestionJ Your actions--eapecially actions such ae the seizure of the
Dominican Embasay--are often taken as situations of terror. Are you--as _
you are officially accuaed of being--terrorists?
[Answer] "Terror is a constant factor in our people's everyday life,"
= Israel Santamaria emphasized. "Our peopl~~ live terrorized by illnessea
which cannot be cured, because thexe is no medical service or drugs. There
is terror with respect to unemployment, hunger, poverty and insecurity,
in a country where you can no longer go about at night. But in addition
' to this everyday terror, this social terror, our country has for a long
time experienced official terror."
"Terror will cease in Colombia when people are certain that there will be -
no raids in the early houra of t~e morning, or arbitrary arrests without
the right to defense, or tortures, or labor union leaders arrested for
de�ending their comrades, or people riddled with off icial bullets for taking
part in a demonatration. In the final analysis~ terror in politica is
nothing other than the method which a minorit;~ employs to impdae ite doanina- -
tion over the ma~orit}--the method which prevails as a result of vlolence,
panic and coercion. This is why we assert that this regime is a terrorist
regime, be.:.ause its methods are those of the security statute, arrests,
torture and the murder of people's and labor union leaders."
[Question] Foreign Minister Diego Uribe Vargas has publicly stated that
the g overnment's stance is as follows: [words indistinct] which instructions
of th e government but on those of the competent judges. So what way out
or solution can you see?
[Answer] "Our struggle is legitimate, and it is, moreover, lawful,"
Ivan Marino Ospina stated, "to the same extent that this regime is
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illegitimate and unlawful. Even former Presicient Mario Echandia, whom
they describe as the country's 'legal conscience,' stated a few weeks ago
that there is no democ:acy here and that what exists is a dictatorship.
In other words, we have a political right--the right of peoples to rebel
against an un~uat and oppressive regime. And we have a legal right. ~
_ Uribe Vargas has hyeterically cried out that there ie no way out. On the
= other hand, the prese hae suggeeted several of theee posaibilitie s--an
amneaty~ pardon~ nullirying the court martial, lifting the state of siege,
international law.... So the government has sought to reduce the situation
to an internal legal probl:em, but this is an insurrection--that is, there
is something mor e: this is a basically political struggle."
COP'~R.IGHT: 1980 Informacion y Revistas, S.A.
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COLOMBIA
BRIEFS
_ BOOK ON EMBASSY OCCUPATION--Bogota~ 5 May (PL)--The principal ob~ective of
the occupation of the Dominican Embassy was to denounce the violations of
human rights and torture in Colombia, reaff irms the book "I Am Commander
Uno" which has been published here. The book, from the "Black Sheep"
Publiahing House, includes telephone interviews made only hours after the
beginnirg of the operation in which the guerrilla leader, Comanander Uno,
aff irmed that the purpose of the occupation wa5 ':o obtain "worldwide reper-
cuseiona to demonstrate that there are political prisoners in Colom~ia and
that they are being tortured." The book includes interviews with other
- M-19 leaders and Colombian personalities, a chronological record of the
occupation and gueLrilla and government documents. [Excerpt3J [AA072116
Havana PRELA in Spaniah 1710 GMT 5 May 80]
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- CUBA
- PERUVIAN E1riIDASSY SITUATION; LIFE UNDER CASTRO
Refugees: Waiting for Freedom
Paria PARIS MATCH in French 25 Apr 80 pp 32-39
[Text] There were some 10,800, pu~ked into the mesh-bordered enclosure, _
hardly larger than half the size of a football field, which forms the garden
of the Peruvian Embasay in Havana. The smell is atrocious, for everyone is ~
mired in filth under a burning aun. And water is acarce: it is distributed
by [illegibleJ. But hope remains fierce. [Illegible] of them have already
obtained the pasaport which should permit them to go to Peru or the United
Sta~ea. There are tw~ opposing groups among the refugees. Some bel3eve the
Cuban authoritiea can be trusted and would agree to leave the refuge of the
embaesy, armed with a safe-conduct aigned by them, and return home to await
~ the bleesed day of departure. Others maintain on the contrary Chat it is a
trap. "Castro will never let you go," they say. "He will never forgive the
affront you have given him." Among the refugees one could recognize simple
rural folk who work in the sugar cane fields, soldiers who have torn off
their uniforma and trampled them under foot, and members of the Communist =
Party. (?ne of theee militants says: "To my great surpriae, I recognized
_ among us a truetworthy man from our neighborhood, he was more active than
any of us. We all took him for a real true believer." A son, whose father,
- a high o~ficial of the Party, was beggii:g him to come back, replied: "Neverl
I've had enough of vegetating on starvation wagea. I want to live free.
Send my regards to 'your' revolution." The zefugees never cease saying the
word freede~m. "Equality is a myth," they say, "but freedom really exists." _
Castro's Only Reply: Insults
Paria YARIS MATCH in French 25 Apr 80 pp 32-39
[Text] Al1 moved by the same spirit of highly organized popular indignation,
Che "working masses" and students in Havana schools ~~monstrate in front of
the Peruvian Embassy, loudly insuZting those of their compatriots who want
to leave. They punctuate their slogans [with worda like] "parasitea", "anti-
_ social," "homosexuals," sing the national anthem of Cuba, burn effigiea sym-
bolizing the "traitors to the re~=olution" and ahout "out with earthworms!"
_ The other day the refugees answered with inaults. One said this: "Down -
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with the bua drivers." In Havana they are hated: they stop on a whim, or ,
depending on the time of day. The driver o� a bus has become synonymous
with "efficient parasite." The Cuban government, res~onding to the "pro-
vocations" of the reactionaries in the Peruvian Embasay~ organized gigantic -
demonetrationa on the annivereary of the Bay of Piga, when Castro's forces
on 19 April 1961 puehed back the attempt by 2,000 anti-communista to return
- by force.
Castro Myth Collapses
Paris PARIS MATCH in French 25 Apr 80 pp 32-39
_ [Text] It had everything going for it, this Cuban revolution which never had
to come in from the cold but had unfolded under the coconut palms on an isle
mounted in an azure sea. It was picturesque. It was unkempt. It was led by _
young and bearded leaders who came down out of the mounta~.ns firing their
rifles and installing themaelvea, with baots on the table and olive green
caps tilted back, in the ministries, where the inexhaustible palaver and
- victore' laughter of these new Pancho Vil.las exploded. It was a holiday as
much as a revolution, and no leader was ever more romantic. Strapping,
bearded, loquacious, a dri,nker, a lady's man, informal and relaxed, extremely
~ovisl, a revolver preasecl to hi~ thigh, the cigar conatantly burning, Fidel
Castro--a prodigiova actor--imposed on the world the image of a revolutionary
pistolero with a big mouth and a big heart, who wanted only to hug to his
gr~at cheat the children of the age and of the revolution. At his side, to
perfect tk~e romatice ~.mage of the spectacle, was always Che Guevara to add
his fits and passions (soon enough dashed) to the volcanic exceases of the
"maximum leader." The aunny revolutionl The hurly-burly of brotherhoodl
That i~ what prssented itself to us instead of stiff zombies lined up on -
the roetrum at Red 8quare in the deadly cold of Muscovy. The blood of the
weatern intelligentsia (of the Left, you underatand) was racing, its heart
began to pound. It swooned for love and aurrendered to the well-beloved
"macho" of the revolution. Behold Fidel! He was born the new Mesaiah.
Does it bring laughter, indignation, or a shrug of the shouldera to recall _
the ecatacies of our intellectuals? We can also put ouraelves in the shoea
of thoae unfortunatea who, their horses exhausted by the race for Utopia,
are still pinning their hopes on the appearance of a fresh team, and a driver
with a human face to spur on the new nags gxoomed in the atables of socialism.
And gee-up hor-sey! It was over Cuba that the atar of socialism shone in _
the Sixties, that same atar which would later shine down on Vietnam, China,
a Portugal with the scent of carnations, Angola, Cambodia... An idyllic
Cime of lyric illusion, with each~:.new development cheered by "the left" in
a western world drugged in comfort, remorse, and mythologies. Their noisy
enthuaiasm when (for example) the Cultural Revolution was raging in Peking,
or when the Bo-Doi entered Saigon and the Khmers Rouges took Fhnom Penh is
etill vividly alive in our memory. Afterwards, of course, it was different.
No longer a time of lucidity, but one of sighs. "That is not ~what we wanted,"
wail the cuckolds, "oh no, that could not be true socialism!" But then what
is eocialiam everywhexe from Moscow to Peking, from Prague to Fiavana, from -
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_ Algiera to Cambodia, from the Berlin Wall to the "gulag" isles of Cuba? Oh
yes, we shall find out. The Borgia rule, the Church is corn:pted, but God
exiats! When ideology becomes a religion, how do you get through to the
devoteea? "We see clearly," Mr Edmond Matre declares solemnly on television
- this week, "in the light of what ia happening in Cuba, that genuine aocialism
is still to be created." Come on now! How obvious! Get off it, Edmondl
Socialiam alaughters freely today but, please, don't be discouraged, for
_ tomorrow it will clean itaelf up. Incurab].e; uncleanable. I remember the
pilgrimages. Our politicians and intellectuals going pioualy to make their
genuflections at the Cuban Mecca. Childiehly happy that Fidel honored them
with his sonorous laugh and a slap on the shoulder that nearly knocked them
over. We saw these hilarious apectacles of French intellectuals, mandarins
to the tipa of their fingers, who, out in a Jeep with the "Maximum Leader",
went--yes, truly--to cut sugar.cane. To give their namea, to cite their
articles, to recall their propheciea and ecstatic commentaries, would today
come close to libel. Our lipa are sealed. But it is a pity: some of thoae
numerous gems are priceleas.
In truth Castroism became purely and simply a Caribbean Stalinism; and Castro
was so inflated by a cult of personality that he seemed to burst out of all
his seams; and Cuba sank into economic chaos; and the island had its gulags;
and the "Maximum Leader" was no more than a puppet whose atrings were pulled
by the Soviet Puppeteer; and Cuba, emaciated by want, oppressed by the police,
constraint, and apathy, w-as no longer producing tobacco but instead mercenar-
" ies for Moacow. Some of ua knew it and wrote it, but our worda fell as blas-
- pheinies on the red or rose-colored coverlet of pious conformity spread on bed -
after bed by the myth of Fidel Castro. And there is moree many were those
who continued to go be baptized in Havana. Mr [Georges] Marchais, of course,
but then it is his own Church. Other pilgrims, socialists, had no heat.tation
in emoking the calumet of revolution with the tyrant. "He taught them how to
read," they anawer when othera are astonished at their piety. And what uae
ie it to bring literacy to Cuba (or to the USSR since 1917) if only to read
~ "Granma" or PRAVDA? Why learn to read if only lies are printed? This was
Solzhenitsyn's outcry.
Today, in the trampled garden of the Peruvian Embassy, thousands of Solzhenit-
syns are voting with their feet and begging the noncom~unist West to receive
them ae exiles, while Castro spurs on his claque to deride them as holligans,
idlers, and "maricones" [translation unknown]. And is the West--with the left
in the lead--indignant? Doea it protest? Do crowds assemble? And demon-
strators? No. It is grieved. It sighs. It says that Cuba would not be as -
it is if the United States had been more understanding of Castro. Looked at
_ another way, if the West pampered the aocialist states like the senile Baron -
Hulot his horses, it could enjoy the pleaaure of being thrashed by a socialism
that is not only strong, but positively chubby-cheeked. The admisaion that
socialiam, in Cuba, as everqwhere else it is in power, is one of the ma~or
catastrophes of the ~wentieth Century, is one which will never pass the lips
of the sanctimonious hypocrit~s who refuse to let the scales fall from their
eyea., But the smell is still there. As these lines were written, it wafted
up from the Embasay garden where a pathetic herd crowded together and milled
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abnut. Witneases said refugees were standing and sleeping in their own
excrement and, with the sun overhead, the odor was excruciating.
Lips sealed, eyes cloaed, ears plugged, theae vestais of a socialism which in
_ pawer is always totalitari~n still hane to breathe; but haven't theae noxious
fumes shaken their political certaintiea, jolted them out of their intellec-
tual easy-chairs? It seema not. Their sense of smell is selective. They have
long been accustomed to calling "Russian leather" the pungent smell of the
thonga of the knout. For more than half a century.
Journalist Finds Mood of Country Sullen
Paria PARIS MATCH in French 25 Apr 80 pp 32-39
[Text] "I'm tired of running around in circles. Here I am
choking. If I get the chance, I'm leaving." Ricardo
_ Paseyro heard remarks like this from hundreds of people in
- the course of his last trip to Havana. His perfect knowledge
of Spanish enabled him to mingle with the sad common people
of Cuba. He even saw experts from the Eastern countries
singing and bursting into laughter at the airport while
gwaiting the plane that would take them back home. It is
because Fidel Castro's island, once so carefree, has become
so sinister...
Could Havana be hell? Yes, if hell is boredom. For it is one of the unhap-
piest cities in the world--a city which has ceased to eing, to laugh, to _
have fun, to pulsate, to stir. Nowadays when Fidel or his lieutenants
aesemble the masses to sermonize them, one reads on all the faces an over-
powering fatigue. No more those huge, festive, noisy kermessea where the
polltical issue was less important than that collective euphoria nourished
by the dream of a radiant future. The natural gaiety of the Cubans, enamored
of dance and muaic, indolent but sensual, has given way to a general "desgana"
[tranalation unknown]. All work is reaented as forced labor; no one--except
the officials, who have to recite their catechiam--puts any faith in the
government's unceasing promiaes. Eloquence, the "magical word", Fidel's
moat effective weapon, is completely worn out.
"The Chief speaks too Zong": such criticism ia found frequently these days
in Havana. Fid~l's speeches--even though they sounded like monologs--never-
the less used to awaken enthusiastic echos. It was good "agit-prop". In
1980, people listen to them because it is a duty, because there are spies,
because it's important to know their marching orders--even though they know
full well that this deluge of w~rds and this hurricane of vociferationa will
change nothing. Fidel is abandoning us, he is too busy, he has worldwide
stature, sighs a professor from the university. Besides--he adds--if he
triee to move suddenly, a swarm of gorillas and courtisans surrounds and
envelops him like a prc,tective cocoon.
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Fidel, in his turn, ~ealously coddles this new social class of bureaucrats
and theoretfcians steeped in privilege. The common people, enfeebled by pri-
rations, bullied by administrative pestering, police harassment, the arro-
- gance of coimnunisto "caudillos", used to say, "Fidel does not know about it":
now they coneider him chiefly responsible for the system.
- I was struck in Havana by the strict lines of separation between the various
social classes--a rigidity which is certainly characteristic of Marxist re-
gimes, but which is contrary to the Latin American temperament, especially
to that of the Cubans, so spontaneous, ardent, friendly. Using t~?e familiar _
form of address and the appelation "companero" cannot mask the immense gulf
separating, de facto, the well-heelea from the poor, and the elete from the
massea. At the top, scheming if not ~orruption reigns supreme. The least
particle of power buys illegal profits. From which 3erives this bitter play
- on words: "Nuestre regimen no es, probablemente, socialiste, pero es, sin
duda, aocioliste." The Spaniah word "socio," or "partner," has the pe~orative
meaning "accomplice."
Among theae great "partners," Fidel Castro has a special place. Truculent,
brutal, arbitrary, tyrannical, he excels at smooth-tongued wheedling. His
smooth voice--aurprising in a man of hia corpulence--has not held him back
in his career as sn orator; his meager culture--he knows no foreign languagea,
he is neither a curious reader nor a lover of art--doea not p~revent him from
pontificating and showing off; his appetites always win the sy~mpathy of his
interlocutora. "When I pay a viait to Fidel, I always bring him a valise of
cheeaes, which he adores," a French journalist confided to me....
So, despite a sentimental and not very exemplary life, despite the hatred with
which almost his entire family regards him, despite his heartless ingratitude
to many friends and comrades, his legendary "camaraderie" has been a great
help ia establiahing his dictatorship and consolidating the regime.
Fidel orders--he is the supreme commander of the army; Fidel leads--he is =
the prime minister; Fidel points the way--he is the leader of the Party;
Fidel ~udges--he is the preaident of the Council of State; Fidel reflects--
it is he who determines the line; Fidel settles, condemns, decides. This
_ cult of personality cedes nothing to that of Stalin, Mao, Brezhnev, or
C2aucescu. "Forever with Fidel," "Like Fidel Wants It": a thousand such
slogans prove that the prime quality required of good Cubans is blind obed-
ience to the "Jefe."
Around him revolves s constellation of "partners" whose light has not dimmed
in these long ten years--since the time that Cuba unconditionally espoused
the foreign policy of the USSR and its model of society.
The ffiost inf luential "partners" are Raul Castro, day-to-day chief of the _
army; Carlos Rafael Rodriguez, deputy prime minister, the deaignated travel-
ler and philosopher of the regime; Armando Hart, in charge of the cultural -
aector. Permanent fixtures of the government, of the Politburo, and of the -
party secretariat, they have supported and survived all the purges, bent
with every new wind, conceived and esta.b~lished the apparatua of dictatorship.
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From the moment one arrives in Cuba, one is sub~ected everywhere--in the
atreet, in your room, in the open fields, in the cinema,.in the bakery, in
the stadium--to the omnipresent propaganda machine. Huge so-called luminous
eigna stand out in the deserted "ramblas" [translation unknok~n] of a Havana
which once upon a time wae so alive, so teeming with people. "Achieve the
targeta," "Long live friendship with the 5oviet Union," "The more we save,
the more we have": stupendously ironic advice, as the average Cuban has
_ literally nothing...
200 lan from the capital, at the intersection of four little-used roads, I
admire a pair of giant postera: Reading the Marxist classics is a revolu-
tionary duty" 3ays one; the other1tco~~sista of the simple words: "Against
Zionism." I atop at the next village; I ask several inhabitants, surprised
~ snd happq that I, being French, speak to them in Spanish: "Companeros,
what's the story on this Zionism business?" [They answer:] "To tell the
truth, we don't understand too well"...
Perhaps it will finally be beaten into their heads by the obsessive propa-
gandizing to which they are subjected, from cradle to grave, every moment
of their livea. Unless so much insistence makes them balk...
For his daily news, the Cuban has no source but GRANMA, the PCC organ, and
JLT~TENTtTD REBEI,DE--for the youth. No foreign newspaper--I emphasize, none,
not even L'HUMANITE' is distributed in Cuba. Only the Spanish-language
Soviet weekly NOVEDADES DE MOSCOU.
The melding of races, the various periods of foreign occupation--including
the English--the triple cuZtural influence (African, Hispanic, and "Yankee"),
made Cuba open and tclerant. "I adore black music, Spanish baroque, pagan
ritee, and baseball," a young mixed-breed wage-earner confides...in the
"flouse of Czechoslovakian Culture," a sumptuous hangar dedicated, in the
heart of Havana, to the glory of "socialist realism."
Ttie regime wanted to tear out the roota linking the Cuban to a complex past.
' It wants to "politicize" him, to turn him into a Manicheean, to transform
his peyche. Thus Fide'1 proclaims: "Indefectible solidarity is the mark of
the good revolutionary." He also tries to convince his sub~ects that they
muat love the Russians, integrate themselves mind, body, and soul into their
system. But the Cubans don't like the Soviets: "They're very tight with
their money, They seem like they come from another planet," "They don't ~
mix with us," "They act very bored," "and very suspicious," "They can buy
anything but we nothing": I have not heard one Cuban, as crafty as he may
be, speak of the Soviets with friendliness. How many are there, soldiers,
technicians, scholars, students, and diplomats all together? A state
aecret: neitt~~r Carter nor, probably, Fidel himself knows. But I can
testify that the citizens of the USSR and their satellites have little re-
gard for their Cuban proteges.
I am ehivering at the Havana airport, in the company of two French ~ournal-
ists. It is 2130 hours. We have been waiting for hours for the take-off of
the Aeroflot plane, delayed by made atmospheric conditions. The passengers
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' fiJ.l the waiting room: some 100 Soviet Bulgarian, and Hungarian experts
(and their families) who had stayed in Cuba and are returning to Europe.
Once in the airplane the citizena of the Eaec feel free agair.l. ~ao bottlea
of old rum, paesed from hand to hand, drunk straight from the bottle, loosen
their tongues. "Cuba ia a police state," a Hungarian ahocta at us; a Soviet -
goes him one better: "It'e even worse. everyon~ here t�ae a police mentality."
Another ahouts: "Let's drink to our return to civilizationl"
Then out pour their complaints: Infected with megalomania, Castroism ie
bureaucratic, inefficient, and brutal. The Cubans, chattering malingerers,
will never master r:odern technology and will remain, consequently, always
colonial sub~ects; to live on that island is the harshest of punishments...
. Qne can draw, from these unpleaeant reports, one certain conclusion: the
- USSR maintains Cuba exclusively for political and atrategic reasona.
We must ask ourselves, in turn, whether the Cuban people get in exchange ,
for the loss of their liberty and freedam material advantages justifying
the regime. -
- Certainly, conditions are clearly more sanitary than th~y were 20 years ago;
the children are better nouriahed than almost anywhere in Latin America;
unemployment doesn't er.ist--hidden by bureaucratic plethora and by the ex-
ceptional place held by the army in national life. For in Cuba, too, as in
the Latin American nations termed "fascist", the army is in power. Pre-
military and military service, the maintenance of a permanent army of 180,000
men, the expeditions in Africa, encumber the Cuban economy. The economy has
managed to avoid neither monoculture nor penury. The splendid plans deatined
to diversity groduction havs, in reality, plunged the country into an in-
extricable chaos. And the "masses" are the main victims.
~aenty-one S~ears later, the primacy of sugar, bought at subsidized prices _
by the USSR, remaii~a overwhelming; rationing is more strict than ever; the
range of monthly wages officially recognized--going from 80 to 800 pesos*
(non-convertible, linked to the ruble) illustrates the extent of the in-
equalitiea. Almost nothing in Cuba can be bought freely. "Companero," an
employee of a Cuban hotel reserved for foreigners says to me--not without
firat carefully surveying the terrain-~"do you want to do me a favor2 Two
yea.rs ago, I promiaed my wife a pair of sandals and a"bic" [tranalation
unknown]. Here is the money: can you buy them in the hotel boutique? I
am not allowed to go in."
So I learn that the "purchase list"--to fill, of necessity, from the local
store--ia no big deal. For him, a pair of pants, a shirt, trunka, a pair of
socks, a pair of shoes per year; for her, a pair of atockings, some toilet
articles and four yards of ordinary fabric which she will somehow transform
into blouae and skirts.
Nutrition is also rationed--beyond Polish canr,ed soup, Czechoslovakian cakes,
and sometimes eggs, butter and rice sold God knows where.
* 1,000 Fr. = 150 pesos 16
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"I get by on the black market: thanks to barter--our workers are passionately '
- fond of tranaisi:,r [radiosJ, Gillette razors, T-shirts, that I can get from
touriats--I get to eat meat, fo~al, fresh fish," explains a touring car dirver.
Otherwise he would have to resign himself to the fate of those less resource-
ful than himself: 250g of ineat per month, wash~d down with 10 oz of bad
coffee. Sugar? Five pounds a month. Crustaceans? A mythicai luxury.
Mangos, pineapples, bananas? They go to Bratislava or Sofia.
Who drinks the coffee, who smakes the cigars and cigarettes--one finds at the _
"estancos" only tobacco of the worst grade--who eats the fruits, the vege-
tablea, the fish forbidden to the ordinary Cuban? One gets the frightening
- feeling--in this country which so revela in words about dignity and social-
ism--that the people here are second-class citizens. Their main activity-- _
beyond working--is standing in lines.
To buy ice-cream. Or bread. To get in the cantinas. To get themselves, by
whatever means, inside a bus, in an indeacribable state of decay, packed with
hwnan liveatock. To retire with a companion to a prive room in a miaerable
"amueblada" (furnished flat), or to escape, for the length of a sigh, the
- vvercrowded foyers. "My girl friend is part of the women's brigades that
dire~ts traffic," explains a young foreign scholarship student. "Thanks to
her uniform, she has priority; she has even succeeded in getting the sheets
changed, on the pretext that I am a Chilian emigrant and I'm going to marry
her."
_ Well played! In Cuba, as in the USSR, no one cares much about the moral
. principles..of small-fry. "The revolution will protect your home'~': if one
ie out on a mission, the "C.D.R.'s" (committees for the defense of the revo-
lution) will stand guard so the wives of the "companeros" do not forget
about con~ugal fidelity.
The ETiR's are watching everywhere. They divide up and control every quarter,
- every kind of house, every "gran~a", every shcool, every office, every
business... They are the cells of an imiaense police web which covers the
whole body of Cuba. In urder better to main the respect of their aheep, the -
lords of the CDR ostentatiously aport their titlea. "Ideological leader":
this inscription, sometimes in questionable orthography, adorns thousands
of premises in Cuba. So many little Torquemadas apqing on and denouncing
their neighbors day by day. ~
The refugee affair is dramatic for Castro; it demonstrates that his inqui-
sition, so admirably organized, fell short of its goal. It would be very
instructive to know how many members of the CDR's scaled the walls of the
Peruvian Embassy. -
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Photo Captions
1. Ready for anything, for freedom: Behind thia mesh are the miaeriea and
_ hop~s of thousands of refugees crowded into the garden of the Peruvian _
Embasey in Havana. A firet contingent of 300 hae already left the
country on board a Peruvian airplane. "We w~.ll win," they cry. "Free- _
doml Freedoml"
2. Behind their meah, the Cubans in the Peruvian Embassy seem more and more
like curious animals. A aumber of demonstratora from Havana, under the .
- pretext of shouting their disapproval, in fact come to watch them. The
newe that the United States was granting asylum to 3,500 Cubans created
a sensation. The de�monstrators ix~ front of the Peruvian Embassy in _
Havana [sic]. Among them there uere manq uniformed high-school girls
- , and children from the rural areas, all shouting and brandishing plac~rds
which read: "Get them out of here!" or "We don't want the filth".
3. Confrontation at a bus. Two would-be refugees have abandoned their plans
and left the Peruvian Embassy. Escorted by guards of the "Committee for
the Defenae of the Revolution," they are insulted as soon as they get on .
the bus. Perhaps they are r~viled for giving up the escape attempt, per-
haps for being bad communists. A police car finally takes off the two
counterrevolutionaries manu militari.
, COPYRIaHT: 1980 pax Cogedipresse S.A.
9~16
- CSO: 3100
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CUBA
SPADiISH PRESS, CARLOS FRANQUI ON COUNTRY'S POZITICAL SITUATION
The Great Stampede
Madrid CAN~IO 16 in Spanish 20 Apr 80 pp 78-79
[Text] About 7,000 Cubans filled the Peruvian Embassy
- in Havana in thP most massive incident of diplomatic
asylum in history. It is interpreted as Fidel Castro's -
most resounding political failure in the 21 years since
the Cuban Revolution.
"The Cubans are voting with their feet," editorialized the London TIMES. _
The WASHINGTON POST co~snented: "It is the closest thing to a free elec- .
tion in Cuba."
A French correspondent described the spectacle as "fascinating" with 7,000
Cubans, including women and children, packed in the halls, garden5, roofs
and even the treetops of the Peruvian ~nbassy compound in Havana.
The incident, "an unpreced~:~ted human drama" to the Peruvian foreign min-
ister, reveals a chaotic internal situation and the Castro bureaucracy's
dramatic isolation from its people. The nature of this failui~e was des-
cri.bed by Fidel Castro himself in a secret speech to the National Assem--
bly last December. `
CAMBIO 16 gives exclusive coverage of its main points. It also offers
the testimony of a top revolutionary leader, now in exile, who analyzes
the economic failure and lack of popular participation�
It all began on Tuesday, 2 April, when a bus with six people in it ran
- through the cement blocks put up by the police and the iron gate across
the entrance to the gardens of the Peruvian E~nbassy in Havana.
The guards shot at the vehicle, slightly wounding three af its occupants
but accidentally killing a policeman.
The Cuban Government had been arguing with the governments of Peru and
Venezuela since January because they had some 50 exiles in their embassies,
all of whom entered by force in spite of strict police vigilance.
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Accoi^tiing to Castro, they were not exiles but common criminals. The two
countries maintained their internationally recognized right to grant
asylum.
With this state of afiairs, the death of the policeman led the Cuban Gov- -
et~ncnent to llft the police guard at the Peruvian E~nbassy. The officials -
did nnt imagine that, as soon as the official communique was heard on ra-
dio, caravans of Cubans ~egan to form. They left everything and went to _
the embassy for asylum.
_ By Friday night, the reflagees had invaded everything, climbing over the
fence of the garden, the walls of the embassy and the residence of the am-
bassador, finally breaking down the entrance gate.
~'Freedom, freedom" and "Peru, Peru" were the mottoes heard in the crowd
throughout the night along with stanzas of the Cuban national anthem.
_ The next day t:~e government had to yield to the evidence that as soon as
there was the slightest crack in the wall of absolute restrictions for emi-
gration, thousands of p~ople hurried to exploit the opportunity without
considering the sacrifices.
Rocks and a shot were fired against the refugees. The official newspaper
GRANMA de~cribed them as "homosexuals, gamblers and drug addicts," "crimi-
nals, antisocial elements, vagrants and parasites," "rabble" and "the
dregs." The police had already formed a blockade to prevent any more re-
_ fugees because of lack of space.
To Fidel Castro, president of the nonali.ned movement, with expeditionary
"liberation" forces in Africa and hegemonic pretensions in the convulsive
proc~sses in Central America, the in~ident of the refugees has been one of
his worst political failures, according to an almost unanimous interpreta-
tion of journalistic organs and diplomatic observers.
Since last year the dramatic economic situation, the dependence on the
USSR and the ahsolute lack of popular participation have led to increased
police measures, arrests and rebellion.
A spectacular incident was needed to testify to this historic occasion
and the rebellion that it is provoking. The 7,000 reflZgees have provided
this with their desperation and courage. ,
Fidel Castro's Secret Speech
Madrid CANIDIO 16 in Spanish 20 Apr 80 pp 78-79
[Text] Following are excerpts of Fidel Castro's secret speech given on
27 December 1g79 at the closing session of the National People's Govern-
ment Assembly, cited exclusively by CANIDIO 16.
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"We explain the problems of 1979, the decreases in bread and beans. The
basic food was going to be lentils from the Soviet Union....The chickens _
that were expected from a socialist country were missin~; thousands of tons
of chicken did not arrive....Other factors in 1979 and 1980 were blue mold
tobacco di5ease and sugarcane rust disease. If we had been more effi-
cient before, we would have had more tobacco. The blue mold disease has
caused losses of $100 million:'
"It was a hard blow. ~ prolongodi~
on constructioncted~ere arernortow-�..
It was necessary to put a mor
els; if only every few years you could have a towel. There are also prob-
lems with sheets and mattresses. We have to find a way to increase hous-
ing production, one of the supercritical points in this country....An-
other critical point is the lack of work clothes....We navigate in a sea
of difficulties. We have been in that sea for a long time and we will con- -
tinue in that sea."
"It was necessary to give an extensive explanation because there was lack -
= of understanding about the well-known problem of the trips of the community
(the Cuban exiles) which have become a source of revenue of $100 million a
year....More revenue comes from the construction we do abroad. We are =
- building in Angola, Guinea, Iraq, Vietnam and Grenada. This means millions
of dollars." `
~~Because of a shortage of raw materials in certain factories, we are ~eng
to have to reduce their work forces....There are prisoners working.
ever a prisoner competes with a construction worker, we will lay off the
prisoner, not the worker. Didn�t we say that there are some tens of thou-
sands of unemployed youths? We put them to work measuring electricity
and collecting from those who do not want to pay. Illegal electric hook-
ups (stolen electricity? cannot be used like a gun: either give me elec-
tricity or I will install dn illegal hookup. There are blackouts and not
enough electricity. We cannot accept this or the occupation of house3....
Nor can we accept faill~re to pay rent or bus fares: bad habits have been
establish~d in our people. It is necessary to revise the electric rates
and increase them or the blackouts will not end. There are more than
90,000 families who have installed free electricity and do not:~pay.
Others do not pay rent. Unacceptable. "
"Certain problems, ideological weaknesses, l.ack of discipline and corrup-
tion began to show up. Is it possible that the lack of enemies makes us
lose ability...? WY~y aBgr'avate those situations with privileges?"
"In 1979 We had problems with products from the socialist bloc, lack of
fulfillment. Out of 500,000 cubic meters of wood, we only received 28
percent. If the Soviets will assign us some Siberian forests because they
do not have the work force to exploit them, we will send our labor bri-
gades to cut and produce lumber and wood. It is better in Siberia be-
cause it is not as hot....We have tens of thousands of workers and
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internationa].ist soldiers abroad. There are 1,200 teachers in Nicaragua.
At any given momen~, we had 35,000 soldiers in Angola and 19,d00 soldiers
in ~thiopia. Of course, we would have 10,000 men to produce wood in Si-
beria....It is necessary to establish discipline in the work centers. Re-
- cently, 4,000 polic~men in 1,000 patrol cars made the first roundup of
criminals and will hold them as long as necessary. The counterrevolution-
ary elements can go soak their heads. We will build all the ~ails
necessary." `
Foilowing are excerpts of a speech given in Santiago de Cuba hy Raul Cas-
tro, shortly after Fidel's apocalyptic vision.
"At times we ask: Isn't there even food in this country now? Of course,
as long as we only work 4 hours in the field, we will remain without food
for another 20 years. People play tricks and lie about agricultural work,
industries, transportation and services. There is favoritism, nepotism,
' cronyism' . . . -
"Those to blame for all these.lab:r problems and lack of discipline are
mainly the leaders and officials of the enterprises, not the workers.
- They falsif~ statistics and use and abuse the prerogatives of their posi-
tions and the resources of thP enterprises in order to solve their persorial
problems."
"We must not use this situation as a convenient crutch t~ explain all our
- problems. We must not use the truly negative consequences of the economic
blockade and other external or natural factors as pretexts to hide all our
inefficiencies or shortages. Sugarcane rust disease caruzot mask errors
that are our responsibility. It is necessary to reestablish discipline at
all costs and in all spheres."
Franqui Sees 'Pestilential Situation'
~
Madrid CAMBIO 16 in Spanish 20 Apr 80 p 80 -
[Article by Carlos Franqui, Fidel Castro's comrade in Sierra Maestra, dir- _
ector of Radio Rebelde and ~ditor of the newspaper REVOLUCION: "Cuba 1980:
Year of the Pestil.ence" ]
[Text] Fidel Castro's phrase, not mine, surr~marizes the failure of the re-
gime and the tragedy that the Cuban people live today. It is understood,
then, why 10,000 Havana residents entered the Peruvian Embassy during the
2 days the military guard was gone--the most massive asylum in history.
It is understood that the precursors of the "boat people" cast their lot
with challenging marine guards, the gulf current, sharks and Russian boats
that return the fugitives that they find in the sea and on the coasts to
the island and its prisons. A thousand Cubans are being held in Regla for
attempting to escape in recent days; hundreds reach the coasts of Florida~
Yucatan and other Caribbean islands.
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Schools, restrooms and inside walls have violent expressions write~n Brezh-
drawn on them as in the time of Franco: Fidel, blood; Raul, hung
nev, order's; Fidel, Raul and Brezhnev--down with all three.
The streets are whitewashed to erase the accusations and youths are shot
for printing manifestos against the regime.
It is understood that, on the statue of the horse of Maceo, a hero of inde- _
pendence, there is always at~ open and empty suitcase and two signs: "I ~
~ going also" and "the Castro horse is dying." According to official fi-
gures on the island, entire towns have stolen electricity and 90,000 fami- _
The
lies have connect.ed the well-known illegal power hookups for free.
people do not pa!/ for rent, electricity, buses or other bad state ser-
vices. The empty houses, in a country with ruined housing, and the houses
- of the old rich, inhabited by leaders, are occupied in protest. Facing
the unprofitableness of work, the low wages, the excessive tasks, raw ma-
terials that do not arrive, the lack of transportation to go to the factor-
ies and agricultural products that rot before being consumed because they
are sent to Mother Russia (lobster, shrimp, oranges and grapefruit) or to
Eu~ope (cigars and preserves), rura~ and urban wc~rkers refuse to work or
woric a half day and sper.d the rest of the day looking for food on the
black ~~arket.
' It is unc?erstood that the youths resist in spite of the tropical "gulags"
where they~ are sent for 3 years for being vagrants, antisocial elements,
- homosexuals and counterrevolutionaries and wear "blue jeans" and bikinis,
play guitars, sing rock music and jazz, read banned books and listen to -
foreign radio.
The economic failure is total as one of the Castro broth~;rs recognizes:
three were three and n~ne was ~ood. Raul Castro cynic~hereswilldnot�b ere
is no food in this country. If we continue this way,
any for the next 20 years." -
- Rationing which began in 1961 has become worse. There are more queues and
less to eat---only Russian lentils or pizza. There is no information. _
There is not a sing].e freedom. Castro's three alleged gems--unive.rsal em-
ployment, education and health--are a disaster, according to the regime
itself. More unemployment--more than 100,000 workers, accordin~ to offi-
cial figures--has been decreed because of a shortage of socialist raw ma-
terials. In spite of military servi.ce and the war in Africa, youths can-
not find work.
Not only are Sartre, Moravia, Pasolini, Vargas Llosa, Octavio Paz, Neruda, -
Fuentes, Goytiso].o and the most important contemporary writers and artists
banned, but also Marx--there is Fidel to interpret him, according to Raul
_ --Berlinguer, Santiags ca11ed1theFesugarlessaPRAVDAChe Guevara" and Rosa
- Luxemburgo. GRAIVMA
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; It is understood that the lack of water in Havana is so bad that toilets
are only flushed once a day and the people, in spite of the heat, on~y
bathe every 3 days.
Tt~e police control is repressive, bureaucratic and vast. Castro ~aid that
there were no political prisoners. Now th~�~sands have left after hard and
long sentences and torture and murder in ~rrison--like Boniato--as confirmed _
by Amnesty International. There are more than 1,000 old prisoners like
Cormnander Menoyo and the Catholi~ poet Valladares (an invalid) and the empty
~ails have been filled again recently. Fidel Castro said it: "We will
build more ~ails."
r
It seems incredible but in Cuba even trie animals have passports. Every
animal has an iron number on a collar~ The registration includes birth, _
transfe~ and death. No peasant can fr~eely get rid of an animal. The 20
most important Cuban products are ~atianed: sugar, coffee, meat, milk,
cigars, cigarettes, beans, corn, rice.., beer, chocolate, sweet potatoes,
_ o~anges, grapefruit, mangoes, avocados, potatoes, lettuce, bananas, yucca
and taro. Parties, Christmas, New Year's Day and Holy Week have been -
abolished; A;"rican rites and games have been banned and bars and night
clubs closed. Gay Havana has been invaded by Russians and Muscovite sad-
ness. A Siberian and Fidelist breeze crosses the country from east to
west. _
The "pinchos" (cocrBnanders, leaders and doctors) who enjoy houses and privi-
leges cynically call their servants, chauffeurs, cooks, gardeners and
guards "domestic companions." The gay people who sang "In Manzanillo they -
dance/ in shirt and pants " now sing "In Manzanillo they do not dance/
- because there are no shirts or pants." Cuba is filled with new highways _
but does not have any bridges or buses.
Every Cuban lives thi.s terrible failure every day, for 20 years now, one
day after another. Fidel Castro's regime is crazed. He uses total power
- to order his people to war in Africa or Asia and their families to bury
them. If a soldier returns alive but is nat an officer, they toss him
aside. Everyone is tired of working, obeyin~ and endurin~. Foreign cur-
rency is needed so they call in tY~e old and slandered "worms," now called
the "Cuban cor~nunity in exile." The 100,000 who visited Cuba last year
left behind more than $100 million. They came from all social classes ~nd
peoples on the island and brought everything that was missing. That was
_ the end.
What explains this failure? Not the natural disasters or the economic
blockade--at one ti.me important but now illusory--as the Castros claim.
The cause of all this is bossism, militarism, a single party, the Ruasian
~ model, sugar monoculture, Soviet dependence, single state ownership and
great-power policies in a small country. It is a great lie disguised as
humanistic ideals in the hands of a single leader--Fidel Castro. The year
oF the pestilence, 1980, offers Cubans only these alternatives: hunger,
2L~
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prison, Africa or Siberia with Fidel Castro; or escape, asylum or rebel-
lion. That is the cry of protest and rebellion that cuts a bloody swath
across the fields and cities of Cupa.
COPYRIGHT: Informacion y Revietas, S.A., Madrid, 1979.
7717
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CUBA
SOLID SHIELD 80 MANEWERS LINKED TO PAST
PA110353 Havana PRELA in Spanish 2208 GMT 9 May 80
[Commentary by Gerard Pierre Charles]
[Text] The snlid ahield 80 maneuvers which the Pentagon is executing in
the Caribbean with more than 20~000 troops, 42 shipa and 350 planes
conatitute one more episode in the long history of U.S. intervention in
the area.
- Although Washington had to cancel the planned landing on occupied Cuban
territory in Guantanamo due to international clamor because of the provoca-
~ tive nature of the operation, other aspecta of the mar.euver are being con-
ducted which introlve a large-scale warlike deployment and an obvious threat.
Conaidering the characteristics of the Sea of the Antilles, these miliCary
maneuvera t~ke on an undeniable interventionist character. This is proved
by the experience of the region of almost a century after the United
States came onto the world scene as a power, especially after the Roosevelt
and Hoover years [names as receivedJ.
Durina that stage, interventionism availed itself to all possible means and
reaouxces, auch as gunboat diplomacy, the Spanish-American War, the -
occupat:ion of Cuba and Puertc D'^^, r~+? ^~�~ation of Panama, the big stick
polic~~~^hanneled toward punitive actions against Mexico and in the inter-
ventiona and military occupations in Nicaragua, Ha3ti and the Dominican
Republic.
With the "Good Neighbor" policy and later with the "cold war," this aggres-
_ sive conduct was camouflaged and hidden behind local dictatorships and
indirect actions, like in Guatemala and in British Guyana during the
decade of the 1950's. -
The Cuban revolution forced imperialism to unmask and to openly manifest =
ita interventionist practices. ~
Today these aggressive actiona are ~ustified by alluding to the "communist
danger." Since the peoples of the region personally suffered these
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aggressions and impositions long before the "ghost of communism" made its
appearance, they know very well that they only were carried out to try to
guarantee financial interests and insure the hegemony of the great
imperialist power in thia part of the continent.
It ib well to recall that the perimeter formed by Central America:and the
Caribbean constitute an important zone of U.S. control and domination. It
has more than $20 million invested ~here, that is, around 30 percent of
the total capital placed in the continent.
Jamaica, Guyana, Suriname, Dominican Republic and Haiti supply 90 percent
of the aluminum neede of the United States, while the refineries of
Trinidad, Aruba, Curacao and the Virgin Islands supply one-fourth of its
petroleum imports. _
T'he transnational societies and U.S. banks benef it from privileged regimes
that allow them to do juicy business.
In the military terrain, Puerto Rico and the Panama Canal Zone play key -
rolea ae parts of a strategic triangle, which operates from its head-
quarters in aouthern Florida, with numerous installations in the Bahama
Islanda and the Lesser Antillea. This network has been atrengthEned by
a permanent force in the Caribbean of some 30,000 men.
In addition to the general headquarters of the southern command, which
must "protect" Latin America, there are many bases and special schools
in the Canal Zone in which thousands of Latin Ame'rican officers have been
trained in the art of betraying and repressing their own people.
In Puerto Rico the United Statee has sophisticated military structures,
including nuclear implements. For this reason Washington refused to
include its Puerto Rican colony in the Tlaltelolco treaty (which bans
the use of nuclear weapons in Latin America).
Thie military infrastrLCture and the omnipreaence of units of the U.S. fleet i
in the Caribbean baein and the Gulf of Mexico were used in April 1965
_ against the Dominican people in a massive intervention in which participat-
ing l.anding troops and logistic forces totaled 40,000.
A etudy made in 1977 by the Brookings Institute of Washington recognized
that f rom 1946 to 1972, the United States has mobilized contingents in -
58 operations of intimidation, prevention or contention. Of these 58
maneuvers, 53 have occurred in the theater of the Caribbean Sea and
42 took place against 11 countries iafter the Cuban revolution.
The surveillance and permanent threats of the great imperialist power i:ave
been unable to stop the triumph of socialism in Cuba, the victory of the
liberating revolutions in Granada and Nicaragua, or the recent popular
insurgencies currently ehaking E1 Salvador and Guatemala.
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In this context, the purposes of the above-mentioned military maneuvers
come to the aurface.
Following the fall of Somoza, the U.S. attitude in the area has hardened
notieeably. This can be appreciated in the multiple machinations against -
Cuba, in the pressure and threats against the demoeratic government of
Michael Manley in Jamaica, in the resurging of repression in E1 Salvador .
and Guatemala and in Haiti with the strengthening of the "lifetime"
dictatorship of the Duvaliera, wh ich has already been in po~wer 23 years. _
In the past f ew months, the Pentagon has fostered notable military re-
shuffles in the region. Ma~or General Bobert Zchweitzer and.coast guard
Cmdr John B. Hayes have visited Haiti and the Dominican Republic to
outline new terms of technical-military sid to the armed forces of those
countriea. .
It is said that Barbados and Trinidad-Tobago are also torming a~oint ~
military force, under the adviaement of the Pentagon. Guatemala,
E1 Salvador and Hondurae are also drawing up mutual defense and reciprocal
intervention agreements, thu~ attempting to replace the crumpled Central
American Defense Council. '
Under the name of Caxibe-America Central, a new economic and political
cooperation organization was started in Washington on 9 April, at Carter's
- initiative. This organization intends to bring together local business-
men, the representativea of the transnationals and the official, intellec-
tual and labor sectors in an antipopular holy alliance.
Military and political maneuvers are becoming part of a concrete pro3ect
of maintenance and reinforcement of U.S. domination in the explosive
Caribbean and Central Americaai region.
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CUBA
'PRELA' COI~IENTS ON MEETING OF AIR FORCE CHIEFS IN CHILE
PA092011 Havana PRELA in Spanish 1910 GMT 7 May 80
[Comanentary by Ivonne Pastor Parra: "Military CAnclave: New Threats
Against Latin America and the Caribbean"]
[Text] The conference of force cNiefs in certain Latin American countries
and the United States, which opened today in Chile, is aimed at reinforcing
James Carter administration's war-oriented policy in Latin America and -
the Caribbean.
The meeting is being presided over by Air Force Chief Gen Fernando Matthei,
- a member of the Chilean military junta, who openly participated in the
repression unleashed after the military coup that overthrew Salvador Allende's
conatitutional government in 1973 and who also appears on the list of
torturers presented at the Helsinki conference.
Matthei received military training in the United States and s=.rved as
director of operations of the Air Force General Staff and commander of the
course on shooting and bombing in Group 1, known as "Los Condores," in
Iquique, northern Chile. He traveled to Brazil on 28 May 1979 to buy war
materiel and strengthen Chile's military arsenal.
In attendance at the military conference are the air force chiefs of.
Argentina, Uruguay, Colombia, Peru, uuatemala, Honduras, Paraguay, Panama,
Venezuela, the Dominican Republic, Brazil and Bolivia, as well as repre-
sentatives of the Inter-American Defense Board, Canada (a meinber of NATO),
and the U.S. Southern Command, whose headquarters are in the Panama Canal -
Zone.
The U.S. delegation attending the meeting is led by Gen Lew Allen, chief ~
of the Air Force General Staff and former director of the U.S. National _
Securtty Agency, who recently visited Brazil to "expand friendly U.S.
ties with the Brazilian air forces."
The agenda for the event includes, among others, the following topics: -
_ "cooperation" in some areas that will permit common work among the inter-
American air forcas, mutual logistical support, training and oper&ttion _
of and regulations for a support committee in ca~e of d3.saster.
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The poasibility of using the National Aeronautice and Space Adminiatration
(NASA) satellites to develop "search and rescue plans and programa" will
also be discussed.
- According to observere, the military meeting is taking place in Chile at the
very moment the Carter adminiatration has expanded and increased U.S. military
presence in Latin America and the Caribbean while intensifying an aggressive
campaign againat Cuba, which includes the staging of mock war situations
near that country.
They add that Washington's strategy for the countries in Latin America and
the Caribbean represents a clear continuation of the interventionist policy
of the 1960's, which was based on the use of military might to achieve its
ob~ectives.
They recall that this dangerous policy is part of U.S. plans to create in
Latin America and the Caribbean a so-called "force for the maintenance
of peace" and "multinational patrol f~rces," which would act as gendarmes.
They also point out that Chile. the eits of this military conclave, and
one of Latin America's most militarized countries thanks to U.S. military
_ aid, has also expanded ite ties with the Bei~ing leadership and with
South Africa's racist regime. According to the sources, Chilean military -
contingents are currently 9t the side of the South African troopa concen-
trated in Namibia, near the Angolan border.
Alongside the Chinese leadership and the racist South African regime, Chile
has also participated in.the propaganda campaign orchestrated by the United
States against the prestige of the Cuban revolution.
The analysts also stress that along with Braz31, Argentina and Uruguay,
Chile ia included in the top U.S. military command's geopolitical plans to
organize the South Atlantic Treaty Organization (SATO).
Brazil is participating in military maneuvers in the Caribbean and the
Atlantic with the United States and other NATO members. It is also staging
mock war exercises in the Atlantic Ocean with the French Navy.
Franklin Krammer, a ranking Psntagon repres~ntative, recently stated that
"within the framework of U.S. military and economic a3d to Latin American
and Caribbean countries, resources aimed at helping create SATO are being
especially considered." He then underscored that this war-oriented pact
will further guarantee "the security of the United States, the 5outh
American countries and the nations in southern Africa."
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CUBA
FOREIGN MINISTER DISCUSSES VISIT TO CZECHOSLOVAKIA -
PA030237 Havana PRELA in Spaniah 2210 GMT 1 May SO ~
- [Textj Prague, 1 May (PI,)--Cuban Foreign Minis~er Isidoro Malmierca Peopli
said that his talks with Czechoslovak leaders were noted for their full
agreement oa their attitudes taward the main international problems.
Malmierca, who arrived in Prague yesterday on a tour that will take him
_ to Auatria, Iran, Sri Lanka and Pakistan, said that they also agreed on
the solutione to these international problems.
The Cuban minister met with President Gustav Husak, Pren~ier Lubomir Strougal,
and with Foreign Minister Bohuslav Chnou~ek.
Expanding on his talks in Czechoslovakia, Malmierca said that following a
tradition of a healthy exchange of opinions and positions, we took advantage
of zhese meetings to present our impressions on the preaent Cuhan situation,
especially on the peoples mobilizations, such as the fighting people's
march held on 19 April and the 1 May activities. _
- He also spoke on the preparations for another mobilization of over half of
the Cuban population for 8 May~ when the United States plans to begin _
military maneuvers near Cuba. He said that thia demunstration will express
our people's readiness to defend the revolutionary cunquests and re~ect any
threat by yankee imperialism. -
"We took advantage of these meetings to also express to the Czechoslovak
Government and party how these maneuvers in which over 20,000 men will -
participate, as well as 42 warships and 350 aixcraft, are different~ from -
those held in the past. The fact that they include the landing of marines
and regular U.S. army troopa in the territory they illegally occupy at the
Guantanamo Na~?al Base representa a real threat ag~inst Cuba which all our
people reject. -
T'hese maneuvers are also a threat to frighten peoples in the region who
have el~cted to be independent and re~ect U.S. attempts to impose its
policies.
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_ He said that the U.S. military maneuvers have created pratests from many -
_ countries and said that the governmente cf Costa Rica and Nicaragua have
informed the United States on the advisab3lity of suspending them.
He said that a general rejection hae been expressed by peoples, mass and
labor organizations as well ae other progressive eectors in the world
which have expressed their solidarity with the Cuban revolution. -
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~ EL SALVADOR
TOP FPL LEADER URGES U.S.-CANADIAN SOLIDARITY
PA062330 Havana PRELA in Spanish 1449 GMT 6 May 80
[Text] Montreal, 6 May (PL)--Salvador Cayetano Carpio, (alias Marcial),
the top leader of the Farabundo Mar~i Peoples Liberation Forces (FPL), has
atated: All our people are united in a single ob~ective: a definitive
liberation, tbe triumph of the popular revolution and the installation of
a democratic revolutionary government.
The top FPL leader sent a message to the Friends of E1 Salvador Committee
here, in which he pointed out the need to mobilize the U.S. and Canadian
people to develop a wide move~nt of solidarity with the Salvadoran people's
~ struggle.
The Friends of E1 Salvador Committee is organizing several solidarity activi-
tiea, among them, a"flash football championship" with 6 teams from the Latin
American community (Colombia, E1 Salvador, Chile and Guatemala) which will
compete on 10 and 11 May for the "solidarity with E1 Salvador" trophy.
On their part, Quebec's popular, political, democratic and labor organiza-
tions, in coordination with the Frienda of E1 Salvador Coannittee, will organ-
ize a"permanent secretariat" this week to work for and support the struggle _
of this Central American coun[ry.
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EL SALVADOR
MAJANO MAY AGREE TO RELEASE OF D'AUBUISSON
PA120313 Havana PRELA in Spaniah 0248 GMT 12 May 80
[Text] San Joae, 11 May (PZ)--A new worsening of the Salvadoran poliCical
eituation became obvious today after top officers of the army demanded the
release of several militarymen under arrest who aupported a coup.
According to reporta heard here, the officere, while they backed Col Adolfo
Majano, chief of the S~.lvadoran Government junta, demanded that Maj Roberto
d'Aubuisaon be released from jail.
- D'Autuisson has been under arreet aince Wedaeeday along with aeveral retired
officera and civilians charged with attempting a coup d'etat, which hae
been deecribed by Central American political circles as profasciat.
It waa confirmed by local sourcea thaC the general ataff of the Salvadoran
Armed Forcee confirmed their demand for the release of d'Aubuieeon and the
other persaus arrested and ~Colonel Ma3ano appeared to be willing to accept
it.
The sourcea added that a sector of the Christian Democr~tic Party that is
part of the Salvadoran Government junta eaid it would withdraw fram the
junta if the former major and his accomplices are freed. ,
The eituation, according to what has been learned in thia capital, appeared
to be cauaing another division in the Salvadoran junta, which was virtually
beheaded following the political crises of February and March. -
In addition, an organization supporting the coupists, the Free Salvadoran
Fatherland, has 200 persons, among them high-ranking buainessmen and poli-
ticians, surrounding the U.S. Embassy in San Salvador to ask Ambaesador .
Robert White to support the release of d'Aubuisson.
Spokeamen of the Revolutionary Coordinating Board of the Masses, which
groupe the popular Salvadoran organizations have charged that White ia
serving ae mediaCor between tlne factiona in the conflict, thua confirming
the interventionist role of the United States.
Central American obaervera point out that the Salvadoran crisis appears to ~
be growing, with rumo~s of.new resignatioc~.s from the cabinet directed by the _
government junta in which four miniatries continue to be vacant. ~
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HONDURAS
BRIEFS
- STUDENTS DENOUNCE U.S. INFLUENCE--Managua, May 7(PL)--The alleged demo- -
, cratic opening which is taking place in Honduras muet be understood as a
~ United States maneuver to contain the revolutionary movement in the region, =
! a deYegation of university students charged. Headed by Mario Rivera, presi- -
dent Af the Federation of Univeraity Students of Honduras, three represen-
tatives of that country were the firat speakers at the opening session of ~
the atudent seminar which ie being held in thie capital from NI~y 5 to 7.
The event hae as ite aim to learn about the Central American revolutionarq _
struggle and to forge anti-imperialist unity ae a tactic and strategy for
victory. The Honduran delegation presented a document which forms part af
a university inveatigation on the polit~i�~.,al developmen~ of the nation ei:nce
1972, preceded by a hiatoric reaume and ~oncluded with future politic~il. per- -
epectives. The university atudenta conaider "very dangerous" the new stage
which their country ia entering, due to the development of the imperialiat
maneuver of handing over i.deological, political and ~uridicsl control *_o
civilians, while the armed forces are playing their role of defender of
the dominating sectors. [Text] [PA062038 Havana PRELA in English 1725 GMT
6May80] .
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PERU
UDI CANDIDATE REJECTS U.S. MANEtJVERS AGAINST CUBA
PA111352 Havana PRELA isi Spanish 1915 GMT 10 May 80
[Text] Lima, 10 May (PL)--Reitred Gen Leanidas Radriguez Figueroa, presi-
dential candidate of the Leftiat Unity (UDI) has denounced here the maneuvers
of U.S. imperialisM aga.inat the victorious Cuban revolution.
Tn a rally held in E1 Callo port, in the outskirte of thia capital, the UDI
leader streseed hie solidarity vith the Cuban people and government in the `
face of the8e maneuvers. _
Our platform includes the pLace of Peru within the nonaligned movement and
establiahing relations raith all countries in the world, with the socialiat
countries and particularly with heroic Cuba, the UDI candidate added. T'he
UDI ia made up of the socialist, revolutionary, caromunist and other parties.
Rodriguez Figueroa explained that with ite maneuvera the U.S. Government
ie trying to create problems for a nation that found its path of liberation
and ~ustice. The U.S. Government is aleo trying to create conditione to
etrike at the proceas of liberation in Centr~l America. -
It is also trying to isolate the he~oic Nicaraguan people and fruatrate the -
advance of the Sandiniets toward their final liberation. The United States -
ie trying to prevent the struggle of the Salvadoran people from reaching
Cheir complete victorv, *~e added.
Within this context, he noted that imperialism is trying to arm the reaction
by presea~ting a false image of the Cuban reality to ~revent the Bolivian
~ revolutionary forcea fram reaching power in the upcoming elections.
A
In view of theae maneuvers, all the popular forcea in Peru, the Socialist
Revolutionary Party (FSR) and the UDI have xejected imperialiam and ex-
preeaed solidarity with the Cuban revolution, Rodrigues Figueroa cancluded.
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to reply to Castro's ra;e with rage would be to play his game: that is,
inatead of being the offended, we would be used as the offenders.
If, in reality, the public freedoms which democracy establishes in Venezuela
have offended the Cuban regime, our country should let it take the initiative
of breaking relations. The country's tradition of respect for human rights
d~manda that Venezuela not close in Havana one of the few departure doors
which are open Co desperate people.
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